_boone and kenton series, no. _ the phantom of the river a sequel to "shod with silence" by edward s. ellis author of "the log cabin series," "deerfoot series," "wyoming series," etc. philadelphia henry t. coates & co. copyright, , [illustration: boone and kenton.] contents. i. longing for night ii. the cawing of a crow iii. the halt in the woods iv. on the edge of the clearing v. daring and delicate work vi. the right of eminent domain vii. a question of ownership viii. by the way ix. the "accident" x. at rattlesnake gulch xi. watching and waiting xii. carrying the war into africa xiii. unkind fate xiv. the intruder xv. a dark prospect xvi. simon kenton in a panic xvii. a run of good fortune xviii. "it's an ill wind that blows nobody any good" xix. a fellow-passenger xx. war's strategy xxi. the phantom of the river xxii. putting out from shore xxiii. the shawanoe camp xxiv. the forlorn hope xxv. face to face xxvi. in the lion's den xxvii. the last recourse xxviii. the return xxix. squaring accounts xxx. conclusion list of illustrations boone and kenton. jethro in trouble. the phantom boat. the missionary's triumph. phantom of the river. chapter i. longing for night. "i think there's trouble ahead, dan'l." "there isn't any doubt of it, simon." the first remark was made by the famous pioneer ranger, simon kenton, and the second fell from the lips of the more famous daniel boone. it was at the close of a warm day in august, more than a century ago, that these veterans of the woods came together for the purpose of consultation. they had threaded their way along parallel lines, separated by hardly a furlong, for a mile from their starting-point, when the above interchange of views took place. boone had kept close to the ohio while stealthily moving eastward, while kenton took the same course, gliding more deeply among the shadows of the kentucky forest until, disturbed by the evidence of danger, he trended to the left and met boone near the river. the two sat down on a fallen tree, side by side, and, while talking in low tones, did not for a moment forget their surroundings. they had lived too long in the perilous wilderness to forget that there was never a moment when a pioneer was absolutely safe from the fierce or stealthy red man. "dan'l," said kenton, in that low, musical voice which was one of his most marked characteristics, "this 'ere bus'ness has took the qu'arest shape of anything that you or me have been mixed up in." "i haven't been mixed up in it, simon," corrected boone, turning his somewhat narrow, but clean-shaven face upon the other, and smiling gently in a way that brought the wrinkles around a pair of eyes as blue as those of kenton himself. "not yet, but you're powerful sartin to be afore them folks reach the block-house." boone nodded his head to signify that he agreed with his friend. "you wasn't at the block-house, dan'l, when the flatboat stopped there?" "no." "neither was i; i was tramping through the woods on my way to make a call on mr. ashbridge." "that's the man who put up the cabin a mile back down the river?" "yes; you see norman ashbridge or his son george--and the same is a powerful likely younker--come down the ohio last spring in their flatboat, and stopped at the clearing a mile below us, where they put up a tidy cabin. a few weeks ago the father started east to bring down his family in another flatboat. george, the younker, got tired of waiting and set out to meet 'em; him and me come together in the woods, and had a scrimmage with the varmints afore we got on the boat with 'em. things were purty warm on the way down the river, for the panther made matters warm for us." "the panther!" repeated boone, turning toward his friend; "i was afraid he was mixed up in this." "i should say he was--ruther," replied kenton, with a grin over the surprise of his older companion. "that chap sneaked onto the boat last night, believing he had a chance to clean us all out. of course, i knowed what was up, but the panther made a powerful big mistake. he got mixed up with that darkey you seed--his name is jethro juggens--and you may shoot me if the darkey didn't throw him down and hold him fast till we made him prisoner." boone had heard something of this extraordinary exploit, but he looked questioningly at kenton, as though he could hardly credit the fact. "it's all as true as gospel. we kept wa-on-mon, which the same is the panther, till late that night, when mr. ashbridge and altman and me went over in a canoe to the other flatboat, which the shawanoes had cleaned out, to even up accounts with 'em. sime girty was with 'em, but they left afore we got to the craft, and we sot it afire and come back." "i seed the light last night, but didn't know what it was." "while we was gone, mr. altman's darter, agnes (she ain't much more than a child), felt so sorry for the panther, thinking, too, that i meant to shove him under, that she cut the cords that bound him--" "what a fool of a gal!" "dan'l," sternly interrupted kenton, laying his hand on the arm of his friend, "you mustn't speak that way of tom altman's child. there ain't a finer, smarter, purtier, sweeter gal in all ohio or kaintuck than little agnes altman. she made a powerful big mistake, but she done it in the kindness of her heart, and, dan'l, you and me knows there ain't many such mistakes made. but that little gal showed her pluck when she follered up wa-on-mon, snatched the knife from his hand when he warn't looking, and warned young ashbridge in time to save him. wal, the panther made a rush to jump overboard, but he happened to step onto that darkey again, so he was nabbed." "but what's become of the panther?" asked boone, hoping to hear that the career of this terrible scourge of the border was ended. kenton rested his long, formidable flintlock rifle on the log at his side, clasped his thin iron fingers over one knee, the foot of which was raised from the ground, and looked thoughtfully among the trees in front. his coonskin cap was shoved back from his forehead, and a frown settled on it, and his thin lips were compressed for a few moments before he spoke. "dan'l, things haven't turned out altogether to suit me. as you know, the flatboat kept on down the river till it reached the clearing this morning. afore we went ashore, i diskivered that girty and several varmints was in the cabin. they knowed we was going there, and they meant to wait until we got inside, when they'd clean us all out. while we was man[oe]uvring round like, so as to trade places with 'em, a powerful qu'ar thing happened." "there's a good many queer things happening in this part of the world, simon," curtly remarked boone. "two of them shawanoes was shot--one killed or the other hit hard--and in both cases it was done by that darkey, jethro juggens. he's a big, strong, simple chap, that hates work worse nor pizen, but he knows how to shoot that gun of his in a way that'll open your eyes." "but what about the panther?" asked boone, feeling more interest in him than in jethro juggens. kenton's brow clouded again as he made answer: "consarn the panther! i forgot about him. it was agreed that him and me would meet, all by ourselves, in the woods near the clearing, and settle that account between us. if i come back all right, girty and the varmints was to leave the cabin. i come back and they left." "and you evened up matters with the panther?" exclaimed boone, with a glow of satisfaction, in strong contrast to the scornful disgust on the rugged countenance of his friend. "no; i went to the spot, but the panther didn't show himself." the readers of "shod with silence" will recall the circumstances. simon kenton hurried to the appointed place of meeting, eager for the encounter with wa-on-mon, the famous war chief of the shawanoes, but the crafty miscreant had vanished, and nothing was seen of him. "i never thought wa-on-mon was a coward," bitterly repeated kenton. "and, simon," said boone, impressively, "don't make the mistake of thinking so now; the reason why he didn't meet you wasn't that he was afraid of you." "what was it?" "you know as well as me." and so he did. the savage leader of the shawanoes merely deferred his furious meeting with the ranger in order to strike a more fearful blow against the pioneers. the moment wa-on-mon plunged into the woods near the clearing, with the avowed purpose of meeting kenton, he was off like a deer in search of a large war party that he knew was somewhere in the neighborhood. with them he meant to return and "wipe out" every man, woman and child of the settlers. meanwhile, the altmans and ashbridges, assisted by their companions, removed all their goods from the flatboat against the bank and placed them in the cabin, prepared some time before for the occupancy of the ashbridges. this was hardly done when daniel boone appeared at the clearing with disquieting news. he advised them, however, to stay, since their means of defence was good, but hardly was the decision reached when a runner came in with the news that an uprising among the surrounding tribes had already begun, and it would not do for the pioneers to remain another day. nothing could save the lonely cabins and exposed dwellings except immediate flight to the nearest settlement or block-house. ten miles from the clearing, and standing on the northern bank of the ohio, was the block-house in charge of captain bushwick. the altmans and ashbridges made the sad mistake of not fastening the flatboat to the bank and taking up their quarters at this frontier post until the full truth was learned about the dangers confronting them. the first intention of boone and his party was to escort the settlers back to the block-house. they had a brush with a company of shawanoes, and defeated them. it was not the main body, however, under the leadership of the panther. that remained to be heard from, and its whereabouts was unknown. mr. altman, his wife, and daughter agnes, and his negro servant, jethro juggens, mr. ashbridge and his wife, daughter mabel, and their son george set out for the block-house on the ohio side of the river. their plan was to keep along the kentucky bank until opposite the post, when the means would be readily found for crossing. the two families were in charge of the rangers that boone had brought with him for the purpose of acting as their escort. they were forced to leave behind them all their earthly possessions in the solitary cabin, with not the remotest prospect of ever seeing them or it again. although the day was well along when the start was made, yet the situation was so critical, because of the part the panther was certain to play in the coming events, that boone and kenton took the advance, proceeding by parallel but separated lines, and on the guard against any stealthy approach from the indians. it was the hope that by preventing or, rather, averting any attack until nightfall, the prospects of the pioneers would be vastly improved. though the forest possessed no available trail that could be used even in the daytime, the rangers, and especially kenton and boone, were so familiar with it, that they could guide their friends with unerring accuracy when the darkness was so profound that it was almost worthy of the old remark that a person could not see his hand before his face. accordingly, all yearned or prayed for the coming of darkness. "hark," whispered kenton, turning to boone, and raising his hand as a gesture for silence. no need of that, for the elder had caught the sound--a faint and apparently distant cawing of a crow from some lofty tree-top. both had heard the same cry more than once that afternoon, and instead of its being the call of a crow, they knew it came from the throat of an indian warrior, and therefore a relentless enemy. chapter ii. the cawing of a crow. three separate times previous to this that faint cawing signal had been heard, as it seemed, from the distant tree-tops. the most sensitive ear could not say of a certainty it was not made by one of those black-coated birds calling to its mate or the flock from which it had strayed. neither boone nor kenton distinguished any difference between the tone and what they had heard times without number, and yet neither held a doubt that it was emitted by a dusky spy stealing through the woods, and that it bore a momentous message to others of his kith and kin. the keen sense of hearing enabled the rangers to locate the signal at less than a quarter of a mile in front and quite close to the ohio. from the first time it was heard, no more than half an hour before, it held the same relative distance from the river, but advanced at a pace so nearly equal to that of boone and kenton that it was impossible to decide whether it was further off or nearer than before. there was no reply to the call, and it was uttered only three times in each instance. the oppressive stillness that held reign throughout the forest on that sultry summer afternoon enabled the two men to hear the cawing with unmistakable distinctness. in short, our friends interpreted it as a notice from the dusky scout to his comrades that he was following the progress of the pioneers, which was therefore fully understood by the war party that was seeking to encompass their destruction. when the signal sounded for the fourth time, the rangers seated on the fallen tree looked in each other's faces without speaking. then kenton asked, in his guarded undertone: "what do you make of it, dan'l?" "there's only one thing to make of it; them shawanoes are keeping track of every movement of the folks behind us, and we can't hinder' em." "how many of the varmints are playing the spy?" "there may be one, and there may be a dozen." this answer, of necessity, was guess-work, for there was no possible means of determining the number, since the hostiles in front so regulated their progress that not a glimpse had been caught of the almost invisible trail left by them. and yet the matter was not wholly conjecture, after all. "dan'l," said kenton, with a significant smile, "there's more than one of 'em, and you and me know it." the older smiled in turn and nodded his head. "you're right; there's two, and may be more--but we know there's two." nothing could show more strikingly the marvelous woodcraft of these remarkable men than their agreement in this declaration, which was founded upon this fact. there was a shade of difference between the tone of the last signal and those that preceded it. you and i would have shaken our heads and smiled, had we been asked to distinguish it, but to those two past masters in woodcraft it was as absolute as between the notes of a flute and the throbbing of a drum. it was as if, after a shawanoe had cawed three times, he permitted a companion to try his hand, or rather his throat, at it, and he who made the attempt acquitted himself right well. "now, simon," remarked the elder, "as i make it, it's this way--they mean to ambush the party at rattlesnake gulch." "you're right! that's it," remarked kenton, with an approving nod of his head, "and if we don't sarcumvent 'em the varmints will have every scalp, including ours." "rattlesnake gulch" was a name given to a deep depression on the kentucky side of the river, and within one hundred yards of the stream. it was less than a half a mile in advance of where the two rangers were seated on the fallen tree, as the summer day was drawing to a close. a trail made by buffaloes, deer, and other wild animals led through the middle of this densely-wooded section. no doubt this path had been in existence at least one hundred years. beyond the gulch it trended to the right and deeper into the woods, terminating at a noted salt lick, always a favorite resort of quadrupeds whether wild or domestic. the forest was so deep and matted with undergrowth, both to the right and left of this depression, that nothing but the most pressing necessity could prevent a person from using the trail when journeying to the eastward or westward through that section. evidently, the shawanoes counted upon the settlers following the path, and such they would assuredly do unless prevented by the advance scouts. "captain bushwick was out on a little scout himself last summer," remarked kenton, who, despite their alarming surroundings, seemed to be in somewhat of a reminiscent mood, "when, on his way back, he started through that holler. the fust thing he did was to step into a rattler, which burried his fangs in his leggins, just missing his skin. afore the sarpent could strike again, the captain made a sweep with his gun bar'l that knocked off his head. he was a whopper, and the captain pulled out his knife to cut off his rattles to bring to the block-house, when he catched the whir of another rattler just behind him, and if he hadn't jumped powerful lively he would have catched it that time sartin. howsumever, the sarpint couldn't reach him, and the captain shot the mate, and brought the music box of each home with him." "it was captain bushwick who gave the name rattlesnake gulch to the place, i 'spose," was the inquiring remark of boone. "yes, he seemed to think that name was not only purty, but desarving, though i've been through the holler a good many times and never seed a sarpent." "i have." "when was that?" "less than two weeks ago, i was just entering from the other side when i caught sight of a buck that was on his way to the lick. he would have seed me if he hadn't seed just then something else in the path in front of him that interested him more. it was a rattler as big as them of the captain's. the buck was a fool, for instead of backing out, as you know animals are quick to do at sight of a rattler, he began to snuff and cavort about the snake, and finally brought his front hoofs down on it. of course, he cut the serpent all to ribbons, but afore he done it the buck was stung once or twice, and inside of half an hour he jined the rattler he had sent on afore. rattlers are as bad as injins!" muttered boone, with an expression of disgust. "they may be in some partic'lars, but in some they ain't, dan'l; f'r instance, they don't caw like a crow, and don't try to ambuscade folks, and they give you warning afore they strike, which is more than the two-legged varmints do." "talk about the rattler giving warning afore he strikes," repeated boone, who had a poor opinion of the genus crotalus, "he'd be a much more decent sarpint if he didn't strike at all. the black snake doesn't sting you, and yet he'll kill the rattler every time. howsumever," added the elder ranger, "what's snakes got to do with the bus'ness afore us?" "that's what i was thinking. now, dan'l, we've got to make the varmints think we're going to try to pass through rattlesnake gulch to-night, so they'll all gather there to welcome us." "and then what will our folks do?" "take some other route." "but which one? the woods are so thick on the right and left that they, especially the women, can't go ten feet without making a noise that'll be sartin to be heard by the varmints." "there are several things they can do," replied kenton, thoughtfully, proving that, like his companion, he had speculated much on the matter. "in the first place, they must move so slow that they won't reach the neighborhood of the gulch till after dark, and yet if they move too slow the shawanoes will be suspicious. i wish night was near at hand." "what good does wishing do?" "none, and never did; but when night does come we can turn about--that is, some of the boys can, with the women--and cross the river further down stream, strike the trail on the other side of the ohio, and go straight to the block-house." boone shook his head. the scheme did not impress him favorably. "how are you going to get them women and two children across the river? it isn't likely that any one of 'em knows how to swim a stroke." "what trouble would it be to tote 'em over?" boone again shook his head; he was not pleased with the suggestion. "i didn't mean to do anything of the kind, but," added kenton, more seriously, "there's a canoe of mine hid under the bushes just this side of the gulch, purvided the varmints haven't tumbled over it." "more'n likely they've took it away or smashed it, but if i ain't mistook, there's a craft alongside the flatboat that you left at the clearing." "you are right." "why not go back for that?" "it ain't a bad idee," remarked kenton, thoughtfully. "if i can manage to fetch the boat up the river without any of the varmints 'specting it, it'll be just the thing." "it won't carry all the women and children and rest of the folks at once." "then we can make two v'yages or more, if it's necessary." "it's risky bus'ness, but it's the best thing that can be done. if you are lucky 'nough to find tother boat where you left it, seems to me things will look up." kenton glanced around among the tree-tops, as if searching for something. so he was, though not for any special object. "'cording to the way things look it'll be a good two hours afore it'll be dark 'nough to set to work to sarcumvent the varmints. them two hours are long 'nough for the folks to make the trip to rattlesnake gulch twice over. some plan has got to be fixed up not to git thar till after two hours is gone, and yet not to have the shawanoes 'spect that we 'spect anything. can you tell me how the thing is to be done, dan'l?" "there ought to be a good many ways," replied the elder, after a brief pause; "some accident might happen, such, f'r 'nstance, as getting bit by a rattler." kenton saw the twinkle in the eyes of his friend, who spoke with the utmost gravity. "remember," said the younger, "i never seed any rattler near the gulch; you have; you're the one, therefore, to see some of 'em agin. you're the one to let a big rattler sting you. after he's made sartin he's done his work well, why i'll happen 'long and smash the rattler, and then look after you--helloa!" both instinctively grasped their rifles, for they heard the rustling of leaves, which showed that some one was approaching. had the noise been less pronounced the two rangers would have darted behind the nearest sheltering trees; but the noise was too distinct for either boone or kenton to suspect that an enemy was at hand. they knew it was a friend--at least one from whom they had nothing to fear. so it proved; for while they were peering toward the point whence the figure was known to be approaching, jethro juggens, the burly colored servant lad of mr. altman, slouched into sight, with his rifle slung over his shoulder. not until he had advanced a dozen steps further did he see two hunters seated on the fallen tree. then he stopped suddenly, with a startled expression, and brought his heavy rifle to the front. "none of that!" called kenton, uncertain what the fellow might do. "hello, mr. kenton, dat's yo'self, am it?" called jethro, with a grin; "i tinked you was de panther. i was jes' gwine to plug yo'; lucky yo' spoke when yo' done did, or i'd wiped out bofe ob yo' afore anybody could hold me; but," added jethro, in an awed undertone, "i's got bery important news for yo', mr. kenton and mr. boom." chapter iii. the halt in the woods. the appearance of jethro juggens surprised boone and kenton as they sat on the fallen tree, for they were looking for nothing of the kind. when he announced that he was the bearer of important tidings, he naturally became an object of increased interest, for the fate of the little party of pioneers was the problem that the two great rangers were trying to solve. "you bring important news," repeated kenton, who, as the reader already knows, was quite partial to the negro, for, with all his stupidity, he had given proof of astonishing skill in marksmanship. "what is your news?" "i's very well," replied jethro, taking his seat beside the men on the log, removing his cap, and fanning his shining countenance. "that being so," continued kenton, "what's the news you brought?" "haben't i jes' told yo'? i's bery well, 'cepting dat i's hungry, dough i can't make none ob de folks blebe it. howsumeber, i guess dey blebes it, but dey don't keer." "haven't you any other news for us?" asked boone, looking sternly at jethro, who did not note, or, noting perhaps, did not care for his displeasure. "nuffin else in 'tickler, 'cept dat de folks am also well." "that is some kind of news, though only what we expected. nothing has happened to any of 'em?" inquired kenton. "nuffin dat i reckomembers." "where are they?" "don't you know?" asked jethro, in turn, looking around in surprise that he should put the question, when he had parted with his friends only comparatively a short time before. "whar do you 'spose dey am, mr. kenton?" "i know where they ought to be," said the ranger, gravely; "they ought to be about a half a mile or so down the river, picking their way through the woods to this tree where we're setting; but i didn't know but what something had happened." "didn't i just tole you dat nuffin didn't happen?" "are the folks coming up the river towards us?" "dey were settin' still on some rocks on the ground when i left." "what's that for?" "i 'spose dey're tired; want to rest." kenton looked significantly at boone. jethro's theory would not answer. there was no member of the little party of pioneers, not even agnes altman, nor mabel ashbridge, only ten years of age, who would become so wearied by twice as long a tramp as to feel the need of rest. "did you come yourself, or were you sent ahead to see us?" "i come myself, dat is, nobody fotched me on his back; but mr. hastings subgested dat i come, by saying if i didn't he would kick me." weber hastings was the sturdy member of the escort party who, in the absence of boone, had charge of them. jethro juggens began to display more sense in his words than he had yet shown. he became more serious in his manner. "de way ob it was dis: one ob de men from de block-house had been scoutin' frough de woods, and he come back and tole mr. hastings what he seed----" "what was it?" interrupted kenton. "being as he didn't tole me, yo'll hab to obscoose me from answerin' dat question, but i was invited to go on ahead and to tell yo' folks dat mr. hastings wanted one ob yo' or bofe ob yo' to come back again, as he had somethin' he wanted to see yo' about." neither boone nor kenton made any comment on the singular course of hastings in selecting jethro juggens to bear such a message, when, among all the male members of the company probably there was not one that was less qualified. "i don't know what it means," said boone, rising from the tree, "but it means something. you had better go back with this simpleton at once." "and you?" "i'll push ahead and larn what i kin. it won't make any difference whether i'm with you or not, if there's a fight coming, but i'll do my best to jine you. i'm likely to run onto something ahead that we oughter know." "do you expect to use any signallin' for me?" asked kenton, who had also risen to his feet. "don't see that there'll be any need, but if there is you'll understand it. you and me are too used to each other, simon, to make any slip up----" kenton raised his hand and smiled. while the words were in the mouth of boone, the soft, faint cawing of the crow was heard for the fifth time. at the same moment two interesting facts were impressed upon the rangers. the call did not sound half so far away as in any one of the former instances, and it came from a throat which essayed it for the first time in the hearing of boone and kenton. "now we know there's three of 'em," remarked the latter. "they're wondering why me and the rest of 'em aren't pushing faster through the woods. but off with you, simon; we're losing time." without another word these two great pioneers separated, the elder moving silently among the trees to the eastward, that is, up the ohio and toward rattlesnake gulch, now a place of the first importance to all concerned. he did not look around to note what was done by the other. but kenton had taken only a few steps when he stopped and looked back. jethro juggens was standing by the fallen tree with his gun on his shoulder and glancing inquiringly from the disappearing figure of boone to that of kenton, only a few yards away. "what's the matter?" asked the latter. "what are you waiting for?" "which ob yo' folks wants me, mr. kenton?" "i don't think either one of us will die of a broken heart if we lose you; but come along with me." "sure mr. boone won't feel bad if i don't go wid him?" "come along, keep close to me and don't make any noise, for the woods is full of the varmints." enough has been told for the reader to understand the situation. the altman and ashbridge families were threading their way through the kentucky wilderness, from the clearing where a cabin had been erected some weeks before, to the block-house ten miles distant and on the opposite side of the river. they were escorted by a number of rangers and scouts from the block-house, under the charge of daniel boone, and sent thither by captain bushwick, who discovered the imminent peril of the families after they had declined the invitation to tarry at the block-house, and had passed beyond and down the ohio in the flatboat. kenton was not mistaken in his theory about the return journey of himself and companion. not the slightest sign of danger appeared, and in a comparatively short time they came upon their friends, who, from their appearance, might well have been taken for a picnic party on an outing of their own. what more inviting opening could the crouching shawanoes ask than was here presented to them? from their lurking places among the surrounding trees they could pour in a frightfully destructive volley that would stretch many of the helpless party lifeless on the ground. and why did they not do so? because they knew the cost to them. those hunters and rangers were used to the indian method of fighting. if the redskins could approach nigh enough to fire before detection, there would be enough white men left to make many of them bite the dust ere they could get beyond reach of the deadly rifles. no; in the estimation of the shawanoes there was a plan open to them that was a thousandfold more preferable. rattlesnake gulch was the beau ideal place for an ambuscade, for it not only offered a certain chance for the destruction of the entire party of whites, but afforded a perfect protection against any unpleasant consequences to the ambuscaders. chapter iv. on the edge of the clearing. the arrival of kenton naturally caused a stir on the part of all the members of the party that halted on their way through the kentucky wilderness to the block-house, somewhat less than ten miles distant and on the other side of the ohio river. not only hastings and his brother rangers, but the ashbridges and altmans gathered around the pioneer to hear what he had to say and the directions as to their own proceedings. mr. ashbridge and his friend altman were roused by the murmur of voices and the subdued excitement, and joined the group that surrounded the tall, athletic figure--all excepting little mabel ashbridge, who was just getting her tiny dam in shape, and deemed that of more importance than listening to the conversation of the elders. the words of weber hastings proved that he was as quick as boone and kenton to comprehend the peculiar peril which confronted the party. "it isn't far to the block-house," he replied to the question of kenton, "and we can do it in two or three hours, if the redskins would give us the chance." "what caused you to make this stop, weber?" "rattlesnake gulch," was the response. "what's the matter with that?" "there's where the shawanoes mean to ambush us." "you're right," replied kenton, nodding his head and compressing his lips. "that's just what the varmints have fixed things to do, and if they can do it they'll wipe out every one of this party. boone and me made up our minds that that was their trick. he's gone ahead to watch 'em, and i've come back to help you folks." "from what mr. hastings said," remarked the elder ashbridge, who, like his friend altman, was thoroughly roused, "the woods are so matted and choked with dense undergrowth on both sides of the gulch that it is impossible for us to pick our way through it at night without being heard by the indians." "he's right," was the emphatic comment of kenton, "the thing can't be done." "that being admitted," said altman, "why would it not be wise to cross the river at this point, or make the rest of the journey through the ohio woods? we who know how to swim can take over those who cannot, or better, perhaps, construct a raft upon which to float to the other side." "that would be the idee exactly, if it could be hid from the varmints, but they're watching us, and have been doing so ever since we've left the clearing. they know everything you do. afore you could get half-way cross the river with the raft they would open on you from the woods on both sides, and pick off each woman and gal and them as was pushing the raft." "i do not doubt what you say," observed altman, with a shudder at the graphic picture drawn by the scout, "but it seems strange to me," he added, with a glance around, as if he expected to catch sight of some of their terrible enemies, "that they have not already opened upon us, while we are here in camp, as may be said. what better chance could they ask?" "they could pick off a number of you, but weber here and the rest of the boys would make them dance to lively music if they tried it. that's what holds 'em back, for these chaps," remarked kenton, looking proudly around upon his companions, "have fout the varmints afore to-day." "then we are doing the only thing possible, by remaining here until it becomes so late in the day that we shall not reach rattlesnake gulch until after dark, and then, instead of attempting to go through it, we will cross the river, i presume, though i am not aware of the decision that has been reached by mr. hastings." "what will they suspect, then, if we stop here?" asked george ashbridge. "now you've hit the trouble. when they find you don't arrive at some p'int where they've been looking for you, they'll know you're stopped. some of their spies will sneak back through the woods to l'arn what it means--more'n likely they've already done so," added kenton, with another glance around him, "and then when they see you setting or standing or lolling around, without any partic'lar reason for your doing so, they'll understand the real cause powerful quick. as soon as they diskiver you don't mean to try the rattlesnake gulch route, they'll fix things to open onto you, and send as many as they can under." "then the problem, as i understand it," said the older ashbridge, "is to act so as to convince the indians that we intend to follow the path through the gulch where they mean to ambuscade us, and to keep up this impression until nightfall." "you've hit it precisely, mr. ashbridge." "but how is that to be done? i know of no one beside you to answer the question." "boone and me have been thinking powerful hard over the matter, and the best thing to be done, as i see it, is this: you know we left a canoe down by the clearing alongside the boat. i'll go back there and get it, that is, if it is still there. i'll try to keep so close in under the bank that the varmints won't know what i'm driving at. i'll manage to reach a p'int just this side of rattlesnake gulch early in the evening, and will wait for you. then i'll hurry the women folks 'cross to the other side and make the rest of the journey to the block-house on the ohio bank." "you will have to make two trips with the canoe." "onless i can find another one that was hid under the bushes on this side not fur from the gulch. if that's there, i'll take one party over, and boone, or some one else, tother." "and the rest of us will have it out with the redskins," remarked weber hastings, with flashing eyes. "you must start on agin," said kenton, addressing hastings, as the leader of the party in the absence of himself and boone; "don't hurry, for as it is you've got too much time now on your hands. if you find you're getting too near rattlesnake gulch afore sun-down, you must have some sort of accident that'll give you an excuse for stopping for a time. that'll keep the varmints from 'specting anything." "we ought to be able to arrange some accident," remarked george ashbridge, with a smile, slyly pressing the hand of agnes, standing beside him. "i'll fall over a log if necessary and break a leg." "a better plan will be for jethro to get shot accidentally like." "gorrynation, dat won't work!" exclaimed the negro, who did not let a word escape him; "de bestest way to fix dat will be to stuff me so full of victuals dat i won't be able to walk alone, and de rest ob yo' will hab to carry me slow like." "wal, time is passing; it won't do to stay here any longer; i leave you in charge of weber; he can do as well as me or boone." the scout turned to move away, when jethro juggens laid his hand on his arm. "see yar, mr. kenton, i's worried 'bout yo'," said the colored youth, with an anxious expression on his countenance. "what's the cause of that?" asked the ranger, who, as already stated, held a kindly feeling toward the good-natured fellow. "i's feard sumfin' will happen to yo'--feels it in my bones; i tink yo' oughter hab some one to look after yo' while yo's gone." "would you like to do it?" "i tinks a good deal ob yo', mr. kenton, and i's willin' to take keer ob yo', and see dat yo' gets back all right." yielding to that waggish disposition which was a marked characteristic of simon kenton, sometimes under the most trying circumstances, the ranger said: "come on, younker, you shall take care of me." and to the astonishment of the party, the two walked off side by side, and disappeared among the trees to the westward. "we'll make this bargain," remarked kenton, a few minutes after they were beyond sight of their friends: "you'll take care of me, and i'll do my best to take care of you." "dat hits me 'bout right." "you'll do just what i tell you to do, and won't speak or move without my first telling you to do so." "dat's it; and yo' won't speak or move without fust askin' me; i'll be easy with yo', mr. kenton." "but," gravely remarked the scout, "if each of us should happen to forbid t'other to stir or speak, we'd have to stand still forever. i'll act as boss at first, and then when i'm ready i'll give you your turn." "dat don't strike me ozactly right, but, as i jist obsarved, i'll be easy wid yo', mr. kenton, and let yo' start in," replied jethro, somewhat puzzled at the off-hand manner in which the ranger took hold of the reins. but the ranger never laid aside his caution and vigilance. he kept jethro juggens at his heels, forbidding him to speak a word, but to watch and listen to the utmost. the sun was in the horizon when, without any special incident, they arrived at the clearing, which all had left earlier in the day. the first view brought a disappointment to kenton. nothing in the appearance of the settlers' cabin intimated that it had suffered any disturbance since the departure of the pioneers, and the unladen flatboat rested against the bank, just where it lay when the ranger cast a backward glance at it some hours before. the canoe, however, which was the magnet that drew him thither, was missing. it was in as plain sight as the larger craft upon the departure of the party, but the keen vision was unable to discover the first outline of the bow or stern. since it could not have removed itself, it followed that its disappearance was due to human agency. "the varmints seem to be everywhere to-day," muttered the impatient ranger; "they've been there since we left, and more'n likely some of 'em are there now; but i've come after that canoe, and i'm going to have it, or my name isn't sime kenton." "shall i go wid yo' to see yo' don't get hurt?" inquired jethro juggens. "no; stay where you be, and keep out of sight, and don't speak, nor stir, nor breathe, till i come back," replied the ranger, making ready to set out on one of the most perilous adventures of his eventful career. chapter v. daring and delicate work. it will be borne in mind that kenton had approached the clearing from the east, or up the river, so that it was necessary to cross the open space to reach the spot where the silent flatboat rested against the bank, and near which he expected to find the canoe, so necessary in the plan he had formed for saving the settlers and their families. to start across this clear space was too risky a proceeding for so guarded a woodsman as he. if any of his enemies were on the other side, where he meant to look for the smaller boat, the ranger was certain to be detected. his plan, therefore, was to pass around the clearing by entering the woods and moving to the rear. this he set out to do upon parting from jethro juggens. he had not yet passed from sight among the trees when his steps were arrested by a vigorous "st! st!" well aware of the point whence it came, he turned impatiently around, took a couple of steps toward his dusky companion, and demanded in an undertone: "what do you want?" "yo' tole me not to speak or move or breve; if i don't speak or move, can't you let up on de breving bus'ness? i'm afraid it's gwine to bodder me to shet off breving." "all right, so you don't forget to stay right where you are till i come back." kenton resumed his advance, keeping out of sight in the woods, until he had skirted three sides of the clearing and approached the river again, opposite the point where he had first halted with his companion, and failed to see the canoe. as yet it was an absolute mystery as to what had become of the lesser boat. a half-dozen causes might account for its disappearance. it might have been set adrift by one of the shawanoes, or captured and paddled across the river, or destroyed, or-- at that moment the figure of a sinewy shawanoe shot up to view, as if from a jumping-box. he was near the canoe, but between it and kenton, and so close, indeed, that but for the fact that his face was turned toward the river, he must have discovered the white man. kenton's heart gave a quick throb, for something in the shoulders, the back of the head and contour of the body suggested that the indian was his old enemy, wa-on-mon, the panther. "if it's the varmint himself," thought kenton, "him and me can just as well have it now, even if there are others of his people not fur off." either the indian did not see that on the river for which he was searching, or the view was satisfactory, for he now turned and looked toward the cabin. this brought his face into full view, and the glimpse which the white man caught from a peep around the edge of the bark showed the warrior to be a stranger. kenton's position enabled him to see the log cabin as clearly as did the shawanoe, but it was impossible to detect anything to justify his interest in the building. the situation had become so peculiar that all the sagacity of the ranger was insufficient for him to decide upon the best course to pursue. five, ten, fifteen minutes passed, during which the warrior, sitting on the ground, with his back against the tree, remained as motionless as did the panther, when a prisoner the night before on the flatboat. "i'm blessed if i don't believe he's asleep," mused kenton. nothing is easier than for a person to pretend unconsciousness, but in this case the white man could think of no reason for the red man doing that. "shod with silence," as simon kenton or his brothers were when threading their way among the forest shadows, he stepped from behind the tree and began moving toward the long, graceful canoe, whose nose rested against the bank. his course took him near the shawanoe, and he paused while yet several paces to the rear. the hostile was at his mercy. he could drive the life from his body with lightning-like suddenness. "that isn't the way for a christian to fight," concluded kenton, making such an abrupt change in his course that the distance between the two was increased. the pose of the indian was the natural one of a sleeper. his back being against the trunk of a tree, his knees were drawn up, with his arms resting upon them. his long rifle reclined against the same support as his body, his knife and tomahawk were in place in the girdle around the waist of his half-naked person, his head was sunk, with the chin resting on his chest, and his coarse, black hair dangling in front or behind his shoulders. as he sat thus, his face was turned partly away from the canoe. kenton's course took him past the sleeper, whose eyes, as he noted, were closed. all doubt of his being unconscious were removed, since no reason was conceivable for any pretence on his part. fortune held the promise of a rare and remarkable triumph. it has been said that the canoe rested so lightly against the banks that only a very slight force was required to release and let it float down stream. if, therefore, the shawanoe should awake and note its absence, he would conclude that it was due to the action of the current, a conclusion that could not be formulated in the event of his rifle keeping it company. following the suggestion of such a theory, the shawanoe, in seeking to recover the boat, would look down instead of up stream for it. with these reasons, therefore, swaying him, kenton put past him all inclination to trifle with a sleeping sentinel, and with only a momentary pause stepped forward until he laid his hand on the arching prow of the canoe, which was the same as the stern. the long two-bladed paddle lay in the bottom, just as he himself had laid it after rowing ashore with the panther. everything was ready, but the hardest test of all now confronted the scout, who had performed his part thus far with a consummate skill that could not be surpassed. keeping his gaze upon his enemy, he dipped one end of the paddle in the water, and, with the same noiselessness as before, sent the boat up the stream and across the clear space at the foot of the clearing. something like assurance came to him when he drove it beneath the overhanging limbs and stepped ashore for jethro juggens. knowing the precise spot where he had left him, he hurried thither without losing a second. but the fellow was gone. "sarved me right for bringing him along!" muttered the angry kenton, "but what can have become of the younker?" well, indeed, might he ask the question. chapter vi. the right of eminent domain. it always seemed to jethro juggens that kenton took a great deal more pains or used a greater degree of caution than was necessary when he undertook a task in which indians were concerned. the density of the african's intellect did not blind him to the need of using caution or care in dealing with the treacherous people, but the excessive timidity of so active or powerful a man as the pioneer struck the dusky youth unfavorably. "he tinks dat dat canoe am ober yender, somewhar near dat flatboat," mused jethro, several minutes after the departure of the scout; "i has a little ob dat 'pinion myself. it wouldn't take more dan five minutes to run across to de oder side. dat's what he oughter do, but instead ob dat he goes clear round de clearing frough de woods--de most obfoolishest ting dat he could do. he runs de risk ob steppin' on a rattlesnake and gettin' stung, or ob catchin' a limb under his chin and liftin' him offen his feet and droppin' him on his back wid a violence dat will shake all de teeth out ob his head." the reader has learned the success of the plan adopted by kenton. "i don't feel perzactly right ober dis bus'ness," muttered jethro, some minutes later. "i come along to help look after mr. kenton, and when de danger comes i let him slip away without me. "he played de boss fust ober me, which am all right, 'cause dat am de way to fix dem tings, but it's 'bout time my turn come." an expression of displeasure passed over the ebon countenance. "he told me i musn't speak nor move nor breve. dar ain't no sense in dat. den he gib me percumission to breve. 'sposen he hadn't done so, what would hab come of me? i couldn't hold my bref for free, four hours while he war gone. as for movin' and talkin', i hab already done dat, so dar ain't no use ob tinting any more 'bout it." it was really a relief to reflect that he had violated all the commands laid upon him, for the fact ended the mental struggle which might have continued indefinitely. inasmuch, therefore, as the bars were down, the disobedience grew or expanded. kenton, before parting with the servant, made sure he was in a place where there was little danger of discovery. the undergrowth was so dense that no one was likely to pass through it except in case of necessity, for work would be saved by making a much longer tour around. it was quite near the river, on the margin of the clearing, though far enough from the latter to prevent the fellow being seen if he used only ordinary prudence. in open violation of his orders, jethro made his way to the open space, putting forth no special precaution in doing so, and peered around. there was nothing in the appearance of the flatboat to interest him, nor could he note any change in the looks of the cabin. "i don't feel dat dis matter am gwine right," he mused, returning to his former position; "i'se gettin' worried 'bout mr. kenton; it war understood dat i war to go 'long to help took care ob him, and dar's no knowing what trouble he'll get into." enough had passed between the two before their separation for jethro to understand quite clearly the scheme he had in mind. he knew the ranger meant to take the longest way round to the other side of the clearing, throwing away, in the estimation of the african, a great deal of time and effort. fortunately, jethro did not yield to his impulse to solve the matter by striding across the open space and making a hunt himself for the cause that was destined to play a most important part in the fortunes of the pioneers. thus, a calamity, far-reaching in its consequences, was averted. but a few minutes more of reflection induced the youth to do something hardly less dangerous or ill-advised. he decided to follow after kenton, taking the same course and making for the same destination. "it'll s'prise him," thought jethro, with a grin, "when i sort of whistle, and he looks round and sees me standin' dar smilin' at him. i'll doot!" the youth was not sufficiently skilled in woodcraft to follow the ranger by means of his trail. indeed, there was no need of his doing so, since the course was well known to him. it was not without some misgiving that jethro started upon his venture, for, despite his sophistries, he knew he was quite likely to incur the displeasure of kenton, who had shown more than once a partiality toward him. if any disaster followed, the youth knew he would be blamed. it was his task, therefore, so to conduct himself that only the best results should flow from his violation of orders. jethro kept well back among the trees while circling around the clearing. the increased light on his right was all the guide he needed, even had he not gained a slight acquaintance with the section by his stirring experience earlier in the day. now and then he approached near enough to the cleared space to see the cabin, and thus took hardly a step without fully knowing where he was. at a point in a line with the cabin and the flatboat beyond, he came to a halt and glanced at his immediate surroundings. "dis is 'bout de spot whar i stood when i plugged dat injun, and," added jethro, with a chuckle, "whar i scooped de shirt dat dat girty hung out to dry. dey tried to make b'leve aftwards dat it war a flag ob trooce, meanin' dat dey wanted us all to stop shootin' while we had a talk wid each oder; dey fooled kenton and de rest ob de folks, but dey didn't fool dis chile." he found a fascination in studying the rear of the cabin, which george ashbridge and his father had builded with so much care and labor. "lucky for me dat i wasn't wid' em," reflected jethro, "for if i had been dey would hab sat 'round while i done all de work. mighty strange dat eberybody tinks i'm good fur nuffin but work, but dey done forgot dat i knows how to shoot a gun as well as oder folks." he stood for a minute or two in deep thought. he was revolving an important scheme in his mind. "from de style dat mr. kenton moved wid when he luff me, it'll take him 'bout two days to git 'round to where he's gwine to find dat canoe, consequinchly dar ain't no use ob my being in such a hurry dat i'll broke my neck. i'll take a look inside dat house to make sure dat matters am all right." and without the first hesitation he proceeded to carry out his extraordinary purpose. he first approached the rear of the cabin, where, it will be remembered, were two windows on the lower floor and two on the upper. each of these was too narrow to permit any man to force his body through. it was from one of the lower ones that simon girty had displayed the flag of truce, only to have it whipped off the ramrod and appropriated by the watchful jethro, who, after wearing the garment for a time, laid it aside in order to escape the merriment his appearance caused for the others. the dusky youth peeped through the opening at the interior, where the furniture and goods were tumbled about in great confusion. the view was unsatisfactory, and he passed around to the front, with the intention of entering by means of the door. there are unnumbered incidents continually occurring, as they have occurred in the past, in which luck seems to play a most prominent part. we doubt whether any other explanation can be made of the extraordinary series of events in which jethro juggens now became involved, and which were destined to have a momentous bearing upon the fortunes of his friends, beyond even the calculations of the sagacious boone and kenton. it is probable that had the colored youth presented himself in front of the door a half-hour sooner, he not only would have been instantly detected by some of the shawanoes, but would have been slain. it is certain that had he delayed his movements for a less time than that named these consequences would have followed, for the reader has learned that before the warrior guarding the canoe fell asleep he showed a good deal of interest in the cabin in the clearing. but jethro's action was so timed (without any credit due to himself) that he escaped both perils, as well as that of being seen by kenton, who, it will be remembered, gave considerable attention to the same quarter. it is hard to imagine what his feelings would have been, had the scout turned his gaze towards the building at the moment the colored youth came around the corner and walked to the front door. "dat's right," muttered jethro, when he noted the latch-string hanging out; "dat makes it discumnecessary for me to kick in de door." the leathern thong was smartly twitched, the door shoved gently inward, and, with a slightly quickened throbbing of the heart, jethro juggens stepped across the threshold. boxes of varying sizes were broken apart, or scattered here or there about the lower floor. near the broad, spacious fireplace were a number of pots, kettles, a crane, and irons, or other simple utensils, such as were used by our forefathers. the whole floor was so cluttered up that care was necessary in moving about the circumscribed space. the sloping ladder leading to the upper floor was in place, but little, if anything, had been carried thither. the time, of course, was too brief to permit it. jethro peeped through the windows in turn, but discovered nothing to cause alarm. then, it may be said, he did his first sensible act of the day; he pulled in the latch-string to prevent an enemy stealing upon him unawares. a chuckle escaped the youngster when his eye rested upon a box containing what was left of the bread that had furnished the pioneers with their last meal. leaning his rifle against the wall, he clutched a goodly-sized loaf of the dark, wholesome staff of life, and buried his big, perfect teeth in it, crunching crust and lighter portion as though they were the most tender and delicious fruits. stretching out upon the hard floor, which served him as well as a bed of eider-down, he sank into a deep, peaceful slumber, with no thought of the consequences that were certain to flow from this unprecedented action upon his part. by this time the long summer day was drawing to a close. when darkness finally settled over forest and river, jethro juggens was still sleeping. chapter vii. a question of ownership. simon kenton proceeded on the principle of the greatest good to the greatest number. when, with consummate delicacy and skill, he withdrew the canoe from under the very nose of the sleeping shawanoe, and noiselessly impelled it across the open space under the screening undergrowth on the other side, he did not dare to call to jethro juggens to join him, through fear that the slight noise would rouse the indian only a few yards off, sitting with his back against a tree and his head bowed on his chest. instead, he stepped ashore and picked his way to where he had left him, only to find, as has been shown, that the colored youth, in the face of positive instructions, had gone elsewhere. "sarves me right for bringing him with me," repeated the disgusted pioneer. "i might have knowed he'd do something of the kind." in his impatience, he turned to leave the spot without further tarrying, but his partiality for the youth, whose skill in handling the rifle was so remarkable, caused him to linger a few moments and emit a couple of guarded signals. inasmuch as jethro juggens just then was inside the cabin making his evening meal, it is unnecessary to say that kenton's effort was without success. "if he did hear me he wouldn't know what it meant, and if he did know what it meant he'd yell back his answer loud enough to be heard at the block-house--so i'll let him look out for himself." before resuming his place in the canoe the ranger stole to a point near the edge of the clearing, where, by cautiously parting the undergrowth and peering out, he could look across to the flatboat and catch the outlines of the sleeping shawanoe. the pioneer was just in time to witness an entertaining scene. the providential slumber of the warrior was what in ordinary parlance may be described as a "cat nap," inasmuch as it came to an end, of its own accord, a moment after kenton took his last peep at him. the shawanoe raised his chin, and then in the most natural manner in the world, rubbed his eyes by gouging his forefingers into them, just as all boys and girls do when their senses are coming back to them. next, he reached out his hand and brought his rifle in front, doing so while in the act of rising on his feet. then he started, became rigid, and stared at the river as though doubting his own vision. the canoe, which was there only a short time before, was gone. after all, it would seem he should have felt no great astonishment, for, resting so lightly against the bank, it was not to be wondered at that it worked loose and floated off. the painted face was turned inquiringly in the direction of kenton, as though a glimmering of the truth had entered the brain of the red man, but clearly that was impossible, and he moved along the bank, speedily disappearing, in his search for the missing craft. "he knows about how long he has slept," mused the smiling kenton, "and he knows the boat can't have drifted far. when he goes fur 'nough to find it, and don't find it, he'll come back there again; he'll examine the ground, and will diskiver my footprints; he won't know whether the moccasins belong to a white man or one of the varmints, but he will get an idee of why the thing didn't float down instead of up stream. wal," muttered the ranger, "it'll take sharper eyes than his to trail a canoe through the water, and i don't think he'll git this ere craft ag'in in a hurry." while those thoughts were in the mind of kenton, he had re-entered the boat again and taken up the broad ashen paddle. the reader will understand the difficult task that was before him. from the clearing to rattlesnake gulch was all if not more than two miles. it was his work to reach the latter point by the time that night was fully come. ordinarily this would have been so easy that it could not be considered in the nature of work, but above all things it must be accomplished without the knowledge of the shawanoes, who, it may be said, were on every hand. a sight of the ranger stealing his way up stream, and the halt of the pioneers before reaching the place fixed upon for the ambuscade, could not fail to apprise the indians that their intended victims had no intention of walking into the trap set for them. since the war party would never knowingly permit the settlers to escape them, an attack was certain to follow; and though the veteran rangers, under the leadership of boone and kenton, were confident of beating them off, yet more or less casualties were certain to follow an attack. some of the helpless ones would suffer; probably several would be killed or carried off, which meant the same thing. to avert these woful afflictions was the cause of the extraordinary precautions on the part of boone and kenton, especially the latter. enough has been said to show that the problem simon kenton had set out to solve was anything but a simple one. the arms which swayed the paddle, however, were sturdy and muscular, and could keep to the task for hours without sensible fatigue. kenton did not mind a simple obstruction of that nature, and, indeed, would have been glad because of the curtain thus offered if it had continued all the way. once more and again was the frail craft impelled beneath the limbs, its progress ceasing almost at the moment the paddle was withdrawn from the water. during these brief intervals of subsidence, the ranger listened intently for such sounds as could tell him of the whereabouts of his enemies. he knew, as may be said, that they were everywhere, and he was liable to collide with them at the most unexpected moments. the pioneers or their escort were subjected to the most eagle-eyed vigilance. for a furlong the advance continued in this laborious fashion. then kenton made a longer pause than usual, for he had reached a point where it was necessary to drive the canoe across a space fully one hundred feet in width, and where there was nothing that could serve to the slightest extent as a screen. the ranger debated with himself as to the best course to pursue. "i don't b'leve there's any varmint on the watch there," was the conclusion of kenton; "the shawanoes know where the women folks and the boys are, and that's the place that they're watching--so here goes." again the ashen paddle was dipped in the clear current, but at the very moment of imparting the powerful impulse to it, the ranger checked himself with the suddenness of lightning. from a point apparently directly across the river came the same signal that had disturbed him and boone earlier in the afternoon. the faint cawing of a crow, as if calling from the upper branches of a tree to his mate, floated across the ohio to the startled ears of the listening kenton. "well, i'm blessed!" he muttered, "if crows ain't thicker in kaintuck than i ever knowed 'em afore at this season of the year." this signal, which the man did not doubt for a moment came from the throat of one of the shawanoe spies, settled the question which he had been debating with himself. forcing the nose of the canoe against the bank, he stepped ashore. before drawing it entirely forth, however, he decided to walk the short distance through the woods, so as to select the most favorable course to follow. he had not far to go, but the simple act was marked by all the thoroughness with which he did everything relating to his life profession. while the wood, because of the abundance of undergrowth, was not what he desired, yet he was confident of working his way through it and back to the water again without injuring the canoe. he set out to do so, returning to the starting-point at the end of fifteen or twenty minutes. and there a surprise awaited him. the boat was gone! if he had withdrawn it with incredible deftness from under the closed eyes of the shawanoe, that same individual (for it must be he) had displayed hardly less cleverness in snatching it from his grasp. kenton lost no time in speculating over the matter, but hurried swiftly and noiselessly along the bank in quest of the daring thief. he came upon him, only a few rods distant, making his way with great care and skill along the bank, as though he had no fear of any dispute over the ownership of the craft, as, indeed, he did not; for, catching sight of the white man at the same instant the latter saw him, he leaped ashore, and, knife in hand, attacked him with the impetuous fury of a jungle tiger. ten minutes later, when simon kenton resumed possession of the canoe, he muttered, with grim significance: "sometimes a varmint makes a mistake; that air varmint made one, but he'll never make another, 'cause when the chance comes he won't be there!" chapter viii. by the way. meanwhile, the families of the settlers and their escorts were not idle. turned back, when on the threshold as it were of success, they bore their hard lot with the fortitude and uncomplaining courage which was one of the most marked characteristics of the pioneers of the west. they had entered the "promised land," as may be said, for all of the ashbridges and altmans had passed through the door of the cabin in the clearing; they had deposited their household goods and worldly possessions in the structure erected with so much care and labor; then, being warned of the imminent peril of staying, had set out for the block-house, ten miles distant, there to remain until it was safe for them to venture once more into the wilderness. daniel boone was in advance of the company, scouting in the neighborhood of rattlesnake gulch, for it was indispensable that he should keep watch of the main war party of shawanoes there, and learn, as far as possible, their intentions towards the whites. kenton had turned back to the clearing in quest of the canoe with which he hoped to carry the families across the ohio during the favoring darkness of the night without discovery by the dusky enemies. we left him pushing his way up stream, after his deadly encounter with the shawanoe who had withdrawn the craft from where it was left by the ranger during his temporary absence. it may be said, that every man and woman, threading their way through the wilderness to the block-house, understood the scheme which it was hoped could be carried through to completion, and each, of course, was eager to lend his aid to its success. within ten minutes, therefore, of the departure of kenton and jethro juggens, those whom they left behind took up the journey eastward--that is, toward dreaded rattlesnake gulch, which intervened between them and the post under the command of captain bushwick. the line of march was simple. weber hastings acted as guide, or rather avant-courier, since all knew the route that was to be followed. he kept a hundred yards, or so, in advance of the company, which timed their gait to his, so that the intervening space was neither increased nor diminished. a second scout kept pace with his chief, but so far removed to the right, and deeper in the forest, that only rarely did they catch sight of each other. there were no guards on the left or at the rear, the two named being considered sufficient to give timely notice of the approach of danger. there was no attempt at anything like military order on the part of the others. the pioneer scouts were impatient of discipline, preferring to "fight fire with fire"--that is, to combat the indian by methods peculiar to the indians themselves. accordingly, the rest of the rangers straggled along, inclosing, so far as possible, the members of the families whom they hoped to deliver from their great peril. mr. ashbridge and his wife sauntered in front of their old friends, with little mabel most of the time between them and holding a hand of each. her disposition, however, to dart aside and pluck every brilliant flower that flashed among the green vegetation could not be restrained at all times, and was the cause of much anxiety on the part of her parents. next in order walked mr. altman and his wife, while of agnes, the daughter, and george, it may be said they brought up the rear. "i wonder," said agnes, in her low, sweet voice, "whether, when we reach the block-house, we shall be safe, or whether we shall have to keep on going east until we arrive at our old home in virginia before we can feel beyond the power of these dreadful red men." "why do you express that doubt, when it has been a good many years since the people in our old homes have suffered from the indians?" "not so long ago that i cannot remember it." "but don't forget that you are seventeen years old--" "several months more, please to remember, sir." "and you can remember, i suppose, a dozen years; that is a good while. but it is not so bad as all that. kenton explained matters yesterday when i was talking with him. there is what is called a flurry among the indians, and as long as it lasts we must keep under the wing of some block-house or in some settlement." "but how long is it to last?" "there is only one who can answer that question. it may be in a few weeks, or months, or possibly a year or two. you know that such expeditions as crawford's and st. clair's make matters worse than before." "why?" "colonel crawford, as you remember, was not only defeated, but he was made prisoner and burned to death at the stake. then president washington sent general st. clair, and the combined tribes smote him hip and thigh. all this makes the indians bolder and more open in their hostility, until i have no doubt that hundreds of them believe they are strong enough to drive every white man out of ohio and kentucky." "why doesn't general washington send some one who knows how to fight the indians, and with men enough to whip them?" "st. clair had enough men to whip the enemy, but the general didn't know how to handle them when he got into the indian country. you have learned of the dreadful mistake that braddock and his regulars made more than thirty years ago, during the french and indian war, when all of the british soldiers would have been killed if it had not been for washington and his virginians." "i should think general washington himself would take command of a force. i know he would end all this trouble," added agnes, with a glow of pride in the illustrious father of his country. "i have no doubt he would if he wasn't president; but he has to stay in philadelphia and make the other officers do their duty. but if he can't come himself, he knows enough now to send the right men. the next battle will see the indians so badly whipped that they will stay so for many, many years to come." "and then?" "hundreds and thousands of people will come from the east and settle in the west. the land will be cleared off and planted; cities and towns will spring up, and that clearing of ours, with the other acres we shall add, will make you and i wealthy, agnes." "it may make you wealthy, george; but how can it help me?" he gave the dainty hand a warmer pressure than before and lowered his voice, so that only the shell-like ear, so close to his own, could catch his words. "if it benefits me it must benefit you; for, god willing, long before that time we shall be one. am i wrong in that hope, dearest?" "george," said agnes, when they had walked a little further in silence, "there is one prospect which causes me some discomfort." "and what is that?" "of all our people being cooped up in the block-house for weeks, and perhaps months, until the trouble with the indians is over. we stopped there the other day when we were coming down the river. it is a large, roomy structure, but there is nothing beside the single building. a good many men make their homes there at different times, and though they are all as kind as they can be, it will be anything but pleasant when your folks and ours are added to them." "i don't wonder that you feel thus. the same thought has occurred to me and kenton, and i guess every one else. some other arrangement will have to be made. captain bushwick will have several strong cabins put up, if it looks as though you will have to stay more than a few days, or he may do better than that." "how?" "send us all to boonesboro. that's where the great daniel boone, that's helping us just now, makes his home. it was named for him. it is a regular stockade, with a number of cabins inside, and abundant room for twenty families or more." "how far off is it?" "i am not sure, but less than fifty miles." "why not go there at once, without stopping at the block-house?" "the trouble is that, if it would be safe to make the journey there now, it would be just as safe to stay in our own house at the clearing. the route leads through one of the most dangerous regions in kentucky." "if that is the case, how can we reach it from the block-house?" "it will have to be done by awaiting some favorable chance; that chance, as you know, isn't now, but it may come in a short time. kenton or boone, or some of their men, will be quick to learn it." agnes was about to reply, when one of the rangers, who had wandered somewhat ahead or to one side, emitted a cry that must have penetrated a goodly part of a mile. his terrified friends stopped short, grasped their rifles more tightly, and stared wonderingly at the man, who was acting like a crazy person. he had flung his gun aside, and caught up a heavy stick, with which he was threshing something on the ground. it required hardly a second glance from those who ran toward him to recognize the writhing object as an immense rattlesnake. the man seemed to be in a frenzy, and continued belaboring the reptile even after all saw it was as dead as dead could be. "what's the use, jim?" called hastings, who had hastened to return upon hearing his wild shout; "he's gone under; did he bite you?" "yes," replied the other, in a husky voice staggering backward and sinking to the ground; "he bit me twice before i seed him; i'm done for." chapter ix. the "accident." it would seem that the pioneers had more than enough to occupy their minds on this eventful journey through the woods, without coming in contact with such a frightful thing as a rattlesnake, but here was one of the hardy members of the escort apparently stricken unto death by the huge reptile that he had just slain. by the time the poor fellow had collapsed and fallen to the earth, almost the entire party were gathered around him. that section of the union, even in those early days, was not wholly lacking in whiskey. there may not have been a great deal of it manufactured in the territory, but those who made their homes in that favored land did not often suffer for lack of it. flasks there were in plenty, but it was noticeable that not one of the rangers who had come from the fort made haste to bring forth a supply and place it at the lips of their collapsed companion. it was mr. altman who was quick to kneel beside the man and apply the vessel to his mouth, as he raised him to a sitting position. "don't you remember, george," said agnes, "that mr. kenton said we must meet with some accident that would prevent our reaching rattlesnake gulch until night was fully come?" "i do." "well, that's the accident we have met." a light flashed upon young ashbridge. the amused expression on the faces of the escort was explained. james deane had not been harmed by the rattlesnake which he had pounded to death. as is said, all this was done for effect. the most real thing about the business was that jim was procuring a prodigious supply of excellent whiskey without any expense to himself, and without any cause existing for such an over-dose. seeing the actual danger that threatened their friend, hastings touched the shoulder of mr. altman, who looked up inquiringly at him. "i wouldn't give him any more." "it will be safer to fill him up with it, so as to counteract the poison." "yesh--fill him up," added jim, thickly, reaching out his hand vaguely for the bottle; "fill him up--coun'act--hic--p'son--fill him up so he runs over." "i think, tom, he's running over now," suggested mr. ashbridge, who understood matters. the words and the expressions on the countenances of the others caused the truth to flash upon the good samaritan. he rose to his feet with a disgusted look. then he shook his glass flask, and held it up between him and the sunlight. "if i had suspected, he shouldn't have had a drop; he has drank enough to make three men drunk." "and he's as drunk as three men can get," replied ashbridge. "fetch on your rattler--hic," stuttered jim, who was about to add some more remarks when he gave it up and toppled over on the ground, deferring all such observations to a more convenient season. it assumed an almost grotesque phase, and sounds incredible when it is stated that this pretended rattlesnake bite was solely for the purpose of deceiving the members of the shawanoe war party that were swarming through the woods, yet not only was such the fact, but the scheme, singular as it was, met the approval of daniel boone and simon kenton, whose judgment in such matters all will admit should be accepted as final. meanwhile, hastings was anxiously consulting with ashbridge, altman, and his own men. the situation was grave to the last degree, and the crisis could not be far off. "we don't need to wait here more'n half an hour," said he, "and may be not that long; then, when we start, night'll be fully here afore we reach the gulch." "and the indians have been deceived as to our purpose?" was the inquiring remark of mr. ashbridge. "there's no sartinty of that, but it looks that way." "but the most alarming feature of this business, as it seems to me," continued the pioneer, "is this: the time must soon come when these shawanoes will learn we do not mean to pass through that valley of death." hastings nodded his head. he had thought of all this, as well as of the complications that were likely to follow. "how long after we make our pause will they suspect the truth?" "inside of ten minutes; but," added the ranger, "they may think we've decided to wait till morning afore we pass through." "is that probable?" asked young ashbridge. "no; there isn't one chance in a thousand that they'll think anything of the kind, and yet there is that one chance." mr. ashbridge again took up the exchange of views with the leader of the scouts, the others listening with the closest attention and interest. "suppose the shawanoes believe we have merely postponed our passage through the gulch until morning, and that we are certain to attempt it then--what will they do?" "wait where they are till daylight, or for a week, if they were sure the thing would be tried; but," was the significant remark of hastings, "don't build any hopes on any such idea as that." "i am sure it would be foolish to do so, but we are getting down to bed-rock facts now. the indians must soon learn that we have no intention of walking into their trap. what they will then do is not clear to you." "no; but i don't think they'll make an attack till the night is purty well nigh gone. they always spend a good deal of time in figgering and man[oe]uverin' round. it's that time between the beginning of darkness and sun-up that's got to be used by us for the benefit of your folks, or it will not be used at all." "mr. kenton seems to have taken wise steps, as he always does under such circumstances, for the safety of our families. he counts upon securing that canoe which was left with the flatboat, and has hope of finding another near the gulch. suppose he fails in both instances--what then?" "only kenton himself can answer that question; i believe he's as likely to fail as to win, but he'll soon be on hand; he won't keep us waiting long. boone will be purty sure to jine us, and atween' em they'll do the right thing." "there can be no doubt of that, but, if you will pardon me, mr. hastings, it seems to me that there is something for us to do. my solicitude for the dear ones around us, who cannot help themselves, must excuse my presumption." "it's no presumption, sir; we are all glad to hear what you have to say." "accidents are liable to occur at any time, even though some of them are bogus," qualified ashbridge, with a glance at the unconscious figure of jim deane a few rods away. "boone and kenton have placed themselves in great peril. one of them may be killed; it is impossible that both will fall. we are fortunate in having such good friends as you to stand by us, but the wisest man is he who provides, as far as he can, for every contingency. suppose we see nothing of boone or kenton again?" "i can't think such a thing as both of 'em going under at the same time can happen. one of 'em is sartin to turn up purty soon." "but kenton may fail to bring the canoe, upon which so much depends. now, to come down to the point, when we halt near the gulch will our position be such that we can make a good defence against an attack?" "i don't know," was the frank reply of the ranger; "we've only one man with us who knows all about rattlesnake gulch, and the ins and outs of the place." "who is that man?" for reply, hastings pointed to jim deane, sunk in a helpless stupor. "humph!" remarked the pioneer, "he is of no more account than a dead man, and won't be for some hours to come." chapter x. at rattlesnake gulch. by this time night was closing over forest and river. the sun had set, and a strong west wind blew steadily up stream. masses of clouds were drifting across the sky, and when the moon should appear its light would be treacherous and uncertain. "we must wait no longer," said hastings, "for we shall run the risk of an attack where we are, and that would be almost as bad as an ambush." "true," remarked altman, with a shudder, as he glanced around them, "we are without any protection at all in this open ground. we must hit upon a better place than this in which to make our halt." the leader nodded toward two of his men, who advanced to where the sleeping jim lay on the ground, as helpless and inanimate as a log. each taking him by a shoulder lifted him to his feet. then they let go, and he dropped like a bundle of rags. he was yanked up again, shaken, slapped, and vigorously told to stand up. "i'm all right," mumbled jim, "fetch on (hic) your rattler; let 'em bite--who cares? whiskey'll cure him--fetch on your whiskey." after some more heroic treatment, the man was finally roused to that degree that he was able to wobble forward, partly supported by his two friends, one of whom took charge of his gun. "if i had known nothing was the matter with him," said the disgusted mr. altman, "he wouldn't have gotten a drop from me. the only man who can give us the information we need might just as well be dead." the company advanced much in the same fashion as earlier in the day, except that still greater precaution was observed. the females were kept near the centre and the husbands close to them, so that there was a rude resemblance to a hollow square. hastings took the lead, as he always did in the absence of kenton and boone, and had not gone far when he became aware that he was following a well-marked path. a companion on his right and another on his left had noted something of the kind some minutes before. the three paths, not to mention others, converged and became one a little further on. these, as had been intimated, were the trails made by wild animals on their way to the salt lick lying some distance on the other side of rattlesnake gulch. the pioneers were now quite close to that ill-omened spot, and the burden of the expedition rested wholly upon the shoulders of weber hastings, who maintained a position never less than fifty feet in advance of his nearest companion. hastings caught a faint, momentary rustling directly in front of him. he instantly stopped and listened. it sounded the next moment further to the right. he knew it made by one of the shawanoes, who, with all their skill, could not advance in perfect silence amid such gloom any more than could the white man. suddenly he detected a different sound. it was as if something was gliding over the leaves, and was accompanied by a delicate whirring noise, which hastings recognized on the instant, for many a time and oft he had heard it before. those of our readers who have caught the warning of the rattlesnake can make no mistake when they hear it a second time. another of those baleful reptiles was gliding across the path of the pioneers, as if to apprise them of the appropriateness of the name of the gulch, which was now near at hand. the greatest annoying hindrance in this stealthy groping among the trees was the condition of jim deane, who had taken a prodigious over-dose of the universal remedy for the rattlesnake's venom. when in his sober senses, he was one of the bravest and most skilful scouts in the west, and was held in special high esteem by capt. bushwick, for whom he had performed arduous and perilous service. but, naturally enough, he was now another person, the opposite of himself. in order to leave their escort free to attend to their delicate task, george ashbridge and his father took charge of jim, and, in assuming the contract, they found it was all they could do to "deliver the goods." deane rallied after several stumbles, and managed to walk with less help from the father and son, though he swayed from side to side and leaned heavily upon both. he continued muttering and talking, partly to himself and partly to those who were aiding him in locomotion. "going to the gulch--all right," he mumbled, when they were quite near their destination, "want to go into the fort; that's the place for you folks." the scout stopped as suddenly as if he had run against the trunk of a tree. despite his broken utterance, a vague sense of his situation was gradually forcing itself upon him. he realized, in a dim but increasingly distinct way, the necessity of throwing off the spell which muddled his brain. as he repeated and renewed the effort, he gained more strength. holding himself somewhat unsteadily, he looked around in the gloom at his elder escort, and demanded: "where going?" "we are trying to reach the block-house, but it's a long way off. we are now close to rattlesnake gulch." "that's all right," repeated deane, wobbling forward again; "going to the fort--our fort." jim deane stopped abruptly as before, and blinked and started in the vain effort to penetrate the gloom in which all were enveloped. his companions noted that he was now able to maintain the erect position without any help from them. "can't you get a candle?" he asked, his brain still muddled, "too dark to see; get candle, and i'll show you the fort." the company was now so near rattlesnake gulch that weber hastings, the guide, decided it would not do to approach any closer. they must await the coming of kenton before doing anything further. gradually, or with less difficulty than would be suspected, the ranger brought all his men together, or they gathered around the families whom they had set out to escort to the block-house. although they could hardly see each other's forms in the darkness, a few minutes sufficed to prove none were missing. all were there, but, ah! for how long should this be said of them? "we are so near rattlesnake gulch," explained hastings, "that if we go a hundred yards further, we'll walk straight into the ambush the varmints have set for us." "what is to be done?" asked mr. altman, in a guarded undertone. "we'll move a little further down the slope to the edge of the river, and wait for kenton or boone; one of them will be here purty soon." mr. ashbridge now made known what jim deane had declared in his broken way. before he could be questioned, the fellow, who was still nearer sobriety, said: "boys, you think i don't know what i'm saying; i'm not as sober as i oughter be, but i give it to you straight; you've made a big mistake, and i'll prove it to you." chapter xi. watching and waiting. deane had rapidly regained control of his senses during the past few minutes. the open air, the continued action of his body and the growing consciousness of the imminent peril of the company, combined to give him mastery over the insidious enemy that he had taken into his mouth to steal away his brains. by this time, too, his friends were convinced that he was not talking at random, and that when he spoke of the "fort" near at hand he had ground for his words. "wal, jim," remarked hastings, in a low voice, as the party gathered closely around the fellow in the gloom; "i guess you understand matters better than you did a few minutes ago. take the lead and we'll follow, but don't forget that a feller's eyes ain't of much use to him just now." "i, i think i've got my bearings; the river off here to the left is how fur away?" "something like a hundred yards--a little more i reckon." "that's what i thought, and rattlesnake gulch is right ahead. wal, in a straight line down the slope toward the river is a lot of limbs, brush and stones that we got together some months ago, when the varmints cornered us, or wiped us nearly all out. if we're going to make a halt, that's the place for us." "go ahead, then, for it won't be long afore the varmints will notice we have stopped." the ranger--he paddled no longer--took charge of matters with the assurance of one who feels himself master of the situation. as they advanced, the ground inclined downward to the river. the wood was quite open, but considerable undergrowth appeared, through which it was impossible even for the rangers to make their way in the darkness without some rustling, which was almost certain to betray their movements to the indians. fortunately, however, they had not far to go to their destination. hastings, who was but a pace or two behind deane, became conscious at the end of a few minutes that he had stopped. "here we are," whispered the guide; "pass the word back for 'em to look out they don't stumble, for things are rough round here." not only did the leader of the company notify his own men, who were instant to understand the situation, but they assisted the ashbridges and altmans into the exceedingly rude fortification. the utmost care was used, but, in spite of all, there were several stumbles, and more than one hasty exclamation at the accident. when matters became clear to all, as they soon did, it was learned that they were now upon the spot where hastings and his companions made their last stand when attacked by the panther and his shawanoes, some months before. foreseeing the desperate struggle at hand, the scouts had seized the brief time at their command to throw up some intrenchments. an ash that had been splintered by lightning gave much help, and laid the foundation, as may be said, of the fortification. the trunk had been wrenched off a dozen feet above ground, leaving the stump, with its hundreds of needle-like points, projecting upward. the fragments of several large limbs were of help, and a prostrate tree, some yards away, was of incalculable benefit, even though the trunk was less than a foot in diameter. then there were a few boulders and large stones scattered around. ordinarily, a dozen men would hesitate to try to move them, but, with the energy of desperation, these had been tumbled into place, and served their part well. the conclusion of all this haste and effort to throw up a protection around themselves was, that a very primitive and broken fortification extended in an irregular circle from the splintered tree, right and left, until it enclosed a space thirty feet across at its largest diameter. it was not a complete circle, however, but formed three-fourths of one. the side toward the river was left open, so as to preserve the means of retreat if the worst came. the worst did come, as has been intimated, and through this opening the few defenders that were left, after the resistless assault of the panther and his warriors, dashed in the supreme effort to save their lives. such is an imperfect description of the "fort" into which the pioneers were conducted, when the time arrived for them to essay no further concealment of their intention to leave rattlesnake gulch wholly to itself. fifteen or twenty minutes were used by the fugitives, as they may be considered, in "locating" themselves. in other words, they improved the time in learning, so far as possible, their immediate surroundings, and the best means of defence against the shawanoes, that were certain to leave them but a short time to themselves. above all things, it was necessary that hastings and his men should know this, and, with the help of deane, the knowledge was soon acquired. finally, hastings stationed his men in their proper positions, and then conducted the others to a spot near the splintered ash. he made sure that all were near him, and that each heard every word he spoke, though he guarded the utterances with a care that would have shut them from a listening shawanoe a rod away. "you understand, my friends, that this place is only a makeshift; we're powerful lucky that jim got sober in time to find it for us. this is the safest spot, and here the women and children will stay till we leave." "and when is that likely to be?" asked mr. altman. "i can't say till kenton gets back; he'll be here afore long." "suppose anything happens to him and boone?" suggested mr. ashbridge. "something like that has been said afore; boone and kenton are always having something happen to them, but that both of 'em should slip up and not show themselves agin--why, that sort of thing can't be." "it might take place," remarked young ashbridge, whose faith in the two great pioneers equaled that of hastings, "but it is so unlikely that it isn't worth considering it. as i understand it, we have to wait here until kenton comes back." "you've hit it, younker, to a dot. you folks can see that a chap's eyes ain't of much account, so you must all make the best use of your ears." "i can see a little," said agnes altman, "and i shall believe that our eyes are almost as likely as our ears to help us." "you've got a wise head on your shoulders," said the ranger, admiringly. "about all that you folks need to remember is, that the varmints are all around us, and where there's one of 'em, he's sure to try some trick. look out for him." "surely, mr. hastings, you don't mean that mr. altman and my son shall all stay in this spot, merely to keep company with our families, when every man is needed to guard the approaches to this enclosure." "wal, i'll own that was my idea, but we can turn you to use if you say so." "we do say so, most decidedly," mr. altman was quick to remark. "come with me." thereupon, the leader of the rangers gave mr. altman, ashbridge, and the son their several stations. each had his rifle, and was simply to do his utmost to guard against the insidious approach of the shawanoes, who, if they had not already located them, were certain to do so very soon. the instructions of hastings to his men was, that the moment they discovered an indian they should wait only long enough to make sure of no mistake, and then shoot to kill. "every varmint counts at a time like this," he said, significantly, "and if any one is lucky enough to drop the panther, it'll be worth a dozen warriors." when all the male members were placed, they were crouching behind boulders, limbs, and ridges of dirt in the irregular three-quarter circle, and separated from each other by a space varying from two yards to a distance twice as great. whether intentional or otherwise, hastings stationed george ashbridge immediately on the left of agnes altman, while her mother, mrs. ashbridge, and mabel were near at hand. the lovers were so close, indeed, that there was little risk in their exchanging a whispered word or two at intervals. when either raised his or her head, the other could catch the faint outlines of the loved one. while the temporary refuge was a most fortunate thing for the distressed fugitives, it had several features which caused uneasiness to hastings and his experienced rangers. although the moon soon appeared in the sky, its light was treacherous and uncertain, because of the skurrying clouds. sometimes an object would be visible for a number of rods on the river, and then it took a pair of keen eyes to identify a canoe at half that distance. more serious, however, than all was the west wind. this blew steadily, and with considerable force, directly upon the river. it sighed among the trees, and so stirred the branches that the rustling was continuous. thus it afforded a diversion that was wholly in favor of the indians, for, without taking any special precaution, they could approach as near as they chose to the fortification, with little, if any, fear of detection. that they would be quick to turn this to account was certain. hastings had not forgotten to impress his friends with the fact that they were awaiting the coming of simon kenton, and incidentally of daniel boone. each, when he did appear, would do so with the noiselessness of the panther himself, and too great care could not he taken to guard against mistaking them for enemies. there really was little, if any, danger of this, since all understood the situation, and would run no risk of harming their friends. furthermore, kenton and boone were sure to give timely notice of their coming by means of signals which every one of the rangers would understand. the sleep of most of the men had been broken and scant during the past twenty-four hours, but the situation was so strained that there was no danger of any one falling asleep until the peril passed. if any one thing was certain, it was that the watch within that rough circle would be unremitting and vigilant while it lasted. mabel ashbridge laid her head on the lap of her mother, who like mrs. altman, sat with her back against the splintered ash, and with little appreciation of the fearful shadow that rested upon all, soon sank into unconsciousness. the mothers were so nervous and unstrung that though they occasionally shut their eyes, the slumber was fitful and brief. but among all the party there was none more alert than agnes altman. she had not yet quite forgiven herself for her weakness in showing mercy to the imprisoned panther the night before, when he came within a hair of slaying her beloved george ashbridge, and, without hinting her intention to any one, she determined that, with the help of heaven, she would do something to erase that criminal imprudence, as she viewed it, on her part. it may have been this resolution, supplemented by her own consummate faculties of sight and vision, or, more properly, it was both, that brought to her a knowledge of peril before it was suspected by any one of the rangers, or even by george ashbridge, who, as may be said, was at her elbow. agnes was seated on the leaves, the same as her mother, and with her back resting against a boulder, which rose a few inches above her head. in this posture she closed her eyes. they could be of no use to her, and by shutting them she was able to concentrate her faculties into the single one of listening; upon that alone she now placed her dependence. and seated thus, and listening with absorbing intensity, she speedily became aware of a startling fact; some one was directly on the other side of the boulder, and separated by no more than three feet from her. that that some one was a shawanoe indian was as certain as that her name was agnes altman. chapter xii. carrying the war into africa. jethro juggens, the brawny servant of mr. altman, the dusky youth with the strength of a hercules, the intellect of a child, or a skill in the use of the rifle hardly second to that of kenton and boone, has a singular but momentous part to play in the incidents that follow. the reader must, therefore, bear with us when now and then we turn aside from the graver and more tragical sweep of incidents to follow the doings and the fortunes and misfortunes of the one who rendered such signal service to his friends, already related in "shod with silence." simon kenton denounced himself times without number for bringing jethro with him when he set out to recover the canoe that had been left at the clearing; and yet that act, ill-advised as it seemed, changed the whole course of events that followed quick and fast, and became the foundation of one of the most remarkable legends connected with the romantic ohio and the stirring events that marked the history of the settlement of ohio and kentucky. with no thought of the mischief he was likely to cause, jethro juggens, as the reader has learned, circled part way round the cabin in the clearing, passed through the door, drew in the latch-string, devoured nearly all of the bread that was left behind, and then lay down and went to sleep. he had managed to gain so much slumber during the past twenty-four hours that he was in need of nothing of the kind. as a consequence, he remained unconscious less than an hour, when he opened his eyes, as fully awake as he ever was in all his life. the room was in darkness, and he was so confused that for a brief spell he was at a loss to know where he was. rising to a sitting position, he rubbed his eyes and stared around in the gloom. "am dis de flatboat, and am i in de cellar ob it?" he asked himself. but a moment's reflection recalled what had taken place. "gracious! i wonder if anyting hab happened to mr. kenton?" he exclaimed, starting to his feet and stumbling headlong over one of the boxes, unnoticed in the gloom. "dar's no tellin' what trouble he may get into widout me watchin' and tookin' keer ob him. i's afraid i'm too late to help him." he would have opened the door and hurried out, but at that moment his keen nostrils caught the appetizing odor of the loaves of bread, amid which he had created havoc a short time before. "i hab an obspression dat i done eat some ob dat afore i took a nap, but i ain't certain; don't want to make any mistake, and i feels sorter hungry." there was enough food left to furnish him another good meal, and he did not stop using his peerless teeth and massive jaws until he had secured it. his rifle was leaning against the wall near the door, where he had left it. he took it in hand, with the intention of opening the door and passing out, when the first real thrill of alarm stirred him. he heard some one attempting to open the door. he knew it was an enemy, for kenton, the only friend he had in the neighborhood, would never come there to look for him. the latch-string being drawn in, it was impossible for the door to be opened, except by great labor from the outside. nevertheless, some one was pushing at it repeatedly, and with such vigor that there could be no mistake about it. "who dar?" demanded jethro, in his deepest voice, holding his rifle ready to use it in case the indian effected an entrance. there was no answer, but the efforts on the outside ceased for a minute, to be resumed more guardedly than at first. "go way from der, i toles yo' or yo'll get into trouble," called the youth, in a louder voice, meant to be as threatening as he could make it. again the pushing ceased, and all became still. jethro heard the wind blowing strongly around the cabin and among the trees beyond. standing in the open clearing, as did the cabin, no shadow was cast upon it. the narrow windows, therefore, were clearly outlined against the dim moonlight. the youth glanced furtively at them, comprehending more fully than at any time before the sad mistake he had made in disobeying the orders of kenton. but for that he would not have been in his present plight. but it was too late for regrets to avail him. all he could do was to fight it out as best he knew how to the end. stepping nearer the door, he bent his head and listened. the pressure against the structure had ceased, but he caught the murmur of voices when a few broken sentences were uttered. their meaning, of course, was beyond his reach. "why don't dey be gemmen?" he asked himself, "or talk in american, so dat anoder gemmen can understand 'em? i don't know what dey's talkin' 'bout, and it sounds as if dey don't know demselves." he could understand, however, that no immediate cause for fear existed. a dozen brawny shawanoes could not force the door, and the windows, as has been explained, were too narrow for any one to push his body through. but, all the same, some mischief was afoot at one of the rear window's--the one into which jethro juggens had fired that very day with fatal effect. the disturbance was transferred from the door to the window. the youth was standing in the middle of the lower apartment, gun in hand, watching and listening. the moon was so placed in the heavens that this particular opening was seen more clearly than any of the others, and peering intently at it, jethro became conscious of some dark object that was slowly obtruding into his field of vision. "what de mischief am dat?" he muttered. "looks like a hobblegoblin, but i knows it am an injin." dimly seen in the partial illumination, the resemblance to the head of a warrior was so close that all doubt was removed from the mind of jethro juggens. "dat's what i's waiting for," was his thought, as he brought his piece to a level, took the best aim he could in the darkness, and let fly. the report within the close room was so thunderous that his ears tingled, but confident of the accuracy of his shot, he looked through the smoke at the moonlit opening. "i didn't hear no yell, but i reckoned dat blowed de top ob his head off afore he could let out de war-whoop dat mr. kenton says an injin always gibs when he cotches his last sickness--gracious hebbins! how's dat?" could he believe his eyes? the head at which he had fired only a few feet away had not vanished. there it was, the owner apparently staring in upon him, with the same interest he had shown from the first. "dat beats all creation! i knowed i hit him, 'cause i couldn't miss him if i tried. he must had a head as hard as mine--" if jethro juggens was astounded by what had just occurred, he was almost lifted off his feet by what followed before he finished the expression of the thought that was in his mind. through the narrow window at which he was gazing the muzzle of a gun was thrust and the weapon discharged, the ball passing so close that he felt it nip his ear. with a howl of dismay the youth leaped a foot in the air and to one side. no one could have had a narrower escape than he, and he knew it. "tings are gettin' mixed most obstrageously," he muttered, stepping nearer to one side of the room and proceeding to reload his gun as best he could in the darkness. much as jethro had blundered, and obtuse as he was in many things, he understood what had taken place. that which he supposed to be the head of an indian was some object presented by the crouching warrior with the purpose of drawing his fire, and it succeeded in doing so. the flash of the negro's rifle revealed where he stood, and the shawanoe, who was watching for that clew, lost no time in firing, missing by a hair's-breadth a fatal result. thus it came about that not the least execution was done on either side. jethro waited some minutes in order to discover the next movement of his enemies. nothing presenting itself, he had resort to the dangerous expedient of trying to peer through the different windows. being enveloped in impenetrable gloom, he could not have been seen by the indians had they been on the watch, though possibly they might have heard him. as it was, no shot was fired at him, nor was he able to detect anything that could give him the least information of what his enemies were doing, or what they intended to do. they may have been quite near, but he could not get the first glimpse of them. "dis yeah am gettin' ser'us," mused jethro, leaning against the side of the house in order to think more clearly. "i's afeard dat somethin' may happen to mr. kenton, and if it does and he can't get back, nor me neither, what's goin' to become of de folks? i 'spose dey am most worried to def now." [illustration: jethro in trouble.] since it looked as if it would be impossible for him to leave the cabin for an indefinite time, the anxiety of the dusky youth to do so increased with every passing minute, until he formed the resolution to make the attempt, no matter what the consequences might prove to himself. a dispassionate view of the situation would have pronounced jethro as useful to the pioneers in one place as in another. possibly, it might have been decided that it was better that he should remain away so long as the peril remained imminent, despite the fact that he had already done them most effective service. jethro could not so far forget the first law of human nature as not to debate and hesitate for a considerable while before taking the decisive step. "i might leave de door open," he reflected, "so dat if any ob de heathen are hangin' round de outside waitin' for a chance to shet me off, i kin dodge back and slam de door in dar faces. ef i don't see 'em till i git too fur to run back, i kin dive into de woods or hide." all this sounded well enough in theory, but the young man could not lose sight of one thing: in point of fleetness he could not compare with any of the shawanoes. they could run him down, as may be said, in a twinkling. it was impossible for one so inexperienced as he to form a reasonable guess of the intentions of the red men. it was curious, to say the least, that one or two of them should linger in the vicinity of the cabin after the departure of the pioneers for the block-house. even simon kenton could not have guessed their purpose. "dey couldn't hab seed me go in," thought jethro, "for, if dey did, dey would hab hollered to me and asked me who i was lookin' fur; i'd gib 'em some sass, and den dar would hab been a row and some ha'r pullin'." the youth leaned against the side of the apartment a brief while longer in intense cogitation, and then sighed. "i ain't used to tinkin' so hard as dis; it exhorsts me." to remedy which he groped his way to the huge bread box, a few paces away. there was enough, left to furnish a person of ordinary appetite with a good meal, but, when he ceased, nothing was left. "umph! dat rewives me; i feel stronger now--i'll do a little more hard tinkin'--graciousnation, i's got it!" he exclaimed, leaping from the floor in exultation; "why didn't i tink ob it afore? i'll hold one ob dese boxes ober me, so dey can't see nuffin' ob me, and den walk out ob de house and straight 'cross de clearin' to de woods. when i got dar, i'll flung de box off en run! dat's de plan, suah i's born!" chapter xiii. unkind fate. after setting out on his return to his friends with the canoe which he had recovered so cleverly from the drowsy shawanoe, simon kenton gave little thought to jethro juggens. the youth had become separated from the scout through his own disregard of orders, and, as has already been said, the former regarded his highest duty to be to the pioneers, who, a mile or so away, were anxiously looking for his return. it was during the first part of his voyage with the canoe that kenton had his hurricane encounter with the warrior who withdrew it from the point along the bank where he left the craft for a few minutes only. the scout was surprised and somewhat alarmed for his friends over one or two facts which thus came to light. the indian who paid so dearly for this little trick he attempted upon the white man was not the one that sat on the bank near the clearing while the boat was withdrawn from before him. this proved that more than one shawanoe was down the river between the pioneers and the cabin in the clearing. the cawing from the ohio side showed that the lynx-eyed watchers were there, with the unwelcome certainty that the shawanoes were far more numerous than either boone or kenton had supposed. "wa-on-mon has been doing some good work," reflected kenton, "since he sneaked out of sight, instead of meeting me for our last scrimmage. dan'l is right when he says the reason the panther done that warn't 'cause he was afeared of me, but' cause he seed a chance of hittin' a powerfuller blow than in sending nobody but sime kenton under. that's what he's up to, with a mighty big chance of doing what he set out to do." the signal from the ohio bank, and the encounter with the redskin, drove all hesitation from the ranger's mind regarding the canoe. he drew it from the water and upon the dry land, his paddle and rifle lying inside, and then, with no little labor, dragged it among the trees to the other side of the open space, where it was launched again, uninjured by its rough experience. "i hope there ain't many such places," he muttered, as he took the paddle in hand; "'cause if there is, this old boat will suffer." but night was closing in, and, with the coming of darkness, the need of such extreme caution would pass. the wind too, was now blowing so strongly up the river that it was not necessary to use the extreme caution against making any noise while pushing his way along the bank. to kenton's disgust, he had gone a little more than a hundred yards further when he struck another of the very places he had in mind. it was twice as broad as the one he had flanked a few minutes before, and did not offer the slightest concealment. he checked the canoe, with the nose on the edge of the opening, and took several minutes to look over the ground and decide upon the best course to follow. to most persons it must seem like an excess of caution for kenton to hesitate to propel his boat across this open space when it confronted him. that there was any dusky foe crouching in the woods, with his eyes fixed upon that "clearing" in the water and watching for the appearance of kenton, was a piece of fine-spun theorizing that entered the realms of the absurd. it was preposterous to suppose anything of the kind. simon kenton was too much of a veteran in woodcraft to make such preposterous mistakes. but the unwelcome truth which stared him in the face was that he had been followed from the clearing, and the signal from the other side of the river, resembling the call of a crow, he believed referred to him. it looked as if there was an understanding between the shawanoe scouts on the ohio and those on the kentucky side of the river. as the matter stood, however, kenton decided not to drag the canoe among the trees again. in the gathering darkness he was liable to injure it beyond repair, and in a brief while the gloom itself would afford him the screen he needed. the wind stirred the water into wrinkles and wavelets along the shore, which rippled against the canoe and the end of the paddle when held motionless. further out in the river the disturbance was so marked that it would have caused some annoyance even to a strong swimmer. kenton's conclusion was to stay where he was for a brief while--that is, until the gloom increased sufficiently to allow him to paddle across the open space without the misgiving that now held his muscular arm motionless. sitting thus, with all his senses alert, he caught the distinct outlines of some large object on the surface of the river. it was moving with moderate swiftness from the ohio bank in a diagonal direction to the kentucky shore, making for a point but a short distance above where the ranger was waiting for a slight increase of darkness. a second glance identified the object as an indian canoe containing several occupants. but for the noise made by the wind and water he would have heard the dipping of the paddles, for there was no attempt in the way of secrecy of movement. "that looks as though they didn't 'spect none of us was in these parts," mused kenton, with considerable relief. "if the varmints thought sime kenton was loafin' anywhere near they'd be a powerful sight more keerful." since the new party were following a course which would ultimately take them up stream and nearer to the party of fugitives, the ranger decided to learn, if possible, something more of their intentions. a moment's thought convinced him that there was more risk in following the shawanoes in his canoe than on foot. he suspected the party intended to land. he could move with more freedom and effect among the trees, with liberty to return to his boat whenever he chose. accordingly, with hardly a moment's hesitation, he stepped out of the canoe again and drew the prow so far up the bank that there was no danger of its being swept away by the disturbed current. then, with the noiseless celerity for which he was noted, he moved along the shore in the direction of the camp, where soon after his friends gathered and anxiously awaited his coming. a disappointment came to the ranger. his supposition was that the shawanoes in the canoe would run in close to shore or paddle up the stream at so moderate a speed that it would be easy for him to overtake them, but for some reason or other she shot forward with a swiftness fully double what he expected. kenton's error, as will be seen, was in not sticking to his canoe, in which it would have cost him little effort to follow the other at a safe distance, ready to dart in under the protection of the overhanging limbs at the first danger of detection. "they won't land till they get to rattlesnake gulch, or above it," was his new conclusion, "and i'm throwing away time by dodging among the trees." men of the stamp of the ranger follow their decisions by instant action. turning about, he strode rapidly through the woods to the point where he had left his canoe but a short time before. to his consternation it was gone. hardly crediting his senses, he made hasty search, with the speedy confirmation of the astounding fact. he was too skilled in woodcraft to make any mistake as to the precise spot, just on the edge as it was of the open space which he hesitated to cross. whereas, the boat was there less than a quarter of an hour before, it was now nowhere in sight. inasmuch as he had taken pains to draw it far enough up the bank to prevent it being swept free by the current, only one conclusion was possible; a single shawanoe or more had taken it away. it may be doubted whether simon kenton in all his life was more chagrined, for he had been surprised and outwitted with a cleverness that was the keenest possible blow to his pride. when he disposed of the single warrior that attempted precisely the same trick upon him, the pioneer accepted that as an end of the matter. he did not deem it possible that a second danger of that nature could threaten him. what added special poignancy to his humiliation was the belief, formed without any tangible grounds, that the indian who had outwitted him was the shawanoe from before whom the canoe had been withdrawn while he was indulging in his afternoon siesta. this impression which fastened itself upon him, constituted the "most unkindest cut of all." but, angered, exasperated, and mortified as he was, simon kenton was not the man to waste the minutes in idle lamentation. since the first part of the former attempt to outwit him had succeeded, he felt there was no reason why the second part should triumph. he therefore started down the stream as rapidly as he could force his way in the darkness. there was no duplication, however, of the second part of the programme. whoever the dusky thief was that had withdrawn the canoe from the possession of the unsuspicious ranger, he was too wise to commit the fatal mistake of his predecessor. instead of loitering close in shore, he had taken to the clear water, or propelled the boat with a deft swiftness that placed him beyond all danger from the irate white man. so it was that the time quickly came when kenton paused in his blind pursuit, convinced that the craft was irrecoverably gone. "i'll be hanged if that varmint ain't a sharp one!" he muttered, with a feeling akin to admiration at the performance. "it ain't the first time sim kenton has been outwitted by his people, but it's the first time he had it played on him in that style." it was a serious blow to the scheme which the pioneer had formed for the deliverance of his friends; for, as will be seen, it destroyed all chance of transporting the women and children to the ohio shore in the canoe that had accompanied the flatboat a part of the way down the river. the roughness of the water under the high, steady wind might well cause the men to hesitate over the other plan that had been spoken of--that of swimming the stream and bearing the women and children with them. the project of constructing a raft upon which to float them over was open to the fatal objection that the watchful shawanoes were absolutely certain to discover it, and discovery could mean but one thing--not only those on the raft, but the men who might be swimming in the water, would be so utterly at the mercy of their enemies in their canoes that it would be but play to pick off every man, woman, and child. only one shadowy hope remained--the second canoe, which he hoped to find at the point where he had hidden it some weeks before, close to rattlesnake gulch. if that had remained undetected by the indians, it could take the place of the one he had just lost. pushing out in the gloom, kenton, with one at least of the rangers to bear him company, need have little personal fear, even if discovered by the shawanoes; for they could drive the boat as fast over the water as could the most skilful of pursuers, and the gloom or woods of the ohio shore once reached, all danger to them would vanish. but dare lie hope that such an opportunity would be presented to him? it would seem, that with their dusky enemies everywhere, some of them were certain to stumble upon the boat, though if they did so, it would be accident rather than design. there was only one way, however, of settling the matter; that was to learn whether the boat was where it had been left or where he hoped to find it. kenton pushed along the shore with a haste which at times approached recklessness; but, as he drew near rattlesnake gulch, he called into play his usual caution, even with the wind and darkness in his favor. with more anxiety than often troubled him, he groped his way to the spot where he had carefully hidden his canoe. his search, if quick, was thorough, and, alas! it told him the woeful truth that the second boat was as effectually beyond all possible reach as was the first one. chapter xiv. the intruder. it has been said that agnes altman, seated behind the boulder on the edge of the rude fortification near the river, was among the most alert of the pioneers that had taken refuge there until simon kenton could open the way for their escape across the ohio. to this fact may be ascribed the startling discovery she made that an indian warrior was crouching on the other side of the boulder, no more than three feet from where she was listening with intensest attention, and in this discovery she preceded all other members of the company. the shawanoe, indeed, was so close that it may be said the slight noise he made shut out the rustling of the wind and the rippling of the current against the bank, the overhanging branches and around the twisted roots along shore. she heard his body move along the surface of the rock, and, pressing her ear against it, caught the slight disturbance more distinctly. a solid substance, as every one knows, is a better conductor of sound than air, and the medium was of more help to her than she dreamed it could be. what particular thing her mortal enemy was doing she could not surmise, nor did it specially concern her to know at that moment; there could be no doubt that he was in a state of pernicious activity. the question which the maiden asked herself was, whether she should not acquaint george ashbridge with what she had learned. he was almost at her elbow, as has been explained, and, brief as was the time, several whispered conferences had taken place. but, if she should speak or move, the indian on the other side of the boulder would take the alarm and make off. this, it would seem, was the very thing which a young woman in her situation ought to desire above all others, but agnes thought the miscreant should not be allowed to escape in that manner, at least not before he and his people had been taught a well-needed lesson. she concluded to remain quiescent and await developments. the next thing decided upon may have been characteristic of her age and sex, but, all the same, it was a piece of recklessness almost the equal of the weakness shown when she placed the knife in the hand of the panther. she decided to peep over the top of the rock and learn what the shawanoe was doing. sufficient moonlight found its way among the branches to permit one to see indistinctly for a few feet. she was confident that she could give their enemy one quick glance and then drop back before he could do her harm. her heart beat a little faster than it was wont when, with the silence of a phantom, she began slowly raising her head, with her eyes fixed on the top of the rock, which she touched with her hands. before she reached the elevation in mind, she discovered the indian was doing the same thing, and, fortunately for her, was two or three seconds advanced with the action. the crown of the warrior, with the projecting eagle feathers, were as if they were a part of the darkness itself, so vaguely were they outlined in the gloom, though their identity was as clear to the girl as if the noon-day sun was shining upon the painted features. the head rose just high enough for the glittering eyes to peer over the horizon of the rock in the endeavor to learn something of the situation within the interior of the "fort." agnes was transfixed for a moment. she feared that if she sank lower, or changed her position, the indian would detect it and use his knife or tomahawk, and the same unspeakable dread prevented her crying out to warn george ashbridge or any of the others of their peril. she had no weapon of her own at command, and very probably it would have made no difference if she had, for she was but an infant before this terrible embodiment of strength, treachery and hate. but she felt she must do something to teach the miscreant the risk he ran by his daring act. groping silently with her right hand among and under the leaves, she managed to clutch some gravel and dirt, which, with a quick flirt, she intended to fling in the face of the indian. it would probably cause him some inconvenience and considerable surprise, though the weapon was too insignificant for him to make any use of it. the result of the novel demonstration can only be guessed, since the opportunity to try it passed at the moment agnes was ready to make the test. when in the act of drawing back her hand, the head of the shawanoe vanished as noiselessly as it had obtruded on the scene. it seems incredible that the savage could have gained any knowledge of the interior of the fortification or of the location of the defenders. the gloom was too deep to permit the use of any vision except that of the owl or cat. he had probably withdrawn to repeat his attempt at some other point. again, the marvelous delicacy of hearing told the girl that her enemy was in motion, not directly in front of the boulder, but on the left, in the direction of george ashbridge. she peered intently at that point, wondering how much longer she ought to remain motionless and mute, and on the point of calling, in a suppressed voice, to her lover, when something whisked by her elbow, too quickly or too dimly seen for her to comprehend at once what it meant. then it flashed upon her. "george!" she called, in an undertone, so full of dread and terror that he was at her side in an instant. "what's the matter? what has happened?" "there's an indian within the inclosure!" "impossible! you are mistaken!" "i saw him this minute." "where? tell me how it was!" he whispered, seizing her hand, and quick to catch her excitement. "i saw the top of his head peeping over this very rock in front of me. i was about to call to you, when he dropped down again. the next moment he passed over the spot where you are. he did it so quickly and silently that i heard nothing, and caught only the most shadowy glimpses of him." "can it be possible? i cannot dispute you, and yet--" a tall figure, walking erect, assumed form in the gloom, and was upon the startled lovers before they were aware of it. young ashbridge was in the act of bringing his rifle to a level, when weber hastings spoke. "not too fast, younkers. i'm afeared i didn't do the best thing in the world, when i placed you two so near each other." "no matter where you placed her," replied the youth, "you did a good thing for the rest. she has sharper eyes than any of us, for she has seen what nobody else saw." "what's that? what's that?" "within the last three minutes," said agnes, "one of the shawanoes passed by this boulder behind which i have been sitting, and is now somewhere within the inclosure. oh, i wonder if he means any harm to your folks, george, or mine!" and spurred by her new terror she hurried across the brief intervening space to where her mother and miss altman were sitting trembling, and occasionally whispering in the darkness. thank heaven! no harm had befallen them, and since there was no call for her to return to george ashbridge and weber hastings, she remained with those that were so near and dear to her. "them varmints are gettin' pow'rful sassy," was the comment of hastings, who, now that the truth was known, seemed to lose all the excitement he had first shown. "you don't think the gal was mistook?" "i am sure she was not." "so am i; stay right here where you be, while i look around for that varmint; keep a lookout yourself, for he may try to sneak out this way." "all i want is a chance at him." "that's right--helloa!" it so happened that jim deane, fully recovered from the effects of the rattlesnake antidote he had taken earlier in the evening, was on guard at a point almost opposite where agnes altman had made her alarming discovery. instead of being sheltered by boulders and rocks, he had lain down behind some branches and logs, which he himself had helped place in position weeks before, when he and his companions were caught in their desperate straits. stretched at full length upon his face, with one hand grasping the barrel of his rifle in front and hearing nothing, he felt something softly touch his foot. the ranger did not speak or move a limb, but with rare cleverness, suspected the astonishing truth; one of the shawanoe had entered the fort and was making a tour of inspection. the miscreant would offer harm to no one until he had gathered the knowledge he sought. then he doubtless meant to deal some swift, terrible blows with his knife, and make off before anything could be done in the way of punishment. the ranger turned his head and peered over his shoulder behind him. lying flat on the ground, while the one that had touched him was on his feet, the advantage was with the white man. the almost impalpable outlines of a crouching figure that had paused upon touching his foot was revealed, and all doubt vanished from the mind of deane. his posture, as will be perceived, was an awkward one compared with that of the shawanoe. it was necessary for the white man to change it before he could assume the offensive, and during the making of that change was the time for the hostile to get in his effective work. the possibility of his doing so caused no hesitation on the part of jim deane. he flirted himself upon his back, snapped his feet beneath his body, and came to a standing position in a twinkling. in the act of doing so, he cocked his rifle. the click of the hammer warned the intruder of his danger. his situation was not one in which to make a fight, and he turned to flee. the white man heard him, and dashed through the gloom to gain sufficient sight to warrant a shot. the fugitive must have been as familiar with the ground as was his pursuer, for he showed no hesitation as to his course, nor did he give any evidence of blundering. he was so near the side of the inclosure that he had to run but a few steps when he made a leap which lifted him several feet above the obstruction, and it was this temporary elevation which gave the ranger the chance he was seeking. at the moment the figure was at the highest point of the arch, with his feet gathered beneath him, the ranger brought his gun to his shoulder and let fly. a flash, a resounding report, a rasping shriek that resounded through the woods, and the shawanoe sprawled forward on his face, with his hands clutching the leaves and dirt, and then all was still. "that 'ere varmint ought to have knowed that 'cause a man happens to git bit by a rattler and takes an over-dose of antidote, it ain't no reason for stubbin' your toe agin him, and thinkin' he's forgot how to shoot off a gun." "you managed that purty well, jim," quietly remarked weber hastings, appearing that moment at his elbow. "glad to see you don't forget to reload as quick as you kin." "i larned that long ago; wonder if there are any more of the varmints 'bout." "if there is, they'll be a little more keerful, but there's no saying what'll be the next thing--sh!" through the arches of the forest stole the soft, tremulous notes of a night bird--so faintly heard that even the trained ears of the ranger could do no more than guess the distance. "that's kenton," he remarked, in a guarded voice; "i'm powerful glad of it, for now something will be done." chapter xv. a dark prospect. weber hastings waited only a few seconds after hearing the soft, tremulous bird call that stole among the leafy arches, when he replied with an imitation so exact that it might well have been mistaken for an echo of the first. nothing more was done, for that was sufficient. groping around among the "hornets' nests," as kenton declared it to be, eluding the shawanoes, who seemed to be everywhere, the pioneer found it impossible to locate his friends, until, as a last resort, he had recourse to the signal, which he knew would be recognized by hastings, provided it could be projected to him. ten minutes later, the pioneer appeared within the enclosure as silently as if he had risen from the very earth. he sat down on the ground to consult with hastings after his arrival had been made known to the rest. he would have willingly talked to them all, had it been feasible, but the exciting incidents a brief time before proved that not a man could be spared from his station. there was no certainty as to the schemes of the shawanoes, and nothing less than the utmost vigilance could save the fugitives. "what do you think of things?" inquired hastings, the moment they were alone. "they look bad--powerful bad; fact is, i don't see how they could look much worse." "how did you make out?" "didn't make out at all," growled the ranger, not yet recovered from his keen disappointment; "i went back to the clearin', and yanked out that canoe from right under the nose of one of them varmints; when i had fetched it purty near here, i left it a few minutes to reckynoiter, and when i went back i'll be hanged if the same varmint hadn't yanked it back agin." he made no reference to the first affair, which resulted in a fatal failure to the indian attempting it. that didn't count in the light of the success which followed it. "of course, you hadn't any chance of getting it back again, or you'd done it?" "you're correct; it was growing dark, and, though i hunted powerful lively for the varmint, i didn't get the first show for drawin' a bead on him." "you said somethin' about another canoe of your'n that you hed among the bushes some time ago, near where we are now." "i found the spot, but didn't find no canoe; the varmints had been ahead of me; i shouldn't wonder, now, if the boat which i seed comin' over from the ohio side was the identical craft that i was looking for." kenton indulged in a forceful exclamation, for the occasion was one of the rare ones in which his chagrin and self disgust became intolerable. nevertheless, he was very much of a philosopher, and soon talked with all his self-possession, betraying a hopeful vein in his composition which did much to sustain him in the great trials to which he was subjected in later years. "i counted on two boats," he added, "and did git one; now, i haven't got any. but it don't do any good to kick." "no," assented his companion; "we must make the best of it." "though there doesn't seem to be any 'best' about the bus'ness. haven't heard anything of boone since i left you?" "not a word." "a good deal depends on what he says. he went more among the varmints than i did, though i found 'em plenty 'nough--confound 'em! but boone is wiser than me. i don't think the varmints hate him quite as bad, and that gives him a better show for learning what they're up to." "the ingins must have one or two canoes," suggested hastings, hinting at a scheme that had assumed form in his mind. "i know what you mean, web. there ain't no one that would try it quicker'n me, if i had the least chance." "you stole a boat from one of 'em not long ago." "but the varmint was asleep, and there was only that one. here there's twenty of 'em at least--most likely more--and every varmint of' em is as wide awake as if he had been asleep seventeen years and a half. no," grimly added the veteran, "there ain't nothin' that would suit the varmints better than to have sime kenton try to steal one of their canoes from' em. the style in which they would lift his hair would be beautiful. they'd be powerful glad to give me a chance if they believed i'd try it." "wal," remarked hastings, with a sigh, "it looks to me as if it's going to be the same game over again that jim deane and the boys had played on 'em some months ago, 'cepting there won't be half the chance there was then." "why not?" "wal, with them there war'nt nobody beside themselves and all knowed how to fight, and they did fight, too--there's no mistake. but we've got two women, a likely gal and a little girl, and of course there isn't one of us that'll knock under or run as long as they're above ground." "of course not; them's the sentiments of every one of us." "when daylight comes the varmints will be on all sides of us. they can keep behind the trees and pick off one of us whenever he shows his head." "they can do a great deal better than that," suggested kenton. "how?" "starve us out; we have eat nothin' since leaving the clearin', though that time is so short it don't count, but there isn't a mouthful of food in this party, and no way of getting it." "it does look bad," remarked hastings, feeling deeply the views expressed by his companion. "i wish boone would come, so him and me could agree on something to try, whether it will win or not." simon kenton was not the man to sit down and fold his hands in despair, no matter how desperate the situation, but he had expressed the wish that was strong within him, that he might have the counsel of the man who was twenty years his senior, and who had turned his steps westward before kenton knew that kentucky and ohio existed. "i'm glad of one thing," added the pioneer, after a moment's pause, "and that is, that this arrangement of yours is open on the side toward the river." "jim said that was done so as to give him and the boys a chance for the last plunge. if they hadn't done that them three chaps never would have seen the sun rise again." "it may come to the same thing when there's only two or three of us left. helloa! who's this?" it was mr. altman, who, knowing where the two were in consultation, ventured to approach them, doing so with an apology. "i have no wish to intrude," he added, "but i am disturbed over one matter, kenton, about which i would like to ask a question or two." "what's that?" inquired the scout. "when you left us this afternoon you took my servant jethro with you, but i have seen nothing of him since you came back." "i'll be hanged if i hadn't forgot all about that younker!" "did you bring him back with you?" "no; and i'm doubtful if you see him ag'in--leastways not very soon." he then told all he knew about the fellow, his master listening, as may well be supposed, with the deepest interest. keenly as he regretted the misfortune that had befallen the stupid fellow, he saw that no possible blame could be placed upon any one beside the youth himself. "if he happens to fall into the hands of the shawanoes, it will go hard with him," remarked mr. altman, with a shudder. "so it will, so it will," repeated kenton; "the varmints never fancy them of his color, and they've good reason to hate him." "i heard that he did a powerful lot to help you folks," remarked hastings. "i should say he did; whenever one of the varmints was hit, you could make up your mind that it was the darky that done it. he had the confoundest luck, and at the same time can shoot a gun as well as boone, or you or me. but worse than all that, he was the means of catching the panther himself, and nearly pounded the life out of him." "wouldn't the chief like to lay hands on him?" said altman. "much as he hates me and the rest of us, i think he would give any two for the sake of that darky. if he once gets hold of him it won't be any shootin' bus'ness, but col. crawford over agin." the thought was a depressing one, but all were powerless to help the fellow, and the consciousness of the fearful danger which hung over all was a hundredfold sadder. the ashbridges and altmans saw the nearest and dearest ones on earth in the most imminent peril of their lives, and, so far as human agency was concerned, none were able to extend a helping hand. "i've a feeling," remarked hastings, after thomas altman had withdrawn to his station, "that whatever is done to help these folks has got to be done this very night." "there ain't no speck of doubt about it--helloa, who's this?" a second form approached them through the gloom. dimly seen though it was, something in the gait or manner told kenton who it was. "is that you, dan'l?" "yes," replied the veteran, quietly sitting down near them as though he had been absent but a few minutes. "i had a hard time to find you, and was on the p'int several times of 'calling.'" "why didn't you do it? i did." "there are too many injins in the woods. i heerd 'em 'calling' to each other more than once, and it was all i could do to keep from bumpin' aginst 'em. if i had signaled, some of 'em would have answered, and things might have got mixed. i 'spected where you was, and therefore knowed the right spot to look." "as i didn't, i 'called,' and come through all right. wal, dan'l, as you say, the varmints are powerful plenty in these parts. since you and me hadn't any trouble gettin' into this fort, as jim deane calls it, it follers that if the varmints should try it they would find it jest as easy." "so they won't," remarked hastings; "but one of 'em found it rather risky gettin' out agin." "i heerd a gun go off a while ago," said boone, as though the matter had little interest to him. hastings related the occurrence which resulted in the death of the dusky intruder, and kenton gave an account of what he had done, or, rather, attempted to do, for he was more unsparing in condemning his failures than his worst enemies would have been. "now, dan'l," remarked his younger friend, "the past ain't of any 'count; it's the present, the now, that we've got to take care of. what do you think the varmints mean to do?" "wait where they are till mornin', and then begin shooting." "and if they can't pick us all off, keep us here till we're starved out?" "there ain't any doubt of that." "i agree with you, daniel; therefore, whatever we do for the folks has got to be done afore sun-up." "that's as true as gospel." "how many of the varmints are there?" "there seemed to be about twenty, more or less, this afternoon, but toward night some others come from 'cross the river, i reckon, as there must be all of thirty." "who has charge of 'em, daniel?" "that painted imp they call wa-on-mon, or the panther." chapter xvi. simon kenton in a panic. it was no surprise to simon kenton to learn that his old enemy, the panther, was at the head of the formidable war party that were plotting with so much success against the pioneers. he had suspected the truth before he learned it from boone. the fact removed the last vestige of suspicion any one might have held as to the motive of the chieftain in failing to accept the challenge of kenton to mortal combat. wa-on-mon had made haste to hunt up the war party of shawanoes that he must have known were in the vicinity, well aware that with them at his beck and call he could strike a thousandfold more effective blow than by the simple overthrow of kenton, accompanied by the disablement of himself. the ferocious leader was perilously near success, and it looked as if nothing could extricate the fugitives from destruction. the reader need not be reminded that it was the presence and care of the four females that was a mortal handicap to the brave men who had set out to conduct them to the block-house up the river. had they been already there, the pioneers and rangers would have given the shawanoes a hot fight, and driven them off with the loss of more than one of their bravest leaders. from what has been already made known, it will be seen that it was not a hard thing for a friend or enemy to enter the rough inclosure which had been dignified with the name of fort. the discovery of the shawanoe's presence was in the nature of an accident; but for agnes altman he might have wandered almost at will among the men on guard, and, having learned all he had set out to learn, stole away without detection. kenton and boone reversed the method when they appeared on the scene. they had but to make themselves known (an easy matter, since they were expected) to receive a welcome. at the same time they avoided detection by the indians, who were hovering on all sides. it has been shown that, in a certain sense, one part of the fortification was open, since nothing in the nature of a defence interposed between it and the river. the presumption was, that in this direction one would have a fair chance of stealing away undiscovered. the fact, however, that such an opening presented itself was proof that it was under close surveillance. possibly, in the gloom, some of the most skilful of the rangers, by swimming under water a long way, might elude the vigilance of the shawanoes, but the attempt would be fatal to any one of the females, and to more than one of the men. kenton, boone and hastings held what might be considered a council of war, since the fate to all concerned depended upon the result of the conference. "there seems but the one chance," remarked boone, after each had expressed his views, "and that's a powerful slim one." "so must every chance be," commented kenton. "from what we've learned to-night any one of us three can sneak out of this place and off in the woods. if that's so, what's to hinder two or three doing it, by treading on each other's heels?" "nothin'," was the prompt response of hastings. "'spose, then, that i try it to the right and simon to the left; 'spose that each of us takes two persons with him and that they are females?" "and if you should get through the lines with 'em?" asked hastings. "that's all we want; once clear of the varmints, and with the better part of the night afore us, the road to the block-house will be so clear that sun-up will find us all there." kenton did not like this plan, and said so. "it won't work," he asserted, with quiet emphasis. "you and me, dan'l, might get through the lines, 'cause we've both done it this very night, but we couldn't take a woman or gal with us." boone held unlimited faith in the woodcraft of his friend, and meant to leave the decision of the question with him. kenton condemned the scheme from the first; therefore it was abandoned. "i've nothing more to offer," said the elder pioneer, disappointed by the emphatic veto of the other; "there seems but one thing left for us--to stay here and fight it out with the varmints to-morrow. we can drop some of 'em, and mebbe the panther will be among 'em, but there won't be one of us left to rej'ice over his going under." kenton held his peace for several minutes. his companions knew he was thinking intently and that something, desperate though it might be, would come from it. neither boone nor hastings could offer the first suggestion; they could only wait for their athletic companion to counsel or to act. without a word, kenton rose to his feet. the others did the same, even though their erect position offered a tempting target to any prowling enemies who might succeed in entering the inclosure. "dan'l, take my gun," said the younger ranger, impressively; "if i never come back, keep it in remembrance of the many times you and sime kenton have been on the trail together." "i'll do it, simon," replied boone, accepting the weapon. "but," interposed hastings, with a nervousness he could not conceal, "can't me and boone be of help to you?" "not the least; i must go it alone this time." "but let us know what you're going to try to do." "when you and me were talking awhile ago, hastings, you remember i said there warn't no chance of stealing any canoe in these parts belonging to the varmints; you remember that?" "of course." "all the same i'm going after the canoe i seed crossing the ohio just as it was getting dark. i don't b'leve i'll get it, or if i do that i can make any use of it." boone was impelled to interpose, for understanding the hopeless character of the attempt, it distressed him unspeakably to have his brave friend sacrifice himself. the elder, however, held his peace. he knew that kenton had weighed all the chances, and the time for protest had passed. "stay right where you are," said the younger, moving as coolly and deliberately as though making ready to retire for the night. "it ain't likely the varmints will try to disturb you afore morning, but you know better than to trust 'em. if i ain't back afore daylight you'll never see me ag'in, and god help you all." he wrung the hand of each in turn, and facing toward the river and assuming a crouching posture, vanished as silently as a shadow in the gloom, not another word falling from the lips of the two whom he had left behind, until considerable time had elapsed. having stripped for the fray, as may be said, by leaving his cumbersome rifle behind, kenton approached the edge of the river with the utmost circumspection. suspecting, as he did, that the shawanoes had left this point open for the very purpose of inviting such an attempt as he had in view, he was too wise to neglect every precaution to keep it secret. if by any remote possibility he should succeed in his daring purpose, it could only be by keeping his enemies in ignorance of his movements, at least up to the point of decisive action on his part. he therefore availed himself of every screen that could be used to hide his body, and advanced for several rods, more after the fashion of a serpent gliding over the ground than of a man stealing forward on his hands and knees. more than a quarter of an hour was consumed in passing this slight distance. patience is a cardinal virtue with men of his profession, a moment's undue haste often undoing the work of hours. when at last he was able to reach out his hand and dip it in the cool waters, he was quite certain that none of the shawanoes suspected what he had accomplished. at this crisis several conditions united to help the intrepid scout. the wind still blowing strongly up the river rustled the vegetation, and whipped the surface of the river into wavelets that veiled other sounds, and helped to conceal any disturbance of the water. a glance at the sky showed the moon hidden by clouds, but the keen survey of kenton told him that they would soon float past the face of the orb, leaving it to shine with greater strength than before. there was not a moment, therefore, to spare. he was still flat on the ground, not daring to raise his head more than a few inches. with the same indescribable movement he glided from the land into the water, sinking quietly and heavily below the surface as though he were an iron statue. close to the shore the depth was shallow, but he secured enough freedom of movement to work his way quickly into deep water, where he was at home. swimming with prodigious power and skill, wholly beneath the surface, he turned on his back and allowed his nose to rise just high enough to give him one deep inhalation, when he sank again. with the water crinkled and disturbed by the strong wind, the keenest-eyed indian, peering out from the undergrowth along shore, would have discovered nothing upon which to hinge the faintest suspicion. after another long swim, without the power to breathe, kenton allowed his head to come up and opened his eyes. as he anticipated, the moon was just emerging from the mass of drifting clouds, and the increasing light, spreading over forest and river, considerably extended his area of vision. confident that his departure was unknown to any of the lurking shawanoe scouts, he scrutinized his surroundings with more confidence than he would have felt had it been otherwise. he could trace the dark outline of the shore he had just left, or rather the mass of trees and branches were clearly stamped against the background of sky. above and below rippled the river in the dim moonlight, while a wall of indistinct blackness masked the ohio shore. somewhere along the bank, which he had left but a brief while before, nestled the canoe he had set out to find and bring to a point where it could be used to help deliver the pioneers from their perilous environment, and, without giving another thought to the impossibility of success, he grimly resolved to do his utmost, no matter if certain death was to be the result. prudence required him to wait until the moon was obscured. masses of vapor were continually passing in front of it, and he had to wait only a few minutes when the gloom permitted the attempt. with the same cool promptness he swam toward shore, until the distance he had in mind was passed. then carefully measuring the space, he sank below the surface again. the precaution seemed unnecessary, but such trifles sometimes decide the question of life and death. not the slightest misgiving remained, when he noiselessly raised his head beneath the overhanging branches, that his departure and return were suspected by a single shawanoe. and yet he was only on the threshold of his enterprise. the real work now confronted him. having come in to shore at a point considerably above where he had left it, kenton hoped the canoe for which he was searching was below him. he therefore decided to continue his hunt in that direction. with the advantage gained, he required but a short time to do this, the result being a mistake on his part. he saw nothing of the craft. he was about to turn again when he looked out upon the river, where the moon was shining with unobscured light. he gave a start, and peered through the parted bushes a second time, and, as he did so, he received the greatest shock of his life. never before or after that eventful night did he go through so astounding an experience. so terrified indeed was the brave ranger by what he saw, that, forgetful of the shawanoes, the imperiled fugitives, and everything except his own panic, he dashed through the intervening space, and, bursting into the inclosure where he had left his friends, called in a husky undertone: "boys, we're lost! we're lost! there's a ghost coming up the river!" chapter xvii. a run of good fortune. we have now reached a point in our narrative where it once more becomes necessary to follow the fortunes of jethro juggens, whom we were obliged to leave in anything but a pleasant situation. after a rather stirring experience in the cabin of mr. ashbridge, whither he had gone in total disregard of the instructions of simon kenton, he awoke to the fact that it would not do for him to tarry longer so far from his friends and exposed to so much personal danger. he must leave without further delay. the proof received of the presence of one or more shawanoes on the outside was too alarming for him to feel any of his old-time assurance in venturing across the clearing to the shelter of the surrounding forest. it will be remembered that he suddenly formed the decision to incase himself in armor, so to speak, by using one of the several boxes that had been brought down the river on the flatboat. filled with the scheme, he made ready for the extraordinary experiment. his plan was to invert one of the boxes over his head, and thus protected, stride across the open space to the woods; but second thought and considerable experimenting revealed difficulties which speedily became mountainous in their nature. "dat will be all right," he muttered, after he had emptied the box which had contained the food and some other articles; "but it's gwine to be a mighty bother to take dis ting and my gun too. den as long as i keep it ober my head i won't be able to see where i'm gwine; i may keep walkin' round in a circle for two, free days, and fotch up ag'in de doah ob dis house ebery time. i'll hab to make a peep-hole in front." to do this required work, but the pine wood was soft and his knife was sharp. vigorous use of the implement soon opened a hole two or three inches in diameter, through which he could obtain a good view of his immediate surroundings. "dat will work," he muttered, with some satisfaction, as he felt of the opening, and found he could pass his hand through it; "it's a little bigger dan i meant to make it, but if i see one ob de heathen p'intin' his gun toward me i can slip my head to one side. i'll try it." he lifted the receptacle over his head and shoulders, and found it fitted to a nicety. it could not have answered better had it been constructed for the express purpose of serving him as a shield. he cautiously peeped through the windows, and discovering nothing to cause misgiving, drew back the door sufficiently to allow him to pass through with his turtle-like protection. then he stepped forth upon the partially moonlit clearing, and, with considerable labor, inched along until perhaps a dozen feet distant from the building. his next act was to turn abruptly about and hasten back through the open door with such precipitation that he stumbled headlong into the room. "gorrynation! i's a big fool!" was his exclamation, and which, it is safe to say, none of his acquaintances would have disputed. to his dismay he made several disquieting discoveries. in the first place, when he attempted to look through the peep-hole it was not there. inadvertently he had put on the box in a reversed position, so that the opening was behind him. he attempted to shift the box about, but it would not work well. at the same moment he became aware that he had forgotten to bring his gun with him, and, worst of all, a sudden conviction flashed upon him that the soft pine in which he was enveloped was not strong enough to stop the course of a bullet. therefore the wood was no protection at all. these causes combined to throw the dusky youth into a panic, which sent him and the box crashing through the door before his novel experiment was subjected to a real test. "it won't work," was his decision; "i hab to show my feet, 'cause dey's de biggest part ob me, and if de heathens shoot dem off dey'll hab me dead suah." the only comfort he derived from the partial experiment was that nothing was seen or heard of the red men. it seemed to him that they would have made some demonstration had they observed him, and he was strongly tempted to make a dash for the wood, without encumbering himself with anything more than his gun. sufficient uncertainty, however, remained to hold him in check for a time, when, like an inspiration, a new suggestion forced itself into his brain. among the goods left behind in the cabin by the pioneers in their flight toward the block-house was considerable bedding, mostly in the shape of sheets, quilts and blankets. why not swathe himself in these instead of using the awkward and cumbersome box? the more he thought of the plan, the more he was pleased. he could wrap the tough linen sheets about his figure until the thickness would be doubly as effective as the wood. he could gather them round his head so that they would project above and protect it, and let them descend so low that his feet would be well armored and still leave opportunity to use them. he could readily carry his gun and leave a space in front of his eyes through which to make observations. what was to prevent the complete success of the plan? "nuffin," he muttered, answering his own question. "i'll put so many ob dem sheets 'round me dat dey can bang away all night widout hurtin' nobody. den, i've been told dat injins am mighty skeery, and dey may take me for a hobblegoblin or ghost." absurd as the scheme of jethro juggens may seem, it was not wholly lacking in merit. at any rate, he took but a brief while to turn it over in his mind, when he set to work to put it to a practical test. the toughness of the sheets made them preferable to the softer and more yielding blankets, and the youth decided to use them exclusively. each, of course, had been put together by deft hands and spinning-wheel, and was of firm, strong texture. jethro was so familiar with where these were stowed, through his work of loading and unloading, that he found no trouble when compelled to labor in total darkness. one by one the sheets were drawn forth, until six of them were tumbled upon the floor at his feet. he opened wide the door, that the faint moonlight should give help in arraying himself in his novel costume. then, making sure that the rifle was not forgotten this time, he wrapped himself round and round, again and again, until he resembled an enormous pillow stood on one end. he made sure that the folds projected above his hat, and would shut out all bullets that might hurtle against the unique helmet. at the same time the covering descended so low about his ankles that it trailed upon the ground, and portended disaster in case of haste upon his part. now that the essay was to be pushed to a conclusion, jethro was wise in taking every possible precaution. peering through the door, he scanned the clearing to the river, as it was revealed by the moon, which just then was obstructed by passing clouds. then he looked searchingly to the eastward, where, so far as he could tell, nothing threatened, and the same result followed a survey of the clearing in the opposite direction. lastly, he peered through the rear window where had been displayed the flag of truce which he dextrously appropriated to his personal use. this was the course he was inclined to take, and because of that he subjected it to the closest possible study. was it imagination, or did he really see the figures of one or two indians standing motionless on the edge of the wood, as if waiting for him to come forth and place himself within their reach? jethro stood intently watching them for some minutes, until in the obscured moonlight they vanished from sight. "guess dar ain't nobody dar," was his conclusion, as his spirits revived again; "anyway, i won't try to rout 'em out if dar is." the uncertainty caused him to change his intention and decide to advance toward the wood near where kenton had withdrawn the canoe from under the nose of the sleeping shawanoe. a vague feeling of security hung around the flatboat. the youth was accustomed to that, having spent so much time on it, and if he were driven to it as a refuge, was confident of making a good defence with the aid of his rifle. with that peculiar sensitiveness to little things which a man often displays in moments of danger, jethro paused after reaching the outside, and, making sure that the latch-string was drawn inward, carefully closed the door behind him. thus it was securely locked, and he reflected with a start that he had now burned his bridge behind him. if any enemies at that moment should charge upon him, he could not make use of the cabin, even though he stood near enough to it to reach it with his outstretched hand. so far as he saw, no danger confronted him, and he resolutely struck off in the direction he had in mind, instantly discovering that the pains he had taken to protect his feet and ankles seriously interfered with his locomotion. he could take only very short steps, and naturally became impatient with his slow progress. the figure that he cut was certainly grotesque to the last degree. his ample proportions were made much more ample by the many thicknesses of spotless linen in which they were arrayed. the folds, extended above his head, naturally added to his height, so that he suggested a ghostly giant mincing across the clearing to the river. the strangely good fortune which had accompanied the dusky youth did not desert him now when entering upon the most remarkable experience of his career. we have shown how he entered the cabin unchallenged, when, had he made the attempt a little earlier or later, assuredly he could not have escaped the bullet of one of the two indians in the vicinity. from what was afterward learned, the theory of kenton and boone was probably reasonably correct, though it did not fully explain all that took place. when kenton returned to the clearing toward the close of that day, there were two shawanoes lurking in the vicinity. it may have been that the panther, arranging the ambuscade further away at rattlesnake gulch, held a suspicion that the pioneers might turn back on their own trail and make a stand in the cabin, and he instructed these two warriors to remain and signal the fact to him, probably by some peculiar discharge of their rifles. while one of them was moving through the woods, the other remained near the canoe and fell into a doze. it was at this juncture that jethro juggens entered the cabin unobserved. soon after, the second indian returned to the neighborhood of the other, who had awakened, and noted with amazement the loss of the boat. one of these warriors set out to recover it, with what result has already been made known. the other remained in the vicinity of the clearing to watch things until his return. discovering the presence of one of the party in the building, but, without any means of knowing his identity, he set out to dislodge him. the voices which jethro insisted he heard outside the door could very well have been the voice of a single warrior, such subterfuges being among the most common with the american race. after the man[oe]uvring back and forth between this shawanoe and the youth, the former must have grown uneasy over the prolonged absence of his companion who had set out to recover the canoe. abandoning the cabin with one or more occupants, he hurried along the river bank. this enterprise was more successful than the other, for he recovered the boat without the slightest injury to himself. thus it came about that when jethro juggens emerged from the cabin, bandaged and swathed from above the crown of his head to the soles of his feet, the extraordinary precaution was useless, and he might have walked forth with the assurance of one who was master of the situation. but had he done so that which we have now to make known could never have taken place. chapter xviii. "it's an ill wind that blows nobody any good." although jethro juggens was not in the slightest danger of molestation by the shawanoes from the moment he emerged from the cabin and started across the clearing, he was not to escape all danger and a great scare. he chafed at the binding of the linen armor about his ankles. he was impatient to walk faster, and could not do so in that situation. his strength was great, but a hercules could not have overcome the obstacle without loosening it. glancing to the right and left and on all sides, and seeing nothing threatening, he decided to end the intolerable annoyance in the only way possible. he therefore stopped short and stooped over to loosen the bandages. but lo! it was impossible. his body was so confined that he could only make a slight inclination. the hands, which were partly covered, would not reach further than a point just above his knees. "i' clar to gracious!" exclaimed the alarmed jethro, straightening up like a jack-knife, "i's committed sooicide. i'll nebber be able to get my feet free. i'll hab to lib dis way de rest ob my life, and dat won't be berry long." but the first shock over, the truth gradually dawned upon him that inasmuch as he had wound himself up, he must possess the ability to unwind himself. all he had to do was to begin at the upper instead of the lower part of his body. "qu'ar i didn't tink ob dat," he said, with a chuckle at his own fright. it was the work of but a few minutes to unwrap his body and limbs, when he kicked his feet free, and "richard was himself again." by that time, however, he had entirely freed himself from the sheets, which he flung over his left arm, while he held his heavy gun in his right. "what's de use ob smotherin' myself to def," he muttered. "dar ain't no injuns 'round, and dar won't be--gracious hebben." from the edge of the wood, barely fifty feet away, a dark object issued and advanced straight upon him. "dat's de panther! i knows him by his face; he wants to git eben wid me 'cause i wouldn't 'low him to stick his foot in my mouf." forgetful of the effective weapon he had in his hand, jethro made a dash for the flatboat, his nearest refuge, and forgetful, too, of the voluminous folds over his arm, he tangled the lower ends about his feet and sprawled headlong to the ground. this completed the panic, and letting go of his rifle, he rolled over on his back and made desperate efforts to gather the mass of linen over his face and body, so as to protect him against bullet and knife and tomahawk, somewhat as a child covers its head at night to escape imaginary terrors. there was so much of the stuff that the armoring of his head and limbs was quite effective, but his feet were left wholly unprotected. the only recourse left was to kick, which he proceeded to do with a vigor that would have sent any man flying had he come within reach of the whirring pedals. when this had continued until jethro was tired, he concluded that the demonstration had frightened off his enemy. dropping his feet on the ground, he drew the covering of his face sufficiently to one side to permit him to peep forth. seeing nothing, he ventured to raise his head a little higher and to look around. the dark object that had thrown him into the panic was just disappearing from sight in the direction of the wood whence it came. there was enough moonlight at that moment for him to identify it. "by gracious! it am a bar! i done forgot dat i had my loaded gun and could hab drapped him easy. if any ob de folks had come 'long while i lay on my back kickin' at de sky, dey would hab tought i had a bone in my froat and didn't know what to do wid it." in all probability the bear, when he first appeared, intended to make an investigation, but the sight of a figure, smothered in sheets and with his feet thrumming in the air like a couple of drum sticks, must have frightened bruin into leaving the strange animal alone. jethro was disposed to make chase after the animal and bring him to account, but reflection showed the unwisdom of allowing any diversion to interfere with the plain dictates of duty. "dar's no tellin' what trouble mr. kenton may hab tumbled into widout habin' me dar to pull him out. de rest ob de folks don't know how to shoot injuns half as well as me." it was evident the youth felt quite proud of his exploits, and who can blame him? he surely had warrant for his pride. he had decided to pay a visit to the flatboat even though time was so urgent. it lay close against the bank, just as it had been left earlier in the day, after the cargo was removed. abandoning it before a chance was given to break it up, and with the vague hope that they might be permitted to turn it to account some time in the future, the pioneers offered it no harm, nor was it injured by the indians who, later, came upon the scene. jethro stepped over the heavy gunwale and looked about him with peculiar interest, for, as is well known, that craft was the scene of many stirring incidents during the preceding twenty-four hours. there was the long sweeping oar, balanced on a pivot at either end, with the handle reaching almost to the middle of the boat. that portion considered the stern (although in no respect did it differ from the bow) had the covered space, used as sleeping quarters for the females. at the other end was where the cooking was done. in the bottom lay the two long poles to be used in controlling the boat when necessary, and, groping about, jethro noticed the pieces of rope that had served to bind the panther, and which no one had deemed valuable enough to be removed. other pieces of board and a few fragments of articles were scattered around, but none was of any account. jethro flung down his big armful of linen at the bow, and, sitting upon them, gave himself over to characteristic meditation. there is no intellect so dull through which some bright thought does not now and then flash. it may come and go too quickly to be turned to account, but, all the same, it is that mystic throb which proves that all human souls are beating in unison with the divinity that created them. sitting thus at the prow of the flatboat, meditating upon the strange occurrences through which he had passed since leaving his old home in virginia, a scheme gradually assumed definite form in the brain of jethro juggens, whose brilliancy and originality startled even himself. and yet, when it comes to be analyzed, there was really nothing startling and brilliant in it. the wonder would have been, if any person, with a modicum of sense, could have held his place under similar circumstances and not thought of that which gradually worked its way into his consciousness. there were the poles used in handling the flatboat; there were bits of rope scattered about the bottom of the craft. he was sitting upon almost half a score of tough, thin sheets of linen; he was the possessor of a sharp knife and was dextrous in its use; and the wind was blowing almost a gale from the west, and therefore directly up stream; why not sail the flatboat up the ohio? this was the question which at first held the youth breathless with the very grandeur and magnitude of the scheme; but, as fully considered, it became simple and more practical. jethro was far from suspecting the real use to which his scheme could be possibly put. he knew and suspected nothing of the desperate straits in which his friends were placed at that very hour. he had an altogether different project in view. "dey're pickin' dar way frough de woods, whar it's dark, and habing all sorts ob trouble. dey can't see tings, and dat makes it wusser; de one dat's walkin' at de head will be sartin to hab a limb cotch him under his chin and raise him off his feet; den he'll feel like sw'aring, but will be afeared to do so, 'cause de heathen might oberhear him and stop him, and make him explanify de meanin' of his discumvations. "de tramp wouldn't be much if de sun war shinin' so dat dey could walk long widout steppin' on snakes. when dey see me come sailin' up de ribber, why, dey will be so pleased dat mr. altman won't--dat is, he won't obsist on my workin' so hard, and mrs. altman won't frow out so many digustin' hints 'bout de bigness ob my appertite." having labored up to his decision, jethro juggens threw away no time in carrying it out. it really seemed as if everything had been directed for the last hour or two to prepare this very course to him. the failure of the wooden box to serve him as an armor, and the resort to the sheets of linen, the turning of his steps toward the flatboat, and, above all, that strong, steadily-blowing west wind--many persons would have seen something more than a mere coincidence in these things, and who shall say that this view would not have been right? the task that presented itself to jethro juggens, though a hard one, was by no means impossible. his keen-edged knife soon fashioned excavations in the soft planking at the sides, through which he passed some of the pieces of rope and fastened one of the poles in an upright position, or nearly so, for he was wise enough to place it so that it leaned backward like the masts of ordinary sailing vessels. he secured this as strongly as he could, and then did the same with the second pole on the other side, and directly opposite the first. he had now two strong uprights or masts. he examined and tested them until certain that nothing more could be done to add to their firmness. then he set to work to knot or tie a number of the sheets together at the corners, until a sail was fashioned of the right dimensions, and this, in turn, was secured to the masts. he went about the business with that deliberation and care which marks the skilled workman. almost any one, placed as he was, would have been hasty, nervous and unfitted to do a good job. it would have been neglected at some point, and, consequently, disaster would have come at the beginning of the enterprise. jethro wrought as though such a thing as danger was not within a hundred miles, and that, too, when he had recently passed through some terrifying incidents. when the work was completed, he had a sail containing something like fifty square feet, the sheets secured together with no little skill, and the masts so strongly set that they could be relied upon, unless some unusual cause interfered with them. the only probable contingency to cause misgiving was the wind. that would not always blow from the west, and it might cease within an hour, or even less time. "it may get contrary," reflected jethro, "and turn de oder way; if dat am de case, dis old boat will go kitin' down de ohio till we strike de massissip--and den--i done forgot what dat riber runs into, but if i discomember incorrectly, it am de red sea; don't want to go dar, so i'll jump ober board, if i can't stop de boat, and take to de woods. "mebbe de gale will twist 'round and come from de souf; under dem sarcummentions de boat'll bang in 'mong de trees and smash tings. if mr. kenton had managed to got 'long when i ain't wid him, and mr. boone don't fall down and hurt hisself, why dem two might got de injins togeder and hold dem on de kentucky shore, while i run ober' em wid de flatboat. "dat would gib' em such a good squshin' dat dey wouldn't bother us for a good while. it happens, howsumeber, just now dat de wind am blowin' right, and we kin sail up de ohio as fur as we want, dat is," qualified jethro, "if we don't want to go furder dan de wind will took us--but why don't the old ting start?" the sail was spread, and the strong gale was impinging dead against it, and yet, strange to say, the flatboat remained as motionless as if sunk at the bottom of the river. chapter xix. a fellow-passenger. jethro juggens was alarmed on the very threshold of his strange enterprise by the threatened danger of failure. when everything was ready to start, the flatboat refused to stir so much as an inch. in the hope of helping matters, he swung the bow oar a number of times, so as to turn the head out in the stream. it moved a foot or two, and then became stationary, gradually working back to its former position. then he tried the same thing with the stern oar, accomplishing about as much as if he had attempted to overturn a rock. "dat beats de dickens!" muttered the puzzled youth, stopping to rest himself. "qu'ar de wind am jes' strong enough to hold de boat stock still. i guess i'll onwestigate." and, doing so, the mystery was speedily solved. he had forgotten to hoist the anchor, which lay imbedded on the bottom, on the outside of the boat near the stern. "i'll neber tell nobody dat," he said, ashamed of the blunder. lifting the heavy weight over his gunwale, he dropped it in the bottom of the boat, which immediately began gliding slowly up stream. with the aid of the long paddles, he easily worked the craft so far out in the stream that there was no danger of running into any of the overhanging limbs and vegetation. jethro did not make the mistake of paddling the flatboat into the middle of the current, which was so much stronger there as to impede, if not to check, its progress altogether. and, as before stated, there could be no saying how much longer this favorable wind would continue. the dusky youth overflowed with complacency when he sat down at the prow and noticed the satisfactory trend of events. he was within a dozen yards or so of the wooded bank, sometimes approaching still closer, in accordance with the configuration of the land. his desire to keep advancing, while the chance was his, led him to venture further in, in order to take advantage of the sluggish current. once or twice he felt a projecting root graze the bottom, and again the craft came almost to a standstill from partially grounding in a shallow portion. its momentum, however, carried it over into deeper water, when its speed instantly increased. seeing nothing for him to do, jethro seated himself at the bow, with his rifle resting in the boat near him, and his feet hanging over the water. "mr. kenton and boone and altman and ashbridge and all de rest ob de folks couldn't hab tought ob dis if dey had put their minds altogeder onto it. it was jethro juggens dat trotted out de idee. some folks tinks he ain't much more dan a fool, and mebbe he ain't, but he knows a ting or two, and when dey cotch sight--" at that instant the flatboat struck a shallow portion with such suddenness that it instantly stopped, and the youth, unprepared for the shock, sprawled overboard with a loud splash. nothing more serious than a shock and wetting resulted, and when he clambered to his feet the water did not reach to his knees. grasping the prow with his huge hand, and applying his prodigious strength, he easily forced the front of the boat into deeper water and swung himself over the gunwale. "dat sort of bus'ness am inconwenieut, and it musn't happen agin." several sweeps of the two oars, he grasped one in either hand, worked the craft sufficiently far from land to prevent any repetition of his mishap. then, caring naught for his moistened clothing, he sat down at the prow again. the boat was moving steadily up stream, with more speed, indeed, than it had ever shown descending it. so long as the strong wind blew from the west this progress would continue. the moon, veiled at intervals by the drifting masses of clouds, sometimes revealed the trees on his right sweeping backward and occasionally, when the light was wholly unobstructed, he could catch the dim shadowy outlines of the ohio shore. not only was the water rippled by the bow of the boat as it forced its way forward, but it was broken into tiny chopping seas by the action of the gale. the roving eyes detected no sign of life in any direction. the gloom was not pierced even by the starlike twinkle of some indian campfire or signal light, but the dull boom of a rifle report, rolling over the river from the direction of rattlesnake gulch, proved that life, fierce, alert and vigilant, still throbbed with terrifying intensity. it so came about that the second shawanoe, he who succeeded in recapturing the canoe from simon kenton, was returning in the direction of the clearing. the sagacious warrior knew the ranger would be quick to discover the theft of his property, and would make search for it. only by the utmost care and skill could he escape an encounter with the terrible scout, whom he held in unspeakable dread. it was natural, therefore, that he should give his closest attention to the shore he was skirting, confident that that was the only direction whence danger could come. so, while the canoe skimmed the water, he held his gaze on the bank, and watched and listened with the acuteness of long training. "who dar?" the question was asked in a sepulchral voice, and would have startled the bravest man. the head of the indian whirled about like a flash, and he saw that which, it is safe to say, no member of his race had ever seen--an ohio flatboat gliding up stream, with a broad spread of white sail, and moving with a noiselessness of death itself. more than that, it was almost upon him. only by dextrous work could he save himself from being run down. less than a dozen feet separated them. [illustration: the phantom boat.] glancing at the frightful object, the shawanoe observed the figure of a sturdy, broad-shouldered man, standing near the bow with his rifle in his grasp. the sight was more than he could stand. with a frantic sweep of his paddle he drove the canoe like a swallow against the bank, leaped out and dashed into the woods. "dat chap acts as dough he am scared," remarked jethro, in doubt whether or not to fire; "de next time, i 'spose, i oughter shoot fust and den make my obspectful inquiries afterward." the incident was hardly over when to the surprise and disappointment of the youth the progress of the boat began to slacken, soon ceased, and then it slowly floated down stream. the wind had died out more suddenly than it had risen. he quickly dropped the anchor overboard. "wonder how fur i've come," he thought, peering at the bank and unable to locate himself; "reckon i must hab come fifteen or twenty miles--but dat can't be either, for de folks at de block-house would hab seen me if i didn't see dem--hulloa! dat chap must tink he knows me; it ain't him after all." the canoe which had shot under the bank so suddenly, now emerged again and paddled straight towards the flatboat, only a short distance away. the action so startled the dusky youth that he would have acted upon his own suggestion of firing before asking any questions, had he not perceived that the occupant was a white man. "dat can't be mr. kenton or boone," mused jethro, closely studying the stranger. "no, it am somebody dat hasn't de honor ob my obquaintance. him and me ain't neber met afore." as the individual came closer and was more plainly shown in the dim moonlight, he was seen to be a sturdy man in middle life, dressed much the same as mr. ashbridge and altman--that is, with more regard for the fashions of the age than was shown by men like boone and kenton. "good evening," he called, nodding his head in salutation; "may i come aboard?" "who am yo'? am yo' name girty?" asked jethro, in doubt whether to permit the man to join him, now that his canoe was near enough to permit him to do so. his appearance was pleasing, and his voice had a hearty ring about it, but the african, since he was master of the situation, felt he could not be too careful of his company. the stranger laughed at the question asked him, and replied: "bless me, that's the first time i was ever taken for mr. girty. you seem to be alone on the boat." jethro suspected this to be a trick meant to make him unmask his weakness. he was not to be caught that way. "no, sah! dar's whar yo's mistooken, sah. dan'l kenton and simon boone, and 'leven oder gemman am in dis boat wid me, and if yo'----" "tut, tut," interrupted the stranger, with another laugh, so genial in its character that it disarmed the youth. "'scoose me; i meant to say dat dem folks would like to be wid me." "my son, you and i are the best of friends; you surely have no misgiving regarding me; my name is finley." and, with this remark, he stepped over the gunwale and cordially shook the hand of jethro, who was won by his looks and manner. he helped fasten the canoe at the side of the flatboat, and invited the visitor to seat himself upon the remaining sheets at the stern, an invitation that was so agreeably accepted that jethro was certain he had never met so delightful a gentleman. there may be some among my readers who have recognized the name of the man who paddled out in the canoe as among the most honored in the early history of the west. he was james b. finley, the famous missionary, whose career is one of the brightest pages among the many stained by cruelty, vice and crime. for years he carried his life in his hands, traversing the vast stretches of wilderness with rifle over his shoulder, living on the game brought down by his own marksmanship, or what he could obtain in the lodges of the red men or the cabins of the pioneers. he slept in the woods, freezing by the lonely campfire, or sweltering in the smothering heat of the summer sun. and wherever this devoted man went, he carried the message of his master. he labored unceasingly in his vineyard, illustrating precept by his own example, and winning many to the right way, not only among the rough bordermen, but from among the fierce warriors themselves. without turning aside in this place to refer more fully to rev. mr. finley, the interesting fact should be recalled that it was under his exhortation that simon kenton, years subsequent to the events we are now recording, professed conversion, and became a deeply devout man. the missionary showed his tact by making no reference to the tremendous falsehood he had just brought home to jethro juggens. laying his hand in a fatherly way upon the shoulder of the youth, he remarked: "you will believe me, my son, when i tell you i am surprised." "yes, i offen s'prise folks." "what is your name, please?" jethro answered all his questions truthfully and respectfully, so that in a few minutes the gentleman gained a fair understanding of the incidents in which the colored youth had been involved during the past few days, and which placed him in his present extraordinary situation. "i have seen a great many flatboats pass down the river," remarked mr. finley, at the close of the interesting narrative, "but this is the first time i ever saw any go up stream." "yes, i tinked i'se begun de fashine." "but why is it you are at rest?" "'cause de anchor am drapped overboard." "but don't you notice that the wind is blowing again, and the boat will move readily." jethro had not observed the fact until his friend reminded him of it. then he made haste to hoist the anchor, and once more the flatboat resumed its singular voyage up the ohio. chapter xx. war's strategy. even after considerable more conversation than has been recorded, jethro juggens and the missionary had much to learn of each other. the youth was especially puzzled to understand how it was that almost immediately following the flight of the shawanoe in the extremity of panic, the good man should have paddled out to the flatboat in the canoe that had been so hurriedly deserted. "that was a curious circumstance," said mr. finley, musingly; "sit down beside me and i will tell you about it." "i's bery glad to do so," replied jethro, placing himself at a respectful distance from the good man, "if you don't tink i had better keep a lookout dat we don't run by the block-house afore we knows it." "my dear boy, we are still a long way from that. have no fear. from what you have told me i see you understand that sad times are coming between the white people and the indians of this region." "yes, sah." "i and many of my friends have been expecting it for weeks and months past, and have done all we could to prevent the dreadful state of things that is now at hand." "how was it you tried to prevent it?" asked jethro, feeling that he ought to say something when the missionary paused; "was yo' idee to get all de injuns togeder, tie' em fast to de trees, and den let the trees fall down on 'em and mash 'em?" "no, we had a better plan than that," gravely replied the missionary, making sure the youth did not see the flitting smile; "i went among the different tribes and talked with the chiefs and leaders, and strove in every way possible to show them not only the wickedness of going upon the war-path, but that in the end they themselves must be the chief sufferers." jethro juggens turned his head and stared at the speaker in amazement. "and did yo' go right 'mong de heathen all alone by yo'self?" "that's the only way in which i could have gone. they would not have allowed me to have any companions, for that would have shown i distrusted them." "wal, didn't yo' obstrust them?" inquired the youth, to whom the whole business was a mystery. "i cannot deny that i felt i was in danger of violence at times, but when i took up the work of my master i expected that, and therefore was not disappointed. if it was the will of heaven that i should yield my life at any time, i was always ready. you know, my son, that that is the true way to live." "yes, sah." "so it never caused me any discomfort. the only uneasiness a person should feel is whether he is ready for the call when it comes. well, to return to what you asked me about, it soon became clear to me that the worst sort of trouble was at hand. the indians have defeated the expeditions sent against them, until many believe our government is not strong enough to conquer them. they need a crushing defeat, just such as i am sure the next battle will be, before we can secure a lasting peace for the frontier. i was engaged in this business when i approached the ohio this evening. at the moment of reaching the river i caught sight of this boat and the ingenious arrangement you have made. i saw the terrified indian whom you hailed dash to shore and flee in mortal fright into the woods. "there was not enough light for me to recognize him," continued the missionary, speaking as though every person, american and caucasian, in that vast region was an acquaintance. "i called to him, but he paid no heed, and inasmuch as he had left his canoe behind him and i wished to cross the river, i thought i might as well call upon you." "what yo' want to cross de riber fur?" asked jethro, without reflecting that his question approached impertinence. "just now, i am looking for a chief known as wa-on-mon, or, as his own people call him, the panther." "do yo' know dat debbil?" demanded the amazed youth, springing to his feet and looking down in the face of the surprised missionary, who replied: "i have known him a good many years, have slept in his lodge, have fondled his two children, have hunted with him, and placed my life in his hands times without number." jethro could hardly express his astonishment at this information. aside from what he had seen of the fierce chieftain, he could not forget the character given him by simon kenton. in his way, he related the proposed duel to the death between the ranger and the leader of the shawanoes. mr. finley listened with the deepest interest, for he felt a strong attachment to both of the parties, and he cherished the hope that the fearful personal encounters between them would give way, sooner or later, to a more charitable, if not to a gentler feeling. "de reason de fout didn't take place," explained jethro, "was 'cause de panther got scared and runned away." the reply was, in effect, that which was made by daniel boone when discussing the question with kenton. "you are mistaken in supposing wa-on-mon was frightened; he is afraid of no man." "what den made him get skeered at mr. kenton?" "he did not. the panther's heart is full of bitterness toward the white people. he saw, by hurrying off, a chance to do greater harm to those whom he regards as intruders upon the hunting grounds of his people; that is why the two did not meet." "mr. kenton says de panther hab shot women and children, and done de wust tings dat you can tink of." "simon kenton is a truthful man." "and i know he hab tried to do a worser ting dan dat." "impossible! what can it be?" "he tried to step into my mouf when i war asleep." the brave old pioneer preachers were as full of humor as they were of tenderness or pathos. mr. finley threw back his head and shook with laughter, though it was noticeable that it was as silent as that of leatherstocking when that inimitable hero was amused with anything that took place in the woods. the missionary made the youth give him the particulars of the incident, and despite the tragic atmosphere by which it was surrounded, he appreciated its grotesque features. before he had grasped the whole occurrence he shuddered at the tempest of fury that he knew had been awakened to life in the breast of the terrible chieftain of the shawanoes. "to think of his being flung to the ground by this young man, of his being struck by him, and then bound and held for hours in captivity--ah, me! i pray that this colored youth may never fall into the power of wa-on-mon. much i fear that yesterday's events have so deepened the hatred of the chieftain, that the truth can make little impression upon his heart." by questioning and comment, mr. finley gradually gained an accurate idea of the perilous situation of the pioneers who were on their way to the block-house to escape the storm that was already bursting from the sky. the information, however, that he filtered through the brain of jethro juggens could not fail to be mystifying in more than one respect. thus he knew that the pioneers had started up the kentucky side of the river for capt. bushwick's block-house, and, before going far, had come to a halt, while kenton returned to the clearing in quest of the canoe that had been left there beside the flatboat. his natural object, it would seem, in taking this course, was to secure the smaller craft for use in transporting the women and children to the other side of the ohio. why he should have taken jethro juggens as a companion could not be conjectured. another self-evident fact caused the missionary less misgiving than would be supposed. kenton had captured the canoe, for he and it were gone when the youth boarded the flatboat. furthermore, the craft in which the visitor paddled out to the flatboat was the very one, as identified by jethro, which, in some way, had been recaptured from the ranger. the presence of the warrior in the boat seemed to point with absolute certainty to the conclusion that the shawanoe had slain the great pioneer before wresting the property from him. but mr. finley did not accept that theory, and was willing to await an explanation in the near future. an inexpressibly greater and more distressing problem lay beyond that, as to the ultimate fate of the two families turned back, as may be said, on the threshold of success. the action of kenton and boone told their anxiety to place them on the same side of the ohio with the block-house, and it indicated with equal certainty the appearance of some frightful danger in their front. that danger must be the panther and his war party. thus, it will be perceived, that by a course of rapid reasoning the missionary was approaching a correct idea of the situation. he knew nothing of rattlesnake gulch, for the pioneer circuit preachers of the west had to traverse too many vast areas of wilderness to become minutely familiar with every portion; but the checking of the fugitives, or the turning back of their real leader, could mean but one thing; they had discovered the presence of the panther and his shawanoes in their path. all and considerably more than the foregoing being conceded, the missionary could not but regard the turning over to him of the invaluable canoe, to say nothing of the flatboat itself, as providential. there was now abundant means to carry the imperiled ones to the other shore. but missionary finley was too familiar with the people of the west, and too well versed in woodcraft, to feel over-confidence, or to believe that it was plain sailing into the haven of absolute safety. if the panther had cut off the flight of the fugitives to the block-house, he was not the one to permit them to flank the danger by means of the canoe. the first step necessary, as it seemed to the good man, was to open communication in some way with simon kenton. "have you any idea where he is?" he asked of jethro. "yes--i feels purty suah, and it makes me feel bad." "where can he be?" "he fell out dat canoe and got drownded; i feels bad 'cause i neber oughter left mr. kenton alone. he took me 'long to hab care ob him, and i outer feel dat i am to blame for his drownin'." "have no alarm about that. kenton is too good a swimmer to lose his life in that way." "but he mout get de cramps." "he might, but he didn't. he probably awaited your return as long as it was safe, and then continued up the river to join his friends. in some way he lost the canoe to the shawanoe, who abandoned it to me." "i should tink dat he would come back to look for de boat." "the same thought has occurred to me, i hope he has done so, for then we shall be pretty sure to see him. but, after all, if he set out for that purpose, he has probably given it up and returned, or he would have shown himself before." all this time the flatboat, with its broad spread of sail, was gliding steadily up the ohio, keeping as close as was prudent to the kentucky shore. an odd thought had gradually assumed form in the mind of the missionary. he had noted the headlong panic into which the single shawanoe was thrown by the sudden sight of the fantastic craft, and he asked himself whether, such being the case, the panther and his warriors could not be temporarily frightened, and advantage taken of it. "at any rate it is worth trying," was his conclusion. but in arriving at this belief, it did not occur to the good man that the seeming apparition might produce the same effect upon the white men as upon the shawanoes. chapter xxi. the phantom of the river. the reader has long since penetrated the cause of the panic into which simon kenton was thrown--a panic as wild, as unreasonable and uncontrollable as that of the single shawanoe, some time before, when he plunged into the forest and fled as if from the pursuit of the evil one himself. there were no more superstitious men living than the daring pioneers and scouts of the west. never hesitating to meet death, and courageously facing peril before which most people would have cowered, they demanded that that death and that peril should present themselves in tangible form. in other words, they shrank at receiving no blows, provided the opportunity was given them of striking effective blows in return. in trailing an enemy, when the "crossing of the ways" was reached, that is, where it was impossible to decide from evidence the right path to take, the question was often decided by a flirt of a hunting-knife; whichever course the implement indicated when it fell, was accepted as the finger of providence, and was followed with as much unflinching vigor as though the possibility of an error did not exist. in many other respects was this belief in signs and the awe of the supernatural shown. the brief, terrified glance of kenton revealed to him an ohio flatboat moving up the river against the current--something which in all his varied experience he had never seen. the same glance showed a yawning white spread across the craft, as if it were the upturned wing of some monster swimming on its side in the water. without pausing to reflect that this appearance was the key to the whole mystery, the brave man gave way to terror, and, throwing discretion to the winds, dashed into the enclosure among his friends with the exclamation: "boys, we're lost! we're lost! there's a ghost coming up the river!" his words and manner threw the others into consternation. while it is certain that some would have shown more coolness, yet nothing is more contagious than fear, and the panic of one considered the clearest-headed and most daring of the rangers caused the rest for a brief while to bid good-by to their senses. forgetful of the shawanoes near at hand, and thinking of nothing but the new and dreadful peril, the men and women made haste to gather about the tall figure that advanced almost to the middle of the inclosure before checking himself. "what is it, kenton? for heaven's sake, tell us!" "where is it? what does it look like?" "keep your head, simon," counselled boone, in the babel of exclamations, "and tell us what it is the ghost of." "you remember t'other flatboat," said kenton, partially recovering his self-mastery, "the one the macdougalls was on, and they was all killed?" "yes, of course, of course," replied several. "wal, the ghost of that flatboat is coming up the river; it's right off shore; it'll be among us in a few minutes; we had better take to the woods." and, incredible as it may seem, the intrepid scout would have led the absurd stampede, had not his elder and cooler friend laid his hand on his arm. "simon, you ain't yourself; don't forget the varmints are all around us." "dan'l," returned kenton, sharply, "did you ever see a ghost?" "i have not." "wal, if you want to see one, walk down to the edge of the river and there it is! as for me, i want to git away afore it comes any closer; but i forgot 'bout the varmints; i'll wait till you folks have a look at it, and then we'll all run." evidently, the ranger was rallying from his panic. among the group that gathered around him were several who were quick to recover from their own fright, and to see that the true course was to investigate the cause of the latter's state of mind. "wait here till i take a look for myself," said george ashbridge, touching the elbow of his father; "there's something in this that i don't understand; i will be gone but a few minutes; it's the strangest condition of affairs i ever knew." he whisked off in the obscurity and quickly reached the river side. meanwhile, missionary finley gave proof of his sagacity. having decided to use the flatboat and its sail as a possible weapon, he had risen to his feet, and with hands grasping the bow oar was figuring as to how he could discover the proper point at which to work the boat to land. he had made up his mind to emit a signal which would be recognized either by boone or kenton, if it reached their ears, when across the brief, intervening space he heard the threshing and the terrified exclamations of his old friend. "here we are, jethro! this is the place! now, work with a will!" both bent their strong arms to the task, and the water was churned at each end of the craft by the broad blades that swept deep and powerful like the arms of a propeller. the bulky boat responded and began approaching the bank, no more than a couple of rods distant. in this hurly-burly of affright and excitement, the missionary compressed his lips to keep back the tugging smile. he had caught the first words uttered by kenton, identified his voice, and understood the cause of his alarm. "if it please heaven to deliver us all from peril," was the thought of finley, "i shall not forget this affair, and i will make sure that simon is not allowed to forget it." it was only a minute or two later that george ashbridge hurried to the margin of the water. the sweep of the long oars and the sight of the flatboat itself, with the spread of sail above it, all so near that they were recognized at the first glance, told the whole amazing story to the young man, though, as yet, he could not comprehend how it had all come about. one of the figures toiling at the sweeps was jethro juggens; he could form no suspicion as to the identity of the other. "is that you, jethro?" called ashbridge, in a guarded undertone. "it am," was the proud response; "keep out ob de way, marse george, or dis boat will run ober you. we's comin' like thunder." "there! that will do," said the missionary, as the boat struck sideways, almost abreast of where the youth was standing; "we couldn't have made a better landing. good evening, my friend; i am sure we are welcome." with these cheery words the man, with his rifle in his left hand, stepped across the gunwale upon the hard earth and extended his right to young ashbridge. "my name is finley--james b. finley; i am a missionary for ohio and kentucky, and joined your young friend hero to see whether i can be of any help to you and those with you." "and an angel could not be more welcome," was the fervent response of the youth, returning the warm pressure of the good man. "there seems to be trouble here," said he, with grave concern. "we are in sore straits, indeed; we have been resting for a good while, afraid to go on, for there is an ambuscade of the indians just beyond, into which they are waiting for us to enter." "i presume the shawanoes are in charge of the panther." "so daniel boone tells us." "i feared as much; i'm glad that boone is with you." "and so is kenton." "yes; i recognized his voice; he seems to be a little disturbed by the appearance of our craft." "i never knew it was possible for a man like him to become so frightened. he seems to have lost his wits." "they will soon return to him; he's a noble fellow." "jes' let me know what you want done," remarked jethro juggens, who had placed the anchor so as to hold the flatboat motionless; "don't forget dat i fixed up dis yer contrivance." "yes, all the credit belongs to him. he will explain when there is time; we have not a minute to spare now; it looks as if the appearance of the boat has given the red men, as well as the others, a scare." "no doubt of that, and kenton's performance has had a good deal to do with it, for he upset our people completely." "we must take instant advantage of this diversion, which is providential; let us go to your friends at once." the missionary set off with young ashbridge at his side and jethro juggens immediately behind them. a few brief, hurried steps took them to the group, whose members were beginning to regain a part at least of their senses. it was no occasion for mr. finley to indulge in any pleasantry at the expense of his old friend, simon kenton, however appropriate it might be at another time. his words were grave, quick and prompt, as were becoming. he hurriedly shook hands with boone, kenton and the rangers, to all of whom he was well known and by them held in high esteem. he greeted the others warmly in turn, using his tongue while doing so. "the appearance of the flatboat is so strange that it gave you all a good scare, and no wonder that it did so. it has produced the same effect upon the panther's party, else they would not have allowed us to land or permitted this passing back and forth; but like you they will soon recover from it; one must use this opportunity, so providentially placed in our way." "that's the right kind of talk," remarked kenton, who was already humiliated at the part he had played a short time before. "from what jethro told me, you have little, if any, luggage with you." "only what we can carry in our hands," replied mr. altman. "so far as i can judge, you are all gathered in this spot--a thing you would not be permitted to do but for the fright of the indians. follow me then; i will lead the way." less time than would be supposed was occupied in this broken conversation. as stated, the words of the missionary were quickly uttered, and he showed his promptness by wheeling about and moving down the gentle incline toward the river. it seemed strange for him to take the lead of a party of rangers, among whom were daniel boone and simon kenton, but his leadership was only for the moment, and could have been assumed by jethro juggens himself, for it signified an advance only to the flatboat itself. boone, with several quick strides, placed himself beside the preacher. "have a care," he continued. "i don't understand what makes the varmints so quiet." "because they are scared, as all of you were by the flatboat and its sail." "the only one of us skeered was simon," corrected the great pioneer, "and then he skeered us by the way he carried on." "well, any one of you would have been just as much frightened as he, and i suspect the rumpus he created had something to do with the panic of the shawanoes; but you are right; it will not last long, and it may be over already." the habit of caution to which all the rangers were trained asserted itself. grasping their rifles firmly, they involuntarily assumed a crouching pose and stepped lightly forward, as if afraid the slightest footfall would betray them. they glanced to the right and left, and more than once fancied they discerned shadowy forms stealing here and there in the gloom. it was natural, perhaps, that a different and somewhat peculiar feeling should influence the two families of settlers. they felt as if they would ignore the existence of enemies in their immediate neighborhood; they would forget that any danger of that nature ever threatened them at all, and devote their utmost energies to hurrying forward to the flatboat. they held their gaze in that direction, and tried to pierce the gloom and see nothing but the single object upon which their hope was fixed. mr. ashbridge and his wife clasped a hand of mabel between them. mr. altman and his wife clung to each other, while george ashbridge had fallen slightly to the rear with agnes, while the rangers seemed to straggle irregularly forward, as they had done when pushing through the woods, but, in truth, they were advancing in accordance with a well-defined idea of the best course to follow at this time. finley, kenton and boone held their places at the head, and the fugitives speedily reached the river side, where the unpleasant fact became apparent that the wind, which had been blowing so long and steadily, had dropped to a degree that it could no longer be of any help to them. chapter xxii. putting out from shore. not a moment was to be lost. everything depended upon boarding the flatboat and pushing off at once from shore. the party was so large that the craft was sure to be crowded, but its buoyancy was sufficient to carry still more. to most of the party hurrying on board, the silence and inactivity of the shawanoes were incomprehensible. that they had been partially dazed was fair to believe, but it could not continue long. the presence of the boat, with its sail still spread, against the bank, must tell the story to the fierce red men, who ought to be as quick to recover from it as were the pioneers. it mattered not that the wind had failed. the one point was to get the flatboat away from land, and out into the stream. that done, a long step would be taken toward safety. the ambuscade would be flanked and avoided. "you can't hurry too much," said the missionary, beginning to show nervousness now that the critical moment was at hand. he helped the women on board, and did what he could to prevent the confusion caused at this juncture by the crowding. he expected that a volley would come every moment from the gloom along the shore, and therefore held his station where his body would be most likely to shield the helpless ones. amid the confusion there was something approaching order, and it can be said that no time was thrown away. within a minute of reaching the flatboat it seemed that every one of the pioneers was on board. "lay down," whispered boone, addressing the settlers especially; "the varmints are sartin to fire afore you can get out on the river--" "dar goes dat canue," called jethro juggens, who managed to be the first on board. the little boat had been swung around and fastened to the farther side of the more bulky craft, so as to allow the latter to approach nearer the land. the youth was doing what he could to aid his friends (really doing nothing), when he observed the canoe several feet away with the intervening space steadily increasing. "jump over after it," commanded kenton, who himself would have done what he ordered but for the need of his presence on the flatboat. "drop dat boat!" shouted jethro, addressing (with a view of impressing those around him) an imaginary foe. at the same moment, leaving his gun behind him, he leaped overboard and swam powerfully toward the little craft. the clothing of the youth had not yet dried from the wetting received by his bath earlier in the evening, and at this sultry season of the year a plunge in the river was pleasant than otherwise. jethro ought to have noticed that while the canoe was drifting with the current it was also approaching the middle of the ohio. that could hardly take place without the interference of some one. but the powerful youth noted not the significant fact, and swam with lusty stroke straight for the little boat that had changed hands so frequently during the last few hours, and been the cause of more than one furious wrangle. only a second or two was necessary to reach it, and he laid his hand on the gunwale. at that instant a shawanoe warrior rose from the interior of the canoe, and lifted his hand in which was clasped a knife, with the purpose of burying it with vicious energy in the breast of the astonished youth. "whew! gorrynation! i didn't know yo' war dar!" gasped jethro, dropping like a loon beneath the surface just in time to escape the ferocious thrust. the shawanoe leaned so far out, with upraised weapon, to strike the african when he came up, that the canoe careened almost upon its side. he was in this attitude of expectancy when, from the flatboat, came the sharp crack of a rifle, and the savage plunged over, head first, with a smothered shriek, and sank from sight. "i expected something of the kind," muttered simon kenton, who, amid the tumult around him, proceeded to reload his rifle with as much coolness as if he were in the depth of the forest and had just brought down a deer or bear. from the undergrowth immediately above where the boat was pushing from land, a second warrior, whose zeal outran his discretion, emitted a ringing whoop, and dashed straight at the crowding fugitives. he was nearer mrs. altman than any of the others, and meant to bury his uplifted tomahawk in her brain, but when almost within reach he made a frenzied leap from the ground, and, with outspread arms and legs, tumbled forward on his face. it was never clearly established who was quick enough to check the murderous miscreant in this fashion, for fighting had fairly begun and considerable shooting was going on; but the moon at that moment was unobscured, and mr. altman insisted that he saw missionary finley raise his rifle like a flash and discharge it in the direction of the warrior just at the instant before the husband could intervene in defence of his wife. when the good man was afterward taxed with the exploit, so creditable to his coolness and courage, he showed a reluctance to discuss it. pressed further, he would not admit the charge, and yet refrained from denial. it will be conceded, therefore, that the presumption is reasonable that missionary finley was the instrument of saving mrs. altman's life when it was in the gravest possible peril. meanwhile jethro juggens found himself with interesting surroundings. availing himself of his great skill in the water, he dived so deeply that his feet touched bottom and he came up a dozen rods away from the canoe and between it and the ohio shore. the passing of the shawanoe took place while the youth was beneath the surface, so that he was unaware of the true situation when he arose and stared at the boat. "gorrynation, if de t'ing ain't upsot!" was his exclamation when he had approached somewhat nearer and saw the boat turned bottom upward. the spasmodic lunge of the shawanoe had overturned the craft, which resembled a huge tortoise, drifting with the current. "he's walking on de bottom ob de ribber, wid dat boat ober his head, to keep from gettin' moonstruck. dat can't be neither," added jethro, "onless he am seventeen foot tall, and i don't tink he am dat high." the gently moving arms of the swimmer came in contact with something. closing his hands about it, he found it to be the oar flung out of the canoe by the overturning. "dat'll come handy," thought jethro. "when he sticks out his head to get a bref ob air, i'll whack him wid de paddle till he s'renders." after manoeuvring about the canoe for some minutes, a suspicion of the truth dawned upon the youth. even when under the water he was able to hear the deadened reports of the rifles above, and he believed that one of the shots must have reached the occupant of the boat, whose frenzied leap capsized it. gathering courage after a few minutes, he grasped the canoe and managed to swing it back into proper position, but it contained so much water as to forbid its use until it was emptied. this could be done only by taking it ashore. jethro therefore tossed the paddle inside, and grasping the gunwale with one hand, swam with the other toward ohio. it may be added that he reached it without further event, and there for a time we will leave him to himself. "lie down!" thundered the missionary, seeing that his first order was only partially obeyed. "my good woman, i beg your pardon, but it must be done." his words were addressed to mrs. ashbridge, who, in her anxiety for her husband and son, was exposing herself in the most reckless manner. as he spoke, he seized her in his arms as though she were but an infant, and placed her not too gently flat in the bottom of the boat. "there! spend these minutes in prayer--no; that will never do," he added, grasping the shoulder of agnes altman, who, at that moment, attempted to rise; "keep down--all that is between you and death is that plank." "but--but," pleaded the distressed girl, "tell father and george to be careful, won't you, please?" "we are in the hands of god, my child, and have only to do our duty. help us by causing no anxiety about yourselves." the great necessity, as has been explained, was to work the flatboat away from land. the most direct means of doing this was by pushing with the poles that had been taken on board for that use; but they were fastened in place as supports for the sail that had brought the craft to this place. the sweeps would accomplish this work, but only slowly and by frightful exposure on the part of those swaying them. nevertheless, jim deane seized the bow sweep at the moment another ranger grasped the rear one, and both wrought with right good will. dark forms appeared in greater number along shore and near the craft itself. the gloom was lit up by flashes of guns, and the air was rent by the shouts of the combatants, for the white men could make as much noise as their enemies in the swirl and frenzy of personal encounter and deadly conflict. boone, kenton, the missionary and most of the men had leaped into the flatboat and crouched low, where all seemed huddled together in inextricable confusion. the two were toiling at the sweeps, and the craft worked away from the shore with maddening tardiness. to some of the terrified inmates it did not seem to move at all. "a little harder, jim," called the missionary "shall i lend a hand?" "no," replied deane; "i'll fetch it, i don't need you--yes i do, too." as he spoke, he let go of the sweep and sagged heavily downward. "are you hit?" asked the good man, raising the head upon his knee. "i got my last sickness that time, parson--it's all up--good-by!" the missionary would have said more, would have prayed with the fellow, despite the terrifying peril around him, had there been time to do so, but jim deane was dead. "god rest his soul!" murmured the good man, gently laying down the head, and drawing the body as closely as he could to the gunwale, where it would be out of the way. as from the first, the missionary exposed himself with the utmost recklessness, and, where the bullets were hurtling all about him, the wonder was that he had not already been struck; but the life of rev. j. b. finley was one of sacrifice, peril, suffering and hardship, in which his last thought was for himself. he was ready for the call of the dark angel, whether he came at midnight, morning, or high noon, and the angel did not come until after the lapse of many years, when the scenes such as we are describing had long passed away. a strange and for a time wholly unaccountable occurrence took place near the stem of the flatboat, only a moment before jim deane was mortally smitten. simon kenton had just withdrawn his attention from jethro juggens and his canoe, and was looking toward the bank at his elbow, when he uttered an exclamation, the meaning of which no one caught, or, if he did, failed to notice it in the tumult and hullabaloo. at the same moment the ranger gathered his muscles into one mighty effort, and made a leap toward shore. superb as was his skill in this direction, the distance was too great to be covered, and he stuck in the water, but so near land that he sank only to his waist. he struggled furiously forward, seemingly in the very midst of the shawanoes, and was immediately lost to sight. there was no time to inquire the meaning of this extraordinary action, and no one suspected it, but it became apparent within a brief space of time. it was at this juncture that several noticed the wind had risen again. it was blowing not so strongly as before, but with sufficient power to start the flatboat slowly up stream. boone called to all to keep down, while he, crouching close to the stern, held the oar so that it helped steer the craft into mid-stream. the missionary did the same with the forward sweep, and, impelled by the wind, the craft slowly forged away from the kentucky and toward the ohio shore. all hearts were beating high with hope and thankfulness when a piercing cry came from mrs. ashbridge. "where is mabel? what has become of mabel? oh, where is she?" dismay reigned during the minute or two of frenzied search of the interior of the craft. the space was so small that the hunt was quickly over, with the dreadful truth established that little ten-year old mabel ashbridge was not on the flatboat. missionary finley announced the fact when he said: "she has fallen into the hands of the shawanoes; that was the cause of simon kenton leaping ashore." chapter xxiii. the shawanoe camp. how it all happened was never clearly established, but it is not to be supposed that in the tumult, the swirl, the confusion, the firing, shouting and dashing to and fro, that the coolest-headed shawanoe or most self-possessed ranger could any more than keep a general idea of the hurricane rush of events. special incidents were noted by different persons, as the circumstances favored them, while others saw and knew nothing of what took place under their very eyes. mr. and mrs. ashbridge hurried down the wooded slope in the gloom, each holding a hand of mabel between them. at the side of the flatboat, where there were crowding in increased excitement, the parents released the child, and the father turned to help in the defence against the indians, who immediately attacked them. mabel entered the boat near the bow, and had crouched there several minutes, in obedience to the order of the missionary, to avoid the bullets that were whistling about, when the idea seized her that there were much better quarters at the stern, where the pushing was less. the best way, as it struck her, to reach the spot, was by bounding ashore and darting the few paces thither. she made the attempt, and was in the act of leaping back when her arm was gripped by a warrior, who hurried her from the spot. although bewildered and partly dazed by the rush of events, the child resisted and screamed for help, but she was powerless in the hands of the sinewy savage, who forced her from the edge of the river. it must be remembered, that in addition to the confusion it was night, and the partial moon in the sky was obscured at intervals by passing clouds. beside, among the shadows of the wood the gloom was so deepened that the wonder is, not that none of mabel's friends saw her capture but that simon kenton observed it. he did so a minute later, and knew at once that the little one, if saved at all, must be saved instantly. he cleared most of the intervening space with his tremendous bound, and made for the shawanoe like a cyclone. he had noted the point where the warrior had passed from view, as well as the general direction taken by him; consequently a quick dash in the right course ought to overtake him. such was the dash made by the ranger, at the imminent risk of colliding with tree-trunks, limbs, and boulders, and with the result that within twenty feet of the river he ran plump against the indian who had the terrified child in charge, and with no suspicion of his furious pursuer. the attack of the bengal tiger upon the hunter that is throttling its whining cubs, is no fiercer, more resistless and lightning-like, than was the assault of simon kenton upon the buck that was making off with the little daughter of norman ashbridge. it mattered not that the gloom was well-nigh impenetrable, and the eye could not direct or follow the blow. the ranger knew he had his man in his grasp, and within a few seconds the affair was over. had there been only the slightest illumination of the wood at this point to aid the eye, the rescue of mabel would have been effected, but she knew not the meaning of the terrific struggle, and the instant her captor loosened his grip upon her arm, so as to defend himself, she hurried off in the gloom in the hope of joining her friends on the flatboat. "i say, gal, where be you?" called kenton, grasping with one hand, and expecting every moment to touch her form. but the little one heard him not, or if she did, had no suspicion of his identity, and a few moments only convinced the ranger that the child once within his grasp was gone again, he knew not where. he held a strong hope, however, that she had started on her return for the boat from which she had been taken in such hot haste by her abductor. if so, the attempt on her part offered a chance of saving her if the ranger moved promptly; for, by hastening to the same point he was sure to meet her, even though amid enemies; but, if he delayed, she must inevitably fall into the hands of the shawanoes again. it was apparent to kenton that none of those on the boat were aware of the loss of the child, and if it became known to her friends they could give her no help. the ranger was fortunate, indeed, that in the flurry he was not assaulted in turn by some of the hostiles. he picked his way as best he could to the river's margin, carefully keeping himself back in the gloom while he made his observation. the moon was still unobstructed, and showed him the flatboat fifty feet away and increasing the space every minute. thus it came about, that as the craft was laboriously worked into mid-stream and towards the ohio shore, two of the whites were left behind amid the merciless members of the panther's band. the situation was of little moment to simon kenton, for more than once he had been in a situation of much greater peril. he felt abundantly able to take care of himself, his great concern being for the little one to whom fate had been so cruel. inasmuch as there was not one chance in a thousand of accomplishing anything by groping in the gloom among the trees, he adopted the single course that promised success, and that was only to a slight degree indeed. the flatboat was now so far out in the river that the firing had ceased on both sides. kenton did not know to what extent his friends had suffered, but he was certain that in addition to the warrior whom he had picked off in time to save jethro juggens, several others must have gone down in the fusilade. when the panther brought his band together to effect the ambuscade at rattlesnake gulch, he must have established some sort of camp or headquarters beyond that point, where it could not be noted by the fugitives until on the other side of the dangerous section. hoping, with a shudder of misgiving, that the little child would be taken to this camp instead of being tomahawked, he began searching for it. the task was less difficult than would be supposed. a veteran like kenton had no trouble in avoiding the warriors moving about. as he expected, he passed but a short distance beyond the gulch, when he caught the twinkle of the campfire just beyond the hollow in which the shawanoes had arranged to blot out the whole company of settlers and pioneers. carefully threading his way through the undergrowth and among the trees, he reached a point from which he gained an unobstructed view of the camp without any risk of discovery on his part. the scene in many respects resembled that which he had looked upon times without number. there was the fire of sticks and branches that had been burning several hours, for it contained many glowing embers, in the middle of an open space. a circle of diminishing light was thrown out several rods in all directions. upon a fallen tree, on the other side of the blaze, sat three warriors, painted and decked in the hideous manner adopted by the people when upon the war-path. armed with rifles, tomahawks and knives, they were talking excitedly, and one had just had his wounded arm bandaged, proving that he failed to go through the battle unscathed. two other shawanoes were standing at the right of the fire, also talking with great animation. further back, where the light was less, were others, most of them seated on the ground. kenton's scrutiny satisfied him that more than one of these had been "hit hard," and their companions were looking after them as best they could. nothing was seen of those that had fallen, though the american indian is not the one to forget his stricken comrade, and the warriors that had started on their journey to the happy hunting grounds were certain to receive due attention. as nearly as the spy could judge there were from twelve to fifteen shawanoes in camp. since boone had reported the party as about double that number, several of them--not counting those that had fallen--were still absent. the ranger was profoundly interested in two of these absentees. one was little mabel ashbridge, and the other the panther, leader of the shawanoes. the closest scrutiny failed to reveal either of them, and though he had no real cause for doing so, he could not help connecting their absence with each other. his suspicion proved right, for only a few minutes passed when two figures strode from the gloom into the firelight. one was wa-on-mon, whose hand gripped the arm of the young captive. he walked at a moderate pace to the fallen tree, where he motioned to mabel to take her seat. she obeyed with the same promptness she would have shown had the command come from her father or mother. the panther remained standing, and the three who had been seated on the log also rose and advanced, several others drawing near and taking part in the conversation. "ah!" muttered kenton, between his set teeth, with his flashing eyes fixed upon the panther, "if i could only have come 'cross you and the little gal!" seated with the firelight falling upon her face, the ranger was able to see it quite plainly. she had lost the cute little homemade cap in the flurry, and her luxuriant hair hung loosely about her shoulder. she was neatly clad in homespun, though the dress, the stockings, and the shoes were of coarse texture. the countenance wore the scared expression which showed that the child suspected her dreadful peril. the marks of weeping were noticed, but the ferocious wa-on-mon had probably terrified her to that extent that she was forced to deny herself the relief of tears. resting on the fallen tree, with her dimpled hands clasped, she hardly removed her eyes from the chieftain and his immediate companions. she appeared to feel they were about to decide her fate. from his concealment, not far off, kenton allowed nothing in his field of vision to escape him. he could not catch a word uttered by the shawanoes, but he did not believe the chief was discussing with his warriors the question of what should be done with the little captive, for the reason that it was not his habit to debate such matters with his followers. his rule was so absolute that he made his own decisions, leaving to others to obey or take the consequences. it was more probable that the panther was seeking the views of his followers on what was the best step to prevent the fugitives from reaching the block-house, now that they had escaped the ambuscade that had been set for them. while the ranger held his position he did a deal of thinking. the problem that wholly interested him was, as to what could be done to save the child, for that she was doomed by her captors, sooner or later, to death, he considered as certain as he did his own existence. it simply remained to be decided when she should be sacrificed. kenton was too much of a veteran to attempt anything rash. had mabel been an adult, on the alert for something of the kind, possibly he might have warned her of his presence without revealing himself to the captors, but it would have been fatal folly to try to effect an understanding with her. he asked himself whether he could steal up behind the log, and then, by a sudden dash, seize and make off with her. there were a few minutes when he was much inclined to make the venture, but the more he reflected the more hopeless did the chances of success appear. he could not run fast in the darkness among the trees, and burdened with the care of mabel, the panther and half a dozen warriors would be upon him by the time he was fairly started, with the absolute result that child and would-be rescuer would not live ten minutes. "there's one thing powerful sartin'," muttered kenton, keeping his eye upon the party, "if they decide that the gal shall be sent under while she's setting there on that log, the first move to harm a hair of her head means death to him as tries it." so it would have been. the silent, sinewy figure, standing as rigid and motionless as the tree-trunk which sheltered him, let nothing escape him. had the panther, or any of his warriors, turned toward mabel ashbridge with hostile intent, he would have fallen forward with a bullet through heart or brain before he could have raised his hand to do evil. the night wore along, with more hostiles returning at intervals, and still the discussion continued between the chieftain and his warriors. it was a puzzle to kenton why the talk should continue so long, for to him there was nothing in the situation to cause much variance of opinion. the ranger was still watching and wondering, when from the gloom of the wood another party strode into view, and walked up to the group gathered about the panther, and, as he did so, it would be hard to decide whether they or simon kenton were filled with the greater amazement over the unexpected occurrence. chapter xxiv. the forlorn hope. it is useless to dwell upon the grief and consternation of the occupants of the flatboat when the discovery was made that little mabel ashbridge was missing. the parents and brother, after the first shock, bore the affliction with rare courage. by common impulse, they looked to the two persons best fitted of all to give counsel and hope, missionary finley and daniel boone. young george ashbridge was the first to speak after the fearful lull that followed the cry of the stricken mother. touching the arm of boone, he asked: "can we not work the flatboat back to shore, charge upon the shawanoes, and recover her before they have time to rally?" "it might do," replied the pioneer, feelingly, "if we had daylight to help us, but not while the night lasts. i had a son shot down by the varmints just as i was entering kentucky, and they ran off with a daughter of mine, whom i took back from them, but the sarcumstances was different from this." "but we must do something; we cannot go to the block-house and leave the dear little one behind. i would give my life to save her." "so would we all, so would we all," repeated boone, touched by the memory of his own sorrows, "but we must not shut our eyes from seeing things as they are." the youth groaned in anguish and said no more. the hardest thing of all was to remain idle while the cherished sister was in her dreadful peril. "i'll let myself overboard," said the veteran, "swim back, and do what i can to help simon." "you can give him no help," gently interposed the missionary; "in truth, kenton will do better without than with you." "i'm of that way of thinking myself," said boone, "though if simon was expecting me it would be different." "but he won't expect you; he saw what none else of us saw--the capture of the little one, and will do all that mortal man can do." "i don't remember whether i told him the camp of the panther and his party is just on t'other side of rattlesnake gulch or not." "probably you did tell him, but it matters little if you did not; he will speedily learn the truth. they are likely to take the child there, and she will not arrive in camp much sooner than kenton will reach the vicinity." the parents were quick to notice that boone and the missionary spoke as if there were little, if any, doubt in their minds that this course would be followed. "suppose," said mr. ashbridge, in a tremulous voice, "she is not spared to be taken into camp?" "we are all in the hands of our heavenly father," reverently replied the good man, "he doeth all things well, and we must accept his will with resignation. if the little one has not been spared, then it is already too late for us to give her aid; if she has escaped death, then i believe she is in the camp of the shawanoes." "and we can steal up and charge upon them," said the brother, to whom the inaction was becoming intolerable. "such a proceeding would insure her instant death," said mr. finley. "and why? boone can guide us to the direct spot, so there will be no mistake about that, and a quick rally and charge will decide it." "you forget, george," responded the missionary, in his fatherly way, "that though the panther has established his camp on the other side of the gulch, all his warriors are not there; some of them are watching us, as best they can, from the shore; by the time we turned about, and long before we could reach land, it would be known to the panther, or the ambuscade he formed hours ago would be made as effective as though you had all pressed on without halt." "boone said a few minutes ago that if we had daylight instead of darkness to help us, there would be hope." "and he is wise, as he always is, for we should have put back at once; and doing so, immediately on the heels of our flight, the shawanoes would not have been given time to prepare a surprise for us; it is too late now, and the circumstances prevent any attempt of that nature." "then we can do nothing at all--nothing except to wait until kenton makes his report," remarked the father, despairingly. instead of replying, the missionary turned to boone, at his elbow, and whispered something. the pioneer answered in the same guarded manner, and the conversation, inaudible to others, continued for some minutes. meanwhile two of the rangers kept toiling at the sweeps, so gently that it did not interfere with what was said and done by the others, and the craft slowly approached the ohio shore. starting up, the missionary looked around and inquired: "what has become of the canoe jethro and i brought with us?" "it floated free during the fight," replied one of the rangers, "and he swam after it. i reckon he has reached the other side of the river, and is waiting somewhere along the bank." a general turning of heads and peering in different directions followed, but nothing was seen of the missing youth. several wondered why the reverend gentleman should have made the inquiry, when the more momentous subject was upon all minds, but he offered no explanation. the wind that had brought the flatboat to this point on the river, and then died out, did not resume its force and direction. it blew gently, but veered around from the north, so that its tendency was to drive the craft back to the kentucky shore. it required hard work at the sweeps to overcome the momentum, but as the ohio side was approached the forest shut off and so lessened the power of the wind that the boat was forced in close to the bank and brought to a standstill, where all could leap ashore without difficulty. and now had the missing child been with them all would have been as hopeful as could have been desired. some seven or eight miles away, and on the same side of the river, stood the strong, rugged block-house, where the small garrison, under charge of the veteran captain bushwick, could laugh to scorn the assault of a force ten times as numerous as that under the leadership of the panther. a distinctly marked trail wound along the northern branch of the ohio, so that it could be readily followed by the fugitives, even without the escort of the rangers that had been sent out to their assistance. mr. finley gently suggested that the two families should push on to the block-house, leaving the others to do what they could for the help of the child. mr. ashbridge, as quietly but firmly, made answer that neither he, his son nor his wife would move a step until the fate of his child was determined beyond all doubt. mr. altman, his wife and daughter agnes felt the same way, and the good man did not urge his proposal. "i would probably feel and act the same if i were similarly placed," he said, with a touch of sympathy which impressed every one. "you have the sorrowful consolation of knowing that the suspense won't last long--" "ship ahoy, dar! show yo' colors!" came in a sepulchral voice from the shadows along shore. all recognized the tones, and before any reply could be made jethro juggens paddled up against the prow in his canoe. "wasn't suah dat war yo' or de heathen," he added, stepping over the gunwale and joining his friends, who were all pleased to learn it had gone so well with him. called upon to explain, he promptly did so in characteristic style: "while dat little flurry dat didn't 'mount to nuffin' was gwine on 'long shore, i seed one ob de heathen tryin' to run off wid de canoe. i wasn't gwine to stand nuffin like dat, and i was b'iling mad. so i flopped overboard and swam after de boat; de injin seed me comin' and tried to dodge, but i cotched him by de heels and whanged his head agin de canoe; den i got in and paddled ashore and waited for yo' folks, and hyar i is, and mighty glad to see yo' all." no one deemed it worth while to contradict this wild yarn, and jethro naturally supposed it was believed. "friends," said mr. finley, amid the hush that fell upon all, "mr. boone and i, after talking over the matter, have made a change of plan. i shall cross the river to the other side and see what i can do, with the help of heaven, for the little child." mr. ashbridge was impelled to question the wisdom of this step, for it was hardly to be supposed that a man of peace, whose profession was the opposite of those around him, was the best person to attempt the perilous task; but, brief as was the acquaintance of all with the missionary, he had won their confidence. besides, the scheme, whatever it was, had the guarantee of boone himself as to its wisdom, and was therefore beyond cavil. "god go with you!" was the fervent exclamation of the father, as he took the hand of the good man. "would that i could help." "gladly would i take you if i saw any possible aid you could afford, but the only aid, friends, that any of you can give me is your prayers." "you will have them unceasingly," said mrs. ashbridge, clinging to the hand of the missionary, as if he was her only earthly comforter. "i dare not tell you to hope for the best," he said, unwilling to awaken an expectation that was likely to be followed by bitter disappointment, "but i can only add that whatever may come, try to say 'god's will be done.' i shall count upon all of you remaining here until definite news reaches you." "have no fear of our going before that," replied mr. altman; "we are distressed as deeply as our friends, and can hardly bear the suspense." as the missionary was stepping over the flatboat into the canoe, george ashbridge caught his arm, and plead in a low, earnest voice: "i am sure i can be of some help; please take me. i can't stand it to remain behind to wait and wait--not knowing what the tidings will be." "my dear boy," replied mr. finley, laying his hand upon his shoulder, "if any one was to go with me it should be you, for none can be more capable, but be assured that your company would be a hindrance, as you would admit if you knew my plan." the sorrowing brother still held his arm, but could not speak. the missionary gently removed his grasp, and, entering the canoe, paddled directly out upon the river. the figure of the boat and occupant quickly passed from view, and those who remained behind, though they listened intently, could not catch the faintest sound to betray his progress or change of direction. now that the party left in the flatboat had some leisure on their hands, they devoted it to looking after their own wounds, and in taking a precaution, which was only ordinary prudence, against surprise. two of the rangers entered the wood, one passing a short distance up and the other down stream. their duty was to guard against surprise from the shawanoes. it was not to be expected that the panther and his party, after being once repulsed, would accept that as final. they knew the fugitives were provided with a strong escort, and were on their way to the block-house. even though they could not be wholly cut off, great damage might be inflicted, and more of the intending settlers placed beyond the power of invading the hunting grounds of the red men. that they would make the attempt was to be set down as one of the certainties of the immediate future. one of the rangers had been killed during the attack and three others severely wounded; but when, with the assistance of the women, their hurts had been bandaged or attended to, they made light of them, insisting that they were as ready for effective service as before. indeed, it was one of the wounded men that threaded his way up the river bank to help guard against surprise from their enemies. another change of direction was noted in the wind. beginning by blowing directly up stream, it had continued to veer until its course was almost directly opposite, so that, had the flatboat ventured out in the current with its sail still spread, its progress down stream would have been more rapid than ever before. "marse george," said jethro, "whar does dis riber flow?" wondering at the meaning of the question, the youth replied, after a moment's hesitation: "it flows into the mississippi." "and what becomes ob dat?" "it empties into the gulf of mexico, which joins the atlantic ocean." "and dat runs along de oder side ob wirginny, i hab heard." "yes, such is the fact." "i've an idee; let's put out in de middle ob dis riber, and go scootin' down de massipp to de gulf ob mexico, and den up de ocean to wirginny; dar we'll carry de flatboat ober land till we strike de ohio ag'in, and den come down to de block-house from de oder side. it'll be a round-about way, but we'll got dar, suah." chapter xxv. face to face. two white men had set out to do whatever lay in their power to rescue little mabel ashbridge from the hands of the shawanoes, and their policy was diametrically opposed to each other. simon kenton, it may be said, had but one law--that of fighting fire with fire. against cunning, woodcraft and daring he would array precisely the same weapons. in short, he knew of no other method, and would have laughed to scorn any different line of procedure, with the single exception of its attempt by the one man who now resorted to it. mr. finley, the missionary, knowing the futility of the course laid down by kenton, boone and those of his calling, determined to go directly into the camp of the panther, and try to induce the fiery chieftain to surrender the little girl to her friends. what task could be more hopeless? the unquenchable hatred of wa-on-mon toward all who belonged to the caucasian race has been learned long ago by the reader. he belonged to the most untamable of his people, and had proven a continual stumbling-block in the path of the missionary. he shut his ears resolutely against the pleadings of the good man, and forbade him to speak to him of the god who taught gentleness, charity, love and the forgiveness of enemies. and yet, as finley told jethro juggens, he had hunted with the panther, slept in his lodge and trusted his life in his hands many times, and under ordinary circumstances would not hesitate to do so again. but those were periods when comparative peace reigned on the frontier, and the missionary, like many others of his sacred calling, found little trouble in passing back and forth among the shawanoes, wyandots, pottawatomies, delawares and other tribes. indeed, many converts were gained, as was shown in the case of the moravian indians. when hostilities broke out, however, and the fierce red men daubed their faces with paint and rushed upon the war-path, the missionaries were wise enough to leave them alone and keep out of the way until the tempest had passed. war was coming again, of that there could be no doubt, and on its threshold, at its very opening, wa-on-mon, the tiger-like chief, known even among his own people as the panther, had been subjected to an indignity at the hands of the pale-faces, such as in his life had never been put upon him before. he had been flung down, struck repeatedly, bound and kept a prisoner for many hours. then escaping by the usual weapon of the red man--treachery--he had laid a cunning ambuscade for the destruction of the large party of pioneers and rangers. the scheme had miscarried, and several of the foremost of the shawanoe warriors had fallen before their deadly fire. the only panacea for this terrific chagrin was the capture of the single small child attached to the families of the settlers. she, the tender little flower, had been plucked by the merciless chieftain, and none knew better than he what sweet revenge could be secured through her upon the older ones. yes; she was in his power, and it was beyond the ability of any one to take her from him. and lo! at this moment, the man who preached humility and love and gentleness and forgiveness of enemies was on the way to the camp of the panther to ask him to return the captive to her friends. missionary finley did not need to be reminded of all this, and it must be confessed that he would not have ventured upon the attempt, so utter did he consider its hopelessness, but for an extraordinary suggestion that daniel boone whispered in his ear. this suggestion foreshadowed a complication, as among the possibilities, from which a diversion might be created in favor of little mabel ashbridge; but the possibility was so remote that the missionary did not deem it right to awaken false hopes in the hearts of the parents and brother by making known the scheme that had taken shape in the most veteran of all pioneers. aside from all this was the fearful risk run personally by finley, in thus venturing into the hostile camp while, as may be said, the echoes of the rifle shots were still lingering among the trees. the chances were that, from the panther down, there was not one who would not shoot the missionary the instant he could draw bead on him. but this was a feature of the business that gave finley the least concern. it must not be supposed, however, that he was a reckless man, who acted on the principle that providence would take care of him without the putting forth of any effort on his part. he was a practical believer in the doctrine that god helps them that help themselves. when he paddled from the side of the flatboat, therefore, in the cause, he put forth as much care and skill as kenton or boone himself would have done. glancing over his shoulder, he noted the moment when the dim outline of the wooded shore loomed to view. then, the swinging of his arms ceased for a few seconds while he peered off in the gloom and listened. nothing was seen or heard to cause misgiving, or to show that any one had detected his approach. "from what kenton told me, the shawanoes have a larger canoe hidden somewhere along the bank. it has not yet appeared among these sad troubles, but it must have a part to play, and i fear it will be used to carry the warriors to the other side that they may hurry my friends on their way to the block-house." he did not cross the river in a direct line, but headed so far up stream that his canoe became diagonal. his intention was to strike the shore above rattlesnake gulch, thus keeping clear, as he hoped, of the canoe with the warriors who might be making ready to embark on it. at the same time, he was assured that he would thus shorten the path to the campfire, where he expected to find the panther. still watching and listening, the missionary edged his way up stream, until he had gone as far as he wished, bearing off so that only the keenest eye of suspicion would have noticed his presence from the shore. then, turning the prow straight toward land, he sent it skimming, like a swallow, over the surface by means of a half-dozen powerful strokes, ducking his head as it glided among the overhanging limbs, and its nose slid up the bank. he was out of the little craft in a twinkling, and drawing it still further so as to hold it secure, he set out, rifle in hand, to meet wa-on-mon, chief of the shawanoes. it need not be repeated that the missionary comprehended the danger into which he was running, but, aside from the personal intrepidity that distinguished him through life, he was controlled and impelled by the highest of all motives that can direct the conduct of men--the desire to please god. careful meditation over what had taken place convinced him that it was his duty to enter the camp of the hostiles; and, with that conviction, ended everything in the nature of hesitation. having landed, it remained for him to find the panther. there might be some persons, in the place of the reverend gentleman, who would have conceived it the proper thing to enter the hostile camp without carrying anything in the nature of a weapon; it may be said, indeed, that his errand was in the nature of a flag of truce, in which that course was demanded. but mr. finley understood too well the nature of the people with whom he was dealing to attempt anything of that nature. such sentimentality would be wasted. besides he conceived it to be quite likely that he might be called upon to defend himself, in which event the gun would come in "mighty handy." engaged on the business described, the messenger did not add to his peril by trying to steal noiselessly up to camp, though the act might have been possible. "i must advance openly," was his thought, "when near the camp, and it is better i should do so from the first." it was hard work picking his course through the dense and tangled undergrowth, but, quite confident of the right direction to take, he pushed on until the gleam of a light apprised him that no mistake had been made. and then, when within sight of the panther and his ferocious party, and half suspecting he was already under the eye of some dusky sentinel, the missionary came to a halt, and, kneeling in the solemn depths of the woods, spent several minutes in prayer. the sound of a rustling near him did not hasten the end of his devotions. when he had asked his heavenly father for all that was in his mind, he rose to his feet and resumed his advance upon the camp. he knew he was followed, and that every step was watched, and it was then that his own manner of procedure saved him. the shawanoe must have reasoned that no scout or person with hostile purpose would act thus recklessly, and, though the dusky sentinel followed and watched his course until the messenger came within the circle of firelight, yet no harm was offered him. probably, by that time the indian recognized the visitor as the white man with such strange views, and so different in his words and conduct from most of those of his race. if so, he must have wondered at the temerity of the individual in entering the camp of the panther at so critical a time. while yet some rods distant the missionary recognized the chieftain, standing among his group of warriors, in excited conversation. the back of wa-on-mon was toward him, so that he did not observe the white man; but he was quick to note the looks in the faces of the others, and the general turning of eyes in one direction. the chief also wheeled, and, to his astonishment, saw the man of god approaching him. there was no mistaking the expression that overspread the painted countenance of the panther. he was angered at this intrusion of a white man into his council of war, as it may be called. a muttered exclamation escaped him, which those near interpreted as an utterance of impatience that the visitor had been permitted to come even thus far. he must have been identified long before, and, in accordance with indian custom, should have been shot or cut down ere he could disturb the chieftain and his cabinet. but here he was, showing no more hesitation than had marked his course from the moment he left the side of the flatboat. mr. finley, clad in his partly civilized costume, and with his gun grasped in his left hand, walked forward, neither timidly nor with an assumption of confidence it was impossible for him to feel. he was not only too well aware of the situation himself, but knew the shawanoes could not be deceived by any such pretence on his part. wa-on-mon had leaned his rifle against the fallen tree upon which the three warriors were sitting when he first came up, so that he stood with arms folded and in an attitude of natural and unconscious grace, glancing from one painted countenance to another, as he asked a question or listened to whatever they chose to say to him. it was evident that these were the most trusted of his warriors, for while the consultation was going on, no one ventured near. they may be considered as making up the chieftain's cabinet, and when they were in session all other business had to wait. the missionary was quick to note the expression on the face of the terrible wa-on-mon. he had seen a look there not so long before which told more plainly than words that he was welcome, but that time had passed. mr. finley advanced with the same dignified step to the chief, and, making a half-military salute, said in shawanoe: "i greet my brother wa-on-mon, in whose lodge i have slept in safety when there was no other place to lay my head." as he spoke he extended his hand, but the panther, with his serpent eyes fixed upon the face of his visitor, made no motion to unfold his arms. he continued to scowl, and his lips remained mute. this was embarrassing to a certain extent, though the missionary knew the cause. he continued, in the same gentle persuasive voice. "why does wa-on-mon frown when he looks upon his pale-faced brother--" "he is not my brother," interrupted the panther, with a scowl and look of indescribable fierceness. "he is a dog, and he shall die!" chapter xxvi. in the lion's den. the panther was in the ugliest mood conceivable. missionary finley was well aware of this before approaching and addressing him. consequently, when the chieftain called him a dog and declared he should die, the good man was neither silenced nor overthrown, though it would be untrue to say he was not alarmed for his own safety, but he had counted the cost before making the venture. "wa-on-mon did not always look upon the missionary as a dog," he said, with gentle dignity; "he once called him brother." "it was because he spoke with a single tongue and was the friend of the red man," the panther made haste to say, with no abatement in the ferocity of expression or manner. "the missionary always speaks with a single tongue, and he will be the friend of the red man as long as he lives." if possible, the wrath of voice and action became more venomous on the part of the panther. he unfolded his arms, so as to give facility of gesture, and with one step forward placed himself so near the white man that the two could have embraced each other with little change of position. then he bent his hideous countenance until the gleaming eyes, the dangling hair, the white teeth and the painted features were almost against the mild, beneficent face, which did not shrink or show the slightest change of looks. one of the warriors then threw additional wood on the fire, and the blaze of light lit up the scene as if at noon-day. the shawanoes instinctively drew back, so as to leave the principal figures not only in prominent view, but apart from the others. no one presumed to take any part in the disputation, but in the stillness and general hush the words of both were audible to every warrior present. little mabel ashbridge was perplexed and uncertain what she ought to say or do, if indeed, she could say or do anything. she did not recognize the white man who suddenly appeared and addressed the dreadful indian in a tongue she could not understand, for it will be remembered that, although the missionary had joined the company of fugitives some time before, she saw his countenance for the first time when it reflected the glow of the firelight. had finley given her one encouraging word, or even look, she would have rushed to his arms and begged him to take her to her parents and brother. this would have been a dangerous diversion, and, dreading it, the missionary carefully acted as though he had no knowledge of her presence, but she was in his field of vision, and while talking with the savage chieftain he knew the child, mute and wondering, was seated on the log and intently watching both. as the panther stepped forward in the manner described, and thrust his baleful countenance into that of the white man, he said, with atrocious fierceness: "the missionary lies; he has the forked tongue of the serpent, and like all the pale-faces, he is the enemy of the red man." "but wa-on-mon once said he was the friend of the missionary; why does he say now that he is an enemy?" "did he not fight against the shawanoes this night? did he not help the pale face dogs to flee across the river in the boat?" these questions were expected by finley, and his tact, delicacy and skill were tested to the utmost in meeting them. following the practice of the panther, he continued referring to himself in the third person. "the missionary gives his days and nights to help those that are in need of help, and he does not ask whether their color is white or black or red. he was on his way to visit the red men that wa-on-mon once said were the brothers of the missionary, when he came upon some of his own people who were in sore distress. he did what he could to help them, and then left to speak to wa-on-mon." "and why does he wish to speak to wa-on-mon?" it was a subtle question. the cunning indian suspected the errand of the good man, but its avowal at this juncture would have been fatal; it must be parried. "when the missionary last entered the lodge of wa-on-mon, he did not ask him why he wished to speak to him, but gave him welcome. wa-on-mon now speaks in another way." "because the missionary does not seek wa-on-mon for himself, but for another; the missionary's heart is not red, but is white." "it is red and white, for it loves the white man and the red man. the heart of wa-on-mon is red, and he therefore loves his people. should not the missionary feel thus toward those whom the great spirit is pleased to make white?" "the indian is the child of the great spirit; the pale-face is the child of the evil spirit; these are the hunting grounds of the red man, and the pale-face has no right here." it was the same old plea which finley had heard from the first day he held converse with a member of the american race, and which he knew would be dinned into his ears to the very end, but he never listened to it with impatience. "the hunting grounds are broad and long, the streams are deep and full of fish, the woods abound with game, there is room for the red men and pale-faces to live beside each other." "but they can never live beside each other!" exclaimed the panther, with a deadlier flash of the eye; "the pale-faces are dogs; they steal the hunting grounds from the indians; they rob and cheat them; they shoot our warriors and then call us brothers!" no words can picture the scorn which the chieftain threw into these expressions. he flung his head back with an upward graceful swing of the arms, which added immense force to his declaration. it was an unconscious but a fine dramatic effect. the chief difficulty in a "pow-wow" of this nature was that the balance of argument was invariably on the side of the indian. the white men had invaded the hunting grounds of the aborigines. the french and indian war was a prodigious struggle between the two rival nations of europe as to which should own those hunting grounds; neither thought or cared for the rights of the red man; they had never done so. the history of the settlement of this country, as has been said, is simply a history of violence, wrong, fraud, rapine, injustice, persecution, and crime on the part of the caucasian against the american, relieved now and then, at remote periods, by such wise and beneficent acts as the quaker treaty under the old tree at shackamaxon, and stained with the hue of hell by such crimes as the massacre of the moravian indians, the capture of the seminole chieftain osceola under a flag of truce, the slaughter in later days of colonel chivington, and innumerable other instances of barbarity never surpassed by the most ferocious savages of the dark continent. "many of the pale-faces are evil," said the missionary. "the words of wa-on-mon are true of a great number, i am sorry to say, but they are not true of all." "they are true of all. they are true of the missionary." the firelight showed a deeper flush that sprang to the face of the good man, who was not, and never could be, fully freed of much of the old adam that lingered in his nature. his impulse was strong to smite the chieftain to the earth for his deadly insult, but finley always held such promptings well in hand, and the duskier hue on each health-tinted cheek was the only evidence that his feelings had been stirred. his voice was as low and softly modulated as a woman's. he folded both arms over the muzzle of his rifle, whose stock rested on the leaves at his feet, and remained calmly confronting the savage chieftain, who more than once seemed ready to snatch out his knife and drive it into the heart of the man of god. "the eyes of wa-on-mon are not in the sunlight; the smoke is in them; when the sun drives away the smoke he will see the missionary as he saw him when they hunted the deer and buffalo and bear together, and when they helped the wyandot, kush-la-ka, to his wigwam." this allusion was to an incident only a few months old. kush-la-ka was almost mortally wounded in a death struggle with an immense bear, and would have perished had not the panther and finley looked after him and helped him to his own home. the good man hoped the recall of the occurrence would stir a responsive chord in the heart of the chieftain, and open the way for uttering the prayer which he had not yet dared to hint; but the failure was absolute; the mood of the panther was too sullen, too revengeful, too deeply stirred by the memory of recent wrongs for it to be amenable (as it occasionally had been) to gentle influences. he persisted in regarding the missionary as a presumptuous and execrated enemy. "wa-on-mon is on the war-path," he fairly hissed; "he is the enemy of all the pale faces." "wa-on-mon is a great chieftain; the heart of the missionary is grieved. wa-on-mon speaks as he feels, and the missionary will dispute him no more." this abrupt collapse, as it may be termed, of the visitor was unexpected by the shawanoe. it was a masterful stroke, and produced an immediate effect, though so slight in its nature that a man less observant than finley would have failed to perceive it. "why does the missionary come to the camp of wa-on-mon when more than one of the shawanoes have fallen by the rifles of the pale-faces?" "and the rifles of the shawanoes have done grievous harm among the pale-faces?" "the heart of wa-on-mon rejoices to learn that!" exclaimed the chieftain; "how many of them have fallen?" "there is mourning among my people; one of them fell dead at my side, and others are grievously hurt." "there shall be more mourning, for not one of them shall be spared to reach the block-house! they shall all be cut off." "the will of the great spirit shall be done." "and why does the missionary come to the camp of wa-on-mon? he has been asked the question before." "and has answered," finley was quick to say, hesitating to avow the whole truth, even though it was evident it was known from the first to the chieftain. "cannot the missionary speak with a single tongue? does he come to seek wa-on-mon alone?" "no," was the prompt response. "who comes he to see?" "the little captive in the hands of wa-on-mon." "she is there," said the chief, pointing to the fallen tree upon which little mabel sat; "he can see her; he may speak to her." "the missionary thanks wa-on-mon--may he call him his brother?" "no," was the sharp response, "the missionary and wa-on-mon were once brothers, but they are so no longer." "the missionary thanks wa-on-mon, but he is not, as yet, ready to talk to the suffering little one." "little time remains to do so; she dies at sunrise." "that is several hours distant; in the meanwhile, the missionary would speak to wa-on-mon of the child." "what does he wish to say?" "he has a prayer to make." "what is the prayer?" asked the chief, well aware what it was. "wa-on-mon has two little ones, a warrior and a sweet girl. the missionary has played and talked with them and held them on his knee; does wa-on-mon believe that the missionary would not risk his life to save them from harm?" finley paused, but there was no response. the way had been opened at last, and it was too late now to turn back. he must press forward to the final solution, no matter what that should prove to be, but all the signs were ominous of the worst. the question was anything but pleasing to the chieftain. he was silent a minute, and replied by means of a pointed question himself: "is the child on the tree the child of the missionary?" "no, but she is the daughter of a friend; she is not a warrior who fires a gun at the shawanoes of wa-on-mon; she has harmed none of them." "but her parents did; to harm her will hurt them more than will a bullet fired from the gun of the chieftain; therefore, wa-on-mon will kill her." "let wa-on-mon listen to the good spirit that whispers in his ears; let him show the same kindness to the prisoner that the missionary will show to the pappoose of the great chieftain; that the father of the captive would show to the children of wa-on-mon if the great spirit gave them to him." "the missionary speaks with a double tongue; he lies; he is a dog, and he must say such words no more!" broke in the panther, with a voice, a manner, and a glare that showed his patience was exhausted. "the missionary deserves the death of a dog, but he may go back to his people; he cannot take the child with him; she shall die when the sun rises." "if the missionary cannot take the child of his friend with him then he will not go back to him." "if he stays till the sun shows itself above the woods then he shall die." finley saw it would not do to hesitate longer. the moment had come for him to fall back on the last and only recourse left, and much as he regretted the act (for it was at variance with his principles), he now made it promptly and with a skill, a cunning and a delicacy that could not be excelled. chapter xxvii. the last recourse. the night was well along when missionary finley determined to appeal to his last recourse for saving the life of little mabel ashbridge. in unnumbered ways the shawanoes showed that stoicism and indifference which they take pains to display when in the presence of strangers, though not always among themselves. a number lolled on the ground, some were standing, and two had sat down on the fallen tree. another took upon himself the duty of keeping the fire vigorously burning. from time to time he walked off among the trees, and came back with sticks and brush in his arms, which were flung on the flames. although the air was colder than on the preceding night, the additional warmth was not needed; it was simply the light that was required. the action of all these shawanoes was as if their chieftain and his white visitor were one hundred miles distant. none approached, addressed or seemed to hear a word that passed, though in the stillness many of their words, especially those uttered by the chieftain, were audible to the farthest point of the camp. the observant eye of finley told him a significant fact. allowing for those that had fallen in the attack upon the flatboat, fully half a dozen of the warriors were absent. they were watching the movements of the whites who had crossed the river, and would soon report to the panther. the absence of these warriors, we say, was suggestive, but caused the missionary no concern. with the pioneers were daniel boone and his rangers, while simon kenton was somewhere between the hostile forces. after the late escape of the party from the panther and his men, no great fear was to be entertained of them. mabel ashbridge, wondering, distressed and sorrowful, sat on the fallen tree, now and then looking around the camp and following the movements of the painted men as they passed to and fro, some of them occasionally glancing toward her with a scowl and gleam of the black eyes, which terrified her, but most of the time her gaze rested upon the chieftain and white man talking near her. how odd their words sounded! she could hear everything said, and yet it was in another language, and seemed as if they were mumbling over gibberish, like a couple of children for their own amusement, except that the chief most of the time acted as though he was angry at the white man, who looked so pleasant and kind that she was sure he must have a little girl at home. but strange, novel and exciting as all this seemed, it soon became monotonous to her. unable to learn of its meaning, she became drowsy, and, leaning over and laying her head on the log beside her, she closed her eyes in slumber. thus matters stood when the missionary said: "the white and red children of the great spirit, i fear, will always fight each other. the missionary has tried to make them live in peace, but he can do nothing. the shawanoes have made captive a little girl over whose head only the moons of a pappoose have passed. a few hours ago the pale-faces made captive the great chieftain wa-on-mon, but the white hunter let him go free." the panther was about to interrupt angrily, when the missionary continued, with the same calm evenness of voice: "the white hunter did not set wa-on-mon free because he loved him, but rather because he hated him. he wished to meet him in combat; but when he went to the place where wa-on-mon promised to meet him, the chieftain was not there. the great wa-on-mon was not afraid of the white man; therefore, he must have made a mistake and gone elsewhere." "wa-on-mon made haste to meet his warriors, that he might lead them against the pale-faces and slay them all." "he lost more braves than did the pale-faces, but the white hunter must not think the mighty wa-on-mon is afraid of him." the remark was as near an untruth as the conscience of the good man would permit him to go. no one, not even simon kenton, suspected the panther was afraid to meet any white man that lived in a personal encounter. but the statement hit the chieftain in the most sensitive spot. "does the white hunter think wa-on-mon is afraid to meet him in the depths of the wood, where no eye but that of the great spirit shall see them?" "how can he help thinking so when wa-on-mon agrees to meet him, and the white hunter goes to the spot, and waits for wa-on-mon, who does not come?" "but wa-on-mon has told the missionary the reason," said the panther, with a threatening movement and flash of his eyes. "wa-on-mon has not told the white hunter," returned the unruffled finley. "the missionary can tell him." "and he will do so, but what shall he tell the white hunter when he asks whether wa-on-mon will meet him again and prove he is not afraid?" "tell the white hunter that wa-on-mon will meet him!" exclaimed the panther, with a concentrated fury of voice and manner surpassing that which he had yet shown. he placed his hand threateningly upon his knife, as though in his wrath he would bury it in the body of the good man as a means of relief for the cyclone of hate that was aroused by his words. it was the precise point for which missionary finley had been playing. the preliminary conversation had been aimed to bring the panther to see that the only way he could save himself from the charge of cowardice was by meeting kenton in mortal combat. such an issue, in which one of the contestants must fall, was extremely distasteful to the man of peace. there could be only one combination of circumstances that would justify, in his judgment, that supreme test; that combination now existed. with the skill of a trained diplomat, with his perfect knowledge of the indian character, finley kept matters moving. "it will delight the heart of the white hunter to meet wa-on-mon, as they were to meet only yesterday, and i know it will make glad the heart of wa-on-mon to meet the white hunter in the woods, where no one can see them. shall i tell the white hunter that these are the words of wa-on-mon?" "they are wa-on-mon's words; he will meet the white hunter." this was all well enough, and the negotiation was progressing satisfactorily; but the most delicate work yet remained to be done. the arrangements for the encounter were yet to be completed, and, above all, the stake must be fixed, or, no matter what the issue, everything would come to naught. "the white hunter and my brother, the great and mighty wa-on-mon, cannot meet in the darkness of the wood, for when they meet they must see each others' faces." it was the first time the missionary had ventured to speak of the chieftain as his brother since he was angrily forbidden to do so. he made no objection in the present instance, though possibly it was due to his mental excitement that he did not notice it. "they shall meet when the sun rises over the tree-tops; wa-on-mon will be there and await the white hunter, if he does not run away." "the white hunter will not run away," quietly remarked the missionary, refraining from making the stinging retort that rose to his lips; "but my brother, the mighty wa-on-mon, is wise, let him say how he and the white hunter shall meet, and the missionary will see that it is done." before the chieftain could formulate a scheme, the shrewd finley was ready with that which he had formed while crossing the river in the canoe. "let wa-on-mon go to the rock that lies yonder," he said, pointing up the stream, "it is but a small way beyond this camp; the rock is only the size of a canoe, and it is hardly above the surface of the water; does my brother know it?" "wa-on-mon knows where his brother, the missionary, means," replied the chieftain, thrilling the good man by the term used. "will he be there when the sun appears above the tree-tops?" "wa-on-mon will be there, armed only with his knife." "it shall be the same with the white hunter." but the sagacious panther saw the difficulties that still confronted them. his "brother" had clinched the confidence the chieftain held in him by his selection of the battle-ground for the kentucky side of the ohio, not far from the shawanoe camp. this reduced, as far as possible, the chances of treachery by the white men, and conceded a most important point to those with whom treachery has always been a cardinal virtue. "the missionary will see that the white hunter is by the rocks when it begins to grow light in the east." "then what will the missionary do?" "he will come back to the camp of wa-on-mon and await his return." had he expressed his wishes he would have added the words, "hoping he will never come back again," but he was too wise to say anything of that nature. "wa-on-mon will not keep him waiting long," was the confident declaration of the shawanoe. "and when he returns?" "then my brother, the missionary, shall go free." "and the little one asleep there?" "she dies." "wa-on-mon will not return until the white hunter has fallen before his knife." "no; but that will not be long." "suppose wa-on-mon does not come back?" remarked finley, in a matter-of-fact, off-hand manner, but it was the crucial point of the whole matter. "he will come back," was the response of the chieftain. "does he think the white hunter will spare him? no," added the missionary, answering his own question. "but suppose my brother, the mighty wa-on-mon, does not come back?" "then my brother, the missionary, shall go back to his people." "but that is the promise my brother gave before; will he not say that if wa-on-mon does not come back, the missionary shall return to his people and take the little captive with him?" "wa-on-mon gives his brother that pledge; he has spoken." it was settled! the scheme that had been in the mind of the good man from the moment he paddled away from the flatboat was fully assented to by the panther. if the latter overcame simon kenton in the hand-to-hand encounter, he would return to camp and put innocent mabel ashbridge to death. if, on the other hand, the ranger overcame the panther, or the latter was seen no more among his warriors, then the missionary was at liberty to take the tiny hand within his own, and make his way back to her friends without let or hindrance from the shawanoes. in other words, the life of the child was the stake at issue. "let my brother make known his wishes to his braves," said the missionary, losing no time in following up the advantage he had gained. as if aware for the first time of the presence of his people around him, the panther now beckoned to several to approach. they did so with a prompt readiness which suggested a camp of highly-disciplined soldiers. the chief explained what had been agreed upon, and made his orders so explicit that there could be no misconception on the part of any one. finley watched closely while he listened, and saw that in this matter at least all was above board. the chieftain's self-confidence was so ingrained and deeply set that he could not doubt his own triumph. but he astounded rev. mr. finley by an unprecedented proof of faith in his honor. the combat was to take place as near sunrise as could be arranged. as it was impossible to say beforehand precisely when the panther would be due in camp, it was his order that the decision of the question should be left wholly with the missionary. when he should declare to the leading shawanoes that the time that had elapsed was so great that it was certain wa-on-mon had been overthrown and would not come back to his warriors, then the missionary was free to take the little captive by the hand and walk away, and no one should say them nay. it was an unprecedented compliment in respect to the integrity and honor of the good man; but, oh, what a temptation, when it promised to settle the question of life and death for the precious child! chapter xxviii. the return. the interview between missionary finley and the shawanoe chieftain had been prolonged; it was of the first importance. many things that this narrative does not require should be recorded passed between them, and the hour was far advanced when the decision was reached; it was agreed that the life of the little captive, mabel ashbridge, should be determined by the result of the duel to the death between simon kenton and wa-on-mon, known as the panther. aware as was the missionary of the departure of the ranger at the moment the flatboat was pushing from the kentucky shore, he knew his course of action as well as if he had watched his every movement. "throughout the whole interview he had scarcely removed his eyes from wa-on-mon and me," was the conclusion of finley, and he was right. "i will now go in search of the white hunter," he said, slightly modifying his manner of speaking; "i shall soon find him, and he will be at the rock." "and when the sun rises he will find wa-on-mon awaiting him there," said the chieftain. waving his hand in a half-military fashion, as a salute not only to the chief but to the leading shawanoes, finley turned about and walked away in the forest. he felt an almost irresistible yearning to go over to mabel ashbridge and utter a few comforting words in her ear; but her own welfare prevented anything of that nature. besides, she had laid her weary head down upon the bark and was sleeping as soundly as if resting on her mother's bosom. after leaving the shawanoe camp, the missionary directed his steps toward the ohio, where he had left his canoe. there was no call for secrecy in his movements, and he tramped through the bushes and undergrowth as a countryman would have done had he held no suspicion of danger. if he excelled in any direction, it was in making more of a racket than such a countryman. as he anticipated, he had not gone far when a familiar signal arrested him. he instantly paused, and the next moment simon kenton was at his side. "i seed you and the panther talkin'," remarked the ranger, "and it struck me powerful hard that the varmint was saying something that must be of interest to me." "i was confident you were lurking among the trees not far off, and since wa-on-mon sometimes spoke pretty loud, i fancied you would catch the drift of our conversation." "i couldn't catch 'nough to do that, but i am interested in it." "no one can be more so; i left the camp to hunt for you; do you know of that rock which lies just above the gulch, on this side of the river? it is a small flat rock, rising only a few inches above the water." "i know the spot as well as i do the one where the block-house stands." "wa-on-mon has pledged himself to be there when the sun rises, and i have given him my pledge that you will not be behind him." "i'll be there!" said kenton in a low voice, and with a deliberation that made his earnestness the more impressive. "it's the chance i've been huntin' for years." "the agreement is that each of you is to be armed only with his knife. no one is to be present--not even myself. if wa-on-mon wins by slaying you, then mr. ashbridge's little child must die." "and if i win?" "i am to take her back to her parents unharmed." "you've said 'nough, parson; i'll be there." the missionary did not know whether to accept it as a good or bad omen that kenton, contrary to the panther, and contrary to his own habit, made no boast of what he would do upon meeting the chieftain. "no danger of his flunking, i hope, parson?" "not the slightest; but, simon, may i say one word?" "you may say a thousand." "i have arranged for two persons to meet in deadly combat. there is something dreadfully shocking in the idea, and in some respects it is most distressing to me--" "it ain't to me," interrupted kenton, with a chuckle; "all i'm afeered of is that the varmint may find some excuse not to meet me." "i have assured you that there is no cause for any such fear. what it has been in my mind to say is that when you do meet, remember that a truly brave man is merciful." "i don't understand you, parson." "perhaps it is better that i shall not attempt to explain, but, if possible, remember my words." "i think that to make sartin there's no slip on my part, i'll go to the rock now." "i'll go with you." it was a brief walk to the place fixed upon for the meeting, and both were so familiar with the ground, or rather the shore of the river (for it has been explained that the missionary knew little about rattlesnake gulch itself), that it required only a few minutes for them to proceed directly to the place. "i'll leave you here and return to wa-on-mon," said finley; "god be with you, and, if you can, remember what i said just now." kenton returned his salutation, and without further words they separated. on his return to the shawanoe camp the good man used extreme caution for a time, as though fearful of being detected by some of the warriors whom he was seeking. when certain at last that no human eye saw him, he knelt in the midst of the solemn wood, and poured out his soul in prayer to the only one who could aid him in his dire perplexity. he spent a long time alone and in communion with his maker, and then, much strengthened in spirit, he pressed forward with the same openness as before, until once more he stood in the shawanoe camp. little change had taken place during his absence. instead of most of the warriors walking about all were seated--some sleeping, but the majority awake and talking with each other. little mabel was still unconscious, but instead of reclining on the log she lay on the leaves close to the fallen tree, one chubby arm doubled under her cheek, her slumber as sweet and restful as if in her trundle-bed at home. since it was not reasonable to think the little one had made this change of position herself, it must have been done by one of the shawanoes. an odd suspicion came to the missionary that it had been done by the panther, but he deemed it unwise to inquire, so the truth was never known. but nothing escaped the eye of finley. he noticed the chieftain sitting apart talking with four warriors, and two of them were not in the camp when the missionary left it. they had come in while he was away. most likely they were scouts that had been watching the movements of the pioneers on the other side of the river. it was fortunate if it was so, for they must have brought news that the fugitives had ceased any effort to reach the block-house, and were quietly waiting until the missionary or kenton, or both, had returned with their tidings. finley endeavored to approach near enough to the group to catch something that was said, but the chief and his warriors were too cunning to permit this. not wishing to interrupt, he seated himself on the fallen tree to wait until wa-on-mon was ready to talk to him. the chief did not keep him waiting. leaving the warriors, he came over and sat down beside him, the moccasins of the savage so close to the curly head that a motion of a few inches would have touched it with his toe. the panther did not glance at the little sleeper, and it would be unwarrantable to suppose that any feeling akin to pity glowed within that sinister breast, which burned and seethed with a quenchless hatred of the people that were trying to drive the red men from their hunting grounds. nevertheless, missionary finley clung to the belief that it was wa-on-mon that had lifted the child from her hard seat on the log and deposited her so gently upon the leaves that her slumber was not disturbed. "has my brother seen the white hunter?" asked wa-on-mon, speaking in a much lower tone than was used in the former interview. "he parted with him a short time ago." "is his heart glad that wa-on-mon will meet him?" "his heart flows with joy," replied finley, with deep depression that such should be the truth, over the prospect of so shocking an event. "he will not run away?" "did he do so yesterday?" was the stinging question of the missionary, which struck the shawanoe hard; "he is so afraid he will not be at the rock in time that he has gone there to await the coming of wa-on-mon; he is there now; wa-on-mon will find him when he goes thither." "wa-on-mon will be there when the sun rises from its bed; he will not keep the white hunter waiting." "and the pale-faces that have crossed to the other side of the river will tarry there till the missionary returns to them." "my brother speaks with a single tongue," remarked the panther, thereby uttering another strong tribute to the integrity of his visitor. "does he not always speak with a single tongue?" asked finley, feeling warranted in pushing the chieftain, now that the all-important question had been settled. "he does," was the prompt response of the fiery sachem, who thereby plumply contradicted what he had said a short time before. this, in a certain sense, might have been gratifying to the missionary, had not his knowledge of indian nature told him unerringly the cause of the exultant mood of the panther. simply, he was gratified at the prospect of meeting the white man in mortal combat, for he held not a shadow of doubt that the career of kenton was already as good as ended. an hour or so, and the famous ranger would vex the red men no more. it has been made plain to the reader that the vicious miscreant was anything but a coward. the events that had since occurred fully justified his failure to meet kenton upon the former acceptance of his challenge. "the man's confidence in himself is unbounded; he does not think it possible he can fail to overcome simon. it will be a fearful struggle when they do meet, and i shudder at the thought. can it be that simon underestimates the prowess of wa-on-mon? i hope not, and yet, i fear--i fear." within the following hour a dim, growing light began showing in the eastern part of the heavens. day was breaking. "wa-on-mon goes to meet the white hunter," said the chieftain, much as a groom might have announced his going forth to greet his bride. he made no farewell to the other warriors. he had explained everything to them and nothing was to be added. his words were addressed to the missionary, who was so oppressed by the situation that he could make no response, excepting a silent nod of his head. "wa-on-mon will soon return," added the exultant shawanoe, as if determined that his visitor should speak. "how soon?" the latter forced himself to ask. "when the sun appears there," said the panther, indicating a point, by extending his arm, which the orb would reach within an hour after rising. "wa-on-mon will come back, bringing the scalp of the white hunter with him. if he is still absent when the sun is there, the missionary may take the hand of the captive and go back to his people. the shawanoe warriors will not stand in his way." it would be vain to attempt to depict the anguish of the dreadful minutes that followed. missionary finley underwent a struggle that was the keenest agony he had ever known. most of the warriors dropped off in slumber. included with these were those who had been wounded, and who seemed to have the faculty of overcoming their sufferings to a remarkable degree. three remained awake to attend the fire and guard the camp. little mabel ashbridge slept on in blissful ignorance of the awful fate impending over her childish head. only the good man himself suffered a torture beyond the power of words to describe. he glanced upward through the leaves continually. at the very moment the sun reached the point indicated by wa-on-mon, the undergrowth parted and the chieftain himself strode forward. and as he did so the missionary saw on his countenance an expression that he had never noted before. chapter xxix. squaring accounts. when simon kenton was left alone by the missionary, who had been the means of bringing about this hostile meeting, he knew that a full hour must pass before his mortal enemy, the panther, would reach the spot. the ranger was in need of sleep, and he did a thing which, while the most sensible act he could perform under the circumstances, was certainly extraordinary; he sat down on the ground, with his back against a tree, closed his eyes in slumber, and did not open them again until the hour had passed. he possessed that ability, which almost any one can acquire, of awaking at any time previously fixed upon. day was breaking, its light steadily spreading and diffusing itself through the surrounding forest and filling the summer sky with an increasing glow. kenton deliberately arose, drank from the neighboring river, bathing his hands and face in it, and then sauntered to the spot where he expected to meet the dusky miscreant who was equally eager to cross weapons with him. leaning his rifle against a tree, the ranger took a position and attitude in which nothing could approach or pass without being noted by him. "the parson is the best man in the world," he mused; "there ain't another white man that dare go visitin' 'mong the varmints like him, for they trust him just as his own kith and kin do. "when i seed him walk out of the wood, right by them other varmints and straight up to the panther, i was sartin it was all over with him, and he was in for his last sickness sure. the panther had just had things slip up on him in a way that must have made him mad enough to bite off his own head, but the parson fixed it, and the panther and me are bound to meet this time. "there must be something in that thing which he preaches," continued the ranger, musingly, "which ain't like other things. what he says hits one so powerful hard that it makes me feel quar. it makes him love the varmints, the black people and the white all alike; it makes him leave his home and spend days or weeks in the wood, just as boone done afore he brought his family to kentucky. "what did the missionary mean by tellin' me a brave man is merciful? i wonder whether he had any talk with the panther? it would be just like him to do so, but it was time throwed away. howsumever, his words to me stick in my ears, and keep going back and forth as nothin' that was ever said to me afore has done. "the panther is full of grit; when he comes i'll make him b'leve i think he was scared and run off. that'll make him so mad, he'll fight harder than ever, which is what i want. "but he'll fight like a wounded catamount, he is sure he'll wipe me out and send me under this time, and that he can go on shootin' settlers in the back, tomahawking women and children without stoppin' to bother with me. somehow or other i don't feel as sartin in this matter as afore, but i wouldn't let this chance of closing accounts with the panther pass by for the whole of kentucky--sh! there he comes!" a rustle, such as a quail might have made in walking over the leaves, caused the ranger to turn his head like a flash. the undergrowth parted, and wa-on-mon, chief of the shawanoes, stepped into full view hardly ten feet distant, with his glittering eyes fixed upon the face of the ranger. the coarse black hair dangled about the shoulders, with a couple of strands hanging loosely over the chest. three stained eagle feathers projected backward from the crown, where the hair was stained with several hues of paint. the hard, sinister features displayed the same fantastic daubs that marked them when the panther was a prisoner on the flatboat, the white cross showing on the forehead, with streakings of red and black on the cheeks and chin. the coppery chest was bare to the waist, where reposed the single weapon of the chieftain--his formidable hunting knife, which had committed many a dark deed when wielded in the vicious grip of the dusky miscreant. below the breech-clout the iron limbs were encased in leggings and the small feet were covered with moccasins, now faded and worn by hard usage. the panther paused, with his left foot in advance, his right hand grasping the hilt of his knife at his waist, and his shoulders and head thrust forward, the attitude of the body being that of an athlete with his muscles concentrated for a leap across a chasm that yawns in front of him. the pose of kenton was dissimilar, and yet showed some points of resemblance. in accordance with the custom of his people, he carried his knife, in a small scabbard, by a string over his left breast. he grasped the handle, ready to whip it out on the first need. he did not mean that his antagonist should "get the drop" on him. kenton stood with his feet well together, but separated enough to give his attitude grace and strength. his coonskin cap, fringed hunting shirt, leggings and shoes were such as were commonly worn by people of his calling. he was taller, more sinewy and equally active with the shawanoe, upon whom his blue eyes were fixed with burning intensity and a glow that was the "light of battle" itself. the panther had brought no weapon except his knife with him. the rifle of the ranger rested against a tree several paces away, and as near the indian as the white man. it was a strange position for two mortal enemies, thoroughly distrusting each other, but in neither case did it imply a lessening of that distrust; it simply attested the faith of the two in a third person--missionary finley. he had arranged this meeting, and both believed in him. a scornful smile lit up the thin, smooth, handsome face of kenton, who, with his fingers still clasping the haft of the weapon at his breast, said in the shawanoe tongue: "the panther meets his enemy at last, but does he bring no warriors with him to hide among the trees and rush forward when he begs for mercy from the white man?" this question was meant for the cutting taunt it proved to be, for it was a strange fashion on the frontier, when two enemies came face to face in deadly encounter, for each to try to goad the other to the point of what may be termed nervousness before the critical assault took place. "the panther needs no one to help him bring the dog of a white man to his knees," replied wa-on-mon, holding his passion well in hand. "then why, shawanoe, did you run away when a short time since you promised to meet me by the splintered tree near the clearing?" "the dog of a white man speaks as a fool! he knows that wa-on-mon hastened to find his brave warriors, that the pale-faces should not be allowed to make their way to the fort. he found them, and they shall never get there." "the shawanoes have tried to stop them, but could not; they tried last night, and more than one of the dogs were brought low. the gun that leans against the tree there did its part, as it shall continue to do. the shawanoes fled as children, and i leaped ashore and chased them, but they ran too fast for me to catch them." this was drawing it with a long bow, but as we have intimated, it was in accordance with the fashion of the times. the chieftain restrained his temper better than would have been expected, for the reason that he understood the motive of his enemy; it was the contest preliminary to the decisive one. "why did not the white dogs all come ashore and chase the shawanoes?" he asked, with little appearance of passion in voice or manner. "one of them did--a little child--you, dog of a shawanoe, made captive the child and strode back among your warriors, proud and boastful because it was the first prisoner you ever took. oh, brave shawanoe! oh, mighty chieftain!" while uttering these taunts, kenton did not permit the slightest "sign" to escape him. he saw he was fast goading his foe to the resistless point, the object he had in view. there was an almost insensible tightening of the muscles of the fingers closing around the handle of the knife, the faintest possible quiver passed through the thighs, or showed in a single twitch of the toes of the left foot, which inched forward. the panther gave a quick inhalation, and while the words recorded were in the mouth of kenton, he hissed: "die, dog of a pale-face!" at the same time he bounded forward, as does the animal whose name he bore when leaping upon his prostrate foe. the intervening space was cleared at the single leap, and the knife, whipped from the girdle at the instant of starting, made a fierce sweep through the air, almost too quick for the eye to follow, and shot like the head of a rattlesnake at the breast of the ranger. nevertheless, it clove through vacancy, for kenton recoiled a single step, the hundredth part of a second before the weapon flashed in front of his face, and struck with equal power and swiftness at the crouching demon while yet in mid-air; but nothing could have surpassed the dexterity of the panther, who, by a flirt of the head, dodged the blow, and dropping like a cat upon his feet, not only endeavored to strike the white man in the back, but came within a hair of succeeding. it need hardly be said that had he done so, the conflict would have been over on the instant. but kenton saved himself, and faced about to receive the assault from the opposite direction. instead of following up the slight and yet possibly fatal advantage thus obtained, the panther became more guarded in his attack. the opening bout made both more cautious; their respect for each other's prowess was increased. neither uttered a syllable; the taunts had ended; there was no call to goad each other to fury, for the highest point of passion was already attained. to spend breath in the utterance of words was to place themselves in the position of the gymnast who breaks into laughter--it would be a fatal weakening of strength. the panther, crouching low, clutching knife, with head thrust forward, and gleaming eye fixed on his victim, began slowly circling around him, on the watch for an opening that would permit him to bound forward and strike his foe to the earth. standing thus in the centre of a circle, kenton had but to turn slowly so as to keep his face turned toward his assailant. it was the easiest thing in the world to present indefinitely an unassailable front, and yet the panther had barely completed his first circuit when the opening which he sought offered itself, and he seized it with lightning-like quickness. but it was presented purposely; kenton incited the attack, and when the shawanoe demon shot through the air toward him, he steadied himself for a second, and struck again with all the might and skill at command. that which the ranger had not counted upon, or which was not likely to happen once in a thousand times, intervened to save the panther for the single instant. he and kenton struck precisely the same blow, and their forearms glanced against each other. the stroke of the white man was the more powerful, and impinging against the less muscular arm of the shawanoe with paralyzing force, sent his knife spinning twenty feet away among the undergrowth. before the agile shawanoe could recover himself the left hand of kenton griped his throat, he was borne furiously backward, hurled to the ground as though he were an infant, the knee of the ranger was at his breast, and the knife was held ready to complete the fearful work. "dog of a shawanoe!" hissed the infuriated hunter, "you are conquered at last! now beg for mercy!" had the positions of the two been reversed, the prostrate foe could not have been more defiant when he hissed back, with flashing eye: "dog of a pale-face, that is afraid to strike!" the words were meant as a taunt to the ranger to do his worst. down deep in the heart of every being, no matter how degraded, how sinful, how wicked, how merciless, is a spark of goodness which, when fanned by the angel's breath, glows or spreads until it burns out all the dross that years of wrong-doing have implanted there. why it was and how it came about, simon kenton to his dying day never fully understood, but he always insisted that at that moment he heard the voice of missionary finley, with unmistakable distinctness, in his ear: "show him mercy, and mercy shall be shown to you when you need it!" impelled by a power which he dared not resist, the ranger rose from the chest of the panther, and said in tones that sounded like those of another person: "shawanoe, take your life; i give it to you!" chapter xxx. conclusion. the heart of missionary finley stood still when he saw the panther stride from the wood into the open space where the campfire was burning. he knew that the terrible chieftain and simon kenton had met in mortal combat, and what could the return of the shawanoe mean but that the prince of pioneers and rangers had been overthrown and slain by his implacable enemy? with a self-possession which surprised even himself, the good man looked straight into the face of the indian as he approached, and, noting its strange expression, said: "wa-on-mon has met the white hunter and conquered him." three paces away the panther abruptly halted and stood for several seconds, looking silently at the missionary. then he said, in a low, deliberate voice: "wa-on-mon has met the white hunter--the white hunter has conquered wa-on-mon." missionary finley was quick to catch the point of a situation; but, for a moment, he was dumfounded. then a suspicion of the truth flashed upon him. the good man was too sagacious to question the panther. a strange, hitherto impossible condition of affairs existed. it was dangerous to meddle with them. suppressing all evidence of emotion, finley asked: "what are the wishes of my brother, the mighty wa-on-mon?" "she opens her eyes; she has awakened!" he pointed to the little captive, who just then looked around, with a bewildered air, sat up and rubbed her eyes. "where is papa? where is mamma?" she asked, looking from one to the other, and at a loss to comprehend her situation and her surroundings. "take the captive," said the panther. "no harm shall come to her and my brother until after they meet their friends." it was fair notice that the remarkable truce ended at the moment of the arrival of the missionary and the child among their people. again finley displayed his tact by asking no questions of wa-on-mon. nor did he essay to thank him for his unexpected clemency. he did not so much as speak to or look at him. "come, my child," he said tenderly, extending his hand to mabel, "i am going to take you to papa and mamma." "oh, i am so glad!" exclaimed the happy one, slipping her hand into the palm of the missionary. the warriors standing around and seeing all this must have had their share, too, of strange emotions, for the experience was without a parallel with them. had the chieftain been any one except the panther, something in the nature of a revolt would have been probable; but no one dared gainsay that fearful leader, who, like philip, chief of the wampanoags, had mortally smitten the warrior that dared to suggest an opposite policy to that already determined by the sachem. [illustration: the missionary's triumph.] there were looks, but nothing more, as the man, holding the hand of the child, walked out of the camp, without any appearance of haste or fright, and disappeared among the trees. with a heart swelling with gratitude to god for the wonderful outcome of the strange complication, the good man picked his way through the forest, still holding the trusting hand within his own, and comforting her by promises that she should soon see her father and mother and brother, who were awaiting her coming on the other side of the river. like every other member of the company, she was a-hungered, but there could be no guarantee that she, like them, would not have to remain so for hours to come. when the missionary reached the river side, to recross in his canoe, he found kenton awaiting him, paddle in hand. the two men smiled significantly as their eyes met. they silently grasped hands, and then adjusting themselves in the boat, with mabel between them, pushed for the other shore. and as the graceful craft skimmed the smooth surface of the ohio on that beautiful summer morning, a hundred years ago, the ranger told his story of his encounter with wa-on-mon, chief of the shawanoes. "it took the varmint some time to know what i meant, when i said he could go; he wouldn't take the life i offered him at first, but said it belonged to me, and not to him. that bein' so," added kenton, with a grin, "i told him as how i could do as i chose with it, as i throwed it from me." "it was a surprise to him, indeed," remarked finley. "wal, i should say powerful somewhat. when he made up his mind at last that bein' as i wasn't going to send him under, he might as well take what i give him, he done it." "did he say anything?" "not a word; i thought maybe he'd pick up his knife ag'in, but he done nothin' of the kind; he didn't even look to where it had fallen when i knocked it out of his hand, but walked off in the woods, and that was the last of him. parson," said the scout, with a grave expression, looking him calmly in the face, "i want to ask you a question." "why, simon, my good man, you may ask me anything you choose." "where was you when the panther and me was having our little argyment?" "i went directly back to the shawanoe camp and stayed there till he returned with word that i might depart with mabel." "sure you wasn't nowhere near us?" "no nearer than what i have just told you." the ranger paddled a moment in silence. "bein' as you say so, that settles it." the missionary, who was watching his friend closely, now said: "since i have answered your question, simon, it is right that i should know why you ask it." "wal, it's this: just as i had the panther down, and was 'bout to finish the bus'ness, i heard you speak." "heard me speak? and what did i say?" "'show him mercy, and mercy shall be shown unto you when you need it;' so what could i do but let him up?" the good man understood the incident better than did kenton himself. "but," he said, gently, "i have just explained that i was too far from you for me to make myself heard." "whose voice was it, then?" "the voice of conscience, simon, or the whisperings of god. it may have sounded louder to you just then than usual, but it was not the first time it has sounded in your ear, reproving you when you have done wrong, and commending you when you have done right. listen and heed what it tells you, simon, and no matter what comes, all shall be well with you." the missionary saw that his words had made a strong impression, and he was wise in saying no more. the ranger headed the course for a point that would land them considerably below where the friends in the flatboat were awaiting their coming. finley, after noting the fact, remarked: "you are doing it on purpose, simon." "of course; some of the varmints are watchin'." the object, as the reader will perceive, was to make the shawanoes believe the fugitives had shifted their position further down stream. since boone was with the latter party, the stratagem, slight of itself and possibly ineffectual, was readily understood by them. when the canoe shot in under the bank on the ohio side, it was an eighth of a mile below where the flatboat had been hidden with the utmost care on the same bank of the river; but there could be no question that the fugitives had peered out with equal eagerness of vision, and parents, brother and friends were aware of the amazing, blessed truth that in that canoe, seated between the missionary and ranger, was mabel ashbridge, she that was lost and was found, was dead but was alive again. finley and kenton made no mistake as to the situation. the "truce" was now ended. the panther was the bitter, relentless enemy that he was before, eager only for the life of every man, woman and child connected with the company of fugitives. if little mabel fell into his hands again, she would be sacrificed without a throb of pity. he would do his utmost to prevent the company reaching the block-house. if its members counted upon his forbearance, it would be a fatal mistake. and should he and kenton again face each other in single-handed combat, it would be with the same unrelenting ferocity as before. the episode that had just taken place would be as though it had never been. how strange that such an encounter did take place sooner than either white or red combatant dreamed! when the canoe glided from sight under the screening of the ohio shore, kenton, finley and the little girl sprang out and made all haste to where the main party by the flatboat were awaiting their coming. the sagacious boone had already formed an inkling of the truth, and, allowing only a minute or two for the reunion and exchange of salutations, he insisted that the flight to the block-house should be resumed and pressed with the utmost vigor until the post was reached. the large boat could serve them no longer, and was abandoned where it lay. the masts had been taken down so as to allow it to pass under the overhanging vegetation, and, consequently, had it been permitted to make its appearance on the river, there would have been nothing in its looks to suggest the facetious name, "phantom of the river," first applied to it by missionary finley. it is not required that the particulars of the seven or eight miles' journey through the wilderness should be given. the panther made such persistent attempts to destroy the pioneers that more than once they were in the gravest peril; but they had an advantage not possessed before, in that it was impossible to arrange any ambuscade, for the advanced guard of rangers were too perfect in their knowledge of woodcraft to lead the whites into any situation that shut off escape. the shawanoes knew enough of kenton, boone and their rangers to hold them in respect, and not presume upon their committing any irretrievable error. jim deane, the only white man that had fallen, was given decent burial in the shadowy forest while the party were awaiting the arrival of kenton and his companions. the missionary paused long enough to offer up a prayer over the grave, and then, as we have said, the journey was pressed to the utmost. and so, at last, the block-house was safely reached, and, for the time, all danger to our friends was over. the end. file was produced from images generously made available by florida's publication of archival, library & museum materials (palmm)) transcriber's note: in the contents list for chapter ii, 'daniel doone is rejoiced' was changed to 'daniel boone'. 'boon' in the frontispiece illustration caption has however been retained. variations in use of hyphens have been standardised within the text. less usual spelling of words such as rackoon and periogues have been left as they appear in the original book. the spelling of colonel calloway/calaway has been left as it appears in the original. the adventures of daniel boone, the kentucky rifleman. by the author of "uncle philip's conversations." "too much crowded--too much crowded--i want more elbow-room."--_boone on his way to missouri._ new york: d. appleton & co., broadway. philadelphia: george s. appleton, chesnut st. mdcccl. entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by d. appleton & co., in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, for the southern district of new york. to his young countrymen throughout the united states, and especially the lads of kentucky, this volume is affectionately dedicated, by uncle philip. [illustration: daniel boon. from the basso relievo in the rotunda of the capitol at washington] contents. chapter i. page. daniel boone is born in bucks county, pennsylvania--his father removes to the schuylkill--boone's early passion for hunting--kills a panther--wanderings in the woods--is sent to school--the school is broken up--boone returns to his sports--his father removes to the yadkin river in north carolina--while the farm is improving daniel is hunting--the neighborhood begins to be settled--daniel is dissatisfied--settlement of mr. bryan--daniel boone goes out upon a fire hunt--strange adventure--marries rebecca bryan--makes a home for himself on the head waters of the yadkin--men begin to crowd upon him--determines to move chapter ii. early visits to kentucky--james mcbride--dr. wacker and others--john finlay goes to kentucky trading with the indians--returns with glowing accounts of the country--visits daniel boone and spends the winter with him--boone is charmed with the stories--they determine in the spring to go to kentucky--meeting at boone's house in may--with four companions they start for the west--adventures by the way--they reach finlay's old station on the red river--make their camp--amuse themselves in hunting and exploring the country--beauty of the country--abundance of game--boone and stewart are taken by the indians--make their escape--return to their camp--it is plundered and deserted--arrival of squire boone--daniel boone is rejoiced to hear from his family chapter iii. hunting party--stewart is killed by the indians--narrow escape of daniel boone--the companion of squire boone returns home--the two brothers alone in the wilderness--cheerfulness of daniel boone--squire returns to the yadkin for ammunition--daniel lives in the forest alone--his pleasant wanderings--singular escape from the indians--encounter with a bear--looks for the return of his brother--disappointment--is very sad--squire suddenly arrives with ammunition and horses--plans for the future--daniel boone chooses a spot on the kentucky river--they return for his family--sport by the way--they reach the yadkin--try to beat up recruits for kentucky--ridicule of the people--they start with five families--forty men join them--disaster by the way--they return to clinch river--various employments of boone--he returns to kentucky--builds a fort--removes his family to boonesborough chapter iv. comforts of boonesborough--arrival of colonel calaway and his daughters--capture of three girls by the indians--boone and calaway pursue--are made prisoners--happy escape--new emigrants--county of kentucky--indian warfare--attacks upon harrodsburgh and boonesborough--expedition to the salt-licks on licking river--courage of boone--overcomes two indians--is met by a large indian party--made a prisoner--his long captivity and escape chapter v. indian customs noticed by boone during his captivity--mode of hardening children--changing names--marriages--burials--war parties--celebration of victories--torturing prisoners--making treaties of peace chapter vi. boone's disappointment upon not finding his wife--strengthening of boonesborough--indian hostilities--attack of boonesborough--gallant defence--boone returns to north carolina--occurrences during his absence--boone returns--goes to the blue licks for salt--death of the younger boone--daniel boone escapes--kentucky divided into three counties--hard winter of --indian hostilities--attack on bryant's station--villany of simon girty chapter vii. disastrous defeat at the blue licks--general clarke's campaign--efforts to restore peace--sullenness of the indians--they continue their massacres--stratagems on the ohio--bold defence of captain hubbil--halmar's campaign--st. clair's defeat--debate in congress--general wayne takes command--defeats the indians--lays waste their country--concludes a treaty of peace with the savages in august, chapter viii. happiness of the settlers--boone roams through the wilderness--civilization sickens him--he loses his lands--moves to the kanhawa--disappointed in finding game--moves to missouri--purchase of missouri from the french--anecdote related by mr. audubon--boone loses his wife--his sorrow--war with england--his old age--his habits--he dies in . appendix. the adventures of colonel daniel boone, formerly a hunter; containing a narrative of the wars of kentucky, as given by himself. the adventures of daniel boone. chapter i. some men choose to live in crowded cities;--others are pleased with the peaceful quiet of a country farm; while some love to roam through wild forests, and make their homes in the wilderness. the man of whom i shall now speak, was one of this last class. perhaps you never heard of daniel boone, the kentucky rifleman. if not, then i have a strange and interesting story to tell you. if, when a child was born, we knew that he was to become a remarkable man, the time and place of his birth would, perhaps, be always remembered. but as this can not be known, great mistakes are often made on these points. as to the time when daniel boone was born, there is no difficulty; but people have fallen into many blunders about the place. some have said that he was born in england, before his parents left that country; others that he came into this world during the passage of his parents across the atlantic. one has told us that he was born in virginia; another in maryland; while many have stated that he was a native of north carolina. these are all mistakes. daniel boone was born in the year , in bucks county, in the state of pennsylvania. from some cause or other, when the boy was but three years old, his parents moved from this home, and settled upon the schuylkill river, not far from the town of reading. here they lived for ten years; and it was during this time that their son daniel began to show his passion for hunting. he was scarcely able to carry a gun, when he was shooting all the squirrels, rackoons, and even wild-cats (it is said), that he could find in that region. as he grew older, his courage increased, and then we find him amusing himself with higher game. other lads in the neighborhood were soon taught by him the use of the rifle, and were then able to join him in his adventures. on one occasion, they all started out for a hunt, and after amusing themselves till it was almost dark, were returning homeward, when suddenly a wild cry was heard in the woods. the boys screamed out, "a panther! a panther!" and ran off as fast as they could. boone stood firmly, looking around for the animal. it was a panther indeed. his eye lighted upon him just in the act of springing toward him: in an instant he levelled his rifle, and shot him through the heart. but this sort of sport was not enough for him. he seemed resolved to go away from men, and live in the forests with these animals. one morning he started off as usual, with his rifle and dog. night came on, but daniel did not return to his home. another day and night passed away, and still the boy did not make his appearance. his parents were now greatly alarmed. the neighbors joined them in making search for the lad. after wandering about a great while, they at length saw smoke rising from a cabin in the distance. upon reaching it, they found the boy. the floor of the cabin was covered with the skins of such animals as he had slain, and pieces of meat were roasting before the fire for his supper. here, at a distance of three miles from any settlement, he had built his cabin of sods and branches, and sheltered himself in the wilderness. it was while his father was living on the head-waters of the schuylkill, that young boone received, so far as we know, all his education. short indeed were his schoolboy days. it happened that an irish schoolmaster strolled into the settlement, and, by the advice of mr. boone and other parents, opened a school in the neighborhood. it was not then as it is now. good schoolhouses were not scattered over the land; nor were schoolmasters always able to teach their pupils. the schoolhouse where the boys of this settlement went was a log cabin, built in the midst of the woods. the schoolmaster was a strange man: sometimes good-humored, and then indulging the lads; sometimes surly and ill-natured, and then beating them severely. it was his usual custom, after hearing the first lessons of the morning, to allow the children to be out for a half hour at play, during which time he strolled off to refresh himself from his labors. he always walked in the same direction, and the boys thought that after his return, when they were called in, he was generally more cruel than ever. they were whipped more severely, and, oftentimes without any cause. they observed this, but did not know the meaning of it. one morning young boone asked that he might go out, and had scarcely left the schoolroom, when he saw a squirrel running over the trunk of a fallen tree. true to his nature, he instantly gave chase, until at last the squirrel darted into a bower of vines and branches. boone thrust his hand in, and, to his surprise, laid of hold of a bottle of whiskey. this was in the direction of his master's morning walks, and he thought now that he understood the secret of much of his ill-nature. he returned to the schoolroom; but when they were dismissed for that day, he told some of the larger boys of his discovery. their plan was soon arranged. early the next morning a bottle of whiskey, having tartar emetic in it, was placed in the bower, and the other bottle thrown away. at the usual hour, the lads were sent out to play, and the master started on his walk. but their play was to come afterward: they longed for the master to return. at length they were called in, and in a little time saw the success of their experiment. the master began to look pale and sick, yet still went on with his work. several boys were called up, one after the other, to recite lessons, and all whipped soundly, whether right or wrong. at last young boone was called out to answer questions in arithmetic. he came forward with his slate and pencil, and the master began: "if you subtract six from nine, what remains?" said he. "three, sir," said boone. "very good," said the master; "now let us come to fractions. if you take three quarters from a whole number, what remains?"--"the whole, sir," answered boone. "you blockhead!" cried the master, beating him, "you stupid little fool, how can you show that?"--"if i take one bottle of whiskey," said boone, "and put in its place another in which i have mixed an emetic, the whole will remain, if nobody drinks it!" the irishman, dreadfully sick, was now doubly enraged. he seized boone, and commenced beating him: the children shouted and roared; the scuffle continued, until boone knocked the master down upon the floor, and rushed out of the room. it was a day of freedom now for the lads. the story soon ran through the neighborhood; boone was rebuked by his parents, but the schoolmaster was dismissed, and thus ended the boy's education. thus freed from school, he now returned more ardently than ever to his favorite pursuit. his dog and rifle were his constant companions, and day after day he started from home, only to roam through the forests. hunting seemed to be the only business of his life; and he was never so happy as when at night he came home laden with game. he was an untiring wanderer. i do not know but that this passion for roaming was in some degree inherited by daniel boone. his father had already had three homes: one in england, one in bucks county, and another on the schuylkill; and he now thought of removing further. it is said that the passion of daniel for hunting was one cause which prompted his father to think of this. land was becoming scarce, the neighborhood a little crowded, and game less abundant; and, to mend matters, he began to cast his eyes around for a new home. he was not long in choosing one. he had heard of a rich and beautiful country on the banks of the yadkin river in north carolina, and he determined that this should be the next resting-place for him and his household. all things were made ready as soon as possible, and the journey commenced. it was a fine spring morning when the father started for his new home, with his wife and children, his flocks and herds. their journey lay hundreds of miles through a trackless wilderness; yet with cheerful and fearless hearts they pressed onward. when hungry, they feasted upon venison and wild turkeys (for daniel, with his rifle, was in company); when thirsty, they found cool springs of water to refresh them by the way; when wearied at night, they laid themselves down and slept under the wide-spreading branches of the forest. at length they reached the land they looked for, and the father found it to be all that he expected. the woods in that region were unbroken; no man seemed yet to have found them. land was soon cleared, a cabin built, and the father in a little time found himself once more happily settled with his family. the old man with his other sons went busily to the work of making a farm. as for daniel, they knew it was idle to expect his help in such employment, and therefore left him to roam about with his rifle. this was a glorious country for the youth; wild woods were all around him, and the game, having not yet learned to fear the crack of the rifle wandered fearlessly through them. this he thought was, of all places, the home for him. i hope you will not think that he was the idle and useless boy of the family, for it was not so. while the farm was improving, daniel was supplying the family with provisions. the table at home was always filled with game, and they had enough and to spare. their house became known as a warm-hearted and hospitable abode; for the wayfaring wanderer, when lost in the woods, was sure to find here a welcome, a shelter, and an abundance. then, too, if money was wanted in the family, the peltries of the animals shot by daniel supplied it: so that he was, in a large degree, the supporter of the household. in this way years rolled onward--the farm still enlarging and improving, daniel still hunting, and the home one of constant peace, happiness, and plenty. at length the story of the success and comfort of the family brought neighbors around them. different parts of the forests began to be cleared; smoke was soon seen rising from new cabins; and the sharp crack of other rifles than daniel's was sometimes heard in the morning. this grieved him sadly. most people would have been pleased to find neighbors in the loneliness of the woods; but what pleased others did not please him. they were crowding upon him; they were driving away his game: this was his trouble. but, after all, there was one good farmer who came into the region and made his settlement; which settlement, as it turned out, proved a happy thing for daniel. this was a very worthy man named bryan. he cleared his land, built his cabin upon a sloping hill, not very far from mr. boone's, and before a great while, by dint of industry, had a good farm of more than a hundred acres. this farm was beautifully situated. a pretty stream of water almost encircled it. on the banks of the schuylkill, daniel boone found all his education, such as it was; on the banks of the yadkin he found something far better. i must tell you now of a very strange adventure. one evening, with another young friend, he started out upon what is called a "_fire-hunt_." perhaps you do not know what this means. i will explain it to you. two people are always necessary for a fire-hunt. one goes before, carrying a blazing torch of pitch-pine wood (or lightwood, as it is called in the southern country), while the other follows behind with his rifle. in this way the two hunters move through the forests. when an animal is startled, he will stand gazing at the light, and his eyes may be seen shining distinctly: this is called "_shining the eyes_." the hunter with the rifle, thus seeing him, while the other _shines_ him, levels his gun with steady aim, and has a fair shot. this mode of hunting is still practised in many parts of our country, and is everywhere known as a _fire-hunt_. boone, with his companion, started out upon such a hunt, and very soon reached the woods skirting the lower end of mr. bryan's farm. it seems they were on horseback, boone being behind with the rifle. they had not gone far, when his companion reined up his horse, and two eyes were seen distinctly shining. boone levelled his rifle, but something prevented his firing. the animal darted off. boone leaped from his horse, left his companion, and instantly dashed after it. it was too dark to see plainly, still he pursued; he was close upon its track, when a fence coming in the way, the animal leaped it with a clear bound. boone climbed over as fast as he could with his rifle, but the game had got ahead. nothing daunted by this, he pushed on, until he found himself at last not very far from mr. bryan's home. but the animal was gone. it was a strange chase. he determined to go into mr bryan's house, and tell his adventure. as he drew near, the dogs raised a loud barking, the master came out, bade him welcome, and carried him into the house. mr. bryan had scarcely introduced him to his family as "the son of his neighbor boone," when suddenly the door of the room was burst open, and in rushed a little lad of seven, followed by a girl of sixteen years, crying out, "o father! father! sister is frightened to death! she went down to the river, and was chased by a panther!" the hunter and his game had met. there stood boone, leaning upon his rifle, and rebecca bryan before him, gasping for breath. from that moment he continued to pursue it; farmer bryan's house became a favorite resort for him; he loved it as well as the woods. the business was now changed: rebecca bryan completely _shined his eyes_; and after a time, to the great joy of themselves and both families, daniel boone and rebecca bryan were married. it proved, as you will see, a very happy marriage to both parties. being now a married man, it became daniel boone's duty to seek a new home for himself. in a little time, therefore, he left his wife, and wandered into the unsettled parts of north carolina in search of one. after moving about for some time, he found, upon the head-waters of the yadkin, a rich soil, covered with a heavy and once more unbroken forest. "here," thought daniel boone, "is the resting-place for me; here rebecca bryan and myself may be happy: this shall be our home." he returned to his wife, and she, with a cheerful heart, joined in all his plans. with tears in her eyes, she bade farewell to her friends; yet, with a light spirit, she started off with her husband. a clearing in the woods was soon made, a log cabin of his own soon built, and a portion of ground planted. boone seems now to have thought that he must do something more than use his rifle. he was to make a home for his wife and busied himself, accordingly, in enlarging his farm as fast as he could, and industriously cultivating it. still, on his busiest day, he would find a leisure hour to saunter with his gun to the woods, and was sure never to return without game. his own table was loaded with it, as when at his father's, and his house, like his father's, soon became known as a warm and kind shelter for the wandering traveller. in this industrious and quiet way of farming and hunting, years were spent, and daniel boone was contented and happy. several little children were now added to his group; and, with his wife, his children, and his rifle, for companions, he felt that all was well. but his peace was at length disturbed once more. his old troubles pursued him; men again began to come near. the crash of falling trees was heard, as the new settlers levelled the forests; huts were seen springing up all around him; other hunters were roaming through the woods, and other dogs than his were heard barking. this was more than he was willing to bear. happy as he had made his home, he determined to leave it, and find another in the wilderness, where he could have that wilderness to himself. for some time he was at a loss to know where to go; yet his heart was fixed in the determination to move. the circumstances which pointed him to his new home, and where that new home was made, you may learn in the next chapter. chapter ii. my young friends all know where the state of kentucky is situated. it is hardly necessary for me to say, that at the time of which i am writing, that region was an unbroken wilderness. it was in the year that a white man first visited the country of kentucky. this was james m'bride. in company with several others during that year, he was passing down the ohio, when he discovered the mouth of kentucky river, and made a landing. near the spot where he landed, he cut upon a tree the first letters of his name; and these letters, it is said, could be seen and distinctly read for many years afterward. with his companions, he wandered through the wilderness; the country struck them all as being remarkably beautiful. it is not wonderful, then, that when they returned home, they were filled with fine stories about the new region. they declared that it was "the best tract of land in north america, and probably in the world." in spite of their pleasant stories, however, it was a long time before any one was disposed to follow in their track. at length, doctor walker, of virginia, with a number of friends, started upon a western tour of discovery. some say that he was in search of the ohio river particularly; others that he went merely to collect strange plants and flowers. be this as it may, he with his party wandered through powell's valley, and passed the mountains at what is called the cumberland gap. they then crossed the cumberland river, and roaming on through the forests, at length, after much fatigue and suffering, reached the big sandy. the country was beautiful, yet they were too much worn out to go further, and from this point began to return homeward. they had suffered more than m'bride, and therefore their story was not so bright as his; yet they gave a very pleasant account of the new country. no one yet, however, seemed ready to make his home in kentucky; and accident at last seems to have thrown one man into that country, whose story, upon his return, made some anxious to go there. this was john finley, a backwoodsman of north carolina. he was in the habit of roving about and trading with the indians. in the year , he, with certain companions as fearless as himself, led on from place to place by the course of trade, wandered far into kentucky. here he remained for some time. it was a very beautiful, yet, as he learned also, a very dangerous country. no indian tribe lived there, but all the tribes roamed over it as a hunting-ground. upon these hunts, the fierce and warlike people would often meet and wage their bloody battles. these fights were so frequent and so awful, that the region was known by the name of the "dark and bloody ground." in spite of danger, finley lived there, until at last the traders and the indians began to quarrel, and, for safety's sake, he was forced to run off. he returned to north carolina, filled with wonderful stories. sights like those on the "dark and bloody ground," were nowhere to be seen. the land was rich, and covered with trees and flowers; there were lofty mountains, beautiful valleys, and clear streams, throughout it. then he spoke of the strange caves in the mountains; of curious salt springs; of the footprints of men to be seen distinctly upon the solid rocks; of the strange figures of huge animals on the sides of the high cliffs. game of all sorts was abundant, from the buffalo down to the partridge. there was no country (he declared) like _kain-tuck-kee_.[ ] his tale was so wonderful, that people could not well help listening to it. [ ] this was the indian name for the country. whether john finley was led there by a knowledge of the man's character, or whether it was an accident, it so happened, that about a year after his return, he wandered into the neighborhood of daniel boone's home. it was not long before he fell in with boone, and completely charmed him with his stories. boone had known some sport in the forests himself, but the adventures of finley were to him marvellous. he was so much pleased with the man, that he invited him, as it was now winter, to come to his house, and make his home there through the season. the invitation was gladly accepted; and in the cabin of boone, again and again was the wild beauty of the "dark and bloody ground" laid before him. there was no end to finley's stories of this region. the wind whistled without, but the fire blazed cheerfully within; and here they sat, on many a night, almost till dawn, finley talking, and boone listening. the end of all this was, that they determined, when spring opened, to go to kentucky. boone knew that there were hardships and perils in the way, and finley had practically felt them; but what were dangers or difficulties to these fearless men? the first of may was agreed upon as the day for starting, and finley was then again to meet boone at his house. it is not strange that other bold men, who heard finley's stories, were seized with the same desire for going west. indeed, boone helped to give them that desire, knowing that a few brave spirits would be of great service in the new country. he talked, therefore, warmly of the comforts of a new home in the forest, where there was an abundance of game, and a complete absence of towns and villages. accordingly, on the first of may, , when finley repaired to boone's house, he found four others ready for the adventure: these were john stewart, joseph holden, james monay, and william cool. the people in the neighborhood, learning what was going on, had likewise gathered to look with surprise upon these six men. what could prompt men to leave the comforts of their quiet homes, and wander off into the wilderness? they surely were crazy. boone was much beloved as a kind neighbor, and they mourned most over his madness. nothing daunted by all this, they were then ready for a start, and were now on the point of leaving. we are told that, with tears in his eyes, daniel boone kissed his wife and children; and if the story be true, i love him the more for it. his spirit was beating for his new hunting-forests; he could face all the dangers of the "dark and bloody ground," but then it was doubtful whether he was not parting with his wife and children for ever. at all events, he was leaving them for months, perhaps for years--he knew not how long--and who can wonder that tears stood in his eyes? each man shouldered his rifle, shot-bag, powder-horn, and knapsack, and off they started--every neighbor straining his eyes after them as far as he could see, as the men upon whom he was looking for the last time. for two or three days they saw nothing new, for they were passing over their old hunting-grounds. after this, they came to a wild and trackless region, and saw from time to time the lofty ridge of mountains which separated them from the western country. in two days more, the provisions with which they had started gave out, and the first thing to be done was to find a fresh supply. accordingly they halted, chose a suitable spot for their camp, and part of them commenced building it of logs and branches; the others went into the woods in search of game. it was impossible for such men to starve in such a region; game was abundant. the hunters returned toward night, with several deer and wild turkeys. the camp was finished, a bright fire was burning, and in a little time the venison was dressed, cooked, and eaten. the supper was scarcely finished, when they saw dark clouds gathering, and presently they were visited by a tremendous thunder-storm. the sharp lightning flashed through the woods, and the rain poured down in torrents; yet, in their camp they fearlessly sheltered themselves, the branches covering them from the rain. a man can scarcely be placed during a thunder-storm in a more dangerous place than a forest: every tree is a mark for the lightning; yet these men were calm and self-possessed, and were mercifully protected. the storm having passed over, they made their arrangements for the night. for safety's sake, two men were to keep a constant watch, while the others slept; and in this duty of watching, they were to take turns. about midnight, while boone and holden were keeping the watch, a sharp shrill cry was heard in the woods. they sprang to their feet. "what noise is that?" said holden. the sound was familiar to boone. "be still," said he; "it is only a panther; come along with me." moving cautiously from the camp, they listened again for the cry. once more they heard it. creeping through the woods in the direction of the sound, they at length saw through the darkness the wild, glaring eyes of the animal. boone levelled his rifle with steady aim, and fired. with a wild yell the panther fell to the ground, and began to retreat. both were satisfied that the ball had struck him, and returned again to the camp. the crack of the rifle had waked their companions; the adventure was made known to them, and they went quietly to sleep again, satisfied that for the rest of the night at least that panther would not disturb them. the next day was a very busy one. finding game so plenty in the neighborhood, they determined to lay in a good supply. part of them were therefore out in the woods, hunting, while the rest were in the camp, smoking, drying, and packing the venison for the journey. fatigued with these labors, when night came they gladly laid themselves down, and, like wearied men, slept soundly. by the first ray of the morning's light the camp was stirring. shouldering their rifles and knapsacks, they started on their way. in a little time they found a dead panther. boone declared that this was his panther; the animal was killed with one ball, and by comparing that ball with those in his shot-bag, he found they were of the same size. in two or three days they reached the foot of the mountains, and began to ascend. their journey was now rough and wearisome, and they made slow progress. to any men but these, the mountains might have proved impassable; but they were bent upon finding the new hunting-grounds of kentucky, and nothing could keep them back. after climbing the hills day after day, they found once more that their provisions were gone, and were again forced to halt. their camp was built on the side of the mountain, and their rifles easily supplied their wants. the journey was rigorously renewed, and after many days of further struggling, they at length found themselves on one of the tops of the allegany ridge. here they were, upon cumberland mountain. at this place they halted once more, to look down upon the magnificent prospect which was spread out before them. this was their first view of the new region, and they felt that it was all that finley had described it to be. it was indeed a glorious country. the land was covered with trees and flowers; there were the rolling hills, and the beautiful valleys, and the clear sparkling streams, of which he had spoken. the prospect was too beautiful to allow them to tarry long: they panted to be in that country. with more earnest desires than ever, they commenced descending the mountains. this part of the journey was comparatively easy. in a few days now they reached the western base of the hills, and entered a lovely plain. here, for the first time, the new hunters saw the finest of western game--a herd of buffaloes. from the skirt of the wood at the end of the plain, a countless troop of these animals came rushing over it. the men were delighted; they had heard of these noble beasts of the forest, but none of them, except finley, had ever seen one. as the mass came tramping toward them, they stood gazing in astonishment. finley, who knew that men were sometimes trampled to death by these moving troops, kept his eye steadily upon the herd until the foremost was within rifle-shot; he then levelled his gun, and the leader fell dead. with a wild bellow the herd parted on each side of the fallen animal, and went scampering through the plain. there seemed no end to the number, as they still came rushing from the wood. the mass appeared closing again in a solid body, when he seized holden's rifle, and shot another. now they were completely routed; branching off on the two sides of the plain, they went bellowing and tearing past them. "an amazing country, this!" cried boone; "who ever beheld such an abundance?" the camp was once more soon built, a blazing fire made, and, for the first time in their lives, five of these men sat down to a supper of buffalo-meat. they talked of their new country, the quantity of game, and how joyously they would roam through the huge forests, until the night had worn far away. the next morning, after breakfast, they packed up such portions of the animals as they could readily carry, and resumed their march. in a little time they reached red river. here finley began to feel more at home, for on this river he had lived. following the course of the stream, ere long they came to the place which had been his trading-post with the indians. they had been more than a month reaching this point, and, naturally enough, were wearied. finley, too, could no longer guide them; and here, for the present, they determined to halt again. it was now the seventh day of june. as this was to be their headquarters for some time, they built at once a substantial log cabin. they were now fairly in the wilds of kentucky; and remembering that the whole region was the fighting-ground of the wandering indians, the cabin was built not only to protect them from the weather, but to answer as a sort of fort against the savages. this shelter being provided, their whole time now was given to hunting and exploring the country. hunting was a pastime indeed, the game was so abundant. they could look out upon herds of buffaloes scattered through the canebrakes, browsing upon the leaves of the cane, or cropping the tall grass; the deer bounded fearlessly by the very door of their hut, and wild turkeys were to be found everywhere. everything was in a state of nature; the animals had not yet learned to be afraid of man. of course, they did not suffer with hunger: provisions of the finest kind were ever in their cabin. but the buffaloes provided them with more than food. from time to time, as they needed moccasins for their feet, his skin supplied them; and when at night they felt the dampness of the weather, his hide was the blanket in which they wrapped themselves and slept soundly. the country, as they wandered through it, struck them as beautiful indeed. there were the lofty trees of the forest, with no undergrowth except the cane, the grass, and the flowers. they seemed to have been planted by the hand of man at regular distances. clear streams were seen winding through lovely meadows, surrounded by the gently-sloping hills; and the fearless buffalo and deer were their companions every hour. in their wanderings they came several times to hard and well-tramped roads. it was by following these that they discovered many of the salt springs or licks where salt is made even now. the roads to these were worn thus hard by the buffaloes and other animals that were in the habit of visiting the springs. the place of finley's old trading-post, where their cabin now stood, seems to have been chosen by him not only as a central point for trade: it was on the side of a finely-sloping hill, and commanded a good view of the country below. the situation was beautiful. perhaps he chose it when he was a lonely white man in the wilderness, because thence he might readily see the approach of indians, and make his escape, or perhaps it was the very beauty of the spot that charmed him. he had a love for the beautiful. one day, he and boone were standing by the door of the cabin. the wind was sighing in the tops of the forest, and while they were listening to the music, they were looking out upon the beautiful region below; the grass was green, and the bright flowers turned up their leaves to the sun. "glorious country!" cried finley; "this wilderness does indeed blossom like the rose."--"yes," replied boone, "and who would live amid the barren pine-hills of north carolina, to hear the screaming of the jay, and now and then shoot a deer too lean to be eaten? this is the land for hunters. here man and beast may grow to their full size." in this way, for more than six months, these men fearlessly hunted and roamed through the woods. contrary to their expectations, through the whole summer they saw no indians, nor did they meet with any remarkable adventure. the precaution of a nightly watch was adopted, but they met with no disturbance from man or beast. they had glorious sport by day, and slept quietly at night. after this, as you will see, they began to meet difficulties. on the d of december, boone and stewart started off, as they had often done before, upon an exploring tour. after wandering several miles, they pressed their way through a piece of thick woods, and came out upon a boundless open forest. here they found quantities of persimmon-trees, loaded with ripe fruit, while clusters of wild grapes covered the vines that were hanging from the lofty branches. flowers were still in bloom, and scented the air; herds of animals might be seen through the forest in every direction: add to this that the day was beautiful, and you will not be surprised to learn that they continued to wander--indeed, that they wandered much further than they supposed. it was nearly dark when they reached the kentucky river, and stood looking upon its rippling waters. perceiving a hill close by, they climbed it, that they might take a better view of the course of the stream. they were now descending, on their way homeward, when suddenly they heard an indian yell, and out rushed from the canebrake a party of savages. they had no time for resistance--indeed, time was nothing; they were overpowered by numbers. the savages seized them, took away their rifles and ammunition, bound them, and marched them off to their camp. the next morning they started off with their prisoners, the poor fellows not knowing where they were going, or what was to be done to them. they did not know one word of their language, and could therefore learn nothing: this much, however, they very well understood--that it would not do to show any signs of fear to the indians; and therefore they went on cheerfully. in a little time they became better acquainted with their captors, and judged, from certain signs, that the indians themselves had not determined what was to be done. part seemed to be for sparing them, part for killing; still their cheerfulness was the same. this apparent fearlessness deceived the indians; they supposed the prisoners were well pleased with their condition, and did not watch them closely. on the seventh night of their march, the savages, as usual, made their camp, and all laid down to sleep. about midnight, boone touched stewart, and waked him: now or never was their time. they rose, groped their way to the rifles, and stole from the camp. they hardly dared to look behind them; every sound startled them, even the snapping of the twigs under their feet. fortunately, it was dark, even if the indians pursued. they wandered all that night and the whole of the next day, when at last, without meeting a man, they reached their own camp. but what was their surprise on finding the camp plundered, and not one of their companions to be seen? what had become of them? perhaps they were prisoners; possibly they were murdered; or it might be that they had started back for north carolina. they were safe, but where were their comrades? wearied in body, and tormented with fears for their friends, they commenced preparing for the night. a sound was now heard. they seized their rifles, and stood ready, expecting the indians. two men were seen indistinctly approaching. "who comes there?" cried boone. "white men and friends," was the answer. boone knew the voice. in an instant more, his brother squire boone, with another man, entered the cabin. these two men had set out from carolina for the purpose of reaching them, and had for days been wandering in search of their camp. it was a joyous meeting--the more joyous, because unexpected. big tears were again in daniel boone's eyes when he heard, from his brother, that his wife and children were well. chapter iii. when squire boone had told his brother all the news of home, it became his turn to be a listener, while daniel talked to him of all that happened since they parted. after telling him of the beautiful country, and their happy freedom as they wandered through it for six months, then came the story of his captivity and escape. that escape was but just now made, and with a full heart he dwelt upon this part of his story. it would not have been strange if squire had now felt alarmed; but his disposition was much like his brother's: he loved the woods, and was afraid of nothing. in a little time, the four were once more hunting freely through the forests. signs of indians were to be seen around, however; possibly they were the very indians who had captured them. in their wanderings, therefore, they kept together usually, for self-protection. one day, they started out upon a buffalo-hunt. as they came upon a herd of these animals, stewart lodged his ball in one of them, without bringing him down. the buffalo went tearing through the forest; and daniel boone, with stewart, forgetful of everything else, went chasing after him. naturally enough, like excited men, they had no idea how far they had travelled, until their very weariness reminded them that it was time to turn back. tired as he was, a harder race was now before boone. they had scarcely started on their return, when a party of indians rushed from the canebrake, and let fly their arrows. stewart fell dead on the spot. boone would have fired his rifle, but he felt it was useless: he could kill but one man; his only chance of escape was in flight. with indian yells and arrows close behind him, he leaped forward, and, by tremendous exertions, at last distanced his pursuers. when he reached the camp, he fell, completely exhausted. the party, now cut down to three, was in a little time reduced to two. from some cause or other, they could not tell what--possibly the sad story of stewart's death, and the fear of like troubles--the companion who had come out with squire boone determined upon returning to north carolina. very soon, therefore, he left them alone in the wilderness.[ ] [ ] it is said by some that this man did not thus leave them. their story is, that the three started out upon a hunt; that this man was separated from the boones, and became entangled in a swamp. the boones searched for him, but could not find him. afterward, they found fragments of his clothes, which convinced them that the poor man had been torn to pieces by wolves. daniel boone, however, tells a different story. he says that the man left them, "and returned home by himself;" and i have preferred his statement to any other. it is not strange that, being thus deserted, squire boone felt restless and dissatisfied; the wonder is, that daniel was not dissatisfied likewise. but he was happy and contented, and often struggled to call up the same feelings in his brother. "you see," he would often say, "how little nature requires, to be satisfied. happiness, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things. i firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. this consists in a full resignation to the will of providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briars and thorns." this was good counsel, my young friends, and i hope you will bear it with you through life. it will serve to comfort you as much as it did squire boone. to be idle, was to allow time for this melancholy, and daniel boone kept his brother constantly busy. the indians, they were certain, knew where their present camp was, and therefore they resolved to make another. after choosing their spot, they employed themselves industriously in erecting another cabin, which might serve to shelter them through the coming winter. this being finished, they went to their old sport, wandering through the woods, admiring the country, and bringing down now and then a buffalo or a deer with their rifles. at night, they would return to their camp, raise a fire, cook their supper, and sit till long after midnight, talking of their old home on the yadkin. squire forgot his loneliness, and became quite satisfied. in this way time rolled off until the winter had passed away, and spring appeared. strangely enough, they had been undisturbed; they had met not even with one indian. they had learned in the wilderness to dispense well nigh with all comforts; food and sleep were all they expected. but their powder and shot were now beginning to run low, and without these they could not long procure food. it was necessary, therefore, to make some arrangement whereby they might obtain a fresh supply. their plan was soon settled: squire boone was to go back to north carolina, and return with ammunition. they supposed horses would be valuable, also, and he was likewise to bring with him two of these. perilous as the plan was, squire agreed to bear his part in it, and daniel as cheerfully consented to his. accordingly, on the first day of may, squire set off for the yadkin; and, as if nothing was to be wanting to leave daniel in perfect loneliness, their only dog followed squire as he started. here, then, daniel boone was left entirely alone. here he was a sort of robinson crusoe in the wilderness--with this difference, that robinson was shipwrecked, and had no choice; while boone chose the wilderness as his home. he was now completely the "man of the woods"--far away, hundreds of miles from any white settlement. for the first time in his life, according to his own confession, he felt lonely. his mind was filled with the remembrance of his wife and children, and the thought that he should never see them again. he knew, however, that sad thoughts, when indulged in, will grow very rapidly, and therefore dismissed them. for safety's sake now, he changed his camp every night, that he might avoid the indians. sometimes he slept in the canebrake; sometimes he laid himself by the side of a stream; sometimes in the caves of the rocks. by day he was surrounded by his old companions the buffaloes and deer, and at night was not unfrequently disturbed by the howling of the wolves. he roamed over many a beautiful tract of country. now he would ascend a hill, and look down upon the scene spread like a map before him; now he would trace some stream to its source, or, following the well-tramped roads of the buffaloes, would find some spring bubbling in the forest. in this way he moved over a large part of the country. at one time, he struck the ohio river, and wandered for days on the banks of that noble stream. it is said, that in his rambles, he one day stood upon the spot where the city of louisville now stands. he learned to love the woods more than ever. long after this, he used to declare, that "no crowded city, with all its commerce and noble buildings, could give him as much pleasure as the beauty of kentucky at that time afforded him." fortunately, he met no indians. at one time he came in sight of a roving party, but managed to escape from them. the mode in which he escaped will show you his perfect self-possession. he had stopped one day to rest under the shade of a tree, when suddenly he spied the party in the distance. this was enough for him. he immediately commenced his course through the forest, hoping that they had not seen him, and therefore would not pursue. from time to time he would look back through the woods; and at length became convinced, to his sorrow, that if they had not seen him, they had marked his tracks, and were now on his trail. he pushed on for more than two miles, trying in various ways to break the trail, and thus put them out; still, as he looked back, he could see that they were following him he was puzzled to know what to do. a happy thought now struck him. he had just passed the brow of a small hill; the heavy grape-vines were hanging from the trees all around him. he seized one of these, and, bracing himself against the tree with his feet, threw himself as far as he could. this broke the trail, and he now kept directly on from the spot where he landed, in a different direction. the indians came up, tracking him as far as the tree: were then lost, and gave up the chase. another adventure is told of him during his lonely wanderings, more perilous even than this. one day he heard a strange noise in the woods; he could see nothing, but stood ready with his rifle. presently an immense she-bear was seen approaching him. surrounded by her young cubs, she was doubly fierce. as she came near, boone levelled his rifle and fired. unfortunately, his steady eye failed this time; the ball did not strike as he had aimed, and the animal pressed forward, the more enraged. it was impossible to load again: the bear was upon him; he had only time to draw his hunting-knife from his belt. the bear laid her paws on him, and drew him toward her. the rifle in his left hand was a sort of guard, while with his right he pointed the knife directly for the heart of the animal. as she grasped him, the knife entered her body, and she fell dead. as the time drew near for the return (as he thought) of his brother, boone went back to the old camp where they had lodged together, to meet him. here day after day he kept his lookout--day after day he was disappointed. he began now to be very sad. he did not doubt his brother's fidelity; he knew he would not desert him; but there were many dangers by the way, and perhaps he had perished. then he thought, too, of his wife and little ones. if that brother had perished, he likewise must die without seeing them. without ammunition to procure food, or defend himself, what could he do? he must die, there in the wilderness. his brother had been absent now nearly three months: surely it was time for his return. another day of disappointment was now drawing to a close, as boone sat, sick at heart, by the door of his cabin. a sound broke on his ear; he rose and stood listening, with his hand on the lock of his rifle. it was the tread of horses. the next moment he saw his brother through the forest leading two horses heavily laden. here was abundance of ammunition and other comfort. the evening of the th of july was long after this remembered by daniel boone as one of the most joyous of his life. a fire was soon made, their supper cooked, and long after midnight they sat talking. thousands of questions were asked and answered, until, wearied out, at last they lay down to sleep. the sun was high in the heavens when they waked in the morning. after breakfast, daniel boone proposed a new plan to his brother. much as he loved the woods, he felt that two men could hardly be safe in the neighborhood of so many indians. moreover he longed to see his family: the stories of squire had called up fresh recollections in his heart. the plan therefore was, to select a suitable spot for their home, then return to carolina and bring out his family. squire readily assented to this; and now they employed themselves for several days in hunting and laying in a supply of provisions. this being done, they went to the cumberland river, and wandered for some time along the stream without finding a place to please them. roaming about now, they found many new streams, to which, as the first discoverers, they gave names. anxious as they were to return to the yadkin, they were in no such hurry as to neglect making a full survey. the whole winter passed away before they pleased themselves. at length they came upon the kentucky river. here the lands delighted them. on the banks of this stream they determined to make their settlement, and now (march, ) turned their faces homeward. as he left the chosen spot, boone says that "he felt it was a second paradise, and was resolved, at the risk of his life and fortune, that his family should have a home there." as they journeyed eastward from the kentucky river, they occasionally blazed their pathway (as huntsmen say) that they might find their way back. it was necessary thus to leave some track through the forest wilderness, that they might again reach their chosen spot.[ ] fortunately they met with no indians. [ ] this mode of marking their track is often practised by hunters in the woods. as they pass through the forest, they mark the trees by cutting off a small piece of the bark. this enables them again to find the same pathway, and is commonly called "blazing the track." we hear of but one adventure on their way homeward. after travelling quietly several days, they were one morning startled by a noise. presently a herd of buffaloes came rushing and tearing through the forest; they seemed frantic. the cause of all this was soon seen. a panther, seated upon the back of one of the buffaloes, had plunged his claws and teeth into him. the blood was streaming down his sides, and the poor animal, struggling to shake him off, rushed into the midst of the herd. this frightened the rest, and they went bellowing and dashing through the woods. daniel boone raised his rifle, and sent a ball through the panther. he fell dead. not far off they met a pack of wolves, following as usual in the track of the buffaloes. for the fun of seeing them scatter, squire now fired his rifle, and away they went, scampering in all directions. in due time they came to the mountains. after trying to ascend in various places, at length they found a narrow and rugged gap, through which with great difficulty they made their way. it was, however, the best pass they could discover, and they blazed their track, that they might find it again. in a little time now, daniel boone was again in his cabin on the banks of the yadkin. i need hardly say there was a joyous meeting; he was once more happy in the bosom of his family. he had been absent nearly two years. amid the joys of home, however, he did not forget his chosen spot in kentucky; his heart was filled with the thought that his happy home might be happier there. as this was to be his final move, it was necessary to settle all his business on the yadkin; and as he had tried the wilderness, he felt that a few trusty companions would be invaluable in that new region. he commenced, therefore, making what he thought proper preparations for a return. to beat up such neighbors as they desired, he and squire gave glowing accounts of the new country; the rich lands, the forests, the streams, the flowers, and the game, were all talked of. they saw only, and consequently spoke only, of the bright side of the picture. but there were numbers of people to talk of difficulties; these spoke of the folly of the boones, in thinking of making such a country their home, and the madness of any man who should think of following them; the country was wild, and all who settled there must suffer many privations: then, too (according to their story), it was afflicted with terrible diseases, and they might all expect to die there, or, if they escaped the climate, they must fall into the hands of the fierce and cruel indians who roamed through those forests; the place they declared was so dangerous that it was known, wherever it was known, as "the dark and bloody ground." with these sad stories floating about continually, it is not wonderful that the boones found difficulty in beating up companions, and that more than two years passed away before they were ready for a start. at the end of that time they found that, while many were opposed to them, and others wavering as to what they would do, there were some, prompted by a spirit of bold adventure, ready to join them. five families were willing to go with them to kentucky. daniel boone now sold his farm, and all things being made ready, on the th of september, , the little company bade farewell to their friends and started for the west, driving before them their flocks and their herds. in their route, not a great way from the yadkin, was the settlement of powel's valley. the story of their plan had spread through the neighborhood, and when they reached this spot they were delighted to find that the people were not so timid as those on the yadkin: forty men here joined the party. now they travelled on in high spirits; the whole body, old and young, numbering between seventy and eighty souls. in a little time they came to the mountains, and found the pathway blazed by the boones. in less than a fortnight they passed the first ridge of the alleganies, known as "powel's range," and were now quietly descending the second, known as "walden's range," when sorrow overtook them. they were in a dark and narrow gap, when the wild yell of indians broke upon their ears. the savages rushed into the gap behind them, and let fly their arrows. six of the party fell dead, a seventh was wounded. the men rallied around the women and children; the first discharge of their rifles scattered the savages. but the mischief was done; the sudden attack of the indians was like a flash of lightning; they were seen only for an instant; yet, like the lightning, they had done their work: there were the dead, and alas! among them was the oldest son of daniel boone. the party, a little time before so happy, was now in deep sorrow. what was to be done? the indians had not only killed their companions, but their flocks and herds had all fled in fright, and could not be again gathered together. in dismay, the greater part were for retreating instantly to the nearest white settlement; this was upon the clinch river, forty miles behind them. the boones begged them to keep on their way--not to think of turning back; but it was all to no purpose; most of them insisted on retreating, and they at length yielded to the general desire. accordingly, the dead were decently buried, and in great sadness they all traced their way back to clinch river. here daniel boone remained with his family eight months. at the end of that time he was requested by governor dunmore, of virginia, to go to the falls of the ohio, to serve as a guide to a party of surveyors who had been sent there some months before. the western country was now beginning to attract attention, and the indians were becoming very hostile to the whites. accordingly, on the th of june, , he started (with one man, michael stoner), and without any accident reached the point at which he aimed--the spot where louisville now stands. the service for the surveyors was promptly performed, and they were enabled to complete their work, while boone was at liberty to return to his family. it is remarkable that he made this journey on foot, a distance of eight hundred miles, through a trackless wilderness, in the short period of sixty-two days. he was not allowed to remain quiet long; soon after his return, the indians northwest of the ohio, especially the shawanese, made open war upon the whites. governor dunmore felt bound to protect his countrymen, and, among other acts for their defence, sent daniel boone, with the title of captain, to take command of three garrisons. this service was likewise well performed; matters were soon more quiet, the soldiers were discharged, and boone was relieved from his post. he had not been a wanderer in the woods in vain; his fame had gone abroad, and his services were in the following spring sought again. a company of gentlemen in north carolina--the principal man of whom was colonel richard henderson--were attempting to purchase the lands on the south side of the kentucky river, from the cherokee indians.[ ] they had agreed to hold a treaty with the indians, at wataga, in march, , to settle the boundaries of their intended purchase, and they now desired boone to attend that treaty, and manage their business. in compliance with their wish, he went to wataga, and performed their service so well, that they gave him further employment. he was now requested to mark out a road from their settlement, through the wilderness, to kentucky river. this was a work of great labor. it was necessary to make many surveys to find the best route, and when the best was found, it was, much of it, over mountains and rugged regions. with a number of laborers, he commenced the work. he met with two attacks from the indians by the way, in which four of his men were killed, and five wounded. undaunted, he pushed resolutely on, and, in the month of april, reached the kentucky river. to guard themselves from the savages, they immediately commenced the building of a fort at a salt lick, about sixty yards from the south bank of the stream. the indians annoyed them from time to time, while they were thus engaged, but fortunately killed but one man. on the th day of june the fort was finished, and boone started back for his family on clinch river. as an honor to him, the party gave to this first settlement in the wilderness of kentucky the name of boonesborough. [ ] it is said that it was by daniel boone's advice that they first thought of making this purchase. he reached his family without accident, and, as rapidly as he could, retraced his way with them through the forest. the fort consisted of several cabins, surrounded by pickets ten feet high, planted firmly in the ground. in one of these, daniel boone found a shelter for his family. the long desire of his heart was at last gratified: he had a home in kentucky. he was the first settler of that region, and (as he proudly said) his "wife and daughter the first white women that ever stood on the banks of kentucky river." chapter iv. it was now the season of autumn; the trees had not yet shed their leaves, and the forests were still beautiful. mrs. boone felt happy as she looked upon her new home. winter came, and glided rapidly and joyously away. with their axes and rifles, the men in the settlement brought in constant and ample supplies of fuel and game, and around the blazing hearth of daniel boone there was not one in the family who sighed for the old home on the yadkin. boone naturally supposed that a fear of the indians would be the principal trouble with his wife; and well she might dread them, remembering the loss of her son formerly in the pass of the mountains. fortunately, however, she did not see an indian through the season. but one white man was killed by them during the winter, and he lost his life by unfortunately wandering away from the fort unarmed. after this, the other settlers were more prudent; they never went without the pickets for fuel without taking their rifles. when spring opened, they were soon very busy. a small clearing without the pickets was first made for a garden-spot. mrs. boone and her daughter brought out their stock of garden-seeds, and commenced cultivating this, while the men went on earnestly in the work of preparing for their fields. they were calculating that they were making their homes for life. day after day the neighborhood resounded with the crash of falling trees, as these hardy men levelled the forests. while they were thus engaged, they were made happy by a new arrival. colonel calloway, an old companion of boone's, led by the desire of finding his old friend and a new country, came out to the settlement this spring, and brought with him his two young daughters. here, then, were companions for boone's daughter. the fathers were happy, and the mother and girls delighted. spring had not passed away, however, before they were in sorrow about these children. when the wild flowers began to bloom in the woods, the girls were in the habit of strolling around the fort and gathering them to adorn their humble homes. this was an innocent and pleasant occupation; it pleased the girls as well as their parents. they were only cautioned not to wander far, for fear of the indians. this caution, it seems, was forgotten. near the close of a beautiful day in july, they were wandering, as usual, and the bright flowers tempted them to stroll thoughtlessly onward. indians were in ambush; they were suddenly surrounded, seized, and hurried away, in spite of their screams for help. they were carried by their captors to the main body of the indian party, some miles distant. night came, and the girls did not return; search was made for them, and they were nowhere to be found. the thought now flashed upon boone that the children were prisoners; the indians had captured them. the parents were well nigh frantic: possibly the girls were murdered. boone declared that he would recover his child, if alive, if he lost his own life in the effort. the whole settlement was at once roused: every man offered to start off with the two fathers in search of the children. but boone would not have them all; some must remain behind, to protect the settlement. of the whole number he chose seven; he and calloway headed them; and, in less time than i have been telling the story, laden with their knapsacks and rifles, they were off in pursuit. which way were they to go? it was a long time before they could find a track of the party. the wily indians, as usual, had used all their cunning in hiding their footprints and breaking their trail. covering their tracks with leaves; walking at right angles occasionally from the main path; crossing brooks by walking in them for some time, and leaving them at a point far from where they entered: all this had been practised, and i presume that the fathers never would have got on the track if the girls had not been as cunning as their captors. after wandering about for some time, they came at length to a brook, and waded along it for a great while in search of footprints. they looked faithfully far up and down the stream, for they knew the indian stratagem. presently calloway leaped up for joy. "god bless my child!" cried he; "they have gone this way." he had picked up a little piece of riband which one of his daughters had dropped, purposely to mark the trail. now they were on the track. travelling on as rapidly as they could, from time to time they picked up shreds of handkerchiefs, or fragments of their dresses, that the girls had scattered by the way. before the next day ended, they were still more clearly on the track. they reached a soft, muddy piece of ground, and found all the footprints of the party; they were now able to tell the number of the indians. the close of the next day brought them still nearer to the objects of their search. night had set in; they were still wandering on, when, upon reaching a small hill, they saw a camp-fire in the distance. they were now delighted; this surely was the party that had captured the girls. everything was left to the management of boone. he brought his men as near the fire as he dared approach, and sheltered them from observation under the brow of a hill. calloway and another man were then selected from the group; the rest were told that they might go to sleep: they were, however, to sleep on their arms, ready to start instantly at a given signal. calloway was to go with boone; the other man was stationed on the top of the hill, to give the alarm, if necessary. the two parents now crept cautiously onward to a covert of bushes not far from the fire. looking through, they saw fifteen or twenty indians fast asleep in the camp; but where were the girls? crawling to another spot, they pushed the bushes cautiously aside, and, to their great joy, saw in another camp the daughters sleeping in each other's arms. two indians with their tomahawks guarded this camp. one seemed to be asleep. they crept gently around in the rear of this. they were afraid to use their rifles: the report would wake the other camp. calloway was to stand ready to shoot the sleeping indian if he stirred, while boone was to creep behind the other, seize, and strangle him. they were then to hurry off with the children. unfortunately, they calculated wrong: the indian whom they supposed to be sleeping was wide awake, and, as boone drew near, his shadow was seen by this man. he sprang up, and the woods rang with his yell. the other camp was roused; the indians came rushing to this. boone's first impulse was to use his rifle, but calloway's prudence restrained him. had he fired, it would have been certain destruction to parents and children. they surrendered themselves prisoners, pleading earnestly at the same time for their captive daughters. the indians bound them with cords, placed guards over them, and then retired to their camp. the poor girls, roused by the tumult, now saw their parents in this pitiable condition. here they were, likewise made captives, for their love of them. there was no more sleep in the indian camp that night. till the dawn of the day they were talking of what should be done to the new prisoners: some were for burning them at the stake; others objected to this. boone and calloway were to be killed, but they were too brave to be killed in this way. some proposed making them run the gauntlet. at last it was decided (in pity for the girls, it is said) that the parents should be killed in a more decent and quiet way. they were to be tomahawked and scalped, and the girls were still to be kept prisoners. with the morning's light they started out to execute the sentence. that the poor girls might not see their parents murdered the men were led off to the woods, and there lashed to two trees. two of the savages stood before them with their tomahawks, while the rest were singing and dancing around them. at length the tomahawks were lifted to strike them; at that instant the crack of rifles was heard, and the two indians fell dead. another and another report was heard: others fell, and the rest fled in dismay. boone's companions had saved them. all night long they had waited for the signal: none had been given; they had heard the indian yell; they feared that they were taken. they had watched the camp with the greatest anxiety, and now had delivered them. they were instantly untied; the girls were quickly released, and in the arms of their parents; and they all started joyously homeward. mrs. boone was delighted to see them. the party had been so long gone, that she feared her husband and child were alike lost to her for ever. it is not surprising that when men found out that a settlement had been made in kentucky, others were soon ready to start off for that fertile region. accordingly, we find many arriving this year, and settling themselves in the country. harrod, logan, ray, wagin, bowman, and many other fearless spirits, now threw themselves, like boone, into the heart of the wilderness, and made their forts, or stations, as they were called. these were just like the home of boone--nothing more than a few log cabins, surrounded by pickets. indeed, the country began now to assume so much importance in the eyes of men, that the governor of virginia thought proper to take some notice of it. when the legislature met, he recommended that the southwestern part of the county of fincastle--which meant all the large tract of country west of the alleganies now known as kentucky--should be made into a separate county, by the name of kentucky. the legislature thought it well to follow his advice. the new county was made, and had the privilege of sending two members to the virginia legislature. nor is it surprising that the indians began now to be more violent than ever in their enmity. they had been unwilling before that a white man should cross their path as they roamed over their hunting-grounds; but now, when they saw clearings made, and houses built, they felt that the whites meant to drive them for ever from that region. their hatred consequently increased now every hour. another circumstance at this time served to rouse them the more against the settlers. if you will think of the period of which i am speaking (the year ), perhaps you may guess what it was. the colonists of america in that year, you will remember, declared themselves independent of great britain. in the war which followed (known among us always as the revolutionary war), england struggled hard to subdue them; nor was she always choice as to the means which she used for the purpose. she did not hesitate even to rouse the red men of the forests, and give them arms to fight the colonists. they were not only turned loose upon them with their own tomahawks and scalping-knives, but were well supplied with british rifles and balls. all the new settlements in the land were troubled with them, and kentucky had to bear her part of the sorrow. these indians would scatter themselves in small parties, and hang secretly for days and nights around the infant stations. until one is acquainted with indian stratagems, he can hardly tell how cunning these people are. by day they would hide themselves in the grass, or behind the stumps of trees, near the pathways to the fields or springs of water, and it was certain death to the white man who travelled that way. at night they would creep up to the very gateway of the pickets, and watch for hours for a white man. if any part of his person was exposed, he was sure to catch a rifle-ball. it was impossible to discover them, even when their mischief was done. they would lie in the grass flat on their bellies for days, almost under the very palisades. sometimes an indian yell would be heard near one point of the fort, startling all the settlers--a yell raised only to draw them all in one direction, while the indians did their mischief in another. in this sneaking mode of warfare, men, women, and children, were killed in many places; and not unfrequently whole droves of cattle were cut off. at length, to the great joy of the settlers, the indians began to show themselves more boldly: for anything was better than these secret ambushes of the savages; an open enemy is not so much to be dreaded as a secret one. boonesborough and harrodsburgh (a settlement made by james harrod, a bold adventurer from the banks of the monongahela) were now the principal stations. toward these, new emigrants were from time to time moving, and against these stations, as being the strongest, the indians felt the greatest hatred, and directed their principal attacks. early in the spring of , a party was moving toward harrodsburgh: fortunately, the indians attacked them; for, though two whites were killed, the attack probably saved the settlement. it was only four miles from the place, and the indians were now on their way there. one young man escaped in the midst of the fight to give the alarm at harrodsburgh. the station was instantly put in a state of defence. ere long, the indians appeared. a brisk firing at once commenced on both sides; the savages saw one of their men fall, and finding that they were not likely to gain any advantage, soon scattered for the woods. the whites lost one man also, and three were slightly wounded. on the th of april, a party of one hundred savages appeared boldly before boonesborough. every man of them was armed with his gun, as well as bow and arrows. boone, however, was prepared for them, and gave them a warm reception--so warm, that they soon gladly retreated. how many of their men were killed it was impossible to tell, for they dragged away their dead with them. in the fort one man was killed, and four were badly wounded. their loss this time only served to make them more revengeful. in july following they again came against boonesborough, resolved upon vengeance. they numbered this time more than two hundred. to prevent any of the white settlements from sending aid to boonesborough, they had sent off small parties to molest them, and keep them busy. the savages now commenced their attack, and for two days a constant firing was kept up. at last, finding their efforts again idle, they raised a loud yell, and returned to the forests. the whites could now count their slain and wounded as they dragged them off: seven were killed, and numbers wounded, while in the fort only one white man was slain. in spite of their numbers and their cunning, they did but little harm: for boone was never found sleeping; he knew that indians were his neighbors, and he was always ready for them. after this, they learned to dread him more than ever. he now went by the name of the "_great long knife_." attacks of this kind were made from time to time openly against the settlements, but especially against these two principal stations. they all ended very much in the same way, and it would only weary you if i should attempt to speak of them. it is enough for you to know that the whites were always on the lookout, and that boone was regarded as their principal leader and protector. we will pass on, therefore, to something more interesting. i have already stated that the stations of these settlers were usually built, for comfort's sake, in the neighborhood of salt licks or springs; and near such a lick, as you will remember, boonesborough stood. the supply of salt, however, was not sufficient; new settlers were often arriving, and it became necessary to seek a place which would afford more of that article. boone was the father of the settlement, and he undertook to find it. having selected thirty men as his companions, on the st of january, , he started for the blue licks, on licking river--a stream, as you know, emptying itself into the ohio opposite where cincinnati now stands. upon reaching this spot, the thirty men were soon very busy in making salt. boone, having no taste for the work, sauntered off to employ himself in shooting game for the company. he had wandered some distance from the river one day, when suddenly he came upon two indians armed with muskets. it was impossible for him to retreat, and the chances were against him if he stood. his usual coolness did not forsake him; he instantly jumped behind a tree. as the indians came within gun-shot, he exposed himself on the side of the tree: one savage immediately fired, and boone dodged the ball. one shot was thus thrown away, and this was just what he desired. exposing himself immediately in precisely the same way, the other musket was discharged by the other indian, to as little purpose. he now stepped boldly out; the indians were trying hard to load again; he raised his rifle, and one savage fell dead. he was now on equal terms with the other. drawing his hunting-knife, he leaped forward and placed his foot upon the body of the dead indian; the other raised his tomahawk to strike but boone, with his rifle in his left hand, warded off the blow, while with his right he plunged his knife into the heart of the savage. his two foes lay dead before him. if you should ever visit washington city, you will see a memorial of this deed. the act is in sculpture, over the southern door of the rotundo of the capitol. after this he continued his hunting excursions as usual, for the benefit of his party; but he was not so fortunate the next time he met with indians. on the th of february, as he was roaming through the woods, he saw a party of one hundred savages on their way to attack boonesborough. his only chance for escape now was to run. he instantly fled, but the swiftest warriors gave chase, and before a great while he was overtaken and made a prisoner. he was, of all men, the one whom they desired to take; they could now gain, as they thought, some information about boonesborough. they now carried him back to the blue licks. as they drew near, boone, knowing that it was idle to resist, made signs to the salt-makers to surrender themselves. this they did, and thus the savages soon had in their possession twenty-eight captives. fortunately for themselves, three of the men had started homeward with a supply of salt, and thus escaped. now was the time for the savages to have attacked boonesborough; for, with the loss of so many men, and boone their leader, we may readily suppose that the station might have surrendered. flushed, however, with the capture of their prisoners, they seem not to have thought of it any longer. the prisoners were marched immediately to old chilicothe, the principal indian town on the little miami, where they arrived on the th. there was great rejoicing over them when they reached this old settlement of the savages, though boone says they were "treated as kindly as prisoners could expect." early in the next month boone with ten of his men was marched off to detroit by forty indians. here governor hamilton, the british commander of that post, treated them with much kindness. the ten men were soon delivered up for a small ransom. but when the governor offered them one hundred pounds to give up boone, that he might allow him to return home, they refused to part with him; they looked upon him as too dangerous an enemy to be allowed to go free upon any terms. several english gentlemen were moved with pity when they saw boone thus a helpless prisoner, and offered to supply his wants. he thanked them for their feeling, but refused to receive any aid, stating that he never expected to be able to return their kindness, and therefore was unwilling to receive it. the truth was, he was not disposed to receive assistance from the enemies of his country. with no other prisoner than boone, the party now started again for old chilicothe. as they drew near, after a very fatiguing march, boone thought he understood why they had refused to part with him. before they entered the village, they shaved his head, painted his face, and dressed him like themselves; they then placed in his hands a long white staff, ornamented with deers' tails. the chief of the party then raised a yell, and all the warriors from the village answered it, and soon made their appearance. four young warriors commenced singing as they came toward him. the two first, each bearing a calumet, took him by the arms and marched him to a cabin in the village; here he was to remain until his fate was made known to him. of all strange customs of the indians (and he had seen many of them), this was the strangest to him. it is not wonderful that he thought he was now to die. yet this was a common custom (it is said) among the shawanese, who inhabited this village. prisoners were often thus carried to some cabin, and then the indian living in the cabin decided what should be done--whether the prisoner should die, or be adopted into the tribe. it happened that in this cabin lived an old indian woman, who had lately lost a son in battle. she, of course, was to decide boone's fate. she looked at him earnestly, admired his noble bearing and cheerful face, and at length declared that he should live. he should be her son, she said; he should be to her the son whom she had lost. the young warriors instantly announced to him his fate, and the fact was soon proclaimed through the village. food was brought out and set before him; and every effort, which indian love could think of, was used to make him happy. he was fairly one of the tribe; and the old woman who was to be his mother was especially delighted. he was now as free as the rest; his only sorrow was that he had to live among them. he knew, too, that if he should be caught trying to make his escape, it would be certain death to him. he pretended, therefore, to be cheerful and happy; and fortunately his old habits enabled him to play his part well. like them, he was a man of the woods, and as fond of hunting as any of them. they all soon became attached to him, and treated him with the utmost confidence. sometimes large parties would go out to try their skill at their sports of racing and shooting at a mark. boone was always with them; he knew, however, that in trials of this kind the indians were always jealous if they were beaten, and therefore he had to act very prudently. at racing, they could excel him; but at shooting, he was more than a match for any of them. still, when the target was set up, he was always certain to be beaten. if he shot too well, they would be jealous and angry; if he shot badly, they would hold him in contempt: and therefore he would manage to make good shots, and yet never be the successful man. he knew too much of indians not to conduct himself properly. sometimes they would start out upon hunting parties. here boone was at home; there was no jealousy when he brought down a buffalo or a deer with his rifle-ball. he might do his best; they were true hunters themselves, and were delighted with every successful shot. returning to the village, boone would always visit the shawanese chief, and present him a portion of his game. by this kindness and civility he completely won the heart of the chief, and was not unfrequently consulted by him on important matters. thus he passed his time, joining in all their modes of living; he was beloved by the old woman, the chief, and all the tribe: and none suspected that he was not contented and happy. on the st of june, a large party was starting from the village for the salt-licks on the scioto, to make salt. boone pretended to be indifferent whether he went or not. the truth was, however, that he was very anxious to go, for he thought it would afford a fine opportunity for him to escape. he seemed so indifferent about the matter, that the party urged him to accompany them, and off he started. for ten days most of them were busy making salt, while boone and two or three of the best marksmen hunted for the benefit of the rest. he watched his chance for escape, but none occurred; he was closely observed, it was impossible for him to attempt it. to his great sorrow, he was forced to return home with the salt-makers. they had scarcely got back, when the whole village was summoned to the council-house, to attend a council of war. boone, as belonging to one of the principal families, went to this council. here he met four hundred and fifty armed indians, all gayly painted. one of the oldest warriors then struck a large drum, and marched with the war-standard three times round the council-house: this was the sure signal that they were about to make war upon some enemy. but who was the enemy? what was boone's surprise when it was announced that they meant to attack boonesborough! he resolved now that he would escape, even at every hazard, and alarm the settlement. still his prudence did not forsake him. the old warriors at once commenced gathering together a supply of parched corn, and beating up more recruits for the expedition. all the new men (boone among the rest, for he was forced to join them) were then marched off to the "winter-house" to drink the war-drink. this was a mixture of water and bitter herbs and roots, and was to be drank steadily for three days, during which time no man was to eat a morsel. even if a deer or buffalo passed by, no man was to kill it; the fast must be kept. in fact, no man was allowed even to sit down, or rest himself by leaning against a tree. this was done by the old men to purify the young warriors, as they said, and to gain the favor of the great spirit. all this was a common practice with the tribe before they went to battle; and the more strictly the fast was kept, the greater (as they supposed) were the chances of success. during these three days, boone, like the rest, kept the fast, drank the war-drink, and did not even leave the "medicine-ground." the fast being over, they fired their guns, yelled, danced, and sang; and in the midst of this noise the march commenced. the leading war-chief, bearing the medicine-bag, or budget (as it was called), went before; the rest followed in single file. nothing but shouting and yelling, and the noise of guns, was heard, as they passed through the village. when they reached the woods, all the noise ceased; they were fairly on their march, and that march was to be made after the indian fashion, in dead silence. for several days this dead march was kept up, boone looking every hour for his chance of escape. at length, early one morning, a deer dashed by the line. boone leaped eagerly after him, and started in pursuit. no sooner was he out of sight of the indians, than he pressed for boonesborough. he knew they would give chase, and therefore he doubled his track, waded in streams, and did everything that he could to throw them off his trail. every sound startled him; he thought the indians were behind him. with no food but roots and berries, and scarcely time to devour these, he pushed through swamps and thickets for his old home. now or never was his chance for liberty, and as such he used it. at length, after wandering nearly two hundred miles, on the fourth day he reached boonesborough in safety. chapter v. before we go on, let me tell you of some of the curious customs which boone noticed among the indians, during his captivity. he had a fine opportunity for observation, and i think these strange customs will interest you. it is not wonderful that indian men and women are so hardy; they are trained to it from their youth: and boone tells us how they are trained. when a child is only eight years old, this training commences; he is then made to fast frequently half a day; when he is twelve, he is made to fast a whole day. during the time of this fast, the child is left alone, and his face is always blacked. this mode of hardening them is kept up with girls until they are fourteen--with boys until they are eighteen. at length, when a boy has reached the age of eighteen, his parents tell him that his education is completed, and that he is old enough to be a man! his face is now to be blacked for the last time. he is taken to a solitary cabin far away from the village; his face is blacked, and then his father makes to him a speech of this kind: "my son, the great spirit has allowed you to live to see this day. we have all noticed your conduct since i first began to black your face. all people will understand whether you have followed your father's advice, and they will treat you accordingly. you must now remain here until i come after you." the lad is then left alone. his father then goes off hunting, as though nothing had happened, and leaves his boy to bear his hunger as long it is possible for him to starve and live. at length he prepares a great feast, gathers his friends together, and then returns. the lad is then brought home, his face is washed in cold water, his hair is shaved, leaving nothing but the scalp-lock; they all commence eating, but the food of the lad is placed before him in a separate dish. this being over, a looking-glass and a bag of paint are then presented to him. then they all praise him for his firmness, and tell him that he is a man. strange as it may seem, a boy is hardly ever known to break his fast when he is blacked this way for the last time. it is looked upon as something base, and they have a dread that the great spirit will punish them if they are disobedient to their parents. another curious habit which surprised boone was that of continually changing names. a white man carries the same name from the cradle to the grave, but among these people it was very different. their principal arms, as you know, are the tomahawk and scalping-knife, and he who can take the greatest number of scalps is the greatest man. from time to time, as warriors would return from an attack upon some enemy, these new names would begin to be known. each man would count the number of scalps he had taken, and a certain number entitled him to a new name, in token of his bravery. it is not wonderful that they were revengeful, when they were stimulated by this sort of ambition. besides this, they believed that he who took the scalp of a brave man received at once all his courage and other good qualities; and this made them more eager in their thirst for scalps. in this way, names of warriors were sometimes changed three or four times in a year. marriages in this tribe were conducted very decently. when a young warrior desired to marry, he assembled all his friends, and named the woman whom he wished for his wife. his relations then received his present, and took it to the parents of the young woman. if they were pleased with the proposal, they would dress the young woman in her gayest clothes, and take her, with bundles of presents, to the friends of the warrior; then, if she pleased, she was to be married. there was no compulsion in the matter. if she was not satisfied, she had only to return his present to the young warrior, and this was considered a refusal. their mode of burying their dead was very much like that of all the indians. the dead body was sometimes placed in a pen made of sticks and covered over with bark; sometimes it was placed in a grave, and covered first with bark, and then with dirt; and sometimes, especially in the case of the young, it was placed in a rude coffin, and suspended from the top of a tree. this last was a common mode of infant burial, and the mother of the child would often be found, long after, standing under the tree, and singing songs to her babe. boone witnessed, too, the mode in which war-parties start off for war. the budget, or medicine-bag, is first made up. this bag contains something belonging to each man of the party--something usually representing some animal, such as the skin of a snake, the tail of a buffalo, the horns of a buck, or the feathers of a bird. it is always regarded as a very sacred thing. the leader of the party goes before with this; the rest follow in single file. when they come to a stand, the budget is laid down in front, and no man may pass it without permission. to keep their thoughts upon the enterprise in which they are engaged, no man is allowed to talk of women or his home. at night, when they encamp, the heart of whatever animal has been killed during the day is cut into small pieces and then burnt. during the burning no man is allowed to step across the fire, but must always walk around it in the direction of the sun. when they spy the enemy, and the attack is to be made, the war-budget is opened. each man takes out his budget, or _totem_, and fastens it to his body. after the fight, each man again returns his _totem_ to the leader. they are all again tied up, and given to the man who has taken the first scalp. he then leads the party in triumph home. boone had not long been a prisoner among them when a successful war-party returned home and celebrated their victory. when the party came within a day's march of the village, a messenger was sent in to tell of their success. an order was instantly issued that every cabin should be swept clean, and the women as quickly commenced the work. when they had finished, the cabins were all inspected, to see if they were in proper order. next day the party approached the village. they were all frightfully painted, and each man had a bunch of white feathers on his head. they were marching in single file, the chief of the party leading the way, bearing in one hand a branch of cedar, laden with the scalps they had taken, and all chanting their war-song. as they entered the village, the chief led the way to the war-pole which stood in front of the council-house. in this house the council-fire was then burning. the waiter, or _etissu_ of the leader, then fixed two blocks of wood near the war-pole, and placed upon them a kind of ark, which was regarded by them as one of their most sacred things. the chief now ordered that all should sit down. he then inquired whether his cabin was prepared, and everything made ready, according to the custom of his fathers. they then rose up and commenced the war-whoop, as they marched round the war-pole. the ark was then taken and carried with great solemnity into the council-house, and here the whole party remained three days and nights, separate from the rest of the people. their first business now was to wash themselves clean, and sprinkle themselves with a mixture of bitter herbs. while they were thus in the house, all their female relatives, after having bathed and dressed themselves in their finest clothes, placed themselves in two lines facing each other on each side of the door. here they continued singing a slow monotonous song all day and night; the song was kept up steadily for one minute, with intervals of ten minutes of dead silence between. about once in three hours the chief would march out at the head of his warriors, raise the war-whoop, and pass around the war-pole, bearing his branch of cedar. this was all that was done for the whole three days and nights. at length the purification was ended, and upon each of their cabins was placed a twig of the cedar with a fragment of the scalps fastened to it, to satisfy the ghosts of their departed friends. all were now quiet as usual, except the leader of the party and his waiter, who kept up the purification three days and nights longer. when he had finished, the budget was hung up before his door for thirty or forty days, and from time to time indians of the party would be seen singing and dancing before it. when boone asked the meaning of all this strange ceremony, they answered him by a word which he says meant _holy_. as this party had brought in no prisoners, he did not now witness their horrible mode of torture. before he left them, however, he saw enough of their awful cruelty in this way. sometimes the poor prisoner would be tied to a stake, a pile of green wood placed around him, fire applied, and the poor wretch left to his horrible fate, while, amid shouts and yells, the indians departed. sometimes he would be forced to run the gauntlet between two rows of indians, each one striking at him with a club until he fell dead. others would be fastened between two stakes, their arms and legs stretched to each of them, and then quickly burnt by a blazing fire. a common mode was to pinion the arms of the prisoner, and then tie one end of a grape-vine around his neck, while the other was fastened to the stake. a fire was then kindled, and the poor wretch would walk the circle; this gave the savages the comfort of seeing the poor creature literally roasting, while his agony was prolonged. perhaps this was the most popular mode, too, because all the women and children could join in it. they were there, with their bundles of dry sticks, to keep the fire blazing, and their long switches, to beat the prisoner. fearful that their victim might die too soon, and thus escape their cruelty, the women would knead cakes of clay and put them on the skull of the poor sufferer, that the fire might not reach his brain and instantly kill him. as the poor frantic wretch would run round the circle, they would yell, dance, and sing, and beat him with their switches, until he fell exhausted. at other times, a poor prisoner would be tied, and then scalding water would be poured upon him from time to time till he died. it was amazing, too, to see how the warriors would sometimes bear these tortures. tied to the stake, they would chant their war-songs, threaten their captors with the awful vengeance of their tribe, boast of how many of their nation they had scalped and tell their tormentors how they might increase their torture. in the midst of the fire they would stand unflinching, and die without changing a muscle. it was their glory to die in this way; they felt that they disappointed their enemies in their last triumph. while boone was with them, a noted warrior of one of the western tribes, with which the shawanese were at war, was brought in as a captive. he was at once condemned, stripped, fastened to the stake, and the fire kindled. after suffering without flinching for a long time, he laughed at his captors, and told them they did not know how to make an enemy eat fire. he called for a pipe and tobacco. excited by his bravery, they gave it to him. he sat down on the burning coals, and commenced smoking with the utmost composure; not a muscle of his countenance moved. seeing this, one of his captors sprang forward and cried out that he was a true warrior. though he had murdered many of their tribe, yet he should live, if the fire had not spoiled him. the fire had, however, well nigh done its work. with that, he declared that he was too brave a man to suffer any longer. he seized a tomahawk and raised it over the head of the prisoner: still a muscle did not move. he did not even change his posture. the blow was given, and the brave warrior fell dead. while among them, boone also witnessed the mode in which, the shawanese make a treaty of peace. the warriors of both tribes between which the treaty was to be made, met together first, ate and smoked in a friendly way, and then pledged themselves in a sacred drink called _cussena_. the shawanese then waved large fans, made of eagles' tails, and danced. the other party, after this, chose six of their finest young men, painted them with white clay, and adorned their heads with swans' feathers; their leader was then placed on what was called the "consecrated seat." after this they all commenced dancing, and singing their song of peace. they danced first in a bending posture; then stood upright, still dancing, and bearing in their right hands their fans, while in their left they carried a calabash, tied to a stick about a foot long, and with this continually beat their breasts. during all this, some added to the noise by rattling pebbles in a gourd. this being over, the peace was concluded. it was an act of great solemnity, and no warrior was considered as well trained, who did not know how to join in every part of it. many other strange things were seen by boone among these people, but these are enough to show you that he was among a strange people, with habits very unlike his own. it is not wonderful that he sighed to escape, when he looked upon their horrid tortures. independently of his love for boonesborough, he did not know but that such tortures might be his at any moment, when they became excited. fortunately, as we have seen, he did escape, and we will now go on with his story. chapter vi. when boone reached boonesborough, the object he most loved was not to be found. his poor wife, wearied with waiting for him, and naturally concluding that he was lost to her for ever, had returned to her friends on the yadkin. the settlers had begged her to remain, and offered her every kindness; but her husband was gone: she was heart-sick, and longed to return to her friends in carolina. disappointed as he was, however, he had no time to waste in sorrow. the indians were approaching, and boonesborough was well nigh defenceless. just before his return, a major smith had taken charge of the post, and been busy in strengthening it, but much was still to be done. boone's energies were now at work, and in a little time the station was ready for an attack. a white man now came into the settlement with news. he had escaped from the indians. the party from which boone had escaped had postponed their attack for three weeks, and gone back to strengthen themselves. they felt that boone had reached home--the alarm was given, the place fortified--and that it was idle to attack it at this time. boone determined at once to improve the mean season. with nineteen men, he started off to surprise the indians at paint creek town, a small village on the scioto. when he came within four miles of the place, he met a party of the savages on their way to join the large body marching against boonesborough. the fight instantly commenced: one indian fell dead, several were wounded, and the rest were forced to retreat; their horses and all their baggage fell into the hands of boone. two men were now sent to reconnoitre the town. they found no indians there; they had all left. after setting fire to the village, they returned, and boone immediately hurried homeward. he had scarcely entered the station, and closed the gates, when an army of four hundred and forty-four indians, led on by a frenchman named duquesne, appeared before the settlement. they soon sent in a flag, demanding, in the name of the king of great britain, that the station should instantly surrender. a council was immediately held in the fort. with such a force before them, smith was in favor of meeting their proposal; boone opposed it; the settlers backed him in this opposition; and he sent back for an answer to the indians that the gates should never be opened to them. presently another flag of truce was sent in, with a message that they had a letter for colonel boone from governor hamilton, of detroit. upon hearing this, it was thought best that boone and smith should go out and meet them, and hear what they had to say. fifty yards from the fort they were met by three chiefs, who received them very cordially, and led them to the spot where they were to hold the parley. here they were seated upon a panther's skin, while the indians held branches over their heads to protect them from the sun. the chiefs then commenced talking in a friendly way, and some of their warriors now came forward, grounded their arms, and shook hands with them. then the letter of general hamilton was read; he invited them to surrender and come at once to detroit where they should be treated with all kindness. smith objected to this proposal, declaring that it was impossible for them, at this time, to move their women and children; but the indians had an answer ready: they had brought forty horses with them, they said, expressly to help them in removing. after a long and friendly talk, the white men returned to the fort, for the purpose, as they said, of considering the proposal. they now informed the settlers that the indians had no cannon, and advised them never to think of surrendering. every man thought the advice good. the indians now sent in another flag, and asked what treaty the whites were ready to make. boone, who had suspected treachery all the time, at once sent a reply, that if they wished to make a treaty, the place for making it, must be within sixty yards of the fort. this displeased them at first, but at last, they consented. he then stationed some of his men, with their guns, in one angle of the fort, with orders to fire if it became necessary, and, with smith, started out to meet them. after a long talk with thirty chiefs, terms were agreed upon, and the treaty was ready to be signed; the chiefs now said that it was customary with them, on such occasions, for the indians to shake hands with every white man who signed the treaty, as a token of the warmest friendship. boone and smith agreed to this, and the shaking of hands commenced; presently, they found themselves seized in the crowd--the indians were dragging them off; a fire from the fort now levelled the savages who grasped them; the rest were in confusion, and, in the confusion, boone and smith escaped and rushed into the fort. in the struggle boone was wounded, though not dangerously. it was a narrow escape for both of them. there was no more chance for deception now; the indians were disappointed, and the whites were provoked at their treachery. a brisk firing now commenced on both sides; duquesne harangued the indians and urged them on, while the whites shouted from the fort, upbraided them as treacherous cowards, and defied them. the attack was furious, the firing was kept up till dark, and many an indian fell that day before boonesborough. the whites, sheltered by their pickets, made easy havoc among them. when night came, the exasperated indians crawled under the pickets and began to throw burning materials into the fort, hoping to set all on fire; but in this they were disappointed--there were ample supplies of water inside, and the fire was put out as fast as it fell. the next day the firing was resumed, and day after day it continued, the indians failing to make any impression. they were too far from the fort--the first day's work had taught them not to come near. at last they formed a wiser plan for doing mischief. boonesborough, as you will remember, was only sixty yards from the river, and they determined, by the advice of the frenchman, to let the water in and force the settlers out. in the night, they commenced the work of digging a trench under ground, from the river. in the morning boone looked out upon the river, and perceiving that it was muddy, instantly guessed the cause. he immediately set his men to the work of cutting a trench inside the fort, to cross the subterranean passage of the indians. the savages saw what was doing, for boone's men were constantly shovelling dirt over the pickets, but they persevered earnestly in their design. at last, however, they were forced to stop, for the dirt caved in as fast as they dug; disappointed in this, they now summoned the station once more to a treaty. but boone laughed at them. "do you suppose," said he, "we would pretend to treat with such treacherous wretches? fire on, you only waste your powder; the gates shall never be opened to you while there is a man of us living." taking his advice, they commenced their firing again; at last, on the ninth day of the siege, wearied with their fruitless labor, they killed all the cattle they could find, raised a yell, and departed. this was a terrible siege for the indians; it is said that they lost two hundred men; boone counted thirty-seven chief warriors; while the whites, defended by their pickets, had but two killed and four wounded. you may judge, too, how industrious the savages had been, when i tell you that the whites who wanted lead, commenced gathering their balls after they left, and succeeded in picking out of the logs, and from the ground, one hundred and twenty-five pounds. boone having thus successfully defended his settlement, determined now to go in search of his wife. accustomed to travelling through the woods, he soon made his lonely journey to the yadkin. they were amazed as he entered the house of mr. bryan, his wife's father. the appearance of one risen from the grave could not have surprised them more than that of boone--the lost man was among them, and great was their rejoicing. he now remained here with his family for some time, and here we will leave him for a little while, to talk of what happened in kentucky during his absence. the kentuckians, roused by the indian hostility and treachery, determined soon after he left to inflict punishment upon them; against the shawanese they were most provoked; it was among them that most of the plots against the whites were formed, and the attack, therefore, was to be made upon them. an army of one hundred and sixty men was soon collected, and the command was given to a brave man named colonel bowman; they were to march directly against old chilicothe, the den of the savages. in july of this year ( ), they started and reached the home of the indians, without being discovered. at daylight, the fight commenced and continued till ten o'clock. bowman's men fought bravely, but the indians had every advantage. knowing all the woods about their settlement, while one party fought openly, the other, concealed behind the grass and trees, poured in a deadly fire upon the whites. he was forced at last to retreat as rapidly as possible to a distance of thirty miles; but the indians pursued him here, doing more mischief than before. the savages fought desperately. his men were falling around him, and but for colonel harrod, every man of them might have been killed. seeing the slaughter that was continually increasing, he mounted a body of horsemen and made a charge upon the enemy; this broke their ranks, they were thrown into confusion, and bowman, with the remnant of his men, was enabled to retreat. this attack only exasperated the indians. in the course of the next summer (after doing much mischief in a smaller way in the meantime), they gathered together to the number of six hundred, and led on by colonel bird, a british officer, came down upon riddle's and martin's stations, at the forks of licking river. they had with them six cannons, and managed their matters so secretly, that the first news of their approach was given to the settlers by the roar of their guns. of course it was of no use to resist; the pickets could not defend them from cannon-balls; the settlers were forced to surrender. the savages rushed into the station and instantly killed one man and two women with their tomahawks; all the others, many of whom were sick, were now loaded with baggage and forced to march off with the indians. it was certain death to any one, old or young, male or female, who became, on the march, too weak and exhausted to travel farther; they were instantly killed with the tomahawk. flushed with success, the indians were now more troublesome than ever; it was impossible for the whites to remain in the country if matters were to go on in this way. the inhabitants at last threw themselves upon the protection of colonel clarke, who commanded a regiment of united states soldiers at the falls of the ohio. at the head of his men and a large number of volunteers, he marched against pecaway, one of the principal towns of the shawanese; numbers of the savages were killed, and the town was burnt to ashes. this was a triumph, but it was a triumph gained by the loss of seventeen of his men. in , boone again returned to boonesborough with his family, bringing with him also a younger brother. the elder brother (who had been in kentucky before, as you will remember) now returned also, and made his home at a spot not far from the place where the town of shelbyville now stands. the settlers were all delighted to see their old friend daniel boone once more among them; they now felt that their leader was on the ground. mrs. boone too felt happy. though she was again on "_the dark and bloody ground_," her husband was with her. in a little time his services were again especially needed. the want of salt, their old trouble was upon them, and they looked to boone to procure it. ever ready, he started off with his younger brother to the blue licks, the place of his former trouble; here he was destined to meet with trouble again. they had made as much salt as they could carry, and were now returning to boonesborough with their packs, when they were suddenly overtaken by a party of savages; the indians immediately fired, and boone's brother fell dead. daniel boone turned, levelled his rifle at the foremost indian, and brought him down; with a loud yell the party now rushed toward him. he snatched his brother's rifle, levelled another, and then ran. the indians gave chase, but he managed to keep ahead, and even found time to reload his rifle. he knew that his only chance for escape was to distance them, and break his trail. he passed the brow of a hill, jumped into a brook below, waded in it for some distance, and then struck off at right angles from his old course. upon looking back he found, to his sorrow, that he had not succeeded--the indians were still on his track. presently, he came to a grape-vine, and tried his old experiment at breaking the trail. this was to no purpose, he found the savages still following him. after travelling some distance farther, upon looking round he saw the cause of his trouble; the indians had a dog with them, and this dog, scenting his track, kept them for ever on his course. his rifle was loaded--the dog was far ahead of the party--and boone sent a rifle ball through him. he now pushed on, doubling his course from time to time; the indians lost track of him, and he reached boonesborough in safety. in spite of the continued annoyance of the indians, the white settlements had continued to grow, and there were now so many white men in the country, that in the fall of this year ( ), kentucky was divided into the three counties of jefferson, fayette, and lincoln. our friend, daniel boone, was appointed to command the militia in his county, and william pope, and benjamin logan, two brave men, were to have the command in theirs. the winter of this year soon set in, and it proved a hard one. the settlers, however, bore it cheerfully, for they were accustomed to hardships. hard as it was, too, it proved mild to the next that followed. the winter of was long remembered as "the cold winter" in kentucky. to make it harder, the indians, after doing much mischief through the summer, had destroyed most of the crops the preceding fall, and the settlers had small supplies of food. but the forest was around them; boone and harrod were among them, and these two men found food enough. every day they went out in the winter's storms--every night they came in laden with deer and buffaloes. the people learned to live on nothing but meat. boone and harrod drove away all thoughts of starvation. they had, however, this one comfort: the cold weather kept the indians at home. they had no disturbances throughout the winter from them. when spring opened, however, the savages showed themselves more furious, if possible, than ever. their plans of mischief were better laid; they seemed to have been feeding their revenge fat. open and secret war was all around the settlers. it would be idle for me to attempt to give details of the doings of the savages. ashton's, hoy's, m'afee's, kincheloe's, and boone's station, near shelbyville, were all attacked. men were shot down in the open fields, or waylaid in every pathway. the early annals of kentucky are filled with stories of many a brave white man at this time. there were ashton, holden, lyn, tipton, chapman, white, boone, floyd, wells, the m'afees, m'gary, randolph, reynolds, and others, some of whom were killed, and all of whom had their hard struggles. the history of that spring is only a story of burnings, captures, and murders, on the part of the savages. it was a dark period for the white men; even boone, with all his vigor and fearlessness, thought it the darkest period he had known in that region. the savages seemed bent upon a war of extermination. not satisfied with such mischief as they had already done, in the early part of the summer the savages held a grand council at old chilicothe, to arrange their plans for further destruction. there were chiefs there from the cherokees, wyandots, tawas, pottawattomies, and most of the tribes bordering on the lakes. two notorious white villains--whose names will never be forgotten in kentucky--were there also, to aid them with their counsels. these were girty and m'kee, infamous men, who lived among the indians, and lived only by murdering their own countrymen. their plan was soon settled. bryant's station, near lexington, was known to be a strong post, and this was to be attacked. this station had within it forty cabins, and here it was thought they might make the greatest slaughter. the warriors were to gather as rapidly as possible for the enterprise. in a little time, five hundred of them rallied at girty's cabin, ready for their departure. the white rascal then made a speech to them. he told them that "kentucky was a beautiful hunting-ground, filled with deer and buffaloes, for their comfort; the white men had come to drive them away; the ground was now red with the blood of the red men that had been slain. but vengeance they would have--now, before the whites were yet fastened in the country, they would strike a blow, and drive them off for ever." then he talked of the plan before them. he advised them to descend the miami in their canoes, cross the ohio, ascend the licking, and then they might paddle their boats almost to the station. his speech was answered by a loud yell from the indians, and they all started off for their boats--simon girty, with his ruffled shirt and soldier coat, marching at their head. on the night of the th of august, they arrived before the station. in the morning, as the gates were opened, the men were fired at by the savages, and this was the first news to the whites of the approach of the enemy. it was fortunate that they had shown themselves thus early: in two hours more, most of the men were to have started off to aid a distant feeble station. as soon as the whites found they were besieged, they managed to send off the news to lexington. the indians now, as usual, commenced their stratagems. the large body concealed themselves in the grass near the pathway to the spring, while one hundred went round and attacked the southeast angle of the station. their hope was to draw the whites all to that quarter, while they forced an entrance on the other side. but the white men understood this sort of cunning; they had lived among the indians too long to be caught by such tricks: instead of noticing the attack, they went on quietly with the work of repairing and strengthening their palisades. but water, one of the necessaries of life, was soon wanting. the whites, as they looked at the tall grass and weeds near the spring, felt that indians were lurking there. the women now came forward and insisted upon it that they would go and bring water. "what if they do shoot us?" they said; "it is better to lose a woman than a man at such a time." with that, they started out, and, strange to tell, went back and forth, bringing supplies of water, without any difficulty. some of the young men now went out upon the same purpose. they had scarcely left the station, when they were fired upon. fortunately, the indians were too far to do any mischief; the men retreated rapidly within the palisades. the indians, finding their stratagem fruitless, now rushed forward, and commenced a tremendous attack. the whites received them with a steady fire, and many of them fell. enraged the more, they now discharged their burning arrows into the roofs of the houses; some of the cabins were burnt, but an east wind was blowing at the time, and that saved the station. the enemy now fell back into the grass. they had found out, in some way, that help was expected from lexington, and they were preparing to cut it off. in a little time, all was still. presently sixteen horsemen, followed by thirty-one foot-soldiers, were seen coming; these were the men from lexington. thinking only of the distress of their friends, they were hurrying along, when the indians opened a fire upon them. the horsemen galloped off in a cloud of dust, and reached the station in safety. the soldiers on foot, in their effort to escape, plunged into the cornfields on either side of the road, only to meet the enemy. a desperate fight commenced on both sides: two soldiers were killed; the rest--four of them having dangerous wounds--reached the pickets. the exasperated indians, disappointed at the escape of this party, now wreaked their vengeance by killing all the cattle they could find. finding all their efforts to enter the station idle, simon girty now came near enough to be heard, mounted a stump, and holding in his hand a flag of truce, began to talk. "surrender promptly," cried simon; "if you surrender promptly, no blood shall be shed; but if you will not surrender, then know that our cannons and reinforcements are coming. we will batter down your pickets as we did at riddle's and martin's; every man of you shall be slain; two are dead already four are wounded; every man shall die." this language was so insolent, that some of the settlers cried out, "shoot the rascal!" no man, however, lifted his rifle; the flag of truce protected him. "i am under a flag of truce," cried simon; "do you know who it is that speaks to you?" upon this, a young man named reynolds leaped up and cried out, "know you! know you! yes, we know you well. know simon girty! yes: he is the renegado, cowardly villain, who loves to murder women and children, especially those of his own people. know simon girty! yes: his father must have been a panther, and his mother a wolf. i have a worthless dog that kills lambs: instead of shooting him, i have named him simon girty. you expect reinforcements and cannon, do you? cowardly wretches like you, that make war upon women and children, would not dare to touch them off, if you had them. we expect reinforcements, too, and in numbers to give a short account of the murdering cowards that follow you. even if you could batter down our pickets, i, for one, hold your people in too much contempt to shoot rifles at them. i would not waste powder and ball upon you. should you even enter our fort, i am ready for you; i have roasted a number of hickory switches, with which we mean to whip you and your naked cut-throats out of the country!" simon was now furious; cursing and swearing, he went back to his friends, amid the loud laughs and jeers of the whites. in a little time, the firing was renewed; it was all to no purpose: no white man suffered, and every indian who came within gun-shot of the fort was sure to fall. in the course of the night the whole party sneaked off, and their tracks indicated that they had started for the blue licks. they left behind them thirty of their number slain. chapter vii. colonel todd, of lexington, instantly despatched news of this attack on bryant's station, to colonel boone, at boonesborough, and colonel trigg, near harrodsburgh. in a little time, one hundred and seventy-six men were collected under these three officers, to march in pursuit. majors m'gary and harland now joined them, determined that they would have a part in the punishment of the savages. it was known, too, that colonel logan was collecting a force, and a council of officers was at once held, to determine whether they should march on, or wait for him. they were all so eager to be off, that it was thought best to march immediately. the march was therefore commenced forthwith. following on in the trail of the indians, they had not gone far, when boone saw enough to convince him that the indians would not only be willing, but glad to meet them. no effort had been made to conceal their trail; the trees were even marked on their pathway, that the whites might follow on; and they had tried to conceal their numbers, by treading in each other's footsteps. he called the attention of his companions to this, but still they proceeded onward. they saw no indians until they came to the licking river, not far from the blue licks. a party was now seen on the other side of the stream, leisurely crossing a hill. a council was at once held, and the officers all turned to boone for advice. his advice was given frankly: he was for waiting till logan should arrive with his men. the indian party, he felt assured, was at the least from four to five hundred strong, and the unconcerned mode in which the indians crossed the hill showed that the main body was near, and their design was to draw them over the river. moreover, he was acquainted with all that region of the country. after they crossed the ford, they would come upon deep ravines not far from the bank, where, no doubt, the indians were in ambush. if, however, they were determined not to wait for logan, he advised that the country might at least be reconnoitred before the attack was made. a part of the men, he thought, might cross the stream, and move up cautiously on the other side, while the remainder would stand where they were, ready to assist them at the first alarm. todd and trigg thought the advice good, and were disposed to heed it; but, just at this moment, major m'gary, more hot-headed than wise, spurred his horse into the water, gave the kentucky war-whoop, and cried out, "all those that are not cowards will follow me; i will show them where the indians are." the men were roused by this show of bravery, and they all crossed the ford. the banks were steep on the other side, and many of them now dismounted, tied their horses, and commenced marching on foot. m'gary and harland led the way. they had not proceeded far when they came to one of the ravines. it was just as boone had supposed; the savages were in ambush. a deadly fire was now poured in upon the whites; the men staggered and fell in every direction. the fire was returned, but to little purpose, for the enemy was completely concealed; a retreat was all that was left. the whites hurried back toward the river; the indians pursued; and now commenced the slaughter with the tomahawk. the ford was narrow, and multitudes were slaughtered there. some were trying to get to their horses; others, more fortunate, were mounted and flying; and some were plunging into the stream. in the midst of all this confusion, the indians were doing their work of destruction. a man by the name of netherland (who had been laughed at for his cowardice) had never dismounted his horse, and was the first to reach the opposite shore. in a little time, some of his comrades were around him. he now turned, and, looking back, saw the massacre that was going on. this was more than he could bear. "halt! fire on the indians," cried he; "protect the men in the river." with this, the men wheeled, fired, and rescued several poor fellows in the stream, over whom the tomahawk was lifted. reynolds, the man who answered girty's insolence, made a narrow escape. finding, in the retreat, one of the officers wounded, he gave him his horse, and was soon after taken by three indians. they were now over him, ready to despatch him, when two retreating white men rushed by. two of the savages started in pursuit; the third stooped for an instant to tie his moccasin, when reynolds sprang away from him and escaped. this was a terrible battle for the white men. more than sixty of their number were slain, and among them were most of their officers: colonels todd and trigg, majors harland and bulger, captains gordon and m'bride, and a son of colonel boone, were all among the dead. those who had regained the other shore, not having strength to rally, started homeward in great sadness. on their way they met colonel logan. he had gone to bryant's station with his five hundred men, and was greatly disappointed when he found they had all started without him; he pushed on, however, as rapidly as he could, hoping to overtake them before they made their attack on the savages. the sad story of the defeat was soon told. all that remained to be done now was to go back, and, if possible, bury the dead. upon this sad business logan continued his march. upon reaching the ground, the spectacle was awful: the dead bodies were strewn over it just as they had fallen, the heat was intense, and birds of prey were feeding upon the carcasses. the bodies were so mangled and changed, that no man could be distinguished; friends could not recognise their nearest relatives. the dead were buried as rapidly as possible, and logan left the scene in great sorrow. nor was this all the carnage. the indians, after the defeat, had scattered, and it was soon found that on their way homeward they had swept through several settlements, carrying destruction before them. emboldened by their triumph, no man could tell what they might next attempt. it was no time for the whites to be idle. they soon rallied in large numbers at fort washington, the present site of the city of cincinnati. general clarke was at once made commander-in-chief, and colonel logan was placed next under him in command. clarke immediately started with a thousand men to attack the indian towns on the miami. on his way he came upon the cabin of simon girty; it was fortunate for simon that a straggling indian spied clarke's men coming, in time to let him escape. the news was now spread everywhere that an army of white men was coming from kentucky. the consequence was, that as clarke approached the towns, he found them all deserted; the indians had fled to the woods. his march, however, was not made for nothing. the towns of old and new chilicothe, pecaway, and wills' town, were all reduced to ashes. one old indian warrior was surprised, and surrendered himself a prisoner. this man, to the great sorrow of general clarke, was afterward murdered by one of the soldiers. notwithstanding this punishment, indian massacres still went on. stories of savage butchery were heard of everywhere; every station that they dared approach felt their fury, and the poor settler who had built his cabin away from any station was sure to be visited. general clarke started out again, against the indians on the wabash. unfortunately, his expedition failed this time, for the want of provisions for his men. another expedition of colonel logan, against the shawanese indians, was more successful. he surprised one of their towns, killed many of their warriors, and took many prisoners. the war had now become so serious, that in the fall of the general government invited all the lake and ohio tribes of indians to meet at the mouth of the great miami. it was hoped that in this way matters might be settled peaceably. but many of the tribes were insolent and ill-natured; they refused to come in, giving as an excuse that the kentuckians were for ever molesting them. emboldened by the very invitation, they continued the warfare more vigorously than ever. they not only assaulted the settlements already made, but made an attempt to guard the ohio river, to prevent any further settlers from reaching the country in that direction. small parties placed themselves at different points on the river, from pittsburgh to louisville, where they laid in ambush and fired upon every boat that passed. sometimes they would make false signals, decoy the boat ashore, and murder the whole crew. they even went so far at last as to arm and man the boats they had taken, and cruise up and down the river. i must tell you of a very bold defence made on the ohio about this time by a captain hubbel, who was bringing a party of emigrants from vermont his party was in two boats, and consisted in all of twenty. as hubbel came down the river, he fell in with other boats, was told of the indian stratagems, and advised to be careful. indeed, the inmates of some of the boats begged that he would continue in their company, and thus they would be able to meet the indians better if they should be attacked; the stronger the party, the better, in such a condition. but hubbel refused to do this, and proceeded onward. he had not gone far, when a man on the shore began to make signs of distress, and begged that the boat might come and take him off. hubbel knew well enough that this was an indian disguised as a white man, and therefore took no notice of him. in a little time, a party of savages pushed off in their boats, and attacked him fiercely. the fight was hot on both sides. the savages tried to board hubbel's boat, but the fire was too hot for this. hubbel received two severe wounds, and had the lock of his gun shot off by an indian; still he fought, touching off his broken gun from time to time with a firebrand. the indians found the struggle too hard, and were glad to paddle off. presently they returned, and attacked the other boat; this they seized almost without an effort, killed the captain and a boy, and took all the women as prisoners to their own boats. now they came once more against hubbel, and cunningly placed the women on the sides of their boats as a sort of bulwark. but this did not stop hubbel: he saw that his balls must strike the women; but it was better that they should be killed now, rather than suffer a death of torture from the savages, and the fire was at once opened upon them again. they were soon driven off once more. in the course of the action, however, hubbel's boat drifted near the shore, and five hundred savages renewed the fire upon them. one of the emigrants, more imprudent than the rest, seeing a fine chance for a shot, raised his head to take aim, and was instantly killed by a ball. the boat drifted along, and at length reached deep water again. it was then found, that of the nine men on board, two only had escaped unhurt; two were killed, and two mortally wounded. a remarkable lad on board showed great courage. he now asked his friends to extract a ball that had lodged in the skin of his forehead; and when this was done, he begged that they would take out a piece of bone that had been fractured in his elbow by another ball. his poor frightened mother, seeing his suffering, asked him why he had not complained before; to which the little fellow replied that he had been too busy, and, besides that, the captain had told them all to make no noise. it was idle to attempt now to settle matters peaceably. the general government had tried that and the plan had failed. the war was now to be carried on to a close, come what might. an expedition was accordingly planned, against all the tribes northwest of the ohio. the indians were to be brought out, if possible to a general fight; or, if that could not be done, all their towns and cabins on the scioto and wabash, were to be destroyed. general harmar was appointed commander of the main expedition, and major hamtranck was to aid him with a smaller party. in the fall of , harmar started from fort washington with three hundred and twenty men. in a little time he was joined by the kentucky and pennsylvania militia, so that his whole force now amounted to fourteen hundred and fifty-three men. colonel hardin, who commanded the kentucky militia, was now sent ahead with six hundred men, principally militia, to reconnoitre the country. upon reaching the indian settlements, the savages set fire to their houses and fled; to overtake them, he pushed on with two hundred of his men. a party of indians met and attacked them. the cowardly militia ran off, leaving their brave companions to be slaughtered. it was a brave struggle, but almost all were cut down; only seven managed to escape and join the main army. harmar felt deeply mortified. he commenced forthwith his return to fort washington, but determined that, on the way, he would wipe off this disgrace from his army. upon coming near chilicothe he accordingly halted, and in the night despatched colonel hardin once more ahead, with orders to find the enemy and draw them into an engagement. about daybreak, hardin came upon them, and the battle commenced. it was a desperate fight on both sides. some of the militia acted badly again, but the officers behaved nobly. the victory was claimed on both sides, but i think the indians had the best of it. three gallant officers, fontaine, willys, and frothingham, were slain, together with fifty regulars and one hundred militia. harmar now moved on to fort washington. so much was said about his miserable campaign, that he requested that he might be tried by a court-martial. accordingly he was tried and honorably acquitted. a new army was soon raised, and the command was now given to major-general arthur st. clair. his plan was to destroy the indian settlements between the miamies, drive the savages from that region, and establish a chain of military posts there, which should for ever keep them out of the country. all having rallied at fort washington, he started off in the direction of the miami towns. it was a hard march, for he was forced to cut his roads as he passed along. upon arriving near the indian country, he built forts hamilton and jefferson and garrisoned them. this left him nearly two thousand men to proceed with. in a little time some of the worthless militia deserted. this was a bad example to the rest, and st. clair instantly sent major hamtranck, with a regiment, in pursuit of them, while he continued his march. when he arrived within fifteen miles of the miami villages he halted and encamped; he was soon after joined by major hamtranck, and st. clair proposed now immediately to march against the enemy. but the enemy had already got news of them, and had made ready. they were determined to have the first blow themselves. at daybreak the next morning, the savages attacked the militia and drove them back in confusion. these broke through the regulars, forcing their way into the camp, the indians pressing hard on their heels. the officers tried to restore order, but to no purpose: the fight now became general. this, however, was only a small part of the indian force--there were four thousand of the party; they had nearly surrounded the camp, and sheltered by the trees and grass as usual, were pouring in a deadly fire upon the whites. st. clair and all his officers behaved with great courage. finding his men falling fast around him, he ordered a charge to be made with the bayonet. the men swept through the long grass driving the indians before them. the charge had no sooner ceased than the indians returned. some forced their way into the camp, killed the artillerists, wounded colonel butler, and seized the cannon. wounded as he was, butler drove them back and recovered the guns. fired with new ardor, they returned again, once more entered the camp--once more had possession of the cannon. all was now confusion among the whites--it was impossible to restore order--the indians brought them down in masses--a retreat was all that remained. but they were so hemmed in, that this seemed impossible. colonel darke was ordered to charge the savages behind them, while major clarke with his battalion was commanded to cover the rear of the army. these orders were instantly obeyed, and the disorderly retreat commenced. the indians pursued them four miles, keeping up a running fight. at last their chief, a mississago, who had been trained to war by the british, cried out to them to stop as they had killed enough. they then returned to plunder the camp and divide the spoils, while the routed troops continued their flight to fort jefferson, throwing away their arms on the roadside that they might run faster. the indians found in the camp seven pieces of cannon, two hundred oxen, and several horses, and had a great rejoicing. well might the mississago chief tell his people they had killed enough: thirty-eight commissioned officers were slain, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates. besides this, twenty-one officers and two hundred and forty-two men were wounded, some of whom soon died of their wounds. this was a most disastrous battle for the whites, the most disastrous they had yet known. the triumphant indians were so delighted that they could not leave the field, but kept up their revels from day to day. their revels, however, were at length broken up sorrowfully for them. general scott, hearing of the disaster, pushed on for the field with one thousand mounted volunteers from kentucky. the indians were dancing and singing, and riding the horses and oxen in high glee. scott instantly attacked them; two hundred were killed, their plunder retaken, and the whole body of savages driven from the ground. when congress met soon after this, of course this wretched indian war was much talked of. it was proposed at once to raise three additional regiments. upon this a hot debate sprang up, the proposal was opposed warmly; the opponents said that it would be necessary to lay a heavy tax upon the people to raise them, that the war had been badly managed, and should have been trusted to the militia in the west under their own officers, and, moreover, that no success could be expected so long as the british continued to hold posts in our own limits, and furnish the indians with arms, ammunition, and advice. on the other hand, it was declared that the war was a just and necessary one. it was shown that in seven years (between and ), fifteen hundred people in kentucky had been murdered or taken captives by the savages; while in pennsylvania and virginia matters had been well nigh as bad; that everything had been done to settle matters peaceably but all to no purpose. in , when a treaty was proposed to the indians of the miami, they asked for thirty days to deliberate--the request was granted--during those thirty days one hundred and twenty persons had been killed or captured, and at the end of the time the savages refused to give any answer to the proposal. at last the vote was taken--the resolution passed--the war was to be carried on--the regiments were to be raised. general st. clair now resigned the command of the army, and major general anthony wayne was appointed to succeed him. this appointment gave great joy to the western people; the man was so well known among them for his daring and bravery, that he commonly went by the name of "mad anthony." after much delay, the regiments were at last gathered together. some still opposed this war and in order to prove to them that the government was willing to settle matters peaceably, if possible, two officers--colonel hardin and major truman, were now sent off to the indians with proposals of peace. they were both seized and murdered by the savages. wayne now started out upon his expedition. in a little time he passed fort jefferson, took possession of st. clair's fatal field, and erected a fort there which he called fort recovery. he now learned the truth of the stories about the british. a number of british soldiers had come down from detroit, and fortified themselves on the miami of the lakes. it was rumored too, that in some of the indian fights and massacres, the english were seen among them, fighting and urging them on. the general continued his march, and early in august reached the confluence of the miami of the lakes and the au glaize. this was one of the finest countries of the indians, it was about thirty miles from the british post, and he discovered here, that two thousand warriors were near that post ready to meet him. wayne was glad to hear this; his army was quite as strong, and he longed to meet the savages. as he drew near, however, he determined once more to have peace if possible, without shedding blood. a message was sent to the indians, urging them not to follow the advice of bad men, to lay down their arms, to learn to live peaceably, and their lives and their homes should be protected by the government. an insolent answer, was all that was received in reply. wayne's army now marched on in columns--a select battalion, under major price, moving in front to reconnoitre. after marching about five miles, price was driven back by the fire of the indians. as usual, the cunning enemy was concealed; they had hid themselves in a thick wood a little in advance of the british post, and here price had received their fire. wayne had now found out precisely where they were, and gave his orders accordingly. the cavalry under captain campbell were commanded to enter the wood in the rear of the indians, between them and the river, and charge their left flank. general scott, with eleven hundred mounted kentucky volunteers, was to make a circuit in the opposite direction, and attack the right. the infantry were to advance with trailed arms, and rouse the enemy from their hiding-places. all being ready, the infantry commenced their march. the indians were at once routed at the point of the bayonet. the infantry had done the whole; campbell and scott had hardly the chance of doing any of the fighting. in the course of an hour, they had driven the savages back two miles; in fact, within gun-shot of the british post. wayne had now the possession of the whole ground, and here he remained three days, burning their houses and cornfields above and below the fort. one englishman suffered, too, in this work of destruction. colonel m'kee was known as a british trader, forever instigating the indians against the americans, and wayne did not scruple to burn all his houses and stores likewise. major campbell, who commanded the british fort, remonstrated at this, but wayne gave him a bold and determined answer in reply, and he had no more to say. a few words from him would only have caused wayne to drive him from the country. the army now returned to au glaize, destroying all the houses, villages, and crops by the way. it was one complete work of destruction; within fifty miles of the river everything was destroyed. in this campaign, wayne had lost one hundred and seven men, and among them were two brave officers--captain campbell and lieutenant towles, but still he had gained a glorious victory. in his track, too, he had not forgotten to build forts, to guard against the savages in future. the story of the victory soon spread, and struck terror to the hearts of the indians north and south. they were restless and dissatisfied, but war was sure destruction to them; they felt that it was idle to attempt it further, and were ready to be quiet. in less than a year from this time, wayne concluded a treaty, in behalf of the united states with all the indian tribes northwest of the ohio. the settlers at last had peace--a blessing which they had long desired. chapter viii. with the return of peace, the settlers were very happy. they could now go out, fell the forests, and cultivate their fields in safety. there was no longer any wily savage to lay in ambush, and keep them in perpetual anxiety. no man among them was happier than boone. he had been harassed by constant struggles ever since he came to kentucky, and these struggles with the savages had made him a warrior rather than a hunter; but he could now return to his darling passion. while others cultivated the ground, he roamed through the wilderness with his rifle; he was now a hunter indeed, spending weeks and months uninterruptedly in the forests by day he moved where he pleased, and at night made his camp fearlessly wherever the shades of night overtook him. his life was now happier than ever. ere long, however, a cloud came over this happiness. men began again to crowd too closely upon him. in spite of all the early struggles with the savages in kentucky, emigrants had continued to flow into that country. as early as , kentucky had been laid off into three counties, and was that year formed into one district, and called the district of kentucky. in , a convention was called at danville, and a memorial was addressed to the legislature of virginia, proposing that kentucky should be erected into an independent state. in , the legislature of virginia took the necessary steps for making the new state, if congress would admit it into the union. in , kentucky was admitted into the union as one of the united states of america. and now that peace had come to aid the settlers, emigration flowed in more rapidly. court-houses, jails, judges, lawyers, sheriffs, and constables, began necessarily to be seen. kentucky was becoming every day a more settled and civilized region, and boone's heart grew sick. he had sought the wilderness, and men were fast taking it away from him. he began to think of moving. another sorrow now came over him, and soon fixed in him the determination to seek a new home. men began to dispute with him the title to his land. the state of kentucky had not been surveyed by the government, and laid off into sections and townships, as the lands north of the ohio river have since been. the government of virginia had issued certificates, entitling the holder to locate where he pleased the number of acres called for. to actual settlers, who should build a cabin, raise a crop, &c., pre-emption rights to such lands as they might occupy were also granted. entries of these certificates were made in a way so loose, that different men frequently located the same lands; one title would often lap over upon another; and almost all the titles conferred in this way became known as "the lapping, or shingle titles." continued lawsuits sprang out of this state of things; no man knew what belonged to him. boone had made these loose entries of his lands: his titles, of course, were disputed. it was curious to see the old man in a court of law, which he thoroughly despised, fighting for his rights. he was greatly provoked; he had explored and redeemed the wilderness, as he said, borne every hardship with his wife and children, only to be cheated at last. but the law decided against him; he lost his lands, and would now no longer remain in that region. hearing that buffaloes and deer were still plenty about the great kanhawa river, he started thither with his wife and children, and settled near point pleasant. here he remained several years. he was disappointed in not finding game as he expected, and was more of a farmer here than ever before; he turned his attention earnestly to agriculture, and was very successful in raising good crops. still he was dissatisfied; he longed for the wilderness. hunting and trapping were the constant thoughts of his life. while living here, he met accidentally with a party of men who had been out upon the upper waters of the missouri. these men talked of the beauty of that region: they had stories to tell of grizzly bears, buffaloes, deer, beavers, and otters--in fact, the region was in their eyes "the paradise for a hunter." fired by these stories, boone resolved to go there. accordingly, he gathered together all that he possessed, and with his wife and family started for missouri, driving his herds and cattle before him. it was strange to see an old man thus vigorous in seeking a new home. he was an object of surprise to every one. when he reached cincinnati, on his route, some one, marking his age, and surprised at his adventure, asked him how, at his time of life, he could leave all the comforts of home, for the wilderness. his answer shows his whole character: "too much crowded, too much crowded," said he; "i want more elbow-room." travelling on, he at length reached missouri, and, proceeding about fifty miles above st. louis, settled in what is now st. charles county. here everything pleased boone. the country, as you know, was then in the possession of the french and spanish, and the old laws by which their territories were governed were still in force there. they had no constitution, no king, no legislature, no judges, lawyers, or sheriffs. an officer called the commandant, and the priests, exercised all the authority that was needed. the horses, cattle, flocks, and herds of these people all grazed together upon the same commons; in fact, they were living here almost in primitive simplicity. boone's character for honesty and courage soon became known among them, and he was appointed by the spanish commandant the commandant over the district of st. charles. boone now had the satisfaction of settling all his children comfortably around him, and in the unbroken wilderness his hunting and trapping was unmolested. in his office of commandant he gave great satisfaction to every one, and continued to occupy it until missouri was purchased by our government from the french. when that purchase was made, american enterprise soon came upon him again--he was once more crowded by his fellow-men. his old office of commandant was soon merged in the new order of things--his hunting-grounds were invaded by others. nothing remained for him now, but to submit to his fate; he was too old to move again, nor indeed did he know where to go. he continued his old habits, as well he might. he would start out with his rifle, now marked with a paper sight to guide his dim eye, and be absent from his home for weeks. nearly eighty years had passed over him, yet he would lie in wait near the salt-licks, and bring down his buffalo or his deer, and as bravely and cheerily as in his younger days, would he cut down bee-trees. as the light-hearted frenchmen swept up the river in their fleets of periogues on their hunting excursions, boone would cheer them as they passed, and sigh for his younger days that he might join their parties. he was a complete nimrod, now almost worn out. it was while he was living here, i think, that he was met by that very interesting man, mr. audubon, the natural historian of our continent. he was struck with the man, and has given the story of his interview with boone. it is so illustrative of the character of the hunter, that i give it to you in mr. audubon's words. "daniel boone, or as he was usually called in the western country, colonel boone, happened to spend a night under the same roof with me, more than twenty years ago. we had returned from a shooting excursion, in the course of which his extraordinary skill in the management of a rifle had been fully displayed. on retiring to the room appropriated to that remarkable individual and myself for the night, i felt anxious to know more of his exploits and adventures than i did, and accordingly took the liberty of proposing numerous questions to him. the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests, approached the gigantic. his chest was broad and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise, and perseverance; and when he spoke, the very motion of his lips brought the impression, that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. i undressed, while he merely took off his hunting shirt, and arranged a few folds of blankets on the floor; choosing rather to lie there, as he observed, than on the softest bed. when we had both disposed of ourselves, each after his own fashion, he related to me the following account of his powers of memory, which i lay before you, kind reader, in his own words, hoping that the simplicity of his style may prove interesting to you. "i was once," said he, "on a hunting expedition on the banks of the green river, when the lower parts of this (kentucky) were still in the hands of nature, and none but the sons of the soil were looked upon as its lawful proprietors. we virginians had for some time been waging a war of intrusion upon them, and i, among the rest, rambled through the woods, in pursuit of their race, as i now would follow the tracks of any ravenous animal. the indians outwitted me one dark night, and i was as unexpectedly as suddenly made a prisoner by them. the trick had been managed with great skill; for no sooner had i extinguished the fire of my camp, and laid me down to rest, in full security, as i thought, than i felt myself seized by an indistinguishable number of hands, and was immediately pinioned, as if about to be led to the scaffold for execution. to have attempted to be refractory, would have proved useless and dangerous to my life; and i suffered myself to be removed from my camp to theirs, a few miles distant, without uttering even a word of complaint. you are aware, i dare say, that to act in this manner, was the best policy, as you understand that by so doing, i proved to the indians at once, that i was born and bred as fearless of death as any of themselves. "when we reached the camp, great rejoicings were exhibited. two squaws, and a few papooses, appeared particularly delighted at the sight of me, and i was assured, by very unequivocal gestures and words, that, on the morrow, the mortal enemy of the red-skins would cease to live. i never opened my lips, but was busy contriving some scheme which might enable me to give the rascals the slip before dawn. the women immediately fell a searching about my hunting-shirt for whatever they might think valuable, and fortunately for me, soon found my flask, filled with _monongahela_ (that is, reader, strong whiskey). a terrific grin was exhibited on their murderous countenances, while my heart throbbed with joy at the anticipation of their intoxication. the crew immediately began to beat their bellies and sing, as they passed the bottle from mouth to mouth. how often did i wish the flask ten times its size, and filled with aquafortis! i observed that the squaws drank more freely than the warriors, and again my spirits were about to be depressed, when the report of a gun was heard at a distance. the indians all jumped on their feet. the singing and drinking were both brought to a stand; and i saw with inexpressible joy, the men walk off to some distance, and talk to the squaws. i knew that they were consulting about me, and i foresaw, that in a few moments the warriors would go to discover the cause of the gun having been fired so near their camp. i expected the squaws would be left to guard me. well, sir, it was just so. they returned; the men took up their guns and walked away. the squaws sat down again, and in less than five minutes they had my bottle up to their dirty mouths, gurgling down their throats the remains of the whiskey. "with what pleasure did i see them becoming more and more drunk, until the liquor took such hold of them that it was quite impossible for these women to be of any service. they tumbled down, rolled about, and began to snore; when i, having no other chance of freeing myself from the cords that fastened me, rolled over and over toward the fire, and after a short time burned them asunder. i rose on my feet; stretched my stiffened sinews; snatched up my rifle, and, for once in my life, spared that of indians. i now recollect how desirous i once or twice felt to lay open the sculls of the wretches with my tomahawk; but when i again thought upon killing beings unprepared and unable to defend themselves, it looked like murder without need, and i gave up the idea. "but, sir, i felt determined to mark the spot, and walking to a thrifty ash sapling, i cut out of it three large chips, and ran off. i soon reached the river; soon crossed it, and threw myself deep into the canebrakes, imitating the tracks of an indian with my feet, so that no chance might be left for those from whom i had escaped to overtake me. "it is now nearly twenty years since this happened, and more than five since i left the whites' settlements, which i might probably never have visited again, had i not been called on as a witness in a lawsuit that was pending in kentucky and which, i really believe, would never have been settled, had i not come forward, and established the beginning of a certain boundary line. this is the story, sir. "mr. ---- moved from old virginia into kentucky, and having a large tract granted to him in the new state, laid claim to a certain parcel of land adjoining green river, and as chance would have it, he took for one of his corners the very ash tree on which i had made my mark, and finished his survey of some thousands of acres, beginning, as it is expressed in the deed, 'at an ash marked by three distinct notches of the tomahawk of a white man.' "the tree had grown much, and the bark had covered the marks; but, some how or other, mr. ---- heard from some one all that i have already said to you, and thinking that i might remember the spot alluded to in the deed, but which was no longer discoverable, wrote for me to come and try at least to find the place on the tree. his letter mentioned, that all my expenses should be paid; and not caring much about once more going back to kentucky, i started and met mr. ----. after some conversation, the affair with the indians came to my recollection. i considered for a while, and began to think that after all, i could find the very spot, as well as the tree, if it was yet standing. "mr. ---- and i mounted our horses, and off we went to the green river bottoms. after some difficulties, for you must be aware, sir, that great changes had taken place in these woods, i found at last the spot where i had crossed the river, and waiting for the moon to rise, made for the course in which i thought the ash tree grew. on approaching the place, i felt as if the indians were there still, and as if i was still a prisoner among them. mr. ---- and i camped near what i conceived the spot, and waited till the return of day. "at the rising of the sun i was on foot, and after a good deal of musing, thought that an ash tree then in sight must be the very one on which i had made my mark. i felt as if there could be no doubt of it, and mentioned my thought to mr. ----. 'well, colonel boone,' said he, 'if you think so, i hope it may prove true, but we must have some witnesses; do you stay hereabout, and i will go and bring some of the settlers whom i know.' i agreed. mr. ---- trotted off, and i, to pass the time, rambled about to see if a deer was still living in the land. but ah! sir, what a wonderful difference thirty years make in the country! why, at the time when i was caught by the indians, you would not have walked out in any direction for more than a mile without shooting a buck or a bear. there were ten thousands of buffaloes on the hills in kentucky; the land looked as if it would never become poor; and to hunt in those days was a pleasure indeed. but when i was left to myself on the banks of the green river, i dare say for the last time in my life, a few _signs_ only of deer were to be seen, and as to a deer itself, i saw none. "mr. ---- returned, accompanied by three gentlemen. they looked upon me as if i had been washington himself, and walked to the ash tree which i now called my own, as if in quest of a long lost treasure. i took an axe from one of them and cut a few chips off the bark. still no signs were to be seen. so i cut again, until i thought it time to be cautious, and i scraped and worked away with my butcher knife, until i _did_ come to where my tomahawk had left an impression in the wood. we now went regularly to work, and scraped at the tree with care, until three hacks, as plain as any three notches ever were, could be seen. mr. ---- and the other gentlemen were astonished, and, i must allow, i was as much surprised as pleased, myself. i made affidavit of this remarkable occurrence in the presence of these gentlemen. mr. ---- gained his cause. i left green river, for ever, and came to where we now are; and, sir, i wish you a good night." here, too, it was that he resided, when mr. astor attempted to carry out his magnificent design, of settling astoria on the western coast of our continent, and belting the earth with his commerce. when you are older, you can read the beautiful history of that attempt, written by our distinguished countryman mr. irving. as the party, bound for the far west, moved up the missouri, boone stood upon the banks of the stream, looking anxiously after them. it was just the adventure to please him. there the old man stood, leaning upon his rifle, his dim eye lighted up as he gazed upon them, and his heart heavy with sorrow, because he was too old to press with them, beyond the mountains.[ ] [ ] see irving's astoria. other sorrows than those of age, now crept upon him. his wife, who had been to him all that was good, was now taken from him, and the old man was left widowed. with a sad heart he now went to the home of his son, major nathan boone. the last war with england now broke out, too, and penetrated even the wilds of missouri. it was the worst of all warfare--the savages were let loose upon them. boone was too old to act the part of a soldier, but he sent off many substitutes in his sons. when peace returned, the spirit of the old man rallied; his ruling passion was still with him. the woods were again his home, his rifle his companion; and thus he lived on, through a vigorous old age, with a passion as strong as ever, a hunter almost to the very day of his death. for when, in , death came upon him, he had but little notice of its approach. with no disease but old age, which had seemed comparatively vigorous almost to the day of his departure, he died in his eighty-fourth year. his mind was unclouded and he passed from this world calmly and quietly. i have but one thing more to say. you remember daniel boone's schoolboy days, of which i have spoken. he left school a perfectly ignorant lad. some say that he afterward learned to write, and produce as an evidence, a little narrative of his wanderings in kentucky, supposed to be written by himself. i believe, however, that to the day of his death, he could not write his name. the narrative spoken of, was, i think, dictated in some degree by him, and written by another. at all events, the story is interesting and curious, and, as such, i have placed it for your benefit, as an appendix to this volume. appendix. the adventures of colonel daniel boone, formerly a hunter; containing a narrative of the wars of kentucky, as given by himself. curiosity is natural to the soul of man, and interesting objects have a powerful influence on our affections. let these influencing powers actuate, by the permission or disposal of providence, from selfish or social views, yet in time the mysterious will of heaven is unfolded, and we behold our conduct, from whatsoever motives excited, operating to answer the important designs of heaven. thus we behold kentucky, lately a howling wilderness, the habitation of savages and wild beasts, become a fruitful field; this region, so favorably distinguished by nature, now become the habitation of civilization, at a period unparalleled in history, in the midst of a raging war, and under all the disadvantages of emigration to a country so remote from the inhabited parts of the continent. here, where the hand of violence shed the blood of the innocent; where the horrid yells of savages and the groans of the distressed sounded in our ears, we now hear the praises and adorations of our creator; where wretched wigwams stood, the miserable abodes of savages, we behold the foundations of cities laid, that, in all probability, will equal the glory of the greatest upon earth. and we view kentucky, situated on the fertile banks of the great ohio, rising from obscurity to shine with splendor equal to any other of the stars of the american hemisphere. the settling of this region well deserves a place in history. most of the memorable events i have myself been exercised in; and, for the satisfaction of the public, will briefly relate the circumstances of my adventures, and scenes of life, from my first movement to this country until this day. it was on the first of may, in the year , that i resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the yadkin river, in north carolina, to wander through the wilderness of america, in quest of the country of kentucky, in company with john finley, john stewart, joseph holden, james monay, and william cool. we proceeded successfully, and after a long and fatiguing journey through a mountainous wilderness, in a westward direction, on the th day of june following we found ourselves on red river, where john finley had formerly been trading with the indians, and, from the top of an eminence, saw with pleasure the beautiful level of kentucky. here let me observe that for some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather, as a prelibation of our future sufferings. at this place we encamped, and made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country. we found everywhere abundance of wild beasts of all sorts, through this vast forest. the buffalo were more frequent than i have seen cattle in the settlements, browsing on the leaves of the cane, or cropping the herbage on those extensive plains, fearless, because ignorant, of the violence of man. sometimes we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. in this forest, the habitation of beasts of every kind natural to america, we practised hunting with great success until the d day of december following. this day john stewart and i had a pleasing ramble, but fortune changed the scene in the close of it. we had passed through a great forest, on which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, and others rich with fruits. nature was here a series of wonders, and a fund of delight. here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully colored, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavored; and we were diverted with innumerable animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view. in the decline of the day, near kentucky river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a number of indians rushed out of a thick canebrake upon us, and made us prisoners. the time of our sorrow was now arrived, and the scene fully opened. the indians plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with common savage usage. during this time we discovered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious of us; but in the dead of night, as we lay in a thick canebrake by a large fire, when sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing me for rest, i touched my companion, and gently awoke him. we improved this favorable opportunity, and departed, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily directed our course toward our old camp, but found it plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home. about this time my brother, squire boone, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was wandering through the forest, determined to find me if possible, and accidentally found our camp. notwithstanding the unfortunate circumstances of our company, and our dangerous situation, as surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting so fortunately in the wilderness made us reciprocally sensible of the utmost satisfaction. so much does friendship triumph over misfortune, that sorrows and sufferings vanish at the meeting not only of real friends, but of the most distant acquaintances, and substitute happiness in their room. soon after this, my companion in captivity, john stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. we were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death among savages and wild beasts--not a white man in the country but ourselves. thus situated, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, i believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. i often observed to my brother, "you see now how little nature requires, to be satisfied. felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things; and i firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. this consists in a full resignation to the will of providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briers and thorns." we continued not in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter storms. we remained there undisturbed during the winter; and on the st day of may, , my brother returned home to the settlement by himself, for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself, without bread, salt, or sugar, without company of my fellow-creatures, or even a horse or dog. i confess i never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. a few days i passed uncomfortably. the idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety upon the account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. a thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly disposed me to melancholy, if further indulged. one day i undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature i met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. just at the close of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. i had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains, the beauteous tracts below. on the other hand, i surveyed the famous river ohio that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. at a vast distance i beheld the mountains lift their venerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. all things were still. i kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck, which a few hours before i had killed. the sullen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the hovering moisture. my roving excursion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted my imagination. i laid me down to sleep, and i awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. i continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. i returned again to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. i did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick canebrakes, to avoid the savages, who, i believe, often visited my camp, but, fortunately for me, in my absence. in this situation i was constantly exposed to danger and death. how unhappy such a situation for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes, and if it does, only augments the pain! it was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which i had the greatest reason to be affected. the prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings; and the various species of animals in this vast forest, in the daytime, were continually in my view. thus i was surrounded by plenty in the midst of want. i was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. in such a diversity, it was impossible i should be disposed to melancholy. no populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind as the beauties of nature i found here. thus, through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, i spent the time until the th day of july following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. shortly after, we left this place, not thinking it safe to stay there longer, and proceeded to cumberland river, reconnoitring that part of the country until march, , and giving names to the different waters. soon after, i returned home to my family, with a determination to bring them as soon as possible to live in kentucky, which i esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune. i returned safe to my old habitation, and found my family in happy circumstances. i sold my farm on the yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the th day of september, , bade a farewell to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to kentucky, in company with five families more, and forty men that joined us in powel's valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the now settled parts of kentucky. this promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity; for, upon the th day of october, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. of these, my eldest son was one that fell in the action. though we defended ourselves, and repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered out cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to the settlement on clinch river. we had passed over two mountains, viz., powel's and walden's, and were approaching cumberland mountain when this adverse fortune overtook us. these mountains are in the wilderness, as we pass from the old settlements in virginia to kentucky, are ranged in a southwest and northeast direction, are of a great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. over these, nature hath formed passes that are less difficult than might be expected, from a view of such huge piles. the aspect of these cliffs is so wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror. the spectator is apt to imagine that nature had formerly suffered some violent convulsion, and that these are the dismembered remains of the dreadful shock: the ruins, not of persepolis or palmyra, but of the world! i remained with my family on clinch until the th of june, , when i and one michael stoner were solicited by governor dunmore of virginia to go to the falls of the ohio, to conduct into the settlement a number of surveyors that had been sent thither by him some months before; this country having about this time drawn the attention of many adventurers. we immediately complied with the governor's request, and conducted in the surveyors--completing a tour of eight hundred miles, through many difficulties, in sixty-two days. soon after i returned home, i was ordered to take the command of three garrisons during the campaign which governor dunmore carried on against the shawanese indians; after the conclusion of which, the militia was discharged from each garrison, and i, being relieved from my post, was solicited by a number of north carolina gentlemen, that were about purchasing the lands lying on the south side of kentucky river, from the cherokee indians, to attend their treaty at wataga in march, , to negotiate with them, and mention the boundaries of the purchase. this i accepted; and, at the request of the same gentlemen, undertook to mark out a road in the best passage from the settlement through the wilderness to kentucky, with such assistance as i thought necessary to employ for such an important undertaking. i soon began this work, having collected a number of enterprising men, well armed. we proceeded with all possible expedition until we came within fifteen miles of where boonesborough now stands, and where we were fired upon by a party of indians that killed two, and wounded two of our number; yet, although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we stood our ground. this was on the th of march, . three days after, we were fired upon again, and had two men killed, and three wounded. afterward we proceeded on to kentucky river without opposition; and on the st day of april began to erect the fort of boonesborough at a salt lick, about sixty yards from the river, on the south side. on the fourth day, the indians killed one of our men. we were busily employed in building this fort until the th day of june following, without any further opposition from the indians; and having finished the works, i returned to my family, on clinch. in a short time i proceeded to remove my family from clinch to this garrison, where we arrived safe, without any other difficulties than such as are common to this passage; my wife and daughter being the first white women that ever stood on the banks of kentucky river. on the th day of december following, we had one man killed, and one wounded, by the indians, who seemed determined to persecute us for erecting this fortification. on the th day of july, , two of colonel calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were taken prisoners near the fort. i immediately pursued the indians with only eight men, and on the th overtook them, killed two of the party, and recovered the girls. the same day on which this attempt was made, the indians divided themselves into different parties, and attacked several forts, which were shortly before this time erected, doing a great deal of mischief. this was extremely distressing to the new settlers. the innocent husbandman was shot down, while busy in cultivating the soil for his family's supply. most of the cattle around the stations were destroyed. they continued their hostilities in this manner until the th of april, , when they attacked boonesborough with a party of above one hundred in number, killed one man, and wounded four. their loss in this attack was not certainly known to us. on the th day of july following, a party of about two hundred indians attacked boonesborough, killed one man, and wounded two. they besieged us forty-eight hours, during which time seven of them were killed, and, at last, finding themselves not likely to prevail, they raised the siege, and departed. the indians had disposed their warriors in different parties at this time, and attacked the different garrisons, to prevent their assisting each other, and did much injury to the distressed inhabitants. on the th day of this month, colonel logan's fort was besieged by a party of about two hundred indians. during this dreadful siege they did a great deal of mischief, distressed the garrison, in which were only fifteen men, killed two, and wounded one. the enemy's loss was uncertain, from the common practice which the indians have of carrying off their dead in time of battle. colonel harrod's fort was then defended by only sixty-five men, and boonesborough by twenty-two, there being no more forts or white men in the country, except at the falls, a considerable distance from these: and all, taken collectively, were but a handful to the numerous warriors that were everywhere dispersed through the country, intent upon doing all the mischief that savage barbarity could invent. thus we passed through a scene of sufferings that exceeds description. on the th of this month, a reinforcement of forty-five men arrived from north carolina, and about the th of august following, colonel bowman arrived with one hundred men from virginia. now we began to strengthen; and hence, for the space of six weeks, we had skirmishes with indians, in one quarter or other, almost every day. the savages now learned the superiority of the long knife, as they call the virginians, by experience; being outgeneralled in almost every battle. our affairs began to wear a new aspect, and the enemy, not daring to venture on open war, practised secret mischief at times. on the st day of january, , i went with a party of thirty men to the blue licks, on licking river, to make salt for the different garrisons in the country. on the th day of february, as i was hunting to procure meat for the company, i met with a party of one hundred and two indians, and two frenchmen, on their march against boonesborough, that place being particularly the object of the enemy. they pursued, and took me; and brought me on the th day to the licks, where twenty-seven of my party were, three of them having previously returned home with the salt. i, knowing it was impossible for them to escape, capitulated with the enemy, and, at a distance, in their view, gave notice to my men of their situation, with orders not to resist, but surrender themselves captives. the generous usage the indians had promised before in my capitulation, was afterward fully complied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners to old chilicothe, the principal indian town on little miami, where we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey in very severe weather, on the th day of february, and received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages. on the th day of march following, i and ten of my men were conducted by forty indians to detroit, where we arrived the th day, and were treated by governor hamilton, the british commander at that post, with great humanity. during our travels, the indians entertained me well, and their affection for me was so great, that they utterly refused to leave me there with the others, although the governor offered them one hundred pounds sterling for me, on purpose to give me a parole to go home. several english gentlemen there, being sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly supply for my wants, which i refused, with many thanks for their kindness--adding, that i never expected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity. the indians left my men in captivity with the british at detroit, and on the th day of april brought me toward old chilicothe, where we arrived on the th day of the same month. this was a long and fatiguing march, through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable for fine springs and streams of water. at chilicothe i spent my time as comfortably as i could expect; was adopted, according to their custom, into a family, where i became a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. i was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as cheerful and satisfied as possible, and they put great confidence in me. i often went a hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. i was careful not to exceed many of them in shooting; for no people are more envious than they in this sport. i could observe, in their countenances and gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me; and, when the reverse happened, of envy. the shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with profound respect and entire friendship, often intrusting me to hunt at my liberty. i frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what i had taken to him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. my food and lodging were in common with them; not so good, indeed, as i could desire, but necessity made everything acceptable. i now began to meditate an escape, and carefully avoided their suspicions, continuing with them at old chilicothe until the st day of june following, and then was taken by them to the salt springs on scioto, and kept there making salt ten days. during this time i hunted some for them, and found the land, for a great extent about this river, to exceed the soil of kentucky, if possible, and remarkably well watered. when i returned to chilicothe, alarmed to see four hundred and fifty indians, of their choicest warriors, painted and armed in a fearful manner, ready to march against boonesborough, i determined to escape the first opportunity. on the th, before sunrise, i departed in the most secret manner, and arrived at boonesborough on the th, after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles, during which i had but one meal. i found our fortress in a bad state of defence; but we proceeded immediately to repair our flanks, strengthen our gates and posterns, and form double bastions, which we completed in ten days. in this time we daily expected the arrival of the indian army; and at length, one of my fellow-prisoners, escaping from them, arrived, informing us that the enemy had, on account of my departure, postponed their expedition three weeks. the indians had spies out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed with our increase in number and fortifications. the grand councils of the nations were held frequently, and with more deliberation than usual. they evidently saw the approaching hour when the long knife would dispossess them of their desirable habitations; and, anxiously concerned for futurity, determined utterly to extirpate the whites out of kentucky. we were not intimidated by their movements, but frequently gave them proofs of our courage. about the first of august, i made an incursion into the indian country with a party of nineteen men, in order to surprise a small town up scioto, called paint creek town. we advanced within four miles thereof, where we met a party of thirty indians on their march against boonesborough, intending to join the others from chilicothe. a smart fight ensued between us for some time; at length the savages gave way and fled. we had no loss on our side; the enemy had one killed, and two wounded. we took from them three horses, and all their baggage; and being informed, by two of our number that went to their town, that the indians had entirely evacuated it, we proceeded no further, and returned with all possible expedition to assist our garrison against the other party. we passed by them on the sixth day, and on the seventh we arrived safe at boonesborough. on the th, the indian army arrived, being four hundred and forty-four in number, commanded by captain duquesne, eleven other frenchmen, and some of their own chiefs, and marched up within view of our fort, with british and french colors flying; and having sent a summons to me, in his britannic majesty's name, to surrender the fort, i requested two days' consideration, which was granted. it was now a critical period with us. we were a small number in the garrison--a powerful army before our walls, whose appearance proclaimed inevitable death, fearfully painted, and marking their footsteps with desolation. death was preferable to captivity; and if taken by storm, we must inevitably be devoted to destruction. in this situation we concluded to maintain our garrison, if possible. we immediately proceeded to collect what we could of our horses and other cattle, and bring them through the posterns into the fort; and in the evening of the th, i returned answer that we were determined to defend our fort while a man was living. "now," said i to their commander, who stood attentively hearing my sentiments, "we laugh at your formidable preparations; but thank you for giving us notice and time to provide for our defence. your efforts will not prevail; for our gates shall for ever deny you admittance." whether this answer affected their courage or not i can not tell; but, contrary to our expectations, they formed a scheme to deceive us, declaring it was their orders, from governor hamilton, to take us captives, and not to destroy us; but if nine of us would come out, and treat with them, they would immediately withdraw their forces from our walls, and return home peaceably. this sounded grateful in our ears; and we agreed to the proposal. we held the treaty within sixty yards of the garrison, on purpose to divert them from a breach of honor, as we could not avoid suspicions of the savages. in this situation the articles were formally agreed to, and signed; and the indians told us it was customary with them on such occasions for two indians to shake hands with every white man in the treaty, as an evidence of entire friendship. we agreed to this also, but were soon convinced their policy was to take us prisoners. they immediately grappled us; but, although surrounded by hundreds of savages, we extricated ourselves from them, and escaped all safe into the garrison, except one that was wounded, through a heavy fire from their army. they immediately attacked us on every side, and a constant heavy fire ensued between us, day and night, for the space of nine days. in this time the enemy began to undermine our fort, which was situated sixty yards from kentucky river. they began at the water-mark, and proceeded in the bank some distance, which we understood, by their making the water muddy with the clay; and we immediately proceeded to disappoint their design, by cutting a trench across their subterranean passage. the enemy, discovering our counter-mine, by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted from that stratagem: and experience now fully convincing them that neither their power nor policy could effect their purpose, on the th day of august they raised the siege and departed. during this siege, which threatened death in every form, we had two men killed, and four wounded, besides a number of cattle. we killed of the enemy thirty-seven, and wounded a great number. after they were gone, we picked up one hundred and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of our fort, which certainly is a great proof of their industry. soon after this, i went into the settlement, and nothing worthy of a place in this account passed in my affairs for some time. during my absence from kentucky, colonel bowman carried on an expedition against the shawanese, at old chilicothe, with one hundred and sixty men, in july, . here they arrived undiscovered, and a battle ensued, which lasted until ten o'clock, a.m., when colonel bowman, finding he could not succeed at this time, retreated about thirty miles. the indians, in the mean time, collecting all their forces, pursued and overtook him, when a smart fight continued near two hours, not to the advantage of colonel bowman's party. colonel harrod proposed to mount a number of horse, and furiously to rush upon the savages, who at this time fought with remarkable fury. this desperate step had a happy effect, broke their line of battle, and the savages fled on all sides. in these two battles we had nine killed, and one wounded. the enemy's loss uncertain, only two scalps being taken. on the d day of june, , a large party of indians and canadians, about six hundred in number, commanded by colonel bird, attacked riddle's and martin's stations, at the forks of licking river, with six pieces of artillery. they carried this expedition so secretly, that the unwary inhabitants did not discover them until they fired upon the forts; and, not being prepared to oppose them, were obliged to surrender themselves miserable captives to barbarous savages, who immediately after tomahawked one man and two women, and loaded all the others with heavy baggage, forcing them along toward their towns, able or unable to march. such as were weak and faint by the way, they tomahawked. the tender women and helpless children fell victims to their cruelty. this, and the savage treatment they received afterward, is shocking to humanity, and too barbarous to relate. the hostile disposition of the savages and their allies caused general clarke, the commandant at the falls of the ohio, immediately to begin an expedition with his own regiment, and the armed force of the country, against pecaway, the principal town of the shawanese, on a branch of great miami, which he finished with great success, took seventeen scalps, and burnt the town to ashes, with the loss of seventeen men. about this time i returned to kentucky with my family; and here, to avoid an inquiry into my conduct, the reader being before informed of my bringing my family to kentucky, i am under the necessity of informing him that, during my captivity with the indians, my wife, who despaired of ever seeing me again--expecting the indians had put a period to my life, oppressed with the distresses of the country, and bereaved of me, her only happiness--had, before i returned, transported my family and goods, on horses, through the wilderness, amid a multitude of dangers, to her father's house in north carolina. shortly after the troubles at boonesborough, i went to them, and lived peaceably there until this time. the history of my going home, and returning with my family, forms a series of difficulties, an account of which would swell a volume; and, being foreign to my purpose, i shall purposely omit them. i settled my family in boonesborough once more; and shortly after, on the th day of october, , i went in company with my brother to the blue licks; and, on our return home, we were fired upon by a party of indians. they shot him, and pursued me, by the scent of their dog, three miles; but i killed the dog, and escaped. the winter soon came on, and was very severe, which confined the indians to their wigwams. the severity of this winter caused great difficulties in kentucky. the enemy had destroyed most of the corn the summer before. this necessary article was scarce and dear, and the inhabitants lived chiefly on the flesh of buffalo. the circumstances of many were very lamentable: however, being a hardy race of people, and accustomed to difficulties and necessities, they were wonderfully supported through all their sufferings, until the ensuing autumn, when we received abundance from the fertile soil. toward spring we were frequently harassed by indians; and in may, , a party assaulted ashton's station, killed one man, and took a negro prisoner. captain ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued and overtook the savages, and a smart fight ensued, which lasted two hours; but they, being superior in number, obliged captain ashton's party to retreat, with the loss of eight killed, and four mortally wounded; their brave commander himself being numbered among the dead. the indians continued their hostilities; and, about the th of august following, two boys were taken from major hoy's station. this party was pursued by captain holder and seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss of four men killed, and one wounded. our affairs became more and more alarming. several stations which had lately been erected in the country were continually infested with savages, stealing their horses and killing the men at every opportunity. in a field, near lexington, an indian shot a man, and running to scalp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon his enemy. every day we experienced recent mischiefs. the barbarous savage nations of shawanese, cherokees, wyandots, tawas, delawares, and several others near detroit, united in a war against us, and assembled their choicest warriors at old chilicothe, to go on the expedition, in order to destroy us, and entirely depopulate the country. their savage minds were inflamed to mischief by two abandoned men, captains m'kee and girty. these led them to execute every diabolical scheme, and on the th day of august, commanded a party of indians and canadians, of about five hundred in number, against bryant's station, five miles from lexington. without demanding a surrender, they furiously assaulted the garrison, which was happily prepared to oppose them; and, after they had expended much ammunition in vain, and killed the cattle round the fort, not being likely to make themselves masters of this place, they raised the siege, and departed in the morning of the third day after they came, with the loss of about thirty killed, and the number of wounded uncertain. of the garrison, four were killed, and three wounded. on the th day, colonel todd, colonel trigg, major harland, and myself, speedily collected one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages. they had marched beyond the blue licks, to a remarkable bend of the main fork of licking river, about forty-three miles from lexington, where we overtook them on the th day. the savages observing us, gave way; and we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. when the enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage of us in situation, they formed the line of battle, from one bend of licking to the other, about a mile from the blue licks. an exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when we, being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of whom were taken prisoners. the brave and much-lamented colonels todd and trigg, major harland, and my second son, were among the dead. we were informed that the indians, numbering their dead, found they had four killed more than we; and therefore four of the prisoners they had taken were, by general consent, ordered to be killed in a most barbarous manner by the young warriors, in order to train them up to cruelty; and then they proceeded to their towns. on our retreat we were met by colonel logan, hastening to join us, with a number of well-armed men. this powerful assistance we unfortunately wanted in the battle; for, notwithstanding the enemy's superiority of numbers, they acknowledged, that, if they had received one more fire from us, they should undoubtedly have given way. so valiantly did our small party fight, that, to the memory of those who unfortunately fell in the battle, enough of honor can not be paid. had colonel logan and his party been with us, it is highly probable we should have given the savages a total defeat. i can not reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sorrow fills my heart. a zeal for the defence of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a few men to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. when we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. the river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight--some just entering the river, some in the water, others after crossing, in ascending the cliffs. some escaped on horseback, a few on foot; and, being dispersed everywhere in a few hours, brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle to lexington. many widows were now made. the reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding anything that i am able to describe. being reinforced, we returned to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed everywhere, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner. this mournful scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled: some torn and eaten by wild beasts; those in the river eaten by fishes; all in such a putrefied condition, that no one could be distinguished from another. as soon as general clarke, then at the falls of the ohio--who was ever our ready friend, and merits the love and gratitude of all his countrymen--understood the circumstances of this unfortunate action, he ordered an expedition, with all possible haste, to pursue the savages, which was so expeditiously effected, that we overtook them within two miles of their towns: and probably might have obtained a great victory, had not two of their number met us about two hundred poles before we came up. these returned quick as lightning to their camp, with the alarming news of a mighty army in view. the savages fled in the utmost disorder, evacuated their towns, and reluctantly left their territory to our mercy. we immediately took possession of old chilicothe without opposition, being deserted by its inhabitants. we continued our pursuit through five towns on the miami rivers, old chilicothe, pecaway, new chilicothe, will's towns, and chilicothe--burnt them all to ashes, entirely destroyed their corn, and other fruits, and everywhere spread a scene of desolation in the country. in this expedition we took seven prisoners and five scalps, with the loss of only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by our own army. this campaign in some measure damped the spirits of the indians, and made them sensible of our superiority. their connexions were dissolved, their armies scattered, and a future invasion put entirely out of their power; yet they continued to practise mischief secretly upon the inhabitants, in the exposed parts of the country. in october following, a party made an excursion into that district called the crab orchard; and one of them, being advanced some distance before the others, boldly entered the house of a poor defenceless family, in which was only a negro man, a woman, and her children, terrified with the apprehensions of immediate death. the savage, perceiving their defenceless situation, without offering violence to the family, attempted to capture the negro, who happily proved an overmatch for him, threw him on the ground, and, in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an axe from a corner of the cottage, and cut his head off, while her little daughter shut the door. the savages instantly appeared, and applied their tomahawks to the door. an old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in a corner, which the mother put through a small crevice, and the savages, perceiving it, fled. in the mean time, the alarm spread through the neighborhood; the armed men collected immediately, and pursued the ravagers into the wilderness. thus providence, by the means of this negro, saved the whole of the poor family from destruction. from that time until the happy return of peace between the united states and great britain, the indians did us no mischief. finding the great king beyond the water disappointed in his expectations, and conscious of the importance of the long knife, and their own wretchedness, some of the nations immediately desired peace; to which, at present [ ], they seem universally disposed, and are sending ambassadors to general clarke, at the falls of the ohio, with the minutes of their councils. to conclude, i can now say that i have verified the saying of an old indian who signed colonel henderson's deed. taking me by the hand, at the delivery thereof--"brother," said he, "we have given you a fine land, but i believe you will have much trouble in settling it." my footsteps have often been marked with blood, and therefore i can truly subscribe to its original name. two darling sons and a brother have i lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses, and abundance of cattle. many dark and sleepless nights have i been a companion for owls, separated from the cheerful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold--an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. but now the scene is changed: peace crowns the sylvan shade. what thanks, what ardent and ceaseless thanks are due to that all-superintending providence which has turned a cruel war into peace, brought order out of confusion, made the fierce savages placid, and turned away their hostile weapons from our country! may the same almighty goodness banish the accursed monster, war, from all lands, with her hated associates, rapine and insatiable ambition! let peace, descending from her native heaven, bid her olives spring amid the joyful nations; and plenty, in league with commerce, scatter blessings from her copious hand! this account of my adventures will inform the reader of the most remarkable events of this country. i now live in peace and safety, enjoying the sweets of liberty, and the bounties of providence, with my once fellow-sufferers, in this delightful country, which i have seen purchased with a vast expense of blood and treasure: delighting in the prospect of its being, in a short time, one of the most opulent and powerful states on the continent of north america; which, with the love and gratitude of my countrymen, i esteem a sufficient reward for all my toil and dangers. daniel boone. _fayette county_, kentucky. the end. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) life & times of col. daniel boone life of daniel boone, the great western hunter and pioneer, comprising an account of his early history; his daring and remarkable career as the first settler of kentucky; his thrilling adventures with the indians, and his wonderful skill, coolness and sagacity under all the hazardous and trying circumstances of western border life to which is added his autobiography complete as dictated by himself, and showing his own belief that he was an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness by cecil b. hartley [illustration: boone's indian toilette. page ] [illustration: the old fort at boonesborough] preface the subject of the following biography, the celebrated colonel daniel boone, is one of the most remarkable men which this country has produced. his character is marked with originality, and his actions were important and influential in one of the most interesting periods of our history--that of the early settlement of kentucky. boone is generally acknowledged as the founder of that state. his having explored it alone to a considerable extent; his leading the earliest bands of settlers; his founding boonesborough, the nucleus of the future state; his having defended this and other stations successfully against the attacks of the indians; and the prominent part which he took in military affairs at this period of distress and peril, certainly render his claims to the distinguished honor of founding kentucky very strong. but boone, personally, reaped very little benefit from his patriotic and disinterested exertions. the lands which he had first cultivated and defended, were taken from him by the chicanery of the law; other lands granted to him by the spanish government were lost by his inattention to legal forms; and in his old age he was without an acre of land which he could call his own. a few years before his death a small tract, such as any other settler in missouri was entitled to, was granted him by congress. but he has left to his numerous posterity a nobler inheritance--that of an imperishable fame in the annals of his country! contents chapter i. the family of daniel boone--his grandfather emigrates to america, and settles in bucks county, pennsylvania--family of daniel boone's father--account of exeter, the birth-place of boone--birth of daniel boone--religion of his family--boone's boyhood--goes to school--anecdote--summary termination of his schooling. chapter ii. removal of boone's father and family to north carolina--location on the yadkin river--character of the country and the people--byron's description of the backwoodsmen--daniel boone marries rebecca bryan--his farmer life in north carolina--state of the country--political troubles foreshadowed--illegal fees and taxes--probable effect of this state of things on boone's mind--signs of movement. chapter iii. the seven years' war--cherokee war--period of boone's first long excursion to the west--extract from wheeler's history of tennessee--indian accounts of the western country--indian traders--their reports--western travelers--doherty--adair--proceedings of the traders--hunters--scotch traders--hunters accompany the traders to the west--their reports concerning the country--other adventurers--dr. walker's expedition--settlements in south-western virginia--indian hostilities--pendleton purchase--dr. walker's second expedition--hunting company of walker and others--boone travels with them--curious monument left by him. chapter iv. political and social condition of north carolina--taxes--lawsuits--ostentation and extravagance of foreigners and government officers--oppression of the people--murmurs--open resistance--the regulators--willingness of daniel boone and others to migrate, and their reasons--john finley's expedition to the west--his report to boone--he determines to join finley in his next hunting tour--new company formed, with boone for leader--preparations for starting--the party sets out--travels for a month through the wilderness--first sight of kentucky--forming a camp--hunting buffaloes and other game--capture of boone and stuart by the indians--prudent dissimulation--escape from the indians--return to the old camp--their companions lost--boone and stuart renew their hunting. chapter v. arrival of squire boone and a companion at the camp of daniel boone--joyful meeting--news from home, and hunting resumed--daniel boone and stuart surprised by the indians--stuart killed--escape of boone, and his return to camp--squire boone's companion lost in the woods--residence of daniel boone and squire boone in the wilderness--squire returns to north carolina, obtains a fresh supply of ammunition, and again rejoins his brother at the old camp--daniel boone's own account of this remarkable period of his life--his return to north carolina--his determination to settle in kentucky--other western adventurers--the long hunters--washington in kentucky--bullitt's party--floyd's party--thompson's survey--first settlement of tennessee. chapter vi. daniel boone remains two years in north carolina after his return from the west--he prepares to emigrate to kentucky--character of the early settlers to kentucky--the first class, hunters--the second class, small farmers--the third class, men of wealth and government officers. chapter vii. daniel boone sets out for kentucky with his family and his brother, squire boone--is joined by five families and forty men at powell's valley--the party is attacked by indians, and daniel boone's oldest son is killed--the party return to the settlements on clinch river--boone, at the request of governor dunmore, goes to the west and conducts a party of surveyors to virginia--boone receives the command of three garrisons and the commission of captain--he takes a part in the dunmore war--battle of point pleasant and termination of the war. chapter viii. the militia discharged--captain boone returns to his family--henderson's company--various companies of emigrants to kentucky--bounty lands--harrod's party builds the first log-cabin erected in kentucky, and founds harrodsburg--proceedings of henderson's company--agency of captain boone--he leads a company to open a road to kentucky river--conflicts with the indians--captain boone founds boonesborough--his own account of this expedition--his letter to henderson--account of colonel henderson and the transylvania company--failure of the scheme--probability of boone having been several years in the service of henderson. chapter ix. description of the old fort at boonesborough--usual methods of fortifications against the indians--arrival of more settlers at boonesborough--captain boone returns to the clinch river to bring out his family--he enlists new emigrants and starts for kentucky--reinforced by a large party at powel's valley--arrival at boonesborough--arrival of many new settlers at boonesborough and harrod's settlement--arrival of kenton, floyd, the mcafees, and other distinguished persons--arrival of colonel richard callaway. chapter x. disturbed state of the country in --breaking out of the revolutionary war--exposed situation of the kentucky settlements--hostility of the indians excited by the british--first political convention in the west--capture of boone's daughter and the daughters of colonel callaway by the indians--their rescue by a party led by boone and callaway--increased caution of the colonists at boonesborough--alarm and desertion of the colonies in the west by land speculators and other adventurers--a reinforcement of forty-five men from north carolina arrive at boonesborough--indian attack on boonesborough in april--another attack in july--attack on logan's fort, and siege--attack on harrodsburg. chapter xi. arrival of george rogers clark in kentucky--anecdote of his conversation with ray--clark and jones chosen as delegates for the colonies to the virginia legislature--clark's important services in obtaining a political organization for kentucky, and an abundant supply of gunpowder from the government of virginia--great labor and difficulty in bringing the powder to harrodstown--clark's expedition against kaskaskias--surprise and capture of their fort--perilous and difficult march to vincennes--surprise and capture of that place--extension of the virginian settlements--erection of fort jefferson. chapter xii. scarcity of salt at boonesborough--boone goes to blue licks to make salt, and is captured by the indians--taken to chilicothe--affects contentment, and deceives the indians--taken to detroit--kindness of the british officers to him--returns to chilicothe--adopted into an indian family--ceremonies of adoption--boone sees a large force of indians destined to attack boonesborough--escapes, and gives the alarm, and strengthens the fortifications at boonesborough--news of delay by the indians on account of boone's escape--boone goes on an expedition to the scioto--has a fight with a party of indians--returns to boonesborough, which is immediately besieged by captain duquesne with five hundred indians--summons to surrender--time gained--attack commenced--brave defense--mines and countermines--siege raised--boone brings his family once more back to boonesborough, and resumes farming. chapter xiii. captain boone tried by court-martial--honorably acquitted and promoted--loses a large sum of money--his losses by law-suits and disputes about land--defeat of colonel rogers's party--colonel bowman's expedition to chilicothe--arrival near the town--colonel logan attacks the town--ordered by colonel bowman to retreat--failure of the expedition--consequences to bowman and to logan. chapter xiv. invasion of kentucky by captain byrd's party--he captures the garrisons at ruddle's station and martin's fort--colonel clark's invasion of the indian country--he ravages the indian towns--adventure of alexander mcconnell--skirmish at pickaway--result of the expedition--boone goes to the blue licks with his brother--attacked by the indians--boone's brother killed--boone promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel--clark's galley--squire boone's station removed to bear's creek--attack by the indians--colonel floyd's defeat--affair of the mcafees--attack on mcafee's station repelled--fort jefferson evacuated--attack on montgomery station--rescue by general logan. chapter xv. news of cornwallis's surrender--its effects--captain estill's defeat--grand army of indians raised for the conquest of kentucky--simon girty's speech--attack on hoy's station--investment of bryant's station--expedient of the besieged to obtain water--grand attack on the fort--repulse--regular siege commenced--messengers sent to lexington--reinforcements obtained--arrival near the fort--ambushed and attacked--they enter the fort--narrow escape of girty--he proposes a capitulation--parley--reynolds' answer to girty--the siege raised--retreat of the indians. chapter xvi. arrival of reinforcements at bryant's station--colonel daniel boone, his son and brother among them--colonels trigg, todd, and others--consultation--apprehensions of boone and others--arrival at the blue licks--rash conduct of major mcgary--battle of blue licks--israel boone, colonels todd and trigg, and majors harland and mcbride killed--retreat of the whites--colonel boone nearly surrounded by indians--bravery of netherland--noble conduct of reynolds--the fugitives meet colonel logan with his party--return to the field of battle--logan returns to bryant's station. chapter xvii. the indians return home from the blue licks--they attack the settlements in jefferson county--affair at simpson's creek--general clark's expedition to the indian country--colonel boone joins it--its effect--attack of the indians on the crab orchard settlement--rumor of intended invasion by the cherokees--difficulties about the treaty with great britain--hostilities of the indians generally stimulated by renegade whites--simon girty--causes of his hatred of the whites--girty insulted by general lewis--joins the indians at the battle of point pleasant--story of his rescuing simon kenton--crawford's expedition, and the burning of crawford--close of girty's career. chapter xviii. season of repose--colonel boone buys land--builds a log house and goes to farming--kentucky organized on a new basis--colonel boone surprised by indians--escapes--manners and customs of the settlers--the autumn hunt--the house-warming. chapter xix. condition of the early settlers as it respects the mechanic arts--throwing the tomahawk--athletic sports--dancing--shooting at marks--scarcity of iron--costume--dwellings--furniture--employments--the women--their character--diet--indian corn. chapter xx. indian hostilities resumed--expedition of davis, caffre, and mcclure--attack on captain ward's boat--affair near scagg's creek--growth of kentucky--population--trade--general logan calls a meeting at danville--convention called--separation from virginia proposed--virginia consents--kentucky admitted as an independent state of the union--indian hostilities--expedition and death of colonel christian--expedition of general clark--expedition of general logan--success of captain hardin--defeat of hargrove--exploits of simon kenton--affairs at the elkhorn settlements--treaty--barman's expedition. chapter xxi. colonel boone meets with the loss of all his land in kentucky, and emigrates to virginia--resides on the kenhawa, near point pleasant--emigrates to missouri--is appointed commandant of a district--mr. audubon's narrative of a night passed with boone. chapter xxii. colonel boone receives a large grant of land from the spanish government of upper louisiana--he loses it--sketch of the history of missouri--colonel boone's hunting--he pays his debts by the sale of furs--taken sick in his hunting camp--colonel boone applies to congress to recover his land--the legislature of kentucky supports his claim--death of mrs. boone--results of the application to congress--occupations of his declining years--mr. harding paints his portrait. chapter xxiii. last illness, and death of colonel boone--his funeral--account of his family--his remains and those of his wife removed from missouri, and reinterred in the new cemetery in frankfort, kentucky--character of colonel boone. life and times of colonel daniel boone. chapter i. the family of daniel boone--his grandfather emigrates to america, and settles in bucks county, pennsylvania--family of daniel boone's father--account of exeter, the birth-place of boone--birth of daniel boone--religion of his family--boone's boyhood--goes to school--anecdote--summary termination of his schooling. the immediate ancestors and near relations of the american boone family, resided at bradwinch about eight miles from exeter, england. george boone the grandfather of daniel, emigrated to america and arrived, with mary his wife, at philadelphia, on the th of october, . they brought with them eleven children, two daughters and nine sons. the names of three of the sons have come down to us, john, james, and squire. the last of these, squire boone, was the father of daniel. george boone, immediately after his arrival in america, purchased a large tract of land in what is now bucks county, which he settled, and called it exeter, after the city near which he was born. the records distinguish it only as the township of exeter, without any county. he purchased also various other tracts in maryland and virginia; and our tradition says, among others, the ground on which georgetown, district of columbia, now stands, and that he laid the town out, and gave it his own name. his sons john and james lived and died on the exeter purchase.[ ] daniel boone's father, squire boone, had seven sons and four daughters, viz.: james,[ ] samuel, jonathan, daniel, george, squire, edward, sarah, elizabeth, mary, and hannah. exeter township is situated in bucks county, pennsylvania, and now has a population of over two thousand. here daniel boone was born, on the th of february, .[ ] the maiden name of boone's mother was sarah morgan. some dispute has arisen respecting the religious persuasion of the boone family. it would appear, on a review of the whole controversy, that before their removal to this country, the boones were episcopalians; but during their residence in pennsylvania they permitted themselves to be considered quakers. what sort of a quaker daniel boone himself was, will be apparent in the course of our narrative. exeter, the native place of daniel boone, was at this period a small frontier settlement, consisting of log-houses, surrounded with woods, which abounded with game of various kinds and were occasionally infested with hostile indians. it is not surprising that daniel, passing the period of his boyhood in such a place, should have acquired at an early age the accomplishments of a hunter and woodsman. from a mere child it was his chief delight to roam in the woods, to observe the wild haunts of nature, and to pursue the wild animals which were then so abundant. of the boyhood of daniel boone, one of his biographers gives the following account. speaking of the residence of the family at exeter, he says:[ ] "here they lived for ten years; and it was during this time that their son daniel began to show his passion for hunting. he was scarcely able to carry a gun when he was shooting all the squirrels, raccoons, and even wild-cats (it is said), that he could find in that region. as he grew older, his courage increased, and then we find him amusing himself with higher game. other lads in the neighborhood were soon taught by him the use of the rifle, and were then able to join him in his adventures. on one occasion, they all started out for a hunt, and, after amusing themselves till it was almost dark, were returning homeward, when suddenly a wild cry was heard in the woods. the boys screamed out, 'a panther! a panther!' and ran off as fast as they could. boone stood firmly, looking around for the animal. it was a panther indeed. his eye lighted upon him just in the act of springing toward him: in an instant he leveled his rifle, and shot him through the heart." "but this sort of sport was not enough for him. he seemed resolved to go away from men, and live in the forests with these animals. one morning he started off as usual, with his rifle and dog. night came on, but daniel did not return to his home. another day and night passed away, and still the boy did not make his appearance. his parents were now greatly alarmed. the neighbors joined them in making search for the lad. after wandering about a great while, they at length saw smoke rising from a cabin in the distance. upon reaching it, they found the boy. the floor of the cabin was covered with the skins of such animals as he had slain, and pieces of meat were roasting before the fire for his supper. here, at a distance of three miles from any settlement, he had built his cabin of sods and branches, and sheltered himself in the wilderness." "it was while his father was living on the head-waters of the schuylkill that young boone received so far as we know, all his education. short indeed were his schoolboy days. it happened that an irish schoolmaster strolled into the settlement, and, by the advice of mr. boone and other parents, opened a school in the neighborhood. it was not then as it is now. good school-houses were not scattered over the land; nor were schoolmasters always able to teach their pupils. the school-house where the boys of this settlement went was a log-cabin, built in the midst of the woods. the schoolmaster was a strange man; sometimes good-humored, and then indulging the lads; sometimes surly and ill-natured, and then beating them severely. it was his usual custom, after hearing the first lessons of the morning, to allow the children to be out for a half hour at play, during which time he strolled off to refresh himself from his labors. he always walked in the same direction, and the boys thought that after his return, when they were called in, he was generally more cruel than ever. they were whipped more severely, and oftentimes without any cause. they observed this, but did not know the meaning of it one morning young boone asked that he might go out, and had scarcely left the school-room when he saw a squirrel running over the trunk of a fallen tree. true to his nature, he instantly gave chase, until at last the squirrel darted into a bower of vines and branches. boone thrust his hand in, and, to his surprise, laid hold of a bottle of whiskey. this was in the direction of his master's morning walks, and he thought now that he understood the secret of much of his ill-nature. he returned to the school-room; but, when they were dismissed for that day, he told some of the larger boys of his discovery. their plan was soon arranged. early the next morning a bottle of whiskey, having tartar emetic in it, was placed in the bower, and the other bottle thrown away. at the usual hour, the lads were sent out to play, and the master started on his walk. but their play was to come afterward; they longed for the master to return. at length they were called in, and in a little time saw the success of their experiment. the master began to look pale and sick, yet still went on with his work. several boys were called up, one after the other, to recite lessons, and all whipped soundly, whether right or wrong. at last young boone was called out to answer questions in arithmetic. he came forward with his slate and pencil, and the master began: 'if you subtract six from nine, what remains?' said he. 'three, sir,' said boone. 'very good,' said the master; 'now let us come to fractions. if you take three-quarters from a whole number, what remains?' 'the whole, sir,' answered boone. 'you blockhead!' cried the master, beating him; 'you stupid little fool, how can you show that?' 'if i take one bottle of whiskey,' said boone, 'and put in its place another in which i have mixed an emetic, the whole will remain if nobody drinks it!' the irishman, dreadfully sick, was now doubly enraged. he seized boone, and commenced beating him; the children shouted and roared; the scuffle continued until boone knocked the master down upon the floor, and rushed out of the room. it was a day of freedom now for the lads. the story soon ran through the neighborhood; boone was rebuked by his parents, but the schoolmaster was dismissed, and thus ended the boy's education." "thus freed from school, he now returned more ardently than ever to his favorite pursuit. his dog and rifle were his constant companions, and day after day he started from home, only to roam through the forests. hunting seemed to be the only business of his life; and he was never so happy as when at night he came home laden with game. he was an untiring wanderer." perhaps it was not a very serious misfortune for daniel boone that his school instruction was so scanty, for, "in another kind of education," says mr. peck,[ ] "not unfrequent in the wilds of the west, he was an adept. no indian could poise the rifle, find his way through the pathless forest, or search out the retreats of game, more readily than daniel boone. in all that related to indian sagacity, border life, or the tactics of the skillful hunter, he excelled. the successful training of a hunter, or woodsman, is a kind of education of mental discipline, differing from that of the school-room, but not less effective in giving vigor to the mind, quickness of apprehension, and habits of close observation. boone was regularly trained in all that made him a successful backwoodsman. indolence and imbecility never produced a simon kenton, a tecumthè, or a daniel boone. to gain the skill of an accomplished hunter requires talents, patience, perseverance, sagacity, and habits of thinking. amongst other qualifications, knowledge of human nature, and especially of indian character is indispensable to the pioneer of a wilderness. add to these, self-possession, self-control, and promptness in execution. persons who are unaccustomed to a frontier residence know not how much, in the preservation of life, and in obtaining subsistence, depends on such characteristics!" in the woods surrounding the little settlement of exeter, boone had ample opportunity for perfecting himself in this species of mental discipline, and of gaining that physical training of the limbs and muscles so necessary in the pursuits of the active hunter and pioneer. we have no record of his ever having encountered the indians during his residence in pennsylvania. his knowledge of their peculiar modes of hunting and war was to be attained not less thoroughly at a somewhat later period of life. [footnote : "pittsburg gazette," quoted by peck.] [footnote : the eldest, james, was killed by the indians in , and his son israel was killed at the battle of blue licks, august th, .] [footnote : bogant gives th of february, . peck, february, . another account gives as the year of his birth, and bucks county as his birth-place. the family record, in the hand writing of daniel boone's uncle, james, who was a school master, gives the th of july, .] [footnote : "adventures of daniel boone, the kentucky rifleman." by the author of "uncle philip's conversations."] [footnote : "life of daniel boone" by john m. peck.] chapter ii. removal of boone's father and family to north carolina--location on the yadkin river--character of the country and the people--byron's description of the backwoodsman--daniel boone marries rebecca bryan--his farmer life in north carolina--state of the country--political troubles foreshadowed--illegal fees and taxes--probable effect of this state of things on boone's mind--signs of movement. when daniel boone was still a youth, his father emigrated to north carolina. the precise date of this removal of the family residence is not known. mr. peck, an excellent authority, says it took place when daniel was about eighteen years old. this would make it about the year . the new residence of squire boone, daniel's father, was near holman's ford, on the yadkin river, about eight miles from wilkesboro'. the fact of the great backwoodsman having passed many years of his life there is still remembered with pride by the inhabitants of that region. the capital of watauga county, which was formed in , is named boone, in honor of daniel boone. the historian of north carolina[ ] is disposed to claim him as a son of the state. he says: "in north carolina daniel boone was reared. here his youthful days were spent; and here that bold spirit was trained, which so fearlessly encountered the perils through which he passed in after life. his fame is part of her property, and she has inscribed his name on a town in the region where his youth was spent." "the character of boone is so peculiar," says mr. wheeler, "that it marks the age in which he lived; and his name is celebrated in the verses of the immortal byron:" "of all men-- who passes for in life and death most lucky, of the great names which in our faces stare, is daniel boone, backwoodsman of kentucky." * * * * * "crime came not near him--she is not the child of solitude. health shrank not from him, for her home is in the rarely-trodden wild." * * * * * "and tall and strong and swift of foot are they, beyond the dwarfing city's pale abortions, because their thoughts had never been the prey of care or gain; the green woods were their portions: no sinking spirits told them they grew gray, no fashions made them apes of her distortions. simple they were, not savage; and their rifles, though very true, were not yet used for trifles." "motion was in their days, rest in their slumbers, and cheerfulness the handmaid of their toil. nor yet too many nor too few their numbers; corruption could not make their hearts her soil; the lust which stings, the splendor which encumbers, with the free foresters divide no spoil; serene, not sullen, were the solitudes of this unsighing people of the woods.'" we quote these beautiful lines, because they so aptly and forcibly describe the peculiar character of boone; and to a certain extent, as mr. wheeler intimates, his character was that of his times and of his associates. it was during the residence of the family on the banks of the yadkin, that boone formed the acquaintance of rebecca bryan, whom he married.[ ] the marriage appears, by comparison of dates, to have taken place in the year . "one almost regrets," says mr. peck, "to spoil so beautiful a romance, as that which has had such extensive circulation in the various 'lives of boone,' and which represents him as mistaking the bright eyes of this young lady, in the dark, for those of a deer; a mistake that nearly proved fatal from the unerring rifle of the young hunter. yet in truth, we are bound to say, that no such mistake ever happened. our backwoods swains never make such mistakes." the next five years after his marriage, daniel boone passed in the quiet pursuits of a farmer's life, varied occasionally by hunting excursions in the woods. the most quiet and careless of the citizens of north carolina were not unobservant, however, of the political aspect of the times. during this period the people, by their representatives in the legislature, began that opposition to the royal authority, which was in after years to signalize north carolina as one of the leading colonies in the revolutionary struggle. the newly-appointed royal governor, arthur dobbs, arrived at newbern in the autumn of . "governor dobbs's administration of ten years," says the historian wheeler, "was a continued contest between himself and the legislature, on matters frivolous and unimportant. a high-toned temper for royal prerogatives on his part, and an indomitable resistance of the colonists ... the people were much oppressed by lord grenville's agents. they seized corbin, his agent, who lived below edenton, and brought him to enfield, where he was compelled to give bond and security to produce his books and disgorge his illegal fees." this matter of illegal fees was part of a system of oppression, kindred to the famous stamp act--a system which was destined to grow more and more intolerable under governor tryon's administration, and to lead to the formation of the famous company of regulators, whose resistance of taxation and tyranny was soon to convulse the whole state. we are by no means to suppose that daniel boone was an unobservant spectator of what was passing even at the time we are speaking of, nor that the doings of the tax-gatherers had nothing to do with his subsequent movements. he not only hated oppression, but he hated also strife and disturbance; and already began to long for a new migration into the distant woods and quiet intervals, where politics and the tax-gatherer should not intrude. the population in his neighborhood was increasing, and new settlements were being formed along the yadkin and its tributary streams, and explorations were made to the northwest on the banks of the holston and clinch rivers. the times were already beginning to exhibit symptoms of restlessness and stir among the people, which was soon to result in the formation of new states and the settlement of the far west. [footnote : john h. wheeler. "historical sketches of north carolina."] [footnote : the children by this marriage were nine in number. _sons:_ james, born in , israel, jesse, daniel, and nathan. _daughters_: susan, jemima, lavinia, and rebecca. the eldest, james, was killed, as will appear in our subsequent narrative, by the indians, in ; and israel fell in the battle of blue licks, may th, . in , nathan, a captain in the united states service, was the only surviving son.] chapter iii. the seven years' war--cherokee war--period of boone's first long excursions to the west--extract from wheeler's history of tennessee--indian accounts of the western country--indian traders--their reports--western travelers--doherty--adair--proceedings of the traders--hunters--scotch traders--hunters accompany the traders to the west--their reports concerning the country--other adventurers--dr. walker's expedition--settlements in south-western virginia--indian hostilities--pendleton purchase--dr. walker's second expedition--hunting company of walker and others--boone travels with them--curious monument left by him. the reader will recollect that the period referred to in the last chapter, comprehended the latter years of the celebrated seven years' war. during the chief portion of this period, the neighboring colony of virginia suffered all the horrors of indian war on its western frontier--horrors from which even the ability, courage, and patriotism of washington were for a long time unable to protect them. the war was virtually terminated by the campaign of , when quebec was taken. the next year canada was ceded to england; and a cherokee war, which had disturbed the border setters of north carolina, was terminated. daniel boone's biographers all agree that it was about this time when he first began to make long excursions toward the west; but it is difficult to fix exactly the date of his first long journey through the woods in this direction. it is generally dated in or , we now make a quotation from ramsay's annals of tennessee, which shows, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that he hunted on the wataga river in , and renders it probable that he was in the west at an earlier date. our readers will excuse the length of this quotation, as the first part of it gives so graphic a picture of the hunter and pioneer life of the times of daniel boone, and also shows what had been done by others in western explorations before boone's expeditions commenced. "the colonists of the carolinas and of virginia had been steadily advancing to the west, and we have traced their approaches in the direction of our eastern boundary,[ ] to the base of the great appalachian range." of the country beyond it, little was positively known or accurately understood. a wandering indian would imperfectly delineate upon the sand, a feeble outline of its more prominent physical features--its magnificent rivers, with their numerous tributaries--its lofty mountains, its dark forests, its extended plains and its vast extent. a voyage in a canoe, from the source of the hogohegee[ ] to the wabash,[ ] required for its performance, in their figurative language, 'two paddles, two warriors, three moons.' the ohio itself was but a tributary of a still larger river, of whose source, size and direction, no intelligible account could be communicated or understood. the muscle shoals and the obstructions in the river above them, were represented as mighty cataracts and fearful whirlpools, and the suck, as an awful vortex. the wild beasts with which the illimitable forests abounded, were numbered by pointing to the leaves upon the trees, or the stars in a cloudless sky. "these glowing descriptions of the west seemed rather to stimulate than to satisfy the intense curiosity of the approaching settlers. information more reliable, and more minute, was, from time to time, furnished from other sources. in the atlantic cities, accounts had been received from french and spanish traders, of the unparalleled beauty and fertility of the western interior. these reports, highly colored and amplified, were soon received and known upon the frontier. besides, persons engaged in the interior traffic with the south-western indian tribes had, in times of peace, penetrated their territories--traded with and resided amongst the natives--and upon their return to the white settlements, confirmed what had been previously reported in favor of the distant countries they had seen. as early as , doherty, a trader from virginia, had visited the cherokees and afterward lived among them a number of years. in , adair, from south carolina, had traveled, not only through the towns of this tribe, but had extended his tour to most of the nations south and west of them. he was not only an enterprising trader but an intelligent tourist. to his observations upon the several tribes which he visited, we are indebted for most that is known of their earlier history. they were published in london in . "in other traders went among the cherokees from virginia. they employed mr vaughan as a packman, to transport their goods. west of amelia county, the country was then thinly inhabited; the last hunter's cabin that he saw was on otter river, a branch of the staunton, now in bedford county, va. the route pursued was along the great path to the centre of the cherokee nation. the traders and pack-men generally confined themselves to this path till it crossed the little tennessee river, then spreading themselves out among the several cherokee villages west of the mountain, continued their traffic as low down the great tennessee as the indian settlements upon occochappo or bear creek, below the muscle shoals, and there encountered the competition of other traders, who were supplied from new orleans and mobile. they returned heavily laden with peltries, to charleston, or the more northern markets, where they were sold at highly remunerating prices. a hatchet, a pocket looking-glass, a piece of scarlet cloth, a trinket, and other articles of little value, which at williamsburg could be bought for a few shillings, would command from an indian hunter on the hiwasse or tennessee peltries amounting in value to double the number of pounds sterling. exchanges were necessarily slow, but the profits realized from the operation were immensely large. in times of peace this traffic attracted the attention of many adventurous traders. it became mutually advantageous to the indian not less than to the white man. the trap and the rifle, thus bartered for, procured, in one day, more game to the cherokee hunter than his bow and arrow and his dead-fall would have secured during a month of toilsome hunting. other advantages resulted from it to the whites. they became thus acquainted with the great avenues leading through the hunting grounds and to the occupied country of the neighboring tribes--an important circumstance in the condition of either war or peace. further, the traders were an exact thermometer of the pacific or hostile intention and feelings of the indians with whom they traded. generally, they were foreigners, most frequently scotchmen, who had not been long in the country, or upon the frontier, who, having experienced none of the cruelties, depredation or aggressions of the indians, cherished none of the resentment and spirit of retaliation born with, and everywhere manifested, by the american settler. thus, free from animosity against the aborigines, the trader was allowed to remain in the village where he traded unmolested, even when its warriors were singing the war song or brandishing the war club, preparatory to an invasion or massacre of the whites. timely warning was thus often given by a returning packman to a feeble and unsuspecting settlement, of the perfidy and cruelty meditated against it. "this gainful commerce was, for a time, engrossed by the traders; but the monopoly was not allowed to continue long. their rapid accumulations soon excited the cupidity of another class of adventurers; and the hunter, in his turn, became a co-pioneer with the trader, in the march of civilization to the wilds of the west. as the agricultural population approached the eastern base of the alleghanies, the game became scarce, and was to be found by severe toil in almost inaccessible recesses and coves of the mountain. packmen, returning from their trading expeditions, carried with them evidences, not only of the abundance of game across the mountains, but of the facility with which it was procured. hunters began to accompany the traders to the indian towns; but, unable to brook the tedious delay of procuring peltries by traffic, and impatient of restraint, they struck boldly into the wilderness, and western-like, to use a western phrase, set up for themselves. the reports of their return, and of their successful enterprise, stimulated other adventurers to a similar undertaking. 'as early as doctor thomas walker, of virginia, in company with colonels wood, patton and buchanan, and captain charles campbell, and a number of hunters, made an exploring tour upon the western waters. passing powel's valley, he gave the name of 'cumberland' to the lofty range of mountains on the west. tracing this range in a south-western direction, he came to a remarkable depression in the chain: through this he passed, calling it 'cumberland gap.' on the western side of the range he found a beautiful mountain stream, which he named 'cumberland river,' all in honor of the duke of cumberland, then prime minister of england.[ ] these names have ever since been retained, and, with loudon, are believed to be the only names in tennessee of english origin." "although fort loudon was erected as early as , upon the tennessee, yet it was in advance of any white settlements nearly one hundred and fifty miles, and was destroyed in . the fort, too, at long island, within the boundaries of the present state of tennessee, were erected in , but no permanent settlements had yet been formed near it. still occasional settlers had begun to fix their habitations in the south-western section of virginia, and as early as , six families were residing west of new river. 'on the breaking out of the french war, the indians, in alliance with the french, made an irruption into these settlements, and massacred burke and his family. the other families, finding their situation too perilous to be maintained, returned to the eastern side of new river; and the renewal of the attempt to carry the white settlements further west, was not made until after the close of that war.'"[ ] [sidenote: ] "under a mistaken impression that the virginia line, when extended west, would embrace it, a grant of land was this year made, by the authorities of virginia, to edmund pendleton, for three thousand acres of land, lying in augusta county, on a branch of the middle fork of the indian river called west creek,[ ] now sullivan county, tennessee." [sidenote: ] in this year, doctor walker again passed over clinch and powell's river, on a tour of exploration into what is now kentucky. [sidenote: ] 'the cherokees were now at peace with the whites, and hunters from the back settlements began with safety to penetrate deeper and further into the wilderness of tennessee. several of them, chiefly from virginia, hearing of the abundance of game with which the woods were stocked, and allured by the prospects of gain, which might be drawn from this source, formed themselves into a company, composed of wallen, scaggs, blevins, cox, and fifteen others, and came into the valley since known as carter's valley, in hawkins county, tennessee. they hunted eighteen mouths upon clinch and powell's rivers. wallen's creek and wallen's ridge received their name from the leader of the company; as also did the station which they erected in the present lee county, virginia, the name of wallen's station. they penetrated as far north as laurel mountain, in kentucky, where they terminated their journey, having met with a body of indians, whom they supposed to be shawnees. at the head of one of the companies that visited the west this year 'came daniel boon, from the yadkin, in north carolina, and traveled with them as low as the place where abingdon now stands, and there left them.' "this is the first time the advent of daniel boon to the western wilds has been mentioned by historians, or by the several biographers of that distinguished pioneer and hunter. there is reason, however, to believe that he had hunted upon watauga earlier. the writer is indebted to n. gammon, esq., formerly of jonesboro, now a citizen of knoxville, for the following inscription, still to be seen upon a beech tree, standing in sight and east of the present stage-road, leading from jonesboro to blountsville, and in the valley of boon's creek, a tributary of watauga:" d. boon cilled a. bar on tree in the year "boon was eighty-six years old when he died, which was september, . he was thus twenty-six years old when the inscription was made. when he left the company of hunters in , as mentioned above by haywood, it is probable that he did so to revisit the theatre of a former hunt upon the creek that still bears his name, and where his camp is still pointed out near its banks. it is not improbable, indeed, that he belonged to, or accompanied, the party of doctor walker, on his first, or certainly on his second, tour of exploration in . the inscription is sufficient authority, as this writer conceives, to date the arrival of boon in tennessee as early as its date, , thus preceding the permanent settlement of the country nearly ten years." it will be observed that the historian in this extract, spells boon without the final _e_, following the orthography of the hunter, in his inscription on the tree. this orthography boone used at a later period, as we shall show. but the present received mode of spelling the name is the one which we have adopted in this work. on a subsequent page of wheeler's history, we find the following memorandum: "daniel boone, who still lived on the yadkin, though he had previously hunted on the western waters, came again this year to explore the country, being employed for this purpose by henderson & company. with him came samuel callaway, his kinsman, and the ancestor of the respectable family of that name, pioneers of tennessee, kentucky, and missouri. callaway was at the side of boon when, approaching the spurs of the cumberland mountain, and in view of the vast herds of buffalo grazing in the valleys between them, he exclaimed, 'i am richer than the man mentioned in scripture, who owned the cattle on a thousand hills; i own the wild beasts of more than a thousand valleys.'" after boone and callaway, came another hunter, henry scaggins, who was also employed by henderson. he extended his explorations to the lower cumberland, and fixed his station at mansco's lick. we shall have occasion to speak more particularly of henderson's company and boone's connection with it; but we will first call the reader's attention to the state of affairs in north carolina at this period, and their probable influence on the course pursued by daniel boone. [footnote : that is, the eastern boundary of tennessee, which was then a part of north carolina.] [footnote : holston.] [footnote : the ohio was known many years by this name.] [footnote : monette. the indian name of this range was wasioto, and of the river, shawnee.] [footnote : howe.] [footnote : the original patent, signed by governor dinwiddie, and now in the possession of the writer, was presented to him by t.a.r. nelson, esq., of jonesboro, tennessee. it is probably the oldest grant in the state.] chapter iv. political and social condition of north carolina--taxes--lawsuits--ostentation and extravagance of foreigners and government officers--oppression of the people--murmurs--open resistance--the regulators--willingness of daniel boone and others to migrate, and their reasons--john finley's expedition to the west--his report to boone--he determines to join finley in his next hunting tour--new company formed, with boone for leader--preparations for starting--the party sets out--travels for a month through the wilderness--first sight of kentucky--forming a camp--hunting buffaloes and other game--capture of boone and stuart by the indians--prudent dissimulation--escape from the indians--return to the old camp--their companions lost--boone and stuart renew their hunting. there were many circumstances in the social and political condition of the state of north carolina, during the period of daniel boone's residence on the banks of the yadkin, which were calculated to render him restless and quite willing to seek a home in the western wilderness. customs and fashions were changing. the scotch traders, to whom we have referred in the last chapter, and others of the same class were introducing an ostentatious and expensive style of living, quite inappropriate to the rural population of the colony. in dress and equipage, they far surpassed the farmers and planters; and they were not backward in taking upon themselves airs of superiority on this account. in this they were imitated by the officers and agents of the royal government of the colony, who were not less fond of luxury and show. to support their extravagant style of living, these minions of power, magistrates, lawyers, clerks of court, and tax-gatherers, demanded exorbitant fees for their services. the episcopal clergy, supported by a legalized tax on the people, were not content with their salaries, but charged enormous fees for their occasional services. a fee of fifteen dollars was exacted from the poor farmer for performing the marriage service. the collection of taxes was enforced by suits at law, with enormous expense; and executions, levies, and distresses were of every-day occurrence. all sums exceeding forty shillings were sued for and executions obtained in the courts, the original debt being saddled with extortionate bills of cost. sheriffs demanded more than was due, under threats of sheriff's sales; and they applied the gains thus made to their own use. money, as is always the case in a new country, was exceedingly scarce, and the sufferings of the people were intolerable. petitions to the legislature for a redress of grievances were treated with contempt. the people assembled and formed themselves into an association for _regulating_ public grievances and abuse of power. hence the name given to them of regulators. they resolved "to pay only such taxes as were agreeable to law and applied to the purpose therein named, to pay no officer more than his legal fees." the subsequent proceedings of the regulators, such as forcible resistance to officers and acts of personal violence toward them, at length brought on an actual collision between them and an armed force led by the royal governor, tryon (may ,) at alamanance, in which the regulators were defeated; and the grievances continued with scarcely abated force till the revolution brought relief. under these circumstances, it is not surprising that daniel boone and others were quite willing to migrate to the west, if it were only to enjoy a quiet life; the dangers of indian aggression being less dreaded than the visits of the tax-gather and the sheriff; and the solitude of the forest and prairie being preferred to the society of insolent foreigners; flaunting in the luxury and ostentation purchased by the spoils of fraud and oppression. among the hunters and traders who pursued their avocations in the western wilds was john finley, or findley, who led a party of hunters in to the neighborhood of the louisa river, as the kentucky river was then called, and spent the season in hunting and trapping. on his return, he visited daniel boone, and gave him a most glowing description of the country which he had visited--a country abounding in the richest and most fertile land, intersected by noble rivers, and teeming with herds of deer and buffaloes and numerous flocks of wild turkeys, to say nothing of the smaller game. to these descriptions boone lent a willing ear. he resolved to accompany finley in his next hunting expedition, and to see this terrestrial paradise with his own eyes, doubtless with the intention of ultimately seeking a home in that delightful region. accordingly, a company of six persons was formed for a new expedition to the west, and boone was chosen as leader. the names of the other members of this party were john finley, john stuart, joseph holden, james moncey, and william cool. much preparation seems to have been required. boone's wife, who was one of the best of housekeepers and managers, had to fit out his clothes, and to make arrangements for house-keeping during his expected long absence. his sons were now old enough to assist their mother in the management of the farm, but, doubtless, they had to be supplied with money and other necessaries before the father could venture to leave home; so that it was not till the st of may, , that the party were able to set out, as boone, in his autobiography, expresses it, "in quest of the country of kentucky." it was more than a month before these adventurers came in sight of the promised land. we quote from mr. peck's excellent work the description which undoubtedly formed the authority on which the artist has relied in painting the accompanying engraving of "daniel boone's first view of kentucky." it is as follows: "it was on the th of june, , that six men, weary and wayworn, were seen winding their way up the steep side of a rugged mountain in the wilderness of kentucky. their dress was of the description usually worn at that period by all forest rangers. the outside garment was a hunting shirt, or loose open frock, made of dressed deer skins. leggings or drawers, of the same material, covered the lower extremities, to which was appended a pair of moccasins for the feet. the cape or collar of the hunting shirt, and the seams of the leggings, were adorned with fringes. the under garments were of coarse cotton. a leather belt encircled the body; on the right side was suspended the tomahawk, to be used as a hatchet: on the left side was the hunting-knife, powder-horn, bullet-pouch, and other appendages indispensable for a hunter. each person bore his trusty rifle; and, as the party slowly made their toilsome way amid the shrubs, and over the logs and loose rocks that accident had thrown into the obscure trail which they were following, each man kept a sharp look-out, as though danger or a lurking enemy was near. their garments were soiled and rent, the unavoidable result of long traveling and exposure to the heavy rains that had fallen; for the weather had been stormy and most uncomfortable, and they had traversed a mountainous wilderness for several hundred miles. the leader of the party was of full size, with a hardy, robust, sinewy frame, and keen, piercing, hazel eyes, that glanced with quickness at every object as they passed on, now cast forward in the direction they were traveling for signs of an old trail, and in the next moment directed askance into the dense thicket, or into the deep ravine, as if watching some concealed enemy. the reader will recognize in this man the pioneer boone, at the head of his companions." [illustration: boone's first view of kentucky.] "toward the time of the setting sun, the party had reached the summit of the mountain range, up which they had toiled for some three or four hours, and which had bounded their prospect to the west during the day. here new and indescribable scenery opened to their view. before them, for an immense distance, as if spread out on a map, lay the rich and beautiful vales watered by the kentucky river; for they had now reached one of its northern branches. the country immediately before them, to use a western phrase, was 'rolling,' and, in places, abruptly hilly; but far in the vista was seen a beautiful expanse of level country, over which the buffalo, deer, and other forest animals, roamed unmolested while they fed on the luxuriant herbage of the forest. the countenances of the party lighted up with pleasure, congratulations were exchanged, the romantic tales of finley were confirmed by ocular demonstration, and orders were given to encamp for the night in a neighboring ravine. in a deep gorge of the mountain a large tree had fallen, surrounded with a dense thicket, and hidden from observation by the abrupt and precipitous hills. this tree lay in a convenient position for the back of their camp. logs were placed on the right and left, leaving the front open, where fire might be kindled against another log; and for shelter from the rains and heavy dews, bark was peeled from the linden tree." this rude structure appears to have been the head-quarters of the hunters through the whole summer and autumn, till late in december. during this time, they hunted the deer, the bear, and especially the buffalo. the buffaloes were found in great numbers, feeding on the leaves of the cane, and the rich and spontaneous fields of clover. during this long period, they saw no indians. that part of the country was not inhabited by any tribe at that time, although it was used occasionally as a hunting ground by the shawanese, the cherokees and the chickesaws. the land at that time belonged to the colony of virginia, which then included what is now called kentucky. the title to the ground was acquired by a treaty with the indians, oct. th, . the iroquois, at the treaty of fort stanwix, in , had already ceded their doubtful claim to the land south of the ohio river, to great britain; so that boone's company of hunters were not trespassing upon indian territory at this time.[ ] but they were destined nevertheless to be treated as intruders. on the d of december, boone and john stuart, one of his companions, left their encampment, and following one of the numerous paths which the buffalo had made through the cane, they plunged boldly into the interior of the forest. they had as yet, as we have already stated, seen no indians, and the country had been reported as totally uninhabited. this was true in a strict sense, for although, as we have seen, the southern and northwestern tribes were in the habit of hunting here as upon neutral ground, yet not a single wigwam had been erected, nor did the land bear the slightest mark of having ever been cultivated. the different tribes would fall in with each other and from the fierce conflicts which generally followed these casual rencounters, the country had been known among them by the name of '_the dark and bloody ground!_' the two adventurers soon learned the additional danger to which they were exposed. while roving carelessly from canebrake to canebrake, and admiring the rank growth of vegetation, and the variety of timber which marked the fertility of the soil, they were suddenly alarmed by the appearance of a party of indians, who, springing from their place of concealment, rushed upon them with a rapidity which rendered escape impossible. they were almost instantly seized, disarmed, and made prisoners. their feelings may be readily imagined. they were in the hands of an enemy who knew no alternative between adoption and torture; and the numbers and fleetness of their captors, rendered escape by open means impossible, while their jealous vigilance seemed equally fatal to any secret attempt. boone, however, was possessed of a temper admirably adapted to the circumstances in which he was placed. of a cold and saturnine, rather than an arden disposition, he was never either so much elevated by good fortune or depressed by bad, as to lose for an instant the full possession of all his faculties. he saw that immediate escape was impossible, but he encouraged his companion, and constrained himself to accompany the indians in all their excursions, with so calm and contented an air, that their vigilance insensibly began to relax. [illustration: capture of boone and stuart.] on the seventh evening of their captivity, they encamped in a thick canebrake, and having built a large fire, lay down to rest. the party whose duty it was to watch, were weary and negligent, and about midnight, boone, who had not closed an eye, ascertained from the deep breathing all around him, that the whole party, including stuart, was in a deep sleep. gently and gradually extricating himself from the indians who lay around him, he walked cautiously to the spot where stuart lay, and having succeeded in awakening him, without alarming the rest, he briefly informed him of his determination, and exhorted him to arise, make no noise, and follow him. stuart, although ignorant of the design, and suddenly roused from sleep, fortunately obeyed with equal silence and celerity, and within a few minutes they were beyond hearing. rapidly traversing the forest, by the light of the stars and the bark of the trees, they ascertained the direction in which the camp lay, but upon reaching it on the next day, to their great grief, they found it plundered and deserted, with nothing remaining to show the fate of their companions: and even to the day of his death, boone knew not whether they had been killed or taken, or had voluntarily abandoned their cabin and returned.[ ] indeed it has never been ascertained what became of finley and the rest of boone's party of hunters. if finley himself had returned to carolina, so remarkable a person would undoubtedly have left some trace of himself in the history of his time; but no trace exists of any of the party who were left at the old camp by boone and stuart. boone and stuart resumed their hunting, although their ammunition was running low, and they were compelled, by the now well-known danger of indian hostilities, to seek for more secret and secure hiding-places at night than their old encampment in the ravine. the only kind of firearms used by the backwoods hunter is the rifle. in the use of this weapon boone was exceedingly skillful. the following anecdote, related by the celebrated naturalist, audubon,[ ] shows that he retained his wonderful precision of aim till a late period of his life. "barking off squirrels is delightful sport, and, in my opinion, requires a greater degree of accuracy than any other. i first witnessed this manner of procuring squirrels whilst near the town of frankfort. the performer was the celebrated daniel boone. we walked out together, and followed the rocky margins of the kentucky river, until we reached a piece of flat land thickly covered with black walnuts, oaks, and hickories. as the general mast was a good one that year, squirrels were seen gamboling on every tree around us. my companion, a stout, hale, and athletic man, dressed in a homespun hunting-shirt, bare-legged and moccasined, carried a long and heavy rifle, which, as he was loading it, he said had proved efficient in all his former undertakings, and which he hoped would not fail on this occasion, as he felt proud to show me his skill. the gun was wiped, the powder measured, the ball patched with six-hundred-thread linen, and the charge sent home with a hickory rod. we moved not a step from the place, for the squirrels were so numerous that it was unnecessary to go after them. boone pointed to one of these animals which had observed us, and was crouched on a branch about fifty paces distant, and bade me mark well the spot where the ball should hit. he raised his piece gradually, until the _bead_ (that being the name given by the kentuckians to the _sight_) of the barrel was brought to a line with the spot which he intended to hit. the whip-like report resounded through the woods and along the hills in repeated echoes. judge of my surprise, when i perceived that the ball had hit the piece of the bark immediately beneath the squirrel, and shivered it into splinters, the concussion produced by which had killed the animal, and sent it whirling through the air, as if it had been blown up by the explosion of a powder magazine. boone kept up his firing, and before many hours had elapsed, we had procured as many squirrels as we wished; for you must know that to load a rifle requires only a moment, and that if it is wiped once after each shot, it will do duty for hours. since that first interview with our veteran boone, i have seen many other individuals perform the same feat." [footnote : peck. life of boone.] [footnote : mcclung. "western adventures."] [footnote : ornithological biography, pp. - .] chapter v arrival of squire boone and a companion at the camp of daniel boone--joyful meeting--news from home, and hunting resumed--daniel boone and stuart surprised by the indians, stuart killed--escape of boone, and his return to camp--squire boone's companion lost in the woods--residence of daniel boone and squire boone in the wilderness--squire returns to north carolina, obtains a fresh supply of ammunition, and again rejoins his brother at the old camp--daniel boone's own account of this remarkable period of his life--his return to north carolina--his determination to settle in kentucky--other western adventurers--the long hunters--washington in kentucky--bullitt's party--floyd's party--thompson's survey--first settlement of tennessee. in the early part of the month of january, , boone and stuart were agreeably surprised by the arrival of squire boone, the younger brother of daniel, accompanied by another man, whose name has not been handed down. the meeting took place as they were hunting in the woods. the new-comers were hailed at a distance with the usual greeting, "'holloa! strangers, who are you?" to which they answered, "white men and friends." and friends indeed they were--friends in need; for they brought a supply of ammunition, and news from daniel boone's home and family on the yadkin. they had had a weary journey through the wilderness, and although they had met with no indians on their way, they had frequently come upon their traces in passing through the woods. their purpose in undertaking this formidable journey had been to learn the fate of boone and his party, whose safety was nearly despaired of by his friends in north carolina, to hunt for themselves, and to convey a supply of ammunition to boone. it is difficult to conceive the joy with which their opportune arrival was welcomed. they informed boone that they had just seen the last night's encampment of stuart and himself, so that the joyful meeting was not wholly unanticipated by them. thus reinforced, the party, now consisting of four skillful hunters, might reasonably hope for increased security, and a fortunate issue to their protracted hunting tour. but they hunted in separate parties; and in one of these daniel boone and stuart fell in with a party of indians, who fired upon them. stuart was shot dead and scalped by the indians, but boone escaped in the forest, and rejoined his brother and the remaining hunter of the party. a few days afterward this hunter was lost in the woods, and did not return as usual to the camp. daniel and squire made a long and anxious search for him; but it was all in vain. years afterward a skeleton was discovered in the woods, which was supposed to be that of the lost hunter. the two brothers were thus left in the wilderness alone, separated by several hundred miles from home, surrounded by hostile indians, and destitute of every thing but their rifles. after having had such melancholy experience of the dangers to which they were exposed, we would naturally suppose that their fortitude would have given way, and that they would instantly have returned to the settlements. but the most remarkable feature in boone's character was a calm and cold equanimity which rarely rose to enthusiasm and never sunk to despondence. his courage undervalued the danger to which he was exposed, and his presence of mind, which never forsook him, enabled him, on all occasions to take the best means of avoiding it. the wilderness, with all its dangers and privations, had a charm for him, which is scarcely conceivable by one brought up in a city; and he determined to remain alone while his brother returned to carolina for an additional supply of ammunition, as their original supply was nearly exhausted. his situation we should now suppose in the highest degree gloomy and dispiriting. the dangers which attended his brother on his return were nearly equal to his own; and each had left a wife and children, which boone acknowledged cost him many an anxious thought. but the wild and solitary grandeur of the country around him, where not a tree had been cut, nor a house erected, was to him an inexhaustible source of admiration and delight; and he says to himself, that some of the most rapturous moments of his life were spent in those lonely rambles. the utmost caution was necessary to avoid the savages, and scarcely less to escape the ravenous hunger of the wolves that prowled nightly around him in immense numbers. he was compelled frequently to shift his lodging, and by undoubted signs, saw that the indians had repeatedly visited his hut during his absence. he some times lay in canebrakes without fire, and heard the yells of the indians around him. fortunately, however, he never encountered them.[ ] mr. perkins, in his annals of the west, speaking of this sojourn of the brothers in the wilderness, says: and now commenced that most extraordinary life on the part of these two men which has, in a great measure, served to give celebrity to their names; we refer to their residence, entirely alone, for more than a year, in a land filled with the most subtle and unsparing enemies, and under the influence of no other motive, apparently, than a love of adventure, of nature, and of solitude. nor were they, during this time, always together. for three months, daniel remained amid the forest utterly by himself, while his brother, with courage and capacity equal to his own, returned to north carolina for a supply of powder and lead; with which he succeeded in rejoining the roamer of the wilderness in safety in july, . it is almost impossible to conceive of the skill, coolness, and sagacity which enabled daniel boone to spend so many weeks in the midst of the indians, and yet undiscovered by them. he appears to have changed his position continually--to have explored the whole centre of what forms now the state of kentucky, and in so doing must have exposed himself to many different parties of the natives. a reader of mr. cooper's last of the mohicans may comprehend, in some measure, the arts by which he was preserved; but, after all, a natural gift seems to lie at the basis of such consummate woodcraft; an instinct, rather than any exercise of intellect, appears to have guided boone in such matters, and made him pre-eminent among those who were most accomplished in the knowledge of forest life. then we are to remember the week's captivity of the previous year; it was the first practical acquaintance that the pioneer had with the western indians, and we may be assured he spent that week in noting carefully the whole method of his captors. indeed, we think it probable he remained in captivity so long that he might learn their arts, stratagems, and modes of concealment. we are, moreover, to keep in mind this fact: the woods of kentucky were at that period filled with a species of nettle of such a character that, being once bent down, it did not recover itself, but remained prostrate, thus retaining the impression of a foot almost like snow--even a turkey might be tracked in it with perfect ease. this weed boone would carefully avoid, but the natives, numerous and fearless, would commonly pay no regard to it, so that the white hunter was sure to have palpable signs of the presence of his enemies, and the direction they had taken. considering these circumstances, it is even more remarkable that his brother should have returned in safety, with his loaded horses, than that he remained alone unharmed; though in the escape of both from captivity or death from january, , until their return to the atlantic rivers in march, , there is something so wonderful that the old pioneer's phrase, that he was "an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness," seems entirely proper. daniel boone's own account of this period of his life, contained in his autobiography, is highly characteristic. it is as follows: "thus situated, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, i believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. i often observed to my brother, 'you see now how little nature requires to be satisfied. felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things; and i firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. this consists in a full resignation to providence, and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briers and thorns.' "we continued not in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter storms. we remained there undisturbed during the winter; and on the first of may, , my brother returned home to the settlement by himself for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself, without bread, salt, or sugar, without company of my fellow-creatures, or even a horse or dog. i confess i never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. a few days i passed uncomfortably. the idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety on account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. a thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly disposed me to melancholy if further indulged. "one day i undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature i met with in this charming season expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. just at the close of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. i had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains, the beauteous tracts below. on the other hand, i surveyed the famous river ohio, that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. at a vast distance i beheld the mountains lift their venerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. all things were still. i kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck, which a few hours before i had killed. the fallen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gape after the hovering moisture. my roving excursion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted my imagination. i laid me down to sleep, and i awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. i continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. i returned to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. i did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick canebrakes to avoid the savages, who, i believe, often visited my camp, but fortunately for me in my absence. in this situation i was constantly exposed to danger and death. how unhappy such a situation for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes, and, if it does, only augments the pain. it was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which i had the greatest reason to be affected. the prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings; and the various species of animals in this vast forest in the daytime were continually in my view. "thus i was surrounded with plenty in the midst of want. i was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. in such a diversity it was impossible i should be disposed to melancholy. no populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind as the beauties of nature i found here. "thus, through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, i spent the time until the th day of july following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me according to appointment, at our old camp. shortly after we left this place, not thinking it safe to stay there any longer, and proceeded to cumberland river, reconnoitering that part of the country until march, , and giving names to the different waters. "soon after, i returned home to my family, with a determination to bring them as soon as possible to live in kentucky, which i esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune. "i returned safe to my old habitation, and found my family in happy circumstances." this extract is taken from the autobiography of daniel boone, written from his own dictation by john filson, and published in . some writers have censured this production as inflated and bombastic. to us it seems simple and natural; and we have no doubt that the very words of boone are given for the most part. the use of glowing imagery and strong figures is by no means confined to highly-educated persons. those who are illiterate, as boone certainly was, often indulge in this style. even the indians are remarkably fond of bold metaphors and other rhetorical figures, as is abundantly proved by their speeches and legends. while boone had been engaged in his late hunting tour, other adventurers were examining the rich lands south of the ohio.[ ] even in , while boone was wandering solitary in those kentucky forests, a band of forty hunters, led by colonel james knox, had gathered from the valleys of new river, clinch, and holston, to chase the buffaloes of the west; nine of the forty had crossed the mountains, penetrated the desert and almost impassable country about the heads of the cumberland, and explored the region on the borders of kentucky and tennessee. this hunting party, from the length of time it was absent, is known in the traditions of the west as the party of the long hunters. while these bold men were penetrating the valley of the ohio, in the region of the cumberland gap, others came from virginia and pennsylvania, by the river; among them, and in the same year, that the long hunters were abroad, ( ), came no less noted a person than george washington. his attention, as we have before said, had been turned to the lands along the ohio, at a very early period; he had himself large claims, as well as far-reaching plans of settlement, and he wished with his own eyes to examine the western lands, especially those about the mouth of the kanawha. from the journal of his expedition, published by mr. sparks, in the appendix to the second volume of his washington papers, we learn some valuable facts in reference to the position of affairs in the ohio valley at that time. we learn, for instance, that the virginians were rapidly surveying and settling the lands south of the river as far down as the kanawhas; and that the indians, notwithstanding the treaty of fort stanwix, were jealous and angry at this constant invasion of their hunting-grounds. "this jealousy and anger were not supposed to cool during the years next succeeding, and when thomas bullitt and his party descended the ohio in the summer of , he found that no settlements would be tolerated south of the river, unless the indian hunting-grounds were left undisturbed. to leave them undisturbed was, however, no part of the plan of these white men. "this very party, which bullitt led, and in which were the two mcafees, hancock, taylor, drennon and others, separated, and while part went up the kentucky river, explored the banks, and made important surveys, including the valley in which frankfort stands, the remainder went on to the falls, and laid out, in behalf of john campbell and john connolly, the plan of louisville. all this took place in the summer of ; and in the autumn of that year, or early in the next, john floyd, the deputy of colonel william preston, the surveyor of fincastle county, virginia, in which it was claimed that kentucky was comprehended, also crossed the mountains; while general thompson of pennsylvania, made surveys upon the north fork of the licking. when boone, therefore, in september, commenced his march for the west, (as we shall presently relate), the choice regions which he had examined three years before, were known to numbers, and settlers were preparing to desecrate the silent and beautiful woods. nor did the prospects of the english colonists stop with the settlements of kentucky. in , general lyman, with a number of military adventurers, went to natchez and laid out several townships in that vicinity; to which point emigration set so strongly, that we are told, four hundred families passed down the ohio on their way thither, during six weeks of the summer of that year."[ ] [footnote : mcclung.] [footnote : perkins. "annals of the west."] [footnote : perkins, "annals of the west."] chapter vi. daniel boone remains two years in north carolina after his return from the west--he prepares to emigrate to kentucky--character of the early settlers to kentucky--the first class, hunters--the second class, small farmers--the third class, men of wealth and government officers. daniel boone had now returned to his home on the banks of the yadkin, after an absence of no less than two years, during which time he had not tasted, as he remarks in his autobiography, either salt, sugar, or bread. he must have enjoyed, in no ordinary degree, the comforts of home. carolina, however, was to be his home but for a short time. he had fully determined to go with his family to kentucky, and settle in that lovely region. he was destined to found a state. after boone's return to north carolina, more than two years passed away before he could complete the arrangements necessary for removing his family to kentucky. he sold his farm on the yadkin, which had been for many years under cultivation, and no doubt brought him a sum amply sufficient for the expenses of his journey and the furnishing of a new home in the promised land. he had, of course, to overcome the natural repugnance of his wife and children to leave the home which had become dear to them; and he had also to enlist other adventurers to accompany him. and here we deem it proper, before entering upon the account of his departure, to quote from a contemporary,[ ] some general remarks on the character of the early settlers of kentucky. "throughout the united states, generally, the most erroneous notions prevail with respect to the character of the first settlers of kentucky; and by several of the american novelists, the most ridiculous uses have been made of the fine materials for fiction which lie scattered over nearly the whole extent of that region of daring adventure and romantic incident. the common idea seems to be, that the first wanderers to kentucky were a simple, ignorant, low-bred, good-for-nothing set of fellows, who left the frontiers and sterile places of the old states, where a considerable amount of labor was necessary to secure a livelihood, and sought the new and fertile country southeast of the ohio river and northwest of the cumberland mountains, where corn would produce bread for them with simply the labor of planting, and where the achievements of their guns would supply them with meat and clothing; a set of men who, with that instinct which belongs to the beaver, built a number of log cabins on the banks of some secluded stream, which they surrounded with palisades for the better protection of their wives and children, and then went wandering about, with guns on their shoulders, or traps under their arms, leading a solitary, listless, _ruminating_ life, till aroused by the appearance of danger, or a sudden attack from unseen enemies, when instantly they approved themselves the bravest of warriors, and the most expert of strategists. the romancers who have attempted to describe their habits of life and delineate their characters, catching this last idea, and imagining things probable of the country they were in, have drawn the one in lines the most grotesque and absurd, and colored the other with a pencil dipped in all hues but the right. to them the early pioneers appear to have been people of a character demi-devil, demi-savage, not only with out the remains of former civilization, but without even the recollection that they had been born and bred where people were, at the least, measurably sane, somewhat religiously inclined, and, for the most, civilly behaved. "both of these conceptions of the character of the pioneer fathers are, to a certain extent, correct as regards _individuals_ among them; but the pictures which have often been given us, even when held up beside such _individuals_, will prove to be exaggerations in more respects than one. daniel boone is an individual instance of a man plunging into the depths of an unknown wilderness, shunning rather than seeking contact with his kind, his gun and trap the only companions of his solitude, and wandering about thus for months," "'no mark upon the tree, nor print, nor track, to lead him forward, or to guide him back.'" "contented and happy; yet, for all this, if those who knew him well had any true conception of his character, boone was a man of ambition, and shrewdness, and energy, and fine social qualities, and extreme sagacity. and individual instances there _may_ have been--though even this possibility is not sustained by the primitive histories of those times--of men who were so far _outre_ to the usual course of their kind, as to have afforded originals for the _sam huggs_ the _nimrod wildfires_, the _ralph stackpoles_, the _tom bruces_, and the _earthquakes_, which so abound in most of those fictions whose _locale_ is the western country. but that naturalist who should attempt, by ever so minute a description of a pied blackbird, to give his readers a correct idea of the _gracula ferruginea_ of ornithologists, would not more utterly fail of accomplishing his object, than have the authors whose creations we have named, by delineating such individual instances--by holding up, as it were, such _outre_ specimens of an original class--failed to convey any thing like an accurate impression of the habits, customs, and general character of the western pioneers. "daniel boone, and those who accompanied him into the wildernesses of kentucky, had been little more than hunters in their original homes, on the frontiers of north carolina; and, with the exception of their leader, but little more than hunters did they continue after their emigration. the most glowing accounts of the beauty and fertility of the country northwest of the laurel ridge, had reached their ears from finley and his companions; and they shouldered their guns, strapped their wallets upon their backs and wandered through the cumberland gap into the dense forests, and thick brakes, and beautiful plains which soon opened upon their visions, more to indulge a habit of roving, and gratify an excited curiosity, than from any other motive; and, arrived upon the head-waters of the kentucky, they built themselves rude log cabins, and spent most of their lives in hunting and eating, and fighting marauding bands of indians. of a similar character were the earliest virginians, who penetrated these wildernesses. the very first, indeed, who wandered from the parent state over the laurel ridge, down into the unknown regions on its northwest, came avowedly as hunters and trappers; and such of them as escaped the tomahawk of the indian, with very few exceptions, remained hunters and trappers till their deaths. "but this first class of pioneers was not either numerous enough, or influential enough, to stamp its character upon the after-coming hundreds; and the second class of immigrants into kentucky was composed of very different materials. small farmers from north carolina, virginia, and pennsylvania, for the most part, constituted this; and these daring adventurers brought with them intelligent and aspiring minds, industrious and persevering habits, a few of the comforts of civilized life, and some of the implements of husbandry. a number of them were men who had received the rudiments of an english education, and not a few of them had been reared up in the spirit, and a sincere observance of the forms, of religious worship. many, perhaps most of them, were from the frontier settlements of the states named; and these combined the habits of the hunter and agriculturist, and possessed, with no inconsiderable knowledge of partially refined life, all that boldness and energy, which subsequently became so distinctive a trait of the character of the early settlers. "this second class of the pioneers, or at least the mass of those who constituted it, sought the plains and forests, and streams of kentucky, not to indulge any inclination for listless ramblings; nor as hunters or trappers; nor yet for the purpose of gratifying an awakened curiosity: they came deliberately, soberly, thoughtfully, _in search of a home_, determined, from the outset, to win one, or perish in the attempt; they came to cast their lot in a land that was new, to better their worldly condition by the acquisition of demesnes, to build up a new commonwealth in an un-peopled region; they came with their wives, and their children, and their kindred, from places where the toil of the hand, and the sweat of the brow, could hardly supply them with bread, to a land in which ordinary industry would, almost at once, furnish all the necessaries of life, and when it was plain well-directed effort would ultimately secure its ease, its dignity, and its refinements. poor in the past, and with scarce a hope, without a change of place, of a better condition of earthly existence, either for themselves or their offspring, they saw themselves, _with_ that change, rich in the future, and looked forward with certainty to a time when their children, if not themselves, would be in a condition improved beyond compare. "there was also a third class of pioneers, who in several respects differed as much from either the first or the second class, as these differed from each other. this class was composed, in great part, of men who came to kentucky after the way had been in some measure prepared for immigrants, and yet before the setting in of that tide of population which, a year or two after the close of the american revolution, poured so rapidly into these fertile regions from several of the atlantic states. in this class of immigrants, there were many gentlemen of education, refinement, and no inconsiderable wealth; some of whom came to kentucky as surveyors, others as commissioners from the parent state, and others again as land speculators; but most of them as _bona fide_ immigrants, determined to pitch their tents in the great west, at once to become _units_ of a new people, and to grow into affluence, and consideration, and renown, with the growth of a young and vigorous commonwealth. "such were the founders of kentucky; and in them we behold the elements of a society inferior, in all the essentials of goodness and greatness, to none in the world. first came the hunter and trapper, to trace the river courses, and spy out the choice spots of the land; then came the small farmer and the hardy adventurer, to cultivate the rich plains discovered, and lay the nucleuses of the towns and cities, which were so soon, and so rapidly, to spring up; and then came the surveyor, to mark the boundaries of individual possessions and give civil shape and strength to the unformed mass, the speculator to impart a new activity and keenness to the minds of men, and the chivalrous and educated gentleman, to infuse into the crude materials here collected together, the feelings and sentiments of refined existence, and to mold them into forms of conventional beauty and social excellence. kentucky now began to have a _society_, in which were the sinews of war, the power of production, and the genius of improvement; and from this time, though still harassed, as she had been from the beginning, by the inroads of a brave and determined enemy on her north, her advancement was regular and rapid." [footnote : w.d. gallagher, "hesperian," vol. ii., p .] chapter vii. daniel boone sets out for kentucky with his family and his brother squire boone--is joined by five families and forty men at powell's valley--the party is attacked by indians and daniel boone's oldest son is killed--the party return to the settlements on clinch river--boone, at the request of governor dunmore, goes to the west and conducts a party of surveyors to virginia--boone receives the command of three garrisons and the commission of captain--he takes a part in the dunmore war--battle of point pleasant and termination of the war. having completed all his arrangements for the journey, on the th of september, , daniel boone, with his wife and children, set out on his journey to the west. he was accompanied by his brother, squire boone; and the party took with them cattle and swine, with a view to the stocking of their farms, when they should arrive in kentucky. their bedding and other baggage was carried by pack-horses. at a place called powel's valley, the party was reinforced by another body of emigrants to the west consisting of five families and no less than forty able-bodied men; well armed and provided with provisions and ammunition. they now went on in high spirits, "camping out" every night in woods, under the shelter of rude tents constructed with poles covered with bed-clothes. they thus advanced on their journey without accident or alarm, until the th of october, when they were approaching a pass in the mountains, called cumberland gap. the young men who were engaged in driving the cattle had fallen in rear of the main body a distance of five or six miles, when they were suddenly assailed by a party of indians, who killed six of their number and dispersed the cattle in the woods. a seventh man escaped with a wound. the reports of the musketry brought the remainder of the party to the rescue, who drove off the indians and buried the dead. among the slain was the oldest son of daniel boone. a council was now held to determine on their future proceedings. notwithstanding the dreadful domestic misfortune which he had experienced in the loss of his son, daniel boone was for proceeding to kentucky; in this opinion he was sustained by his brother and some of the other emigrants; but most of them were so much disheartened by the misfortune they had met with, that they insisted on returning; and boone and his brother yielding to their wishes, returned to the settlement on the clinch river, in the south-western part of virginia, a distance of forty miles from the place where they had been surprised by the indians. here boone was obliged to remain with his family for the present; but he had by no means relinquished his design of settling in kentucky. this delay, however, was undoubtedly a providential one; for in consequence of the murder of the family of the indian chief logan, a terrible indian war, called in history the dunmore war, was impending, which broke out in the succeeding year, and extended to that part of the west to which boone and his party were proceeding, when they were turned back by the attack of the indians. in this war daniel boone was destined to take an active part. in his autobiography, already quoted, he says: "i remained with my family on clinch until the th of june, , when i and one michael stoner were solicited by governor dunmore, of virginia, to go to the falls of the ohio, to conduct into the settlement a number of surveyors that had been sent thither by him some months before; this country having about this time drawn the attention of many adventurers. we immediately complied with the governor's request, and conducted in the surveyors, completing a tour of eight hundred miles, through many difficulties, in sixty-two day. "soon after i returned home, i was ordered to take command of three garrisons, during the campaign which governor dunmore carried on against the shawanese indians." these three garrisons were on the frontier contiguous to each other; and with the command of them boone received a commission as captain. we quote from a contemporary an account of the leading events of this campaign, and of the battle of point pleasant, which may be said to have terminated the war. whether boone was present at this battle is uncertain; but his well-known character for ability and courage, renders it probable that he took a part in the action. the settlers, now aware that a general warfare would be commenced by the indians, immediately sent an express to williamsburg, the seat of government in virginia, communicating their apprehensions, and soliciting protection. the legislature was in session at the time, and it was immediately resolved upon to raise an army of about three thousand men, and march into the heart of the indian country. one half of the requisite number of troops was ordered to be raised in virginia, and marched under general andrew lewis across the country to the mouth of the kenhawa; and the remainder to be rendezvoused at fort pitt, and be commanded by dunmore in person, who proposed to descend the ohio and join lewis at the place mentioned, from where the combined army was to march as circumstances might dictate at the time. by the th of september the troops under general lewis, numbering about eleven hundred men, were in readiness to leave. the distance across to the mouth of the kenhawa, was near one hundred and sixty miles through an unbroken wilderness. a competent guide was secured, the baggage mounted on pack horses, and in nineteen days they arrived at the place of destination. the next morning after the arrival of the army at point pleasant, as the point of land at the junction of the kenhawa and the ohio was called, two men were out some distance from the camp, in pursuit of a deer, and were suddenly fired upon by a large body of indians; one was killed, and the other with difficulty retreated back to the army; who hastily reported "that he had seen a body of the enemy covering four acres of ground, as closely as they could stand by the side of each other." general lewis was a remarkably cool and considerate man; and upon being informed of this, "after deliberately lighting his pipe," gave orders that the regiment under his brother, colonel charles lewis, and another under colonel fleming, should march and reconnoiter the enemy, while he would place the remainder of the troops in order for battle. the two regiments marched without delay, and had not proceeded more than four hundred yards when they were met by the indians, approaching for the same purpose. a skirmish immediately ensued, and before the contest had continued long, the colonels of the two regiments fell mortally wounded, when a disorder in the ranks followed, and the troops began a precipitate retreat; but almost at this moment another regiment under colonel field arriving to their aid and coming up with great firmness to the attack effectually checked the savages in the pursuit, and obliged them in turn to give way till they had retired behind a breastwork of logs and brush which they had partially constructed. lewis, on his arrival at the place, had encamped quite on the point of land between the ohio and kenhawa, and having moved but a short distance out to the attack, the distance across from river to river was still but short. the indians soon extending their ranks entirely across, had the virginians completely hemmed in, and in the event of getting the better of them, had them at their disposal, as there could have been no chance for escape. never was ground maintained with more obstinacy; for it was slowly, and with no precipitancy, that the indians retired to their breastwork. the division under lewis was first broken, although that under fleming was nearly at the same moment attacked. this heroic officer first received two balls through his left wrist, but continued to exercise his command with the greatest coolness and presence of mind. his voice was continually heard, "don't lose an inch of ground. advance, outflank the enemy, and get between them and the river." but his men were about to be outflanked by the body that had just defeated lewis; meanwhile the arrival of colonel field turned the fortune of the day, but not without a severe loss; colonel fleming was again wounded, by a shot through the lungs; yet he would not retire, and colonel field was killed as he was leading on his men. the whole line of the breastwork now became as a blaze of fire, which lasted nearly till the close of the day. here the indians under logan, cornstock, elenipsico, red-eagle, and other mighty chiefs of the tribes of the shawneese, delawares, mingos, wyandots, and cayugas, amounting, as was supposed, to fifteen hundred warriors, fought, as men will ever do for their country's wrongs, with a bravery which could only be equaled. the voice of the great cornstock was often heard during the day, above the din of strife, calling on his men in these words: "be strong! be strong!" and when by the repeated charges of the whites, some of his warriors began to waver, he is said to have sunk his tomahawk into the head of one who was basely endeavoring to desert. general lewis, finding at length that every charge upon the lines of the indians lessened the number of his forces to an alarming degree, and rightly judging that if the indians were not routed before it was dark, a day of more doubt might follow, he resolved to throw a body, if possible, into their rear. as the good fortune of the virginians turned, the bank of the river favored this project, and forthwith three companies were detached upon the enterprise, under the three captains, isaac shelby (after renowned in the revolution, and since in the war with canada,) george matthews, and john stewart. these companies got unobserved to their place of destination upon crooked creek, which runs into the kenhawa. from the high weeds upon the bank of this little stream, they rushed upon the backs of the indians with such fury, as to drive them from their works with precipitation. the day was now decided. the indians, thus beset from a quarter they did not expect, were ready to conclude that a reinforcement had arrived. it was about, sunset when they fled across the ohio, and immediately took up their march for their towns on the scioto. of the loss of both indians and whites in this engagement, various statements have been given. a number amounting to seventy-five killed, and one hundred and forty wounded of the whites, has been rendered; with a loss on part of the indians not so great, but not correctly known.[ ] this was the severest battle ever fought with the indians in virginia. shortly after this battle the indians sent messengers to governor dunmore, suing for peace, and a treaty was accordingly concluded. in this treaty the indians surrendered all claim to kentucky. the six nations had already done the same thing at the treaty of fort stanwix in . the cherokees had sold their claims to henderson's company; so that when boone settled in kentucky it was effectually cleared of all indian titles. [footnote : "history of the backwoods."] chapter viii. the militia discharged--captain boone returns to his family--henderson's company--various companies of emigrants to kentucky--bounty lands--harrod's party builds the first log-cabin erected in kentucky, and founds harrodsburg--proceedings of henderson's company--agency of captain boone--he leads a company to open a road to kentucky river--conflicts with the indians--captain boone founds boonesborough--his own account of this expedition--his letter to henderson--account of colonel henderson and the transylvania company--failure of the scheme--probability of boone having been several years in the service of henderson. on the conclusion of dunmore's war, the militia were discharged from service, the garrisons which had been under captain daniel boone's command were broken up, and he once more returned to his family, who were still residing on clinch river. but he was not long permitted to remain comparatively idle. captain boone's character as an able officer and a bold pioneer, was now well known and appreciated by the public. the marks of confidence bestowed on him by governor dunmore rendered him one of the most conspicuous men in the southern colonies, and his services were soon to be put in requisition by the most considerable and remarkable of all the parties of adventurers who ever sought a home in the west. this was henderson's company, called the transylvania company, to whose proceedings we shall presently refer. between and , various associations of men were formed, in virginia and north carolina, for visiting the newly-discovered regions and locating lands; and several daring adventurers, at different times during this period, penetrated to the head-waters of the licking river, and did some surveying; but it was not till the year that the whites obtained any permanent foothold in kentucky. from this year, therefore, properly dates the commencement of the early settlements of the state.[ ] the first great impetus given to adventure in kentucky was by the bounty in western land given by virginia to the officers and soldiers of her own troops who had served in the british army in the old war in canada between the english and french. these lands were to be surveyed on the ohio river, and its tributaries, by the claimants thus created, who had the privilege of selecting them wherever they pleased within the prescribed regions. the first locations were made upon the great kenawha in the year , and the next on the south side of the ohio itself the following year. during this year, likewise, extensive tracts of land were located on the north fork of the licking, and surveys made of several salt-licks, and other choice spots. but was more signalized than had been any preceding year by the arrival, in the new "land of promise," of the claimants to portions of its territory, and the execution of surveys. among the hardy adventurers who descended the ohio this year and penetrated to the interior of kentucky by the river of that name, was james harrod, who led a party of virginians from the shores of the monongahela. he disembarked at a point still known as "harrod's landing," and, crossing the country in a direction nearly west, paused in the midst of a beautiful and fertile region, and _built the first log-cabin_ ever erected in kentucky, on or near the site of the present town of harrodsburg. this was in the spring, or early part of the summer, of .[ ] the high-wrought descriptions of the country north west of the laurel ridge, which were given by daniel boone upon his return to north carolina after his first long visit to kentucky, circulated with great rapidity throughout the entire state, exciting the avarice of speculators and inflaming the imaginations of nearly all classes of people. the organization of several companies, for the purpose of pushing adventure in the new regions and acquiring rights to land, was immediately attempted; but that which commenced under the auspices of colonel richard henderson, a gentleman of education and means, soon engaged public attention by the extent and boldness of its scheme, and the energy of its movements; and either frightened from their purpose, or attracted to its own ranks, the principal of those individuals who had at first been active in endeavoring to form other associations. the whole of that vast extent of country lying within the natural boundaries constituted by the ohio, kentucky, and cumberland rivers, was at this time claimed by a portion of the cherokee indians, who resided within the limits of north carolina; and the scheme of henderson's company was nothing less than to take possession of this immense territory, under color of a purchase from those indians, which they intended to make, and the preliminary negotiations for which were opened with the cherokees, through the agency of daniel boone, as soon as the company was fully organized. boone's mission to the indians having been attended with complete success, and the result thereof being conveyed to the company, colonel henderson at once started for fort wataga, on a branch of the holston river, fully authorized to effect the purchase; and here, on the th of march, , he met the indians in solemn council, delivered them a satisfactory consideration in merchandise, and received a deed signed by their head chiefs. the purchase made, the next important step was to take possession of the territory thus acquired. the proprietors were not slow to do this, but immediately collected a small company of brave and hardy men, which they sent into kentucky, under the direction of daniel boone, to open a road from the holston to the kentucky river, and erect a station at the mouth of otter creek upon this latter. after a laborious and hazardous march through the wilderness, during which four men were killed, and five others wounded, by trailing and skulking parties of hostile indians, boone and his company reached the banks of the kentucky on the first of april, and descending this some fifteen miles, encamped upon the spot where boonesborough now stands. here the bushes were at once cut down, the ground leveled, the nearest trees felled, the foundations laid for a fort, and the first settlement of kentucky commenced. perhaps the reader would like to see boone's own account of these proceedings. here is the passage where he mentions it in his autobiography. he has just been speaking of governor dunmore's war against the shawanese indians: "after the conclusion of which, he says, the militia was discharged from each garrison, and i being relieved from my post, was solicited by a number of north carolina gentlemen, that were about purchasing the lands lying on the south side of kentucky river from the cherokee indians, to attend their treaty at wataga, in march, , to negotiate with them, and mention the boundaries of the purchase. this i accepted; and at the request of the same gentlemen, undertook to mark out a road in the best passage through the wilderness to kentucky, with such assistance as i thought necessary to employ for such an important undertaking? "i soon began this work, having collected a number of enterprising men, well armed. we proceeded with all possible expedition until we came within fifteen miles of where boonesborough now stands, and where we were fired upon by a party of indians, that killed two, and wounded two of our number; yet, although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we stood our ground. this was on the twentieth of march, . three days after we were fired upon again, and had two men killed and three wounded. afterward we proceeded on to kentucky river without opposition, and on the fifth day of april began to erect the fort of boonesborough at a salt-lick, about sixty yards from the river, on the south side." "on the fourth day, the indians killed one of our men. we were busily engaged in building the fort, until the fourteenth day of june following, without any further opposition from the indians." in addition to this account by captain boone, we have another in a sort of official report made by him to colonel richard henderson, the head of the company in whose service boone was then employed. it is cited by peck in his life of boone, as follows: "april th, . "dear colonel: after my compliments to you, i shall acquaint you with our misfortune. on march the th a party of indians fired on my company about half an hour before day, and killed mr. twitty and his negro, and wounded mr. walker very deeply but i hope he will recover. "on march the th, as we were hunting for provisions, we found samuel tate's son, who gave us an account that the indians fired on their camp on the th day. my brother and i went down and found two men killed and scalped, thomas mcdowell and jeremiah mcpeters. i have sent a man down to all the lower companies in order to gather them all to the mouth of otter creek. my advice to you, sir, is to come or send as soon as possible. your company is desired greatly, for the people are very uneasy, but are willing to stay and venture their lives with you; and now is the time to flusterate their (the indians) intentions, and keep the country whilst we are in it. if we give way to them now, it will ever be the case this day we start from the battle-ground for the mouth of otter creek, where we shall immediately erect a fort, which will be done before you can come or send; then we can send ten men to meet you if you send for them. "i am, sir, your most obedient, "daniel boone. "n.b.--we stood on the ground and guarded our baggage till day, and lost nothing. we have about fifteen miles to cantuck, at otter creek." colonel henderson was one of the most remarkable men of his time. he was born in hanover county, virginia, april th, , the same year with boone. he studied law, and was appointed judge of the superior court of north carolina under the colonial government. the troubled times of the regulators shut up the courts of justice. in he engaged in his grand scheme of founding the republic of transylvania, and united with him john williams, leonard hendly bullock, of granville; william johnston, james hogg, thomas hart, john lutterell, nathaniel hart, and david hart, of orange county, in the company which made the purchase of the immense tract of lands above referred to. the company took possession of the lands on the th of april, ; the indians appointing an agent to deliver them according to law. the governor of north carolina, martin, issued his proclamation in , declaring this purchase illegal. the state subsequently granted , acres to the company in lieu of this. the state of virginia declared the same, but granted the company a remuneration of , acres, bounded by the ohio and green rivers. the state of tennessee claimed the lands, but made a similar grant to the company in powell's valley. thus, though the original scheme of founding an independent republic failed, the company made their fortunes by the speculation. henderson died at his seat in granville, january , , universally beloved and respected. what makes henderson and his company particularly interesting to the admirers of daniel boone is, the strong probability that the purchase of the cherokees was made on his representation and by his advice. this is the opinion of judge hall and of mr. peck, who also believe that boone was already in the service of henderson when he made his long journey to kentucky. "this theory," says mr. peck, "explains why his brother, squire boone, came out with supplies, and why they examined the country so fully and particularly between the kentucky and cumberland rivers." [footnote : gallagher.] [footnote : gallagher.] chapter ix. description of the old fort at boonesborough--usual methods of fortification against the indians--arrival of more settlers at boonesborough--captain boone returns to the clinch river to bring out his family--he enlists new emigrants and starts for kentucky--reinforced by a large party at powell's valley--arrival at boonesborough--arrival of many new settlers at boonesborough and harrod's settlement--arrival of kenton, floyd, the mcafees, and other distinguished persons--arrival of colonel richard callaway. as the old fort at boonesborough became so celebrated in the indian wars which followed its erection, our readers may be curious to know what sort of structure it was. "we have accordingly copied from a print in collins' historical sketches of kentucky a view of the fort, from a drawing made by colonel henderson himself, and the following description: 'it was situated adjacent to the river, with one of the angles resting on its bank near the water, and extending from it in the form of a parallelogram. the length of the fort, allowing twenty feet for each cabin and opening, must have been about two hundred and sixty, and the breadth one hundred and fifty feet. in a few days after the work was commenced, one of the men was killed by the indians.' the houses, being built of hewn logs, were bullet proof. they were of a square form, and one of them projected from each corner, being connected by stockades. the remaining space on the four sides, as will be seen by the engraving, was filled up with cabins erected of rough logs, placed close together. the gates were on opposite sides, made of thick slabs of timber, and hung on wooden hinges. this was in accordance with the fashion of the day." "a fort, in those rude military times," says butler,[ ] "consisted of pieces of timber sharpened at the end and firmly lodged in the ground: rows of these pickets enclosed the desired space, which embraced the cabins of the inhabitants. a block-house or more, of superior care and strength, commanding the sides of the fort, with or without a ditch, completed the fortifications or stations, as they were called. generally the sides of the interior cabins formed the sides of the fort. slight as this advance was in the art of war, it was more than sufficient against attacks of small arms in the hands of such desultory warriors, as their irregular supply of provisions necessarily rendered the indians. such was the nature of the military structures of the provision against their enemies. they were ever more formidable in the canebrakes and in the woods than before even these imperfect fortifications." we have seen in boone's own account that the fort at boonesborough was completed on the th of june, . the buildings necessary for the accommodation and safety of the little colony, and of the relatives and friends by whom they expected to be joined during the summer and fall, were completed about this time. colonel henderson, mr. john luttrell, and mr. nathaniel hart, three of the proprietors, arrived at the station, which was now named boonesborough, in compliment to the intrepid pioneer. these gentlemen brought out with them between thirty and forty new settlers, a goodly number of pack-horses, and some of the necessaries of civilized life; and the station, upon which various improvements were soon made, at once became quite a bustling, life-like, important _military_ place. much pleased with the manner in which he had commenced the settlement of a new commonwealth, and laid the foundations of what he doubted not was soon to become a great city, boone took a part of his men and returned to the settlement on clinch river, for the purpose of setting an example to others by moving out his own family. the daring pioneer was now in high spirits, and more than ever enraptured with the deep forests and rich plains of kentucky. he sounded their praises without intermission among the settlers on clinch river, and soon induced a number of persons to agree to accompany him on his return to boonesborough. he then went about making his domestic arrangements, for a final removal to kentucky, with great energy; and these being soon completed, in september or october he turned his back upon his old home forever, and started with his family and a few followers toward that which his unsurpassed daring and rude skill had prepared for them in a new land. in powell's valley he found hugh mcgary, richard hogan, and thomas denton, with their families and followers, awaiting his arrival. his companions, as now increased, amounted to twenty-six men, four women, and four or five boys and girls, perhaps half grown; and placing himself at the head of this interesting little colony, he proudly led it through the cumberland gap into the wilderness beyond, where it was destined to be the germ of a great state. when this party had arrived at the head of dick's river, mcgary, denton, and hogan, with their families and a few followers, separated themselves from the rest, and struck through the forest for the spot where harrod and his monongahelians had built their cabin the year before. boone, with the main body of the party, continued his original course, and in due time arrived safely at boonesborough; "and mrs. boone and her daughter," it is always recorded with an air of pleasant exultation by the admirers of the old pioneer, "were the earliest white women in that region, and the first of their sex and color that ever stood upon the banks of the wild and beautiful kentucky." during the latter part of the year , a great many adventurers and surveyors, principally from virginia and north carolina, made their appearance in kentucky; and for all such, boonesborough was a place of general rendezvous. some united themselves to boone's colony, and remained permanently at his station: others clustered abound harrod's old cabin, and the fort which had by this time been erected by logan, and made "improvements" in the vicinity of each; but most of them returned to their several homes after having made such locations and surveys as they thought proper. among those by whom boone was visited in the course of this year, were several men who have subsequently rendered very important services in the settlement of the west, and attained great and deserved celebrity: such were simon kenton, john floyd, the four brothers mcafee, and others. a tolerably good road, sufficient for the passage of pack-horses in single file, had been opened from the settlements on the holston to boonesborough, by the party which boone led out early in the following spring; and this now became the thoroughfare for other adventurers, a number of whom removed their families from north carolina to kentucky, and settled at boonesborough, during the fall and winter of this year. colonel richard callaway was one of these; and there were others of equal respectability. [footnote : history of kentucky.] chapter x. disturbed state of the country in --breaking out of the revolutionary war--exposed situation of the kentucky settlements--hostility of the indians excited by the british--first political convention in the west--capture of boone's daughter and the daughters of colonel callaway by the indians--their rescue by a party led by boone and callaway--increased caution of the colonists at boonesborough--alarm and desertion of the colonies in the west by land speculators and other adventurers--a reinforcement of forty-five men from north carolina arrive at boonesborough--indian attack on boonesborough in april--another attack in july--attack on logan's fort, and siege--attack on harrodsburg. the reader will not fail to remark that the period at which daniel boone commenced the settlement of kentucky, was the most eventful one in the history of our country. in the year hostilities between great britain and her american colonies commenced at lexington and concord, and the whole country was mustering in arms at the time when boone and the other western emigrants were forming settlements four hundred miles beyond the frontiers of virginia and the carolinas. encouraged by the treaty of lord dunmore with the indians in , and knowing the indian titles to the lands they were occupying to have been extinguished, they naturally counted on an unmolested possession of the region they were settling. but in this expectation they were sorely disappointed. the english officers and agents in the northwest were indefatigable in stimulating the indians to attack the american colonists in every quarter. they supplied them with arms and ammunition, bribed them with money, and aided and encouraged them to attack the feeble settlements in kentucky and tennessee. but providence overruled these circumstances for the benefit of the western country. "the settlement of kentucky led to the conquest of the british posts in illinois and indiana, in , and eventually threw the wide valleys of the west under control of the american union."[ ] the settlers in kentucky in , were still acting under the belief that the claims purchased by henderson and company from the cherokees were valid, and that "the proprietors of the colony of transylvania" were really founding a political state. under this impression they took leases from the company, and in the course of the year, eighteen delegates assembled in convention at boonesborough, and acknowledged the company as lawful proprietors, "established courts of justice, and rules for proceeding therein; also a militia law, a law for the preservation of game, and for appointing civil and militia officers."[ ] this was the first political convention ever held in the western valley for the formation of a free government.[ ] the winter and spring of [ ] were passed by the little colony of boonesborough in hunting, fishing, clearing the lands immediately contiguous to the station, and putting in a crop of corn. the colonists were molested but once by their enemies during the winter, when one man was killed by a small band of marauding indians, who suddenly appeared in the vicinity, and as suddenly departed. in the middle summer month, an incident of a thrilling character occurred, which cast a deep but only momentary shadow upon the little society of boonesborough. this was the capture, by some skulking indians belonging to a numerous band who were now prowling through the woods and brakes of kentucky, and occasionally approaching the settlements for the purpose of plunder, of three young females, members of the families of boone and callaway. this incident, which has been taken as the ground-work of two or three western fictions, and also had thrown around it all the warm coloring of romance, by writers professing to deal only with the authentic, is thus briefly related in the papers of colonel john floyd, as quoted by mr. butler: "on the th of july, , the indians took out of a canoe which was in the river, within sight of boonesborough, miss betsey callaway, her sister frances, and a daughter of daniel boone. the last two were about thirteen or fourteen years of age, and the other grown. "the affair happened late in the afternoon, and the spoilers left the canoe on the opposite side of the river from us, which prevented our getting over for some time to pursue them. next morning by daylight we were on the track, but found they had totally prevented our following them by walking some distance apart through the thickest cane they could find. we observed their course, however, and on which side they had left their sign, and traveled upward of thirty miles. we then imagined that they would be less cautious in traveling, and made a turn in order to cross their trace, and had gone but a few miles before we found their tracks in a buffalo-path. "pursuing this for the distance of about ten miles, we overtook them just as they were kindling a fire to cook. our study had been more to get the prisoners without giving their captors time to murder them after they should discover us, than to kill the indians. "we discovered each other nearly at the same time. four of our party fired, and then all rushed upon them, which prevented their carrying any thing away except one shot-gun without any ammunition. mr. boone and myself had a pretty fair shot, just as they began to move off. i am well convinced i shot one through; the one he shot dropped his gun, mine had none." [illustration: capture of boone's daughter.] "the place was very thick with cane; and being so much elated on recovering the three little broken-hearted girls, prevented our making any further search. we sent them off without moccasins, and not one of them with so much as a knife or a tomahawk." although the people of the little colony of boonesborough were not aware of the fact at the time, the marauding indians who thus captured miss boone and the misses callaway, as they were amusing themselves by paddling about the foot of the rock in the canoe, were one of the many scouting parties of indians who were scattered about watching all the different settlements in kentucky, and preparing to attack them. the incident of the capture of the girls spread an alarm, and guards were stationed to defend the hands who were engaged in cultivating the ground. toward autumn the alarm of indian hostilities, and the knowledge that war was raging throughout the colonies east of the mountains, excited so much alarm, that some three hundred land speculators and other adventurers deserted the western country and returned to their old homes.[ ] with the exception of the capture of the young girls mentioned above, no incident is recorded as having disturbed the tranquility of boonesborough during the year . an occasional immigrant added a new member to its little society, who assisted in the labors of the hardy colonists on the surrounding grounds. but its numbers received no considerable increase till the following summer, when ( th july, ,) a party of immigrants from north carolina, consisting of forty-five men, arrived in the country, and took up their first abode in the wilderness at boonesborough. this was a fortunate circumstance for that station, and great cause of rejoicing among all the settlements, for there were none of them that had not been much molested by the indians since the opening of spring, and one or two of them had undergone long and regular indian sieges. boonesborough had been surrounded by about one hundred of the enemy, as early as the middle of april, , and fiercely attacked. but the indians were so warmly received by the garrison on this occasion, that they in a very little time withdrew, having killed one of the settlers, and wounded four others. their own loss could not be ascertained. increased to two hundred warriors, this party had returned to the attack of boonesborough on the fourth of july.[ ] on the present occasion, having sent detachments to alarm and annoy the neighboring settlements, in order that no reinforcements should be sent to boonesborough, the indians encamped about the place, with the object of attempting its reduction by a regular siege. after a close and vigorous attack for two days and nights, in which they succeeded in killing but one man and wounding four others, the indians, losing all hope of success, suddenly, and with great clamor, raised the siege, and disappeared in the adjacent forest. their own loss was seven warriors, whose fall was noted from the fort. after this attack, boonesborough was disturbed no more by the indians during the year. had it been after the arrival of the immigrants above referred to, it would, in all probability, have taught its indefatigable enemies a lesson such as they had never then received at the hands of the kentuckians. but notwithstanding these two considerable attacks, and the "signs" of indians in the surrounding forests for the whole summer, the men continued to clear the lands adjacent to the station, and to cultivate corn and garden vegetables, some always keeping a vigilant look-out while the others labored. for supplies of meat they depended upon the forests, each of the men taking his turn as a hunter, at great hazard. meantime, the other settlements in kentucky had suffered attacks from the indians. logan's fort was invested by a force of one hundred indians on the th of may, , and after sustaining a vigorous siege for several days, was finally relieved by the timely arrival of a reinforcement commanded by colonel bowman. on the th of march, , the fort at harrodsburg, then called harrodstown, was assailed by a body of indians, but they were speedily driven off, one of their number being killed. the whites had four men wounded, one of whom afterward died of his wounds. [footnote : peck. "life of daniel boone."] [footnote : butler. "history of kentucky."] [footnote : peck. "life of daniel boone."] [footnote : mr. peck mentions the spring of , as the date of the arrival at boonesborough of colonel richard callaway, and an intimate friend of boone, with his family, and the family of benjamin logan, who had returned for them the preceding autumn.] [footnote : peck.] [footnote : gallagher.] chapter xi. arrival of george rogers clark in kentucky--anecdote of his conversation with ray--clark and jones chosen as delegates for the colonies to the virginia legislature--clark's important services in obtaining a political organization for kentucky, and an abundant supply of gunpowder from the government of virginia--great labor and difficulty in bringing the powder to harrodstown--clark's expedition against kaskaskias--surprise and capture of their fort--perilous and difficult march to vincennes--surprise and capture of that place--extension of the virginian settlements--erection of fort jefferson. among the most celebrated pioneers of the west, was general george rogers clark, who, at the time we are now writing of, bore the rank of major. anxious for the protection of the western settlements, he was already planning his celebrated conquest of the british posts in the northwest. he first came to kentucky in , and penetrated to harrodsburg, which had been reoccupied by colonel harrod. in this visit, from his well known and commanding talents, he was voluntarily placed in command of the irregular troops then in kentucky in the fall he returned to virginia, and came back again to kentucky in . mr. butler relates the following anecdote, received from the lips of general ray, as having occurred with general clark upon his second visit: "i had come down," said general ray, "to where i now live (about four miles north of harrodsburg), to turn some horses in the range. i had killed a small blue-wing duck that was feeding in my spring, and had roasted it nicely on the brow of the hill, about twenty steps east of my house. after having taken it off to cool, i was much surprised on being suddenly accosted by a fine soldierly-looking man, who exclaimed, 'how do you do, my little fellow? what is your name? ain't you afraid of being in the woods by yourself?' on satisfying his inquiries, i invited the traveler to partake of my duck, which he did, without leaving me a bone to pick, his appetite was so keen, though he should have been welcome to all the game i could have killed, when i afterward became acquainted with his noble and gallant soul." after satisfying his questions, he inquired of the stranger his own name and business in this remote region. "my name is clark," he answered, "and i have come out to see what you brave fellows are doing in kentucky, and to lend you a helping hand if necessary." general ray, then a boy of sixteen, conducted clark to harrodsburg, where he spent his time in observation on the condition and prospects of the country, natural to his comprehensive mind, and assisting at every opportunity in its defense. at a general meeting of the settlers at harrodstown, on the th of june, , general george rogers clark, and gabriel john jones, were chosen to represent them in the assembly of virginia. this, however, was not precisely the thing contemplated by clark.[ ] he wished that the people should appoint _agents_, with general powers to _negotiate_ with the government of virginia, and in the event that that commonwealth should refuse to recognize the colonists as within its jurisdiction and under its protection, he proposed to employ the lands of the country as a fund to obtain settlers and establish an independent state. the election had, however, gone too far to change its object when clark arrived at harrodstown, and the gentlemen elected, although aware that the choice could give them no seat in the legislature, proceeded to williamsburg, at that time the seat of government. after suffering the most severe privations in their journey through the wilderness, the delegates found, on their arrival in virginia, that the legislature had adjourned, whereupon jones directed his steps to the settlements on the holston, and left clark to attend to the kentucky mission alone. he immediately waited on governor henry, then lying sick at his residence in hanover county, to whom he stated the objects of his journey. these meeting the approbation of the governor, he gave clark a letter to the executive council of the state. "with this letter in his hand he appeared before the council, and after acquainting them fully with the condition and circumstances of the colony, he made application for five hundred-weight of gunpowder for the defense of the various stations. but with every disposition to assist and promote the growth of these remote and infant settlements, the council felt itself restrained by the uncertain and indefinite state of the relations existing between the colonists and the state of virginia, from complying fully with his demand. the kentuckians had not yet been recognized by the legislature as citizens, and the proprietary claimants, henderson & co., were at this time exerting themselves to obtain from virginia, a relinquishment of her jurisdiction over the new territory. the council, therefore, could only afford to _lend_ the gunpowder to the colonists as _friends_, not _give_ it to them as _fellow-citizens_."[ ] at the same time, they required clark to be personally responsible for its value, in the event the legislature should refuse to recognize the kentuckians as citizens, and in the mean time to defray the expense of its conveyance to kentucky. upon these terms he did not feel at liberty to accept the proffered assistance. he represented to the council, that the emissaries of the british were employing every means to engage the indians in the war; that the people in the remote and exposed stations of kentucky might be exterminated for the want of a supply which he, a private individual, had at so much hazard and hardship, sought for their relief, and that when this frontier bulwark was thus destroyed, the fury of the savages would burst like a tempest upon the heads of their own citizens. to these representations, however, the council remained inexorable; the sympathy for the frontier settlers was deep, but the assistance already offered was a stretch of power, and they could go no further. the keeper of the public magazine was directed to deliver the powder to clark; but having long reflected on the situation, prospects, and resources of the new country, his resolution to reject the assistance, on the proposed conditions, was made before he left the council chamber. he determined to repair to kentucky, as he had at first contemplated, to exert the resources of the country for the formation of an _independent state_. he accordingly returned the order of the council in a letter, setting forth his reasons for declining to accept their powder on these terms, and intimating his design of applying for assistance elsewhere, adding "that a country which was not worth defending was not worth claiming." on the receipt of this letter the council recalled clark to their presence, and an order was passed on the d of august, , for the transmission of the gunpowder, to pittsburg, to be there delivered to clark, or his order, for the use of the people of kentucky. this was the first act in that long and affectionate interchange of good offices which subsisted between kentucky and her parent state for so many years; and obvious as the reflection is, it may not be omitted, that on the successful termination of this negotiation hung the connection between virginia and the splendid domain she afterward acquired west of the alleghany mountains. at the fall session of the legislature of virginia, messrs. jones and clark laid the kentucky memorial before that body. they were, of course, not admitted to seats, though late in the session they obtained, in opposition to the exertions of colonels henderson and campbell, the formation of the territory, which now comprises the present state of that name, into the county of kentucky. the first efficient political organization of kentucky was thus obtained through the sagacity, influence, and exertions of george rogers clark, who must be ranked as the earliest founder of that commonwealth. this act of the virginia legislature first gave it form and a political existence, and entitled it, under the constitution of virginia, to a representation in the assembly, as well as to a judicial and military establishment. having obtained these important advantages from their mission, they received the intelligence that the powder was still at pittsburg, and they determined to take that point in their route home, and carry it with them. the country around pittsburg swarmed with indians, evidently hostile to the whites, who would no doubt seek to interrupt their voyage. these circumstances created a necessity for the utmost caution as well as expedition in their movements, and they accordingly hastily embarked on the ohio with only seven boatmen. they were hotly pursued the whole way by indians, but succeeded in keeping in advance until they arrived at the mouth of limestone creek, at the spot where the city of maysville now stands. they ascended this creek a short distance with their boat, and concealed their cargo at different places in the woods along its banks. they then turned their boat adrift, and directed their course to harrodstown, intending to return with a sufficient escort to insure the safe transportation of the powder to its destination. this in a short time was successfully effected, and the colonists were thus abundantly supplied with the means of defense against the fierce enemies who beset them on all sides.[ ] it was fortunate for virginia, says a recent writer,[ ] that she had at this time, on her western borders, an individual of rare military genius, in the person of colonel george rogers clarke, "_the hannibal of the west_," who not only saved her back settlements from indian fury, but planted her standard far beyond the ohio. the governor of the canadian settlements in the illinois country, by every possible method, instigated the indians to annoy the frontier. virginia placed a small force of about men under clark, who, descending the ohio, hid their boats, and marched northwardly, with their provisions on their backs. these being consumed, they subsisted for two days on roots, and, in a state of famine, appeared before kaskaskias, unseen and unheard. at midnight they surprised and took the town and fort, which had resisted a much larger force; then seizing the golden moment, sent a detachment who with equal success surprised three other towns. rocheblave, the obnoxious governor, was sent to virginia. on his person were found written instructions from quebec to excite the indians to hostilities, and reward them for the scalps of the americans. the settlers transferred their allegiance to virginia, and she, as the territory belonged to her by conquest and charter, in the autumnal session of erected it into a county to be called illinois. insulated in the heart of the indian country, in the midst of the most ferocious tribes, few men but clark could have preserved this acquisition. hamilton, the governor of detroit, a bold and tyrannical personage, determined, with an overwhelming force of british and indians, to penetrate up the ohio to fort pitt to sweep all the principal settlements in his way, and besiege kaskaskias. clark despaired of keeping possession of the country, but he resolved to preserve this post, or die in its defense. while he was strengthening the fortifications, he received information that hamilton, who was at fort st. vincent (vincennes,) had weakened his force by sending some indians against the frontiers. this information, to the genius of clark, disclosed, with the rapidity of an electric flash, not only safety but new glory. to resolve to attack hamilton before he could collect the indians was the work of a moment--the only hope of saving the country. with a band of gallant and hardy comrades, he marched across the country. it was in february, . when within nine miles of the enemy, it took these intrepid men five days to cross the drowned lands of the wabash, having often to wade up to their breasts in water. had not the weather been remarkably mild, they must have perished. on the evening of the d, they landed in sight of the fort, before the enemy knew any thing of their approach. after a siege of eighteen hours it surrendered, without the loss of a man to the besiegers. the governor was sent prisoner to williamsburg, and considerable stores fell into the possession of the conqueror. other auspicious circumstances crowned this result. clark, intercepting a convoy from canada, on their way to this post, took the mail, forty prisoners, and goods to the value of $ , ; and to crown all, his express from virginia arrived with the thanks of the assembly to him and his gallant band for their reduction of the country about kaskaskias. this year virginia extended her western establishments through the agency of colonel clark, and had several fortifications erected, among which was fort jefferson, on the mississippi.[ ] [footnote : collins.] [footnote : collins.] [footnote : collins. "historical sketches of kentucky."] [footnote : howe. "historical collections of virginia."] [footnote : howe.] chapter xii. scarcity of salt at boonesborough--boone goes to blue licks to make salt, and is captured by the indians--taken to chillicothe--affects contentment, and deceives the indians--taken to detroit--kindess of the british officers to him--returns to chillicothe--adopted into an indian family--ceremonies of adoption--boone sees a large force of indians destined to attack boonesborough--escapes, and gives the alarm, and strengthens the fortifications at boonesborough--news of delay by the indians on account of boone's escape--boone goes on an expedition to the scioto--has a fight with a party of indians--returns to boonesborough, which is immediately besieged by captain duquesne with five hundred indians--summons to surrender--time gained--attack commenced--brave defense--mines and countermines--siege raised--boone brings his family once more back to boonesborough, and resumes farming. while george rogers clark was engaged in his campaign against the british posts in the northwest, daniel boone was a prisoner among the indians. the people at boonesborough were suffering for want of salt. it could not be obtained conveniently from the atlantic colonies, but it could be manufactured at a place called the blue licks, from salt water, which abounded there. in january, , accompanied by thirty men, boone went to the blue licks to make salt for the different stations; and on the th of february following, while out hunting, he fell in with one hundred and two indian warriors, on their march to attack boonesborough. he instantly fled, but being upward of fifty years old, he was unable to outstrip the fleet young men who pursued him, and was a second time taken prisoner. as usual, he was treated with kindness until his final fate should be determined, and was led back to the licks, where his party were still encamped. here boone surrendered his whole party, to the number of twenty-seven, upon a promise on the part of the indians of life and good treatment, both of which conditions were faithfully observed. this step was apparently unnecessary; but the result showed that it was a master-stroke of policy on boone's part. he knew the nature of the indians, and foresaw that they would forthwith return home with their prisoners, and thus save boonesborough from attack. had the indians gone on to that place, by showing their prisoners and threatening to put them to the torture, they might have obtained important results. but they did nothing of the kind. as boone had calculated, they went home with their prisoners and booty. captain boone has been censured for the surrender of his men, which he made at his own capture, and at a subsequent period was tried by court-martial and acquitted. this was a just decision. the surrender caused the indians to return home with their prisoners instead of attacking boonesborough, which would almost certainly have been taken and destroyed if this surrender had not been made. elated with their unexpected success, the indians now returned at once to old chilicothe, the principal town of the shawnees, on the little miami, treating their prisoners, during a march of three days in very cold and inclement weather, as well as they fared themselves, as regarded fire and provisions. boone and his companions were kept in captivity by the indians, and closely watched for several weeks, when the old pioneer and ten of his men were conducted to detroit, then a british garrison, and all but boone presented to the commandant, by whom they were all well treated. for the old pioneer himself, the indians had conceived a particular liking; and they stubbornly refused to give him up, though several gentlemen of detroit were very anxious they should leave him, and the commandant offered to ransom him by a liberal sum. he was therefore compelled to accompany them back to chillicothe, their town on the little miami, which they reached after a march of fifteen days. boone was now formally adopted as a son in one of the indian families. "the forms of the ceremony of adoption," says mr. peck,[ ] "were often severe and ludicrous. the hair of the head is plucked out by a painful and tedious operation, leaving a tuft, some three or four inches in diameter, on the crown, for the scalp-lock, which is cut and dressed up with ribbons and feathers. the candidate is then taken into the river in a state of nudity, and there thoroughly washed and rubbed, 'to take all his white blood out.' this ablution is usually performed by females. he is then taken to the council-house, where the chief makes a speech, in which he expatiates upon the distinguished honors conferred on him. his head and face are painted in the most approved and fashionable style, and the ceremony is concluded with a grand feast and smoking." after undergoing after this fashion what was not inaptly termed the indian toilette, boone was considered a regular member of the tribe, and by judiciously accommodating himself to his new condition, he rapidly won upon the regards of the indians, and soon secured their confidence. they challenged him to a trial of skill at their shooting-matches--in which he took care not to excel them--invited him to accompany them on their hunting excursions, bestowed particular notice upon him in various ways, and always treated him with much consideration. as regarded merely his physical comfort, boone's situation was, at this time, rather enviable than otherwise; but he felt a depressing anxiety with regard to his wife and children, and doubted the safety and prosperity of the station, without his own watchfulness and superintendence. he therefore determined to escape from his captors at the earliest possible period, and very impatiently waited an opportunity for accomplishing this purpose. early in june, a party of indians went to the scioto licks to make salt. boone was taken with them, but kept so constantly employed at the kettles, that he found no chance of escaping. having sufficiently supplied themselves with the desired article, the party returned; and at the chillicothe town, boone found four hundred and fifty indian warriors, armed well and painted in a most frightful manner, ready to march against boonesborough: this was on the fifteenth or sixteenth of the month. boone now saw the absolute necessity of escaping at once, and determined to make the attempt without delay. he rose at the usual time the next morning, and went out upon a hunt. his object was to give his wary masters the slip, in such a manner as would be least likely to excite their suspicions, and be the longest in determining them upon a pursuit. no sooner was he at such a distance from the town as would prevent observations of his movements, than he struck out rapidly in the direction of boonesborough. so great was his anxiety, that he stopped not to kill any thing to eat; but performed his journey--a distance of one hundred and sixty miles--in less than five days, upon one meal, which, before starting, he had concealed in his basket. on arriving at boonesborough, he found the fort, as he feared he should, in a bad state for defense; but his activity soon strengthened it, and his courage at once reinspired the sinking hearts of the garrison. every thing was immediately put in proper condition for a vigorous defense, and all became impatient for intelligence of the movements of the enemy. a few days after boone's escape from the indians, one of his fellow-prisoners succeeded likewise in eluding their vigilance, and made his way safely and expeditiously to boonesborough. this man arrived at the station at a time when the garrison were hourly expecting the appearance of the enemy, and reported that, on account of boone's elopement, the indians had postponed their meditated invasion of the settled regions for three weeks.[ ] it was discovered, however, that they had their spies in the country, watching the movements of the different garrisons; and this rendered the settlers wary and active, and gave all the stations time and opportunity to strengthen themselves, and make every preparation for a powerful resistance of what, they could not but believe, was to be a long and great effort to drive them from the land, and utterly destroy their habitations. week passed after week, but no enemy appeared. the state of anxiety and watchfulness in which the garrison at boonesborough had, for so long a time, been kept, was becoming irksome, and the men were beginning to relax in their vigilance. this boone observed, and it determined him to undertake an expedition, which he had been probably meditating for some time. on the st of august, therefore, with a company of nineteen of the brave spirits by whom he was surrounded, he left the fort with the intention of marching against and surprising one of the indian towns on the scioto. he advanced rapidly, but with great caution, and had reached a point within four or five miles of the town destined to taste of his vengeance, when he met its warriors, thirty in number, on their way to join the main indian force, then on its march toward boonesborough. an action immediately commenced, which terminated in the flight of the indians, who lost one man and had two others wounded. boone received no injury, but took three horses, and all the "plunder" of the war party. he then dispatched two spies to the indian town, who returned with the intelligence that it was evacuated. on the receipt of this information, he started for boonesborough with all possible haste hoping to reach the station before the enemy, that he might give warning of their approach, and strengthen its numbers. he passed the main body of the indians on the sixth day of his march, and on the seventh reached boonesborough. on the eighth day, the enemy's force marched up, with british colors flying, and invested the place. the indian army was commanded by captain duquesne, with eleven other canadian frenchmen and several distinguished chiefs, and was the most formidable force which had yet invaded the settlements. the commander summoned the garrison to surrender "in the name of his britannic majesty." boone and his men, perilous as was their situation, received the summons without apparent alarm, and requested a couple of days for the consideration of what should be done. this was granted; and boone summoned his brave companions to council: _but fifty men appeared_! yet these fifty, after a due consideration of the terms of capitulation proposed, and with the knowledge that they were surrounded by savage and remorseless enemies to the number of about _five hundred_, determined, unanimously, to "_defend the fort as long as a man of them lived!_" the two days having expired, boone announced this determination from one of the bastions, and thanked the british commander for the notice given of his intended attack, and the time allowed the garrison for preparing to defend the station. this reply to his summons was entirely unexpected by duquesne, and he heard it with evident disappointment. other terms were immediately proposed by him, which "sounded so gratefully in the ears" of the garrison that boone agreed to treat; and, with eight of his companions, left the fort for this purpose. it was soon manifest, however, by the conduct of the indians, that a snare had been laid for them; and escaping from their wily foes by a sudden effort, they re-entered the palisades, closed the gates, and betook themselves to the bastions. a hot attack upon the fort now instantly commenced; but the fire of the indians was returned from the garrison with such unexpected briskness and fatal precision that the besiegers were compelled to fall back. they then sheltered themselves behind the nearest trees and stumps, and continued the attack with more caution. losing a number of men himself, and perceiving no falling off in the strength or the marksmanship of the garrison, duquesne resorted to an expedient which promised greater success. the fort stood upon the bank of the river, about sixty yards from its margin; and the purpose of the commander of the indians was to undermine this, and blow up the garrison. duquesne was pushing the mine under the fort with energy when his operations were discovered by the besieged. the miners precipitated the earth which they excavated into the river; and boone, perceiving that the water was muddy below the fort, while it was clear above, instantly divined the cause, and at once ordered a deep trench to be cut inside the fort, to counteract the work of the enemy. as the earth was dug up, it was thrown over the wall of the fort, in the face of the besieging commander. duquesne was thus informed that his design had been discovered; and being convinced of the futility of any further attempts of that kind he discontinued his mining operations, and once more renewed the attack upon the station in the manner of a regular indian siege. his success, however, was no better than it had been before; the loss appeared to be all upon his side; his stock of provisions was nearly exhausted; having for nine days tried the bravery of his savage force, and tasked his own ingenuity to its utmost, he raised the siege, and abandoned the grand object of the expedition. during this siege, "the most formidable," says mr. marshall, "that had ever taken place in kentucky from the number of indians, the skill of the commanders, and the fierce countenances and savage dispositions of the warriors," only two men belonging to the station were killed, and four others wounded. duquesne lost thirty-seven men, and had many wounded, who, according to the invariable usage of the indians, were immediately borne from the scene of action. boonesborough was never again disturbed by any formidable body of indians. new stations were springing up every year between it and the ohio river, and to pass beyond these for the purpose of striking a blow at an older and stronger enemy, was a piece of folly of which the indians were never known to be guilty. during boone's captivity among the shawnees, his family, supposing that he had been killed, had left the station and returned to their relatives and friends in north carolina; and as early in the autumn as he could well leave, the brave and hardy warrior started to move them out again to kentucky. he returned to the settlement with them early the next summer, and set a good example to his companions by industriously cultivating his farm, and volunteering his assistance, whenever it seemed needed, to the many immigrants who were now pouring into the country, and erecting new stations in the neighborhood of boonesborough. he was a good as well as a great man in his sphere, says mr. gallagher, (our chief authority for the foregoing incidents); and for his many and important services in the early settlements of kentucky, he well deserved the title of patriarch which was bestowed upon him during his life, and all the praises that have been sung to his memory since his death.[ ] [footnote : "life of daniel boone."] [footnote : gallagher.] [footnote : w.d. gallagher, in "hesperian."] chapter xiii. captain boone tried by court-martial--honorably acquitted and promoted--loses a large sum of money--his losses by lawsuits and disputes about land--defeat of colonel rogers's party--colonel bowman's expedition to chillicothe--arrival near the town--colonel logan attacks the town--ordered by colonel bowman to retreat--failure of the expedition--consequences to bowman and to logan. some complaint having been made respecting captain boone's surrender of his party at the blue licks, and other parts of his military conduct, his friends colonel richard callaway and colonel benjamin logan, exhibited charges against him which occasioned his being tried by court-martial. this was undoubtedly done with a view to put an end to the calumny by disproving or explaining the charges. the result of the trial was an honorable acquittal increased popularity of the captain among his fellow citizens, and his promotion to the rank of major.[ ] while boone had been a prisoner among the indians, his wife and family, supposing him to be dead, had returned to north carolina. in the autumn of he went after them to the house of mrs. boone's father on the yadkin. in , a commission having been opened by the virginia legislature to settle kentucky land claims, major boone "laid out the chief of his little property to procure land warrants, and having raised about twenty thousand dollars in paper money, with which he intended to purchase them, on his way from kentucky to richmond, he was robbed of the whole, and left destitute of the means of procuring more. this heavy misfortune did not fall on himself alone. large sums had been entrusted to him by his friends for similar purposes, and the loss was extensively felt." boone must have suffered much anxiety in consequence of this affair. little is known respecting it, excepting that it did not impair the confidence of his friends in his perfect integrity. this appears in the following extract of a letter from colonel thomas hart, late of lexington, kentucky, to captain nathaniel hart, dated grayfields, august d, . "i observe what you say respecting our losses by daniel boone. [boone had been robbed of funds in part belonging to t. and n. hart.] i had heard of the misfortune soon after it happened, but not of my being partaker before now. i feel for the poor people who, perhaps, are to lose even their pre-emptions: but i must say, i feel more for boone, whose character, i am told, suffers by it. much degenerated must the people of this age be, when amongst them are to be found men to censure and blast the reputation of a person so just and upright, and in whose breast is a seat of virtue too pure to admit of a thought so base and dishonorable. i have known boone in times of old, when poverty and distress had him fast by the hand: and in these wretched circumstances, i have ever found him of a noble and generous soul, despising every thing mean; and therefore i will freely grant him a discharge for whatever sums of mine he might have been possessed of at the time." boone's ignorance of legal proceedings, and his aversion to lawsuits, appear to have occasioned the loss of his real estate; and the loose manner in which titles were granted, one conflicting with another, occasioned similar losses to much more experienced and careful men at the same period. during the year the emigration to kentucky was much greater than any previous one. the settlers do not seem to have been so much annoyed by the indians as formerly. yet this year is distinguished in the annals of kentucky for the most bloody battle ever fought between the whites and indians within her borders, with the single exception of that of the blue licks. it took place opposite to cincinnati. colonel rogers had been down to new orleans to procure supplies for the posts on the upper mississippi and ohio. having obtained them, he ascended these rivers until he reached the place mentioned above. here he found the indians in their canoes coming out of the mouth of the little miami, and crossing to the kentucky side of the ohio. he conceived the plan of surprising them as they landed. the ohio was very low on the kentucky side, so that a large sand-bar was laid bare, extending along the shore. upon this rogers landed his men, but, before they could reach the spot where they expected to attack the enemy, they were themselves attacked by such superior numbers that the issue of the contest was not doubtful for a single moment. rogers and the greater part of his men were instantly killed. the few who were left fled toward the boats. but one of them was already in the possession of the indians, whose flanks were extended in advance of the fugitives, and the few men remaining in the other pushed off from shore without waiting to take their comrades on board. these last now turned around upon their pursuers, and, furiously charging them, a small number broke through their ranks and escaped to harrodsburg. the loss in this most lamentable affair was about sixty men, very nearly equal to that at blue licks. the kentuckians resolved to invade the indian country, and chillicothe was selected as the point to feel the weight of their vengeance. colonel bowman issued a call, inviting all those who were willing to accompany him in the expedition to rendezvous at harrodsburg. this was the manner of organizing such expeditions in kentucky. an officer would invite volunteers to participate with him in an incursion into the indian country. all who joined were expected to submit to his direction. on this occasion there was no want of zeal among the people. bowman's reputation as a soldier was good, and three hundred men were soon collected, among whom were logan and harrod; both holding the rank of captain. it does not appear that either boone or kenton engaged in this enterprise. indeed, the first is said to have been absent in north carolina his family having returned there after his capture in the preceding year, supposing him to be dead. the expedition moved in the month of july--its destination well known--and its march so well conducted that it approached its object without discovery. from this circumstances, it would seem that the indians were but little apprehensive of an invasion from those who had never before ventured on it, and whom they were in the habit of invading annually; or else so secure in their own courage that they feared no enemy, for no suspecting spy was out to foresee approaching danger. arrived within a short distance of the town, night approached, and colonel bowman halted. here it was determined to invest and attack the place just before the ensuing day, and several dispositions were then made very proper for the occasion, indicating a considerable share of military skill and caution, which gave reasonable promise of a successful issue. at a proper hour the little army separated, after a movement that placed it near the town the one part, under the command of bowman in person--the other, under captain logan; to whom precise orders had been given to march, on the one hand, half round the town; while the colonel, passing the other way, was to meet him, and give the signal for an assault. logan immediately executed his orders, and the place was half enveloped. but he neither saw nor heard the commander-in-chief. logan now ordered his men to conceal themselves in the grass and weeds, and behind such other objects as were present, as the day began to show itself, and he had not yet received the expected order to begin the attack nor had he been able, though anxious, to ascertain what had intercepted or delayed his superior officer. the men, on shifting about for hiding-places, had alarmed one of the indians' dogs, who forthwith set to barking with the agitation of apparent fright. this brought out an indian warrior, who proceeded with caution on the way that the dog seemed to direct his own attention, and in a short time, if he had continued his progress, might have been made a prisoner; but, at this critical moment, one of the party with the colonel fired his gun; which the indian, well understanding as coming from an enemy, gave an instantaneous and loud whoop, and ran immediately to his cabin. the alarm was instantly spread through the town, and preparation made for defense. the party with logan was near enough to hear the bustle and to see the women and children escaping to the cover of the woods by a ridge which ran between them and where colonel bowman with his men had halted. in the mean time, the warriors equipped themselves with their military habiliments, and repaired to a strong cabin; no doubt, designated in their councils for the like occurrences. by this time daylight had disclosed the whole scene, and several shots were discharged on the one side, and returned from the other, while some of logan's men took possession of a few cabins, from which the indians had retreated--or rather perhaps it should be said, repaired to their stronghold, the more effectually to defend themselves. the scheme was formed by logan, and adopted by his men in the cabins, of making a movable breastwork out of the doors and floors--and of pushing it forward as a battery against the cabin in which the indians had taken post; others of them had taken shelter from the fire of the enemy behind stumps, or logs, or the vacant cabins, and were waiting orders; when the colonel finding that the indians were on their defense, dispatched orders for a retreat. this order, received with astonishment, was obeyed with reluctance; and what rendered it the more distressing, was the unavoidable exposure which the men must encounter in the open field, or prairie, which surrounded the town: for they were apprized that from the moment they left their cover, the indians would fire on them, until they were beyond the reach of their balls. a retreat, however, was deemed necessary, and every man was to shift for himself. then, instead of one that was orderly, commanding, or supported--a scene of disorder, unmilitary and mortifying, took place: here a little squad would rush out of, or break from behind a cabin--there individuals would rise from a log, or start up from a stump, and run with all speed to gain the neighboring wood. at length, after the loss of several lives, the remnant of the invading force was reunited, and the retreat continued in tolerable order, under the painful reflection that the expedition had failed, without any adequate cause being known. this was, however, but the introduction to disgrace, if not of misfortune still more extraordinary and distressing. the indian warriors, commanded by blackfish, sallied from the town, and commenced a pursuit of the discomfited invaders of their forests and firesides, which they continued for some miles, harassing and galling the rear of the fugitives without being checked, notwithstanding the disparity of numbers. there not being more than thirty of the savages in pursuit. bowman, finding himself thus pressed, at length halted his men in a low piece of ground covered with brush; as if he sought shelter from the enemy behind or among them. a situation more injudiciously chosen, if chosen at all, cannot be easily imagined--since of all others, it most favored the purposes of the indians. in other respects the commander seems also to have lost his understanding--he gave no orders to fire--made no detachment to repulse the enemy, who, in a few minutes, by the whoops, yells, and firing, were heard on all sides--but stood as a mark to be shot at, or one panic struck. some of the men fired, but without any precise object, for the indians were scattered, and hid by the grass and bushes. what would have been the final result it is difficult to conjecture, if logan, harrod, bulger, and a few others, had not mounted some of the pack-horses and scoured the woods, first in one direction then in another; rushing on the indians wherever they could find them, until very fortunately blackfish was killed; and this being soon known, the rest fled. it was in the evening when this event occurred, which being reported to the colonel, he resumed his march at dark--taking for his guide a creek near at hand, which he pursued all night without any remarkable occurrence--and in quiet and safety thence returned home, with the loss of nine men killed and another wounded: having taken two indian scalps: which, however, was thought a trophy of small renown. a somewhat different account is given by some, in which bowman is exculpated from all blame. according to this, it was the vigorous defense of the indians which prevented him from fulfilling his part of the combinations. be this as it may, it is certain that bowman lost reputation by the expedition; while, on the other hand, the conduct of logan raised him still higher in the estimation of the people. [footnote : peck.] chapter xiv. invasion of kentucky by captain byrd's party--he captures the garrisons at ruddle's station and martin's fort--colonel clark's invasion of the indian country--he ravages the indian towns--adventure of alexander mcconnell--skirmish at pickaway--result of the expedition--boone goes to the blue licks with his brother--attacked by the indians--boone's brother killed--boone promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel--clark's galley--squire boone's station removed to bear's creek--attack by the indians--colonel floyd's defeat--affair of the mcafees--attack on mcafee's station repelled--fort jefferson evacuated--attack on montgomery station--rescue by general logan. the year was distinguished for two events of much importance; the invasion of kentucky by the british and indians, under colonel byrd; and general clark's attack upon the shawanee towns. the first of these, was a severe and unexpected blow to kentucky. marshall says, that the people in their eagerness to take up land, had almost forgotten the existence of hostilities. fatal security! and most fatal with such a foe, whose enterprises were conducted with such secrecy that their first announcement was their presence in the midst of the unprepared settlement. in fact, the carelessness of the western borderers is often unaccountable, and this is not the least surprising instance of it. that they did not anticipate an attempt to retaliate the incursion of bowman into the indian country, is indeed astonishing. it was very fortunate for the kentuckians that their enemies were as little gifted with perseverance, as they were with vigilance. this remark is to be understood in a restricted sense, of both parties. when once aroused to a sense of their danger none were more readily prepared, or more watchful to meet it than the settlers; and on the other hand, nothing could exceed the perseverance of the indians in the beginning of their enterprises, but on the slightest success (not reverse) they wished to return to exhibit their trophies at home. thus, on capturing boone and his party, instead of pushing on and attacking the settlements which were thus weakened, they returned to display their prisoners. the consequences were that these defects neutralized each other, and no very decisive strokes were made by either side. but the english governor hamilton, who had hitherto contented himself with stimulating the indians to hostilities, now aroused by the daring and success of clark, prepared to send a powerful expedition by way of retaliation, against the settlements. colonel byrd was selected to command the forces which amounted to six hundred men, canadians and indians. to render them irresistible, they were supplied with two pieces of artillery. the posts on the licking were the first objects of the expedition. in june they made their appearance before ruddle's station; and this, it is said, was the first intimation that the garrison had received of their danger, though butler states that the enemy were twelve days on their march from the ohio. the incidents of the invasion are few. the fort at ruddle's station was in no condition to resist so powerful an enemy backed by artillery, the defenses being nowise superior to those we have before described. they were summoned to surrender in the name of his britannic majesty, with the promise of protection for their lives only. what could they do? the idea of resisting such a force was vain. the question presented itself to them thus. whether they should surrender at once and give up their property, or enrage the indians by a fruitless resistance, and lose their property and lives also. the decision was quickly made, the post was surrendered and the enemy thronged in, eager for plunder. the inmates of the fort were instantly seized, families were separated; for each indian caught the first person whom he met, and claimed him or her as his prisoner. three who made some resistance, were killed upon the spot. it was in vain that the settlers remonstrated with the british commander. he said it was impossible to restrain them. this doubtless was true enough, but he should have thought of it before he assumed the command of such a horde, and consented to lead them against weak settlements. the indians demanded to be led at once against martin's fort, a post about five miles distant. some say that the same scene was enacted over here; but another account states that so strongly was colonel byrd affected by the barbarities of the indians, that he refused to advance further, unless they would consent to allow him to take charge of all the prisoners who should be taken. the same account goes on to say that the demand was complied with, and that on the surrender of martin's fort, this arrangement was actually made; the indians taking possession of the property and the british of the prisoners. however this may be, the capture of this last-mentioned place, which was surrendered under the same circumstances as ruddle's, was the last operation of that campaign. some quote this as an instance of weakness; butler, in particular, contrasts it with the energy of clark. the sudden retreat of the enemy inspired the people with joy as great as their consternation had been at the news of his unexpected advance. had he pressed on, there is but little doubt that all the stations would have fallen into his hands, for there were not men enough to spare from them to meet him in the field. the greatest difficulty would have been the carriage of the artillery. the unfortunate people who had fallen into the hands of the indians at ruddle's station, were obliged to accompany their captors on their rapid retreat, heavily laden with the plunder of their own dwellings. some returned after peace was made, but too many, sinking under the fatigues of the journey, perished by the tomahawk. soon after the retreat of the enemy, general clark, who was stationed at fort jefferson, called upon the kentuckians to join him in an invasion of the indian country. the reputation of clark caused the call to be responded to with great readiness. a thousand men were collected, with whom clark entered and devastated the enemy's territory. the principal towns were burned and the fields laid waste. but one skirmish was fought, and that at the indian village of pickaway. the loss was the same on both sides, seventeen men being killed in each army. some writers who have not the slightest objection to war, very gravely express doubts as to whether the expedient of destroying the crops of the indians was justifiable. it is generally treated by these men as if it was a wanton display of a vindictive spirit, when in reality it was dictated by the soundest policy; for when the indians' harvests were destroyed, they were compelled to subsist their families altogether by hunting, and had no leisure for their murderous inroads upon the settlements. this result was plainly seen on this occasion, for it does not appear that the indians attacked any of the settlements during the remainder of this year. an adventure which occurred in the spring, but was passed over for the more important operations of the campaign, claims our attention, presenting as it does a picture of the varieties of this mode of warfare. we quote from mcclung: "early in the spring of mr. alexander mcconnel, of lexington, kentucky, went into the woods on foot to hunt deer. he soon killed a large buck, and returned home for a horse in order to bring it in. during his absence a party of five indians, on one of their usual skulking expeditions, accidentally stumbled on the body of the deer, and perceiving that it had been recently killed, they naturally supposed that the hunter would speedily return to secure the flesh. three of them, therefore, took their stations within close rifle-shot of the deer, while the other two followed the trail of the hunter, and waylaid the path by which he was expected to return. mcconnel, expecting no danger, rode carelessly along the path, which the two scouts were watching, until he had come within view of the deer, when he was fired upon by the whole party, and his horse killed. while laboring to extricate himself from the dying animal, he was seized by his enemies, instantly overpowered, and borne off as a prisoner. "his captors, however, seemed to be a merry, good-natured set of fellows, and permitted him to accompany them unbound; and, what was rather extraordinary, allowed him to retain his gun and hunting accoutrements. he accompanied them with great apparent cheerfulness through the day, and displayed his dexterity in shooting deer for the use of the company, until they began to regard him with great partiality. having traveled with them in this manner for several days, they at length reached the banks of the ohio river. heretofore the indians had taken the precaution to bind him at night, although not very securely; but, on that evening, he remonstrated with them on the subject, and complained so strongly of the pain which the cords gave him, that they merely wrapped the buffalo tug loosely around his wrists, and having tied it in an easy knot, and attached the extremities of the rope to their own bodies in order to prevent his moving without awakening them, they very composedly went to sleep, leaving the prisoner to follow their example or not, as he pleased. "mcconnel determined to effect his escape that night if possible, as on the following night they would cross the river, which would render it much more difficult. he therefore lay quietly until near midnight, anxiously ruminating upon the best means of effecting his object. accidentally casting his eyes in the direction of his feet, they fell upon the glittering blade of a knife, which had escaped its sheath, and was now lying near the feet of one of the indians. to reach it with his hands, without disturbing the two indians to whom he was fastened, was impossible, and it was very hazardous to attempt to draw it up with his feet. this, however, he attempted. with much difficulty he grasped the blade between his toes, and, after repeated and long-continued efforts, succeeded at length in bringing it within reach of his hands. "to cut his cords was then but the work of a moment, and gradually and silently extricating his person from the arms of the indians, he walked to the fire and sat down. he saw that his work was but half done. that if he should attempt to return home without destroying his enemies, he would assuredly be pursued and probably overtaken, when his fate would be certain. on the other hand, it seemed almost impossible for a single man to succeed in a conflict with five indians, even although unarmed and asleep. he could not hope to deal a blow with his knife so silently and fatally as to destroy each one of his enemies in turn without awakening the rest. their slumbers were proverbially light and restless; and, if he failed with a single one, he must instantly be overpowered by the survivors. the knife, therefore, was out of the question. "after anxious reflection for a few minutes, he formed his plan. the guns of the indians were stacked near the fire; their knives and tomahawks were in sheaths by their sides. the latter he dared not touch for fear of awakening their owners; but the former he carefully removed, with the exception of two, and hid them in the woods, where he knew the indians would not readily find them. he then returned to the spot where the indians were still sleeping, perfectly ignorant of the fate preparing for them, and, taking a gun in each hand, he rested the muzzles upon a log within six feet of his victims, and, having taken deliberate aim at the head of one and the heart of another, he pulled both triggers at the same moment. "both shots were fatal. at the report of the guns the others sprung to their feet and stared wildly around them. mcconnel, who had run instantly to the spot where the other rifles were hid, hastily seized one of them and fired at two of his enemies who happened to stand in a line with each other. the nearest fell dead, being shot through the centre of the body; the second fell also, bellowing loudly, but quickly recovering, limped off into the woods as fast as possible. the fifth, and the only one who remained unhurt, darted off like a deer, with a yell which announced equal terror and astonishment. mcconnel, not wishing to fight any more such battles, selected his own rifle from the stack, and made the best of his way to lexington, where he arrived safely within two days. "shortly afterward, mrs. dunlap, of fayette, who had been several months a prisoner amongst the indians on mad river, made her escape, and returned to lexington. she reported that the survivor returned to his tribe with a lamentable tale. he related that they had taken a fine young hunter near lexington, and had brought him safely as far as the ohio; that while encamped upon the bank of the river, a large party of white men had fallen upon them in the night, and killed all his companions, together with the poor defenseless prisoner, who lay bound hand and foot, unable either to escape or resist." in october, , boone, who had brought his family back to kentucky, went to the blue licks in company with his brother. they were attacked by a party of indians, and daniel's brother was killed; and he himself pursued by them with the assistance of a dog. being hard pressed, he shot this animal to prevent his barking from giving the alarm, and so escaped. kentucky having been divided into three counties, a more perfect organization of the militia was effected. a colonel and a lieutenant-colonel were appointed for each county; those who held the first rank were floyd, logan, and todd. pope, trigg, and boone held the second. clark was brigadier-general, and commander-in-chief of all the kentucky militia; besides which he had a small number of regulars at fort jefferson. spies and scouting parties were continually employed, and a galley was constructed by clark's order, which was furnished with light pieces of artillery. this new species of defense did not however take very well with the militia, who disliked serving upon the water, probably because they found their freedom of action too much circumscribed. the regulars were far too few to spare a force sufficient to man it, and it soon fell into disuse, though it is said to have been of considerable service while it was employed. had the kentuckians possessed such an auxiliary at the time of byrd's invasion, it is probable that it would have been repelled. but on account of the reluctance of the militia to serve in it, this useful vessel was laid aside and left to rot. the campaign, if we may so term it, of , began very early. in march, several parties of indians entered jefferson county at different points, and ambushing the paths, killed four men, among whom was colonel william linn. captain whitaker, with fifteen men, pursued one of the parties. he followed their trail to the ohio, when supposing they had crossed over, he embarked his men in canoes to continue the pursuit. but as they were in the act of pushing off, the indians, who were concealed in their rear, fired upon them, killing or wounding nine of the party. notwithstanding this heavy loss, the survivors landed and put the indians to flight. neither the number of the savages engaged in this affair or their loss, is mentioned in the narrative. in april, a station which had been settled by squire boone, near shelbyville, became alarmed by the report of the appearance of indians. after some deliberation, it was determined to remove to the settlement on bear's creek. while on their way thither, they were attacked by a body of indians, and defeated with considerable loss. these are all the details of this action we have been able to find. colonel floyd collected twenty-five men to pursue the indians, but in spite of all his caution, fell into an ambuscade, which was estimated to consist of two hundred warriors. half of colonel floyd's men were killed, and the survivors supposed that they had slain nine or ten of the indians. this, however, is not probable; either the number of the indians engaged, or their loss, is much exaggerated. colonel floyd himself had a narrow escape, being dismounted; he would have been made prisoner, but for the gallant conduct of captain wells, who gave him his horse, the colonel being exhausted, and ran by his side, to support him in the saddle. these officers had formerly been enemies, but the magnanimous behavior of wells on this occasion, made them steadfast friends. "as if every month," says marshall, "was to furnish its distinguishing incident--in may, samuel mcafee and another had set out from james mcafee's station for a plantation at a small distance, and when advanced about one-fourth of a mile they were fired on; the man fell--mcafee wheeled and ran toward the fort; in fifteen steps he met an indian--they each halt and present their guns, with muzzles almost touching--at the same instant they each pull trigger, mcafee's gun makes clear fire, the indian's flashes in the pan--and he falls: mcafee continues his retreat, but the alarm being given, he meets his brothers, robert and james--the first, though cautioned, ran along the path to see the dead indian, by this time several indians had gained the path between him and the fort. all his agility and dexterity was now put to the test--he flies from tree to tree, still aiming to get to the fort, but is pursued by an indian; he throws himself over a fence, a hundred and fifty yards from the fort, and the indian takes a tree--robert, sheltered by the fence, was soon prepared for him, and while he puts his face by the side of the tree to look for his object, mcafee fires his rifle at it, and lodged the ball in his mouth--in this he finds his death, and mcafee escapes to the fort." in the mean time, james mcafee was in a situation of equal hazard and perplexity. five indians, lying in ambush, fired at, but missed him; he flies to a tree for safety, and instantly received a fire from three or four indians on the other side--the bullets knock the dust about his feet, but do him no injury; he abandons the tree and makes good his retreat to the fort. one white man and two indians were killed. such were the incidents of indian warfare--and such the fortunate escape of the brothers. other events occurred in rapid succession--the indians appear in all directions, and with horrid yells and menacing gestures commence a fire on the fort. it was returned with spirit; the women cast the bullets--the men discharged them at the enemy. this action lasted about two hours; the indians then withdrew. the firing had been heard, and the neighborhood roused for the fight. major mcgary, with some of his men, and others from other stations, to the number of forty, appeared on the ground soon after the indians had retreated, and determined on pursuing them. this was accordingly done with promptitude and celerity. at the distance of a mile the enemy were overtaken, attacked, and defeated, they fled--were pursued for several miles--and completely routed. six or seven indians were seen dead, and others wounded. one kentuckian was killed in the action; another mortally wounded, who died after a few days. before the indians entirely withdrew from the fort, they killed all the cattle they saw, without making any use of them. from this time mcafee's station was never more attacked, although it remained for several years an exposed frontier. nor should the remark be omitted, that for the residue of the year, there were fewer incidents of a hostile nature than usual. fort jefferson, which had been established on the mississippi, about five miles below the mouth of the ohio, had excited the jealousy of the choctaws and chickasaws, who claimed the territory in which it was built. in order to appease them, it was deemed advisable to evacuate the post. the hostile tribes north of the ohio had by this time found the strength of the settlers, and saw that unless they made a powerful effort, and that speedily, they must forever relinquish all hope of reconquering kentucky. such an effort was determined upon for the next year; and in order to weaken the whites as much as possible, till they were prepared for it, they continued to send out small parties, to infest the settlements. at a distance of about twelve miles from logan's fort, was a settlement called the montgomery station. most of the people were connected with logan's family. this station was surrounded in the night. in the morning an attack was made. several persons were killed and others captured. a girl who escaped spread the alarm; a messenger reached logan's fort, and general logan with a strong party pursued the indians, defeated them and recovered the prisoners. chapter xv. news of cornwallis's surrender--its effects--captain estill's defeat--grand army of indians raised for the conquest of kentucky--simon girty's speech--attack on hoy's station--investment of bryant's station--expedient of the besieged to obtain water--grand attack on the fort--repulse--regular siege commenced--messengers sent to lexington--reinforcements obtained--arrival near the fort--ambushed and attacked--they enter the fort--narrow escape of girty--he proposes a capitulation--parley--reynolds's answer to girty--the siege raised--retreat of the indians. in october, , cornwallis surrendered at yorktown. this event was received in kentucky, as in other parts of the country, with great joy. the power of britain was supposed to be broken, or at least so much crippled, that they would not be in a condition to assist their indian allies, as they had previously done. the winter passed away quietly enough, and the people were once more lulled into security, from which they were again to be rudely awakened. early in the spring the parties of the enemy recommenced their forays. yet there was nothing in these to excite unusual apprehensions. at first they were scarcely equal in magnitude to those of the previous year. cattle were killed, and horses stolen, and individuals or small parties were attacked. but in may an affair occurred possessing more interest, in a military point of view, than any other in the history of indian wars. in the month of may, a party of about twenty-five wyandots invested estill's station, on the south of the kentucky river, killed one white man, took a negro prisoner, and after destroying the cattle, retreated. soon after the indians disappeared, captain estill raised a company of twenty-five men; with these he pursued the indians, and on hinkston's fork of licking, two miles below the little mountain, came within gunshot of them. they had just crossed the creek, which in that part is small, and were ascending one side as estill's party descended the other, of two approaching hills of moderate elevation. the water-course which lay between, had produced an opening in the timber and brush, conducing to mutual discovery, while both hills were well set with trees, interspersed with saplings and bushes. instantly after discovering the indians, some of captain estill's men fired at them; at first they seemed alarmed, and made a movement like flight; but their chief, although wounded, gave them orders to stand and fight--on which they promptly prepared for battle by each man taking a tree and facing his enemy, as nearly in a line as practicable. in this position they returned the fire and entered into the battle, which they considered as inevitable, with all the fortitude and animation of individual and concerted bravery, so remarkable in this particular tribe. in the mean time, captain estill, with due attention to what was passing on the opposite side, checked the progress of his men at about sixty yards distance from the foe, and gave orders to extend their lines in front of the indians, to cover themselves by means of the trees, and to fire as the object should be seen--with a sure aim. this order, perfectly adapted to the occasion, was executed with alacrity, as far as circumstances would admit, and the desultory mode of indian fighting was thought to require. so that both sides were preparing and ready at the same time for the bloody conflict which ensued, and which proved to be singularly obstinate. the numbers were equal; some have said, exactly twenty-five on each side. others have mentioned that captain estill, upon seeing the indians form for battle, dispatched one or two of his men upon the back trail to hasten forward a small reinforcement, which he supposed was following him; and if so, it gave the indians the superiority of numbers without producing the desired assistance, for the reinforcement never arrived. now were the hostile lines within rifle-shot, and the action became warm and general to their extent. never was battle more like single combat since the use of fire-arms; each man sought his man, and fired only when he saw his mark; wounds and death were inflicted on either side--neither advancing nor retreating. the firing was deliberate; with caution they looked, but look they would, for the foe, although life itself was often the forfeit. and thus both sides firmly stood, or bravely fell, for more than an hour; upward of one-fourth of the combatants had fallen, never more to rise, on either side, and several others were wounded. never, probably, was the native bravery or collected fortitude of men put to a test more severe. in the clangor of an ardent battle, when death is forgotten, it is nothing for the brave to die--when even cowards die like brave men--but in the cool and lingering expectation of death, none but the man of the true courage can stand. such were those engaged in this conflict. never was maneuvering more necessary or less practicable. captain estill had not a man to spare from his line, and deemed unsafe any movement in front with a view to force the enemy from their ground, because in such a movement he must expose his men, and some of them would inevitably fall before they could reach the adversary. this would increase the relative superiority of the enemy, while they would receive the survivors with tomahawk in hand, in the use of which they were practiced and expert. he clearly perceived that no advantage was to be gained over the indians while the action was continued in their own mode of warfare. for although his men were probably the best _shooters_, the indians were undoubtedly the most expert _hiders_; that victory itself, could it have been purchased with the loss of his last man, would afford but a melancholy consolation for the loss of friends and comrades; but even of victory, without some maneuvre, he could not assure himself. his situation was critical; his fate seemed suspended upon the events of the minute; the most prompt expedient was demanded. he cast his eyes over the scene; the creek was before him, and seemed to oppose a charge on the enemy--retreat he could not. on the one hand he observed a valley running from the creek toward the rear of the enemy's line, and immediately combining this circumstance with the urgency of his situation, rendered the more apparently hazardous by an attempt of the indians to extend their line and take his in flank, he determined to detach six of his men by this valley to gain the flank or rear of the enemy; while himself, with the residue, maintained his position in front. the detachment was accordingly made under the command of lieutenant miller, to whom the route was shown and the order given, conformably to the above-mentioned determination; unfortunately, however, it was not executed. the lieutenant, either mistaking his way or intentionally betraying his duty, his honor, and his captain, did not proceed with the requisite dispatch; and the indians, attentive to occurrences, finding out the weakened condition of their adversaries, rushed upon them and compelled a retreat, after captain estill and eight of his men were killed. four others were badly wounded, who, notwithstanding, made their escape; so that only nine fell into the bands of the savages, who scalped and stripped them, of course. it was believed by the survivors of this action that one half of the indians were killed; and this idea was corroborated by reports from their towns. there is also a tradition that miller, with his detachment, crossed the creek, fell in with the enemy, lost one or two of his men, and had a third or fourth wounded before he retreated. the battle lasted two hours, and the indian chief was himself killed immediately after he had slain captain estill; at least it is so stated in one account we have seen. this action had a very depressing effect upon the spirits of the kentuckians. yet its results to the victors were enough to make them say, with pyrrhus, "a few more such victories, and we shall be undone." it is very certain that the indians would not have been willing to gain many such victories, even to accomplish their darling object--the expulsion of the whites from kentucky. the grand army, destined to accomplish the conquest of kentucky, assembled at chillicothe. a detachment from detroit reinforced them, and before setting out, simon girty made a speech to them, enlarging on the ingratitude of the long-knives in rebelling against their great father across the water. he described in glowing terms the fertility of kentucky, exhorting them to recover it from the grasp of the long-knife before he should be too strong for them. this speech met with the cordial approbation of the company; the army soon after took up its march for the settlements. six hundred warriors, the flower of all the northwestern tribes, were on their way to make what they knew must be their last effort to drive the intruders from their favorite hunting-ground. various parties preceded the main body, and these appearing in different places created much confusion in the minds of the inhabitants in regard to the place where the blow was to fall. an attack was made upon the garrison at hoy's station, and two boys were taken prisoners. the indians, twenty in number were pursued by captain holden, with seventeen men. he overtook them near the blue licks, (that fatal spot for the settlers,) and after a sharp conflict was obliged to retreat with the loss of four men. news of this disaster arrived at bryant's station, (a post on the elkhorn, near the road from lexington to maysville,) on the fourteenth of august, and the garrison prepared to march to the assistance of hoy's station. but in the night the main body of the enemy arrived before the fort, it having been selected as the point for the first blow. the water for the use of the garrison was drawn from a spring at a considerable distance from the fort on the northwestern side. near this spring the greater part of the enemy stationed themselves in ambush. on the other side of the fort a body was posted with orders to make a feint of attacking, in order to draw the attention of the garrison to that point, and give an opportunity for the main attack. at daylight the garrison, consisting of forty or fifty men, were preparing to march out, when they were startled by a heavy discharge of rifles, with an accompaniment of such yells as come only from an indian's throat. "all ran hastily to the picketing," says mcclung, "and beheld a small party of indians exposed to open view, firing, yelling, and making the most furious gestures. the appearance was so singular, and so different from their usual manner of fighting, that some of the more wary and experienced of the garrison instantly pronounced it a decoy party, and restrained the young men from sallying out and attacking them, as some of them were strongly disposed to do. the opposite side of the fort was instantly manned, and several breaches in the picketing rapidly repaired. their greatest distress arose from the prospect of suffering for water. the more experienced of the garrison felt satisfied that a powerful party was in ambuscade near the spring; but at the same time they supposed that the indians would not unmask themselves until the firing upon the opposite side of the fort was returned with such warmth as to induce the belief that the feint had succeeded. "acting upon this impression, and yielding to the urgent necessity of the case, they summoned all the women, without exception, and explaining to them the circumstances in which they were placed, and the improbability that any injury would be offered them, until the firing had been returned from the opposite side of the fort, they urged them to go in a body to the spring, and each to bring up a bucketfull of water. some of the ladies, as was natural, had no relish for the undertaking, and asked why the men could not bring water as well as themselves? observing that _they_ were not bullet-proof, and that the indians made no distinction between male and female scalps. "to this it was answered, that women were in the habit of bringing water every morning to the fort and that if the indians saw them engaged as usual, it would induce them to believe that their ambuscade was undiscovered, and that they would not unmask themselves for the sake of firing at a few women, when they hoped, by remaining concealed a few moments longer, to obtain complete possession of the fort. that if men should go down to the spring, the indians would immediately suspect that something was wrong, would despair of succeeding by ambuscade, and would instantly rush upon them, follow them into the fort, or shoot them down at the spring. the decision was soon over. "a few of the boldest declared their readiness to brave the danger; and the younger and more timid rallying in the rear of these veterans, they all marched down in a body to the spring, within point-blank shot of more than five hundred indian warriors. some of the girls could not help betraying symptoms of terror, but the married women, in general, moved with a steadiness and composure which completely deceived the indians. not a shot was fired. the party were permitted to fill their buckets, one after another, without interruption; and although their steps became quicker and quicker, on their return, and when near the gate of the fort, degenerated into a rather unmilitary celerity, attended with some little crowding in passing the gate, yet not more than one-fifth of the water was spilled, and the eyes of the youngest had not dilated to more than double their ordinary size. "being now amply supplied with water, they sent out thirteen young men to attack the decoy party, with orders to fire with great rapidity, and make as much noise as possible, but not to pursue the enemy too far, while the rest of the garrison took post on the opposite side of the fort, cocked their guns, and stood in readiness to receive the ambuscade as soon as it was unmasked. the firing of the light parties on the lexington road was soon heard, and quickly became sharp and serious, gradually becoming more distant from the fort. instantly, girty sprung up at the head of his five hundred warriors, and rushed rapidly upon the western gate, ready to force his way over the undefended palisades. into this immense mass of dusky bodies, the garrison poured several rapid volleys of rifle balls with destructive effect. their consternation may be imagined. with wild cries they dispersed on the right and left, and in two minutes not an indian was to be seen. at the same time, the party who had sallied out on the lexington road, came running into the fort at the opposite gate, in high spirits, and laughing heartily at the success of their maneuvre." after this repulse, the indians commenced the attack in regular form, that is regular indian form, for they had no cannon, which was a great oversight, and one which we would not have expected them to make, after witnessing the terror with which they had inspired the kentuckians in byrd's invasion. two men had left the garrison immediately upon discovering the indians, to carry the news to lexington and demand succor. on arriving at that place they found the men had mostly gone to hoy's station. the couriers pursued, and overtaking them, quickly brought them back. sixteen horsemen, and forty or fifty on foot, started to the relief of bryant's station, and arrived before that place at two o'clock in the afternoon. to the left of the long and narrow lane, where the maysville and lexington road now runs, there were more than one hundred acres of green standing corn. the usual road from lexington to bryant's, ran parallel to the fence of this field, and only a few feet distant from it. on the opposite side of the road was a thick wood. here, more than three hundred indians lay in ambush, within pistol-shot of the road, awaiting the approach of the party. the horsemen came in view at a time when the firing had ceased, and every thing was quiet. seeing no enemy, and hearing no noise, they entered the lane at a gallop, and were instantly saluted with a shower of rifle balls, from each side, at the distance of ten paces. at the first shot, the whole party set spurs to their horses, and rode at full speed through a rolling fire from either side, which continued for several hundred yards, but owing partly to the furious rate at which they rode, partly to the clouds of dust raised by the horses' feet, they all entered the fort unhurt. the men on foot were less fortunate. they were advancing through the corn-field, and might have reached the fort in safety, but for their eagerness to succor their friends. without reflecting, that from the weight and extent of the fire, the enemy must have been ten times their number, they ran up with inconsiderate courage, to the spot where the firing was heard, and there found themselves cut off from the fort, and within pistol-shot of more than three hundred savages. fortunately the indians' guns had just been discharged, and they had not yet had leisure to reload. at the sight of this brave body of footmen, however, they raised a hideous yell, and rushed upon them, tomahawk in hand. nothing but the high corn and their loaded rifles, could have saved them from destruction. the indians were cautious in rushing upon a loaded rifle with only a tomahawk, and when they halted to load their pieces, the kentuckians ran with great rapidity, turning and dodging through the corn in every direction. some entered the wood and escaped through the thickets of cane, some were shot down in the corn-field, others maintained a running fight, halting occasionally behind trees and keeping the enemy at bay with their rifles; for, of all men, the indians are generally the most cautious in exposing themselves to danger. a stout, active, young fellow, was so hard pressed by girty and several savages, that he was compelled to discharge his rifle, (however unwilling, having no time to reload it,) and girty fell. it happened, however, that a piece of thick sole-leather was in his shot-pouch at the time, which received the ball, and preserved his life, although the force of the blow felled him to the ground. the savages halted upon his fall, and the young man escaped. although the skirmish and the race lasted more than an hour, during which the corn-field presented a scene of turmoil and bustle which can scarcely be conceived, yet very few lives were lost. only six of the white men were killed and wounded, and probably still fewer of the enemy, as the whites never fired until absolutely necessary, but reserved their loads as a check upon the enemy. had the indians pursued them to lexington, they might have possessed themselves of it without resistance, as there was no force there to oppose them; but after following the fugitives for a few hundred yards, they returned to the hopeless siege of the fort.[ ] the day was nearly over, and the indians were discouraged. they had made no perceptible impression upon the fort, but had sustained a severe loss; the country was aroused, and they feared to find themselves outnumbered in their turn. girty determined to attempt to frighten them into a capitulation. for this purpose he cautiously approached the works, and suddenly showed himself on a large stump, from which he addressed the garrison. after extolling their valor, he assured them that their resistance was useless, as he expected his artillery shortly, when their fort would be crushed without difficulty. he promised them perfect security for their lives if they surrendered, and menaced them with the usual inflictions of indian rage if they refused. he concluded by asking if they knew him. the garrison of course gave no credit to the promises of good treatment contained in this speech. they were too well acquainted with the facility with which such pledges were given and violated; but the mention of cannon was rather alarming, as the expedition of colonel byrd was fresh in the minds of all. none of the leaders made any answer to girty, but a young man by the name of reynolds, took upon himself to reply to it. in regard to the question of girty, "whether the garrison knew him?" he said: "'that he was very well known; that he himself had a worthless dog, to which he had given the name of 'simon girty,' in consequence of his striking resemblance to the man of that name; that if he had either artillery or reinforcements, he might bring them up and be d----d; that if either himself, or any of the naked rascals with him, found their way into the fort, they would disdain to use their guns against them, but would drive them out again with switches, of which they had collected a great number for that purpose alone; and finally he declared, that they also expected reinforcements; that the whole country was marching to their assistance; that if girty and his gang of murderers remained twenty-four hours longer before the fort, their scalps would be found drying in the sun upon the roofs of their cabins.'"[ ] girty affected much sorrow for the inevitable destruction which he assured the garrison awaited them, in consequence of their obstinacy. all idea of continuing the siege was now abandoned. the besiegers evacuated their camp that very night; and with so much precipitation, that meat was left roasting before the fires. though we cannot wonder at this relinquishing of a long-cherished scheme when we consider the character of the indians, yet it would be impossible to account for the appearance of precipitancy, and even terror, with which their retreat was accompanied, did we not perceive it to be the first of a series of similar artifices, designed to draw on their enemies to their own destruction. there was nothing in the circumstances to excite great apprehensions. to be sure, they had been repulsed in their attempt on the fort with some loss, yet this loss (thirty men) would by no means have deterred a european force of similar numbers from prosecuting the enterprise. girty and his great indian army retired toward ruddle's and martin's stations, on a circuitous route, toward lower blue licks. they expected, however, to be pursued, and evidently desired it, as they left a broad trail behind them, and marked the trees which stood on their route with their tomahawks.[ ] [footnote : mcclung.] [footnote : mcclung.] [footnote : frost: "border wars of the west." peck: "life of boone." mcclung: "western adventure."] chapter xvi. arrival of reinforcements at bryant's station--colonel daniel boone, his son and brother among them--colonels trigg, todd, and others--great number of commissioned officers--consultation--pursuit commenced without waiting for colonel logan's reinforcement--indian trail--apprehensions of boone and others--arrival at the blue licks--indians seen--consultation--colonel boone's opinion--rash conduct of major mcgary--battle of blue licks commenced--fierce encounter with the indians--israel boone, colonels todd and trigg, and majors harland and mcbride killed--attempt of the indians to outflank the whites--retreat of the whites--colonel boone nearly surrounded by indians--cuts his way through them, and returns to bryant's station--great slaughter--bravery of netherland--noble conduct of reynolds in saving captain patterson--loss of the whites--colonel boone's statement--remarks on mcgary's conduct--the fugitives meet colonel logan with his party--return to the field of battle--logan returns to bryant's station. the intelligence of the siege of bryant's station had spread far and wide, and the whole region round was in a state of intense excitement. the next morning after the enemy's retreat, reinforcements began to arrive, and in the course of the day successive bodies of militia presented themselves, to the number of one hundred and eighty men. among this number was colonel daniel boone, his son israel, and his brother samuel, with a strong party of men from boonesborough. colonel stephen trigg led a similar corps from harrodsburg; and colonel john todd headed the militia from lexington. majors harland, mcgary, mcbride, and levi todd were also among the arrivals.[ ] it is said that nearly one-third of the whole force assembled at bryant's station were commissioned officers, many of whom had hurried to the relief of their countrymen. this superior activity is to be accounted for by the fact that the officers were generally selected from the most active and skillful of the pioneers. a consultation was held in a tumultuous manner, and it was determined to pursue the enemy at once. the indians had retreated by way of the lower blue licks. the pursuit was commenced without waiting for the junction of colonel logan, who was known to be coming up with a strong reinforcement. the trail of the enemy exhibited a degree of carelessness very unusual in an indian retreat. various articles were strewn along the path, as if in terror they had been abandoned. these symptoms, while they increased the ardor of the young men, excited the apprehensions of the more experienced borderers, and boone in particular. he noticed that, amid all the signs of disorder so lavishly displayed, the indians seemed to take even unusual care to conceal their numbers by contracting their camp. it would seem that the indians had rather overdone their stratagem. it was very natural to those not much experienced in indian warfare to suppose that the articles found strewn along the road had been abandoned in the hurry of flight; but when they found that the utmost pains had been taken to point out the way to them by chopping the trees, one would have thought that the rawest among them, who had only spent a few months on the border, could have seen through so transparent an artifice. but these indications were disregarded in the desire felt to punish the indians for their invasion. nothing was seen of the enemy till the kentuckians reached the blue licks. here, just as they arrived at licking river, a few indians were seen on the other side, retreating without any appearance of alarm. the troops now made a halt, and the officers held a consultation to determine on the course to be pursued. colonel daniel boone, on being appealed to as the most experienced person present, gave his opinion as follows: "that their situation was critical and delicate: that the force opposed to them was undoubtedly numerous and ready for battle, as might readily be seen from the leisurely retreat of the few indians who had appeared upon the crest of the hill; that he was well acquainted with the ground in the neighborhood of the licks, and was apprehensive that an ambuscade was formed at the distance of a mile in advance, where two ravines, one upon each side of the ridge, ran in such a manner that a concealed enemy might assail them at once both in front and flank before they were apprized of the danger. "it would be proper, therefore, to do one of two things. either to await the arrival of logan, who was now undoubtedly on his march to join them; or, if it was determined to attack without delay, that one-half of their number should march up the river, which there bends in an elliptical form, cross at the rapids, and fall upon the rear of the enemy, while the other division attacked them in front. at any rate, he strongly urged the necessity of reconnoitering the ground carefully before the main body crossed the river."[ ] mcclung, in his "western adventures," doubts whether the plan of operation proposed by colonel boone would have been more successful than that actually adopted; suggesting that the enemy would have cut them off in detail, as at estill's defeat. but before the officers could come to any conclusion, major mcgary dashed into the river on horseback, calling on all who were not cowards to follow. the next moment the whole of the party were advancing to the attack with the greatest ardor, but without any order whatever. horse and foot struggled through the river together, and, without waiting to form, rushed up the ascent from the shore. "suddenly," says mcclung, "the van halted. they had reached the spot mentioned by boone, where the two ravines head, on each side of the ridge. here a body of indians presented themselves, and attacked the van. mcgary's party instantly returned the fire, but under great disadvantage. they were upon a bare and open ridge; the indians in a bushy ravine. the centre and rear, ignorant of the ground, hurried up to the assistance of the van, but were soon stopped by a terrible fire from the ravine which flanked them. they found themselves enclosed as if in the wings of a net, destitute of proper shelter, while the enemy were in a great measure covered from their fire. still, however, they maintained their ground. the action became warm and bloody. the parties gradually closed, the indians emerged from the ravine, and the fire became mutually destructive. the officers suffered dreadfully. todd and trigg in the rear, harland, mcbride, and young israel boone in front, were already killed." "the indians gradually extended their line to turn the right of the kentuckians, and cut off their retreat. this was quickly perceived by the weight of the fire from that quarter, and the rear instantly fell back in disorder, and attempted to rush through their only opening to the river. the motion quickly communicated itself to the van, and a hurried retreat became general. the indians instantly sprung forward in pursuit, and, falling upon them with their tomahawks, made a cruel slaughter. from the battle-ground to the river the spectacle was terrible. the horsemen, generally, escaped; but the foot, particularly the van, which had advanced furthest within the wings of the net, were almost totally destroyed. colonel boone, after witnessing the death of his son and many of his dearest friends, found himself almost entirely surrounded at the very commencement of the retreat." "several hundred indians were between him and the ford, to which the great mass of the fugitives were bending their flight, and to which the attention of the savages was principally directed. being intimately acquainted with the ground, he, together with a few friends, dashed into the ravine which the indians had occupied, but which most of them had now left to join in the pursuit. after sustaining one or two heavy fires, and baffling one or two small parties who pursued him for a short distance, he crossed the river below the ford by swimming, and, entering the wood at a point where there was no pursuit, returned by a circuitous route to bryant's station. in the mean time, the great mass of the victors and vanquished crowded the bank of the ford." "the slaughter was great in the river. the ford was crowded with horsemen and foot and indians, all mingled together. some were compelled to seek a passage above by swimming; some who could not swim were overtaken and killed at the edge of the water. a man by the name of netherland, who had formerly been strongly suspected of cowardice, here displayed a coolness and presence of mind equally noble and unexpected. being finely mounted, he had outstripped the great mass of fugitives, and crossed the river in safety. a dozen or twenty horsemen accompanied him, and, having placed the river between them and the enemy, showed a disposition to continue their flight, without regard to the safety of their friends who were on foot, and still struggling with the current." "netherland instantly checked his horse, and in a loud voice, called upon his companions to halt, fire upon the indians, and save those who were still in the stream. the party instantly obeyed; and facing about, poured a close and fatal discharge of rifles upon the foremost of the pursuers. the enemy instantly fell back from the opposite bank, and gave time for the harassed and miserable footmen to cross in safety. the check, however, was but momentary. indians were seen crossing in great numbers above and below, and the flight again became general. most of the foot left the great buffalo track, and plunging into the thickets, escaped by a circuitous route to bryant's station." the pursuit was kept up for twenty miles, though with but little success. in the flight from the scene of action to the river, young reynolds, (the same who replied to girty's summons at bryant's station,) on horseback, overtook captain patterson on foot. this officer had not recovered from the effects of wounds received on a former occasion, and was altogether unable to keep up with the rest of the fugitives. reynolds immediately dismounted, and gave the captain his horse. continuing his flight on foot, he swam the river, but was made prisoner by a party of indians. he was left in charge of a single indian, whom he soon knocked down, and so escaped. for the assistance he so gallantly rendered him, captain patterson rewarded reynolds with a present of two hundred acres of land. sixty whites were killed in this battle of the blue licks, and seven made prisoners. colonel boone, in his autobiography, says that he was informed that the indian loss in killed, was four more than that of the kentuckians, and that the former put four of the prisoners to death, to make the numbers equal. but this account does not seem worthy of credit, when we consider the vastly superior numbers of the indians, their advantage of position, and the disorderly manner in which the kentuckians advanced. if this account is true, the loss of the indians in the actual battle must have been much greater than that of their opponents, many of the latter having been killed in the pursuit. as the loss of the kentuckians on this occasion, the heaviest they had ever sustained, was undoubtedly caused by rashness, it becomes our duty, according to the established usage of historians, to attempt to show where the fault lies. the conduct of mcgary, which brought on the action, appears to be the most culpable. he never denied the part which is generally attributed to him, but justified himself by saying that while at bryant's station, he had advised waiting for logan, but was met with the charge of cowardice. he believed that todd and trigg were jealous of logan, who was the senior colonel, and would have taken the command had he come up. this statement he made to a gentleman several years after the battle took place. he said also to the same person, that when he found them hesitating in the presence of the enemy, he "burst into a passion," called them cowards, and dashed into the river as before narrated. if this account be true, it may somewhat palliate, but certainly not justify the action. before the fugitives reached bryant's station, they met logan advancing with his detachment. the exaggerated accounts he received of the slaughter, induced him to return to the above-mentioned place. on the next morning all who had escaped from the battle were assembled, when logan found himself at the head of four hundred and fifty men. with this force, accompanied by colonel boone, he set out for the scene of action, hoping that the enemy, encouraged by their success, would await his arrival. but when he reached the field, he found it deserted. the bodies of the slain kentuckians, frightfully mangled, were strewed over the ground. after collecting and interring these, logan and boone, finding they could do nothing more, returned to bryant's station, where they disbanded the troops. "by such rash men as mcgary," says mr. peck,[ ] "colonel boone was charged with want of courage, when the result proved his superior wisdom and fore-sight. all the testimony gives boone credit for his sagacity and correctness in judgment before the action, and his coolness and self-possession in covering the retreat. his report of this battle to benjamin harrison, governor of virginia, is one of the few documents that remain from his pen." "boone's station, fayette county, august th, . "sir: present circumstances of affairs cause me to write to your excellency as follows. on the th instant, a large number of indians, with some white men, attacked one of our frontier stations, known by the name of bryant's station. the siege continued from about sunrise till about ten o'clock the next day, when they marched off. notice being given to the neighboring stations, we immediately raised one hundred and eighty-one horse, commanded by colonel john todd, including some of the lincoln county militia, commanded by colonel trigg, and pursued about forty miles. "on the th instant, we discovered the enemy lying in wait for us. on this discovery, we formed our columns into one single line, and marched up in their front within about forty yards, before there was a gun fired. colonel trigg commanded on the right, myself on the left, major mcgary in the centre, and major harlan the advanced party in front. from the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot to bring on the attack. this was done with a very heavy fire on both sides, and extended back of the line to colonel trigg, where the enemy were so strong they rushed up and broke the right wing at the first fire. thus the enemy got in our rear, with the loss of seventy-seven of our men, and twelve wounded. afterward we were reinforced by colonel logan, which made our force four hundred and sixty men. we marched again to the battle-ground; but finding the enemy had gone, we proceeded to bury the dead. "we found forty-three on the ground, and many lay about, which we could not stay to find, hungry and weary as we were, and somewhat dubious that the enemy might not have gone off quite. by the signs, we thought that the indians had exceeded four hundred; while the whole of this militia of the county does not amount to more than one hundred and thirty. from these facts your excellency may form an idea of our situation. "i know that your own circumstances are critical; but are we to be wholly forgotten? i hope not. i trust about five hundred men may be sent to our assistance immediately. if these shall be stationed as our county lieutenants shall deem necessary, it may be the means of saving our part of the country; but if they are placed under the direction of general clark, they will be of little or no service to our settlement. the falls lie one hundred miles west of us, and the indians northeast; while our men are frequently called to protect them. i have encouraged the people in this county all that i could; but i can no longer justify them or myself to risk our lives here under such extraordinary hazards. the inhabitants of this county are very much alarmed at the thoughts of the indians bringing another campaign into our country this fall. if this should be the case, it will break up these settlements. i hope, therefore, your excellency will take the matter into consideration, and send us some relief as quick as possible. "these are my sentiments, without consulting any person. colonel logan will, i expect, immediately send you an express, by whom i humbly request your excellency's answer. in the meanwhile, i remain," daniel boone. [footnote : peck.] [footnote : mcclung.] [footnote : "life of boone," p. .] chapter xvii. the indians return home from the blue licks--they attack the settlements in jefferson county--affair at simpson's creek--general clark's expedition to the indian country--colonel boone joins it--its effect--attack of the indians on the crab orchard settlement--rumor of intended invasion by the cherokees--difficulties about the treaty with great britain--hostilities of the indians generally stimulated by renegade whites--simon girty--causes of his hatred of the whites--girty insulted by general lewis--joins the indians at the battle of point pleasant--story of his rescuing simon kenton--crawford's expedition, and the burning of crawford--close of girty's career. most of the indians who had taken part in the battle of the blue licks, according to their custom, returned home to boast of their victory, thus abandoning all the advantages which might have resulted to them from following up their success. some of them, however, attacked the settlements in jefferson county but they were prevented from doing much mischief by the vigilance of the inhabitants. they succeeded, however, in breaking up a small settlement on simpson's creek. this they attacked in the night, while the men, wearied by a scout of several days, were asleep. the enemy entered the houses before their occupants were fully aroused. notwithstanding this, several of the men defended themselves with great courage. thomas randolph killed several indians before his wife and infant were struck down at his side, when he escaped with his remaining child through the roof. on reaching the ground he was assailed by two of the savages, but he beat them off, and escaped. several women escaped to the woods, and two were secreted under the floor of a cabin, where they remained undiscovered. still the indians captured quite a number of women and children, some of whom they put to death on the road home. the rest were liberated the next year upon the conclusion of peace with the english. general george rogers clark proposed a retaliatory expedition into the indian country, and to carry out the plan, called a council of the superior officers. the council agreed to his plan, and preparations were made to raise the requisite number of troops by drafting, if there should be any deficiency of volunteers. but it was not found necessary to resort to compulsory measures, both men and supplies for the expedition were raised without difficulty. the troops to the number of one thousand, all mounted, assembled at bryant's station, and the falls of the ohio, from whence the two detachments marched under logan and floyd to the mouth of the licking, where general clark assumed the command. colonel boone took part in this expedition; but probably as a volunteer. he is not mentioned as having a separate command. the history of this expedition, like most others of the same nature, possesses but little interest. the army with all the expedition they could make, and for which the species of force was peculiarly favorable, failed to surprise the indians. these latter opposed no resistance of importance to the advance of the army. occasionally, a straggling party would fire upon the kentuckians, but never waited to receive a similar compliment in return. seven indians were taken prisoners, and three or four killed; one of them an old chief, too infirm to fly, was killed by major mcgary. the towns of the indians were burnt, and their fields devastated. the expedition returned to kentucky with the loss of four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by their own comrades. this invasion, though apparently so barren of result, is supposed to have produced a beneficial effect, by impressing the indians with the numbers and courage of the kentuckians. they appear from this time to have given up the expectation of reconquering the country, and confined their hostilities to the rapid incursions of small bands. during the expedition of clark, a party of indians penetrated to the crab orchard settlement. they made an attack upon a single house, containing only a woman, a negro man, and two or three children. one of the indians, who had been sent in advance to reconnoitre, seeing the weakness of the garrison, thought to get all the glory of the achievement to himself. he boldly entered the house and seized the negro, who proving strongest, threw him on the floor, when the woman dispatched him with an axe. the other indians coming up, attempted to force open the door which had been closed by the children during the scuffle. there was no gun in the house, but the woman seized an old barrel of one, and thrust the muzzle through the logs, at which the indians retreated. the year passed away without any disturbance from the indians, who were restrained by the desertion of their allies the british. in , the southern frontier of kentucky was alarmed by the rumor of an intended invasion by the cherokees, and some preparations were made for an expedition against them, which fell through, however, because there was no authority to carry it on. the report of the hostility of the cherokees proved to be untrue. meanwhile difficulties arose in performance of the terms of the treaty between england and the united states. they appear to have originated in a dispute in regard to an article contained in the treaty, providing that the british army should not carry away with them any negroes or other property belonging to the american inhabitants. in consequence of what they deemed an infraction of this article, the virginians refused to comply with another, which stipulated for the repeal of acts prohibiting the collection of debts due to british subjects. the british, on the other hand, refused to evacuate the western posts till this article was complied with. it was natural that the intercourse which had always existed between the indians and the garrisons of these posts, during the period they had acted as allies, should continue, and it did. in the unwritten history of the difficulties of the united states government with the indian tribes within her established boundaries, nothing appears clearer than this truth: that the fierce and sanguinary resistance of the aborigines to the encroachments of the anglo-americans has ever been begun and continued more through the instigations of outlawed white men, who had sought protection among them from the arm of the law or the knife of individual vengeance, and been adopted into their tribes, than from the promptings of their own judgments, their disregard of death, their thirst for the blood of their oppressors, or their love of country.[ ] that their sense of wrong has at all times been keen, their hate deadly, and their bravery great, is a fact beyond dispute; and that they have prized highly their old hunting-grounds, and felt a warm and lively attachment to their beautiful village-sites, and regarded with especial veneration the burial-places of their fathers, their whole history attests; but of their own weakness in war, before the arms and numbers of their enemies, they must have been convinced at a very early period: and they were neither so dull in apprehension, nor so weak in intellect, as not soon to have perceived the utter hopelessness, and felt the mad folly, of a continued contest with their invaders. long before the settlement of the whites upon this continent, the indians had been subject to bloody and exterminating wars among themselves; and such conflicts had generally resulted in the flight of the weaker party toward the west, and the occupancy of their lands by the conquerors. many of the tribes had a tradition among them, and regarded it as their unchangeable destiny, that they were to journey from the rising to the setting sun, on their way to the bright waters and the green forests of the "spirit land;" and the working out of this destiny seems apparent, if not in the location, course, and character of the tumult and other remains of the great aboriginal nations of whom even tradition furnishes no account, certainly in what we know of the history of the tribes found on the atlantic coast by the first european settlers. it seems fairly presumable, from our knowledge of the history and character of the north american indians, that had they been left to the promptings of their own judgments, and been influenced only by the deliberations of their own councils, they would, after a brief, but perhaps most bloody, resistance to the encroachments of the whites, have bowed to what would have struck their untutored minds as an inevitable destiny, and year after year flowed silently, as the european wave pressed upon them, further and further into the vast wildernesses of the mighty west. but left to their own judgments, or their own deliberations, they never have been. early armed by renegade white men with european weapons, and taught the improvement of their own rude instruments of warfare, and instigated not only to oppose the strides of their enemies after territory, but to commit depredations upon their settlements, and to attempt to chastise them at their very thresholds, they drew down upon themselves the wrath of a people which is not slow to anger, nor easily appeased; and as far back as the revolution, if not as the colonizing of massachusetts, their breasts were filled with a hatred of the whites, deadly and unslumbering. through all our subsequent transactions with them, this feeling has been increasing in magnitude and intensity: and recent events have carried it to a pitch which will render it enduring forever, perhaps not in its activity, but certainly in its bitterness. whether more amicable relations with the whites, during the first settlements made upon this continent by the europeans, would have changed materially the ultimate destiny of the aboriginal tribes, is a question about which diversities of opinion may well be entertained; but it is not to be considered here. the fierce, and bloody, and continuous opposition which the indians have made from the first to the encroachments of the anglo-americans, is matter of history; and close scrutiny will show, that the great instigators of that opposition have always, or nearly so, been _renegade white men_. scattered through the tribes east of the alleghanies, before and during the american revolution, there were many such miscreants. among the western tribes, during the early settlement of kentucky and ohio, and at the period of the last war with great britain, there were a number, some of them men of talent and great activity. one of the boldest and most notorious of these latter, was one whom we have had frequent occasion to mention, simon girty--for many years the scourge of the infant settlements in the west, the terror of women, and the bugaboo of children. this man was an adopted member of the great wyandot nation, among whom he ranked high as an expert hunter, a brave warrior, and a powerful orator. his influence extended through all the tribes of the west, and was generally exerted to incite the indians to expeditions against the "stations" of kentucky, and to acts of cruelty to their white prisoners. the bloodiest counsel was usually his; his was the voice which was raised loudest against his countrymen, who were preparing the way for the introduction of civilization and christianity into this glorious region; and in all great attacks upon the frontier settlements he was one of the prime movers, and among the prominent leaders. of the causes of that venomous hatred, which rankled in the bosom of simon girty against his countrymen, we have two or three versions: such as, that he early imbibed a feeling of contempt and abhorrence of civilized life, from the brutality of his father, the lapse from virtue of his mother, and the corruptions of the community in which he had his birth and passed his boyhood; that, while acting with the whites against the indians on the virginia border, he was stung to the quick, and deeply offended by the appointment to a station over his head, of one who was his junior in years, and had rendered nothing like his services to the frontiers; and that, when attached as a scout to dunmore's expedition, an indignity was heaped upon him which thoroughly soured his nature, and drove him to the indians, that he might more effectually execute a vengeance which he swore to wreak. the last reason assigned for his defection and animosity is the most probable of the three, rests upon good authority, and seems sufficient, his character considered, to account for his desertion and subsequent career among the indians. the history of the indignity alluded to, as it has reached the writer[ ] from one who was associated with girty and a partaker in it, is as follows: the two were acting as scouts in the expedition set on foot by governor dunmore, of virginia, in the year , against the indian towns of ohio. the two divisions of the force raised for this expedition, the one commanded by governor dunmore in person, the other by general andrew lewis, were by the orders of the governor to form a junction at point pleasant, where the great kenhawa empties into the ohio. at this place, general lewis arrived with his command on the eleventh or twelfth of september; but after remaining here two or three weeks in anxious expectation of the approach of the other division, he received dispatches from the governor, informing him that dunmore had changed his plan, and determined to march at once against the villages on the scioto, and ordering him to cross the ohio immediately and join him as speedily as possible. it was during the delay at the point that the incident occurred which is supposed to have had such a tremendous influence upon girty's after-life. he and his associate scout had rendered some two or three months' services, for which they had as yet drawn no part of their pay; and in their present idleness they discovered means of enjoyment, of which they had not money to avail themselves. in this strait, they called upon gen. lewis in person, at his quarters, and demanded their pay. for some unknown cause this was refused, which produced a slight murmuring on the part of the applicants, when general lewis cursed them, and struck them several severe blows over their heads with his cane. girty's associate was not much hurt; but he himself was so badly wounded on the forehead or temple that the blood streamed down his cheek and side to the floor. he quickly turned to leave the apartment; but, on reaching the door, wheeled round, planted his feet firmly upon the sill, braced an arm against either side of the frame, fixed his keen eyes unflinchingly upon the general, uttered the exclamation, "_by god, sir, your quarters shall swim in blood for this_!" and instantly disappeared beyond pursuit. general lewis was not much pleased with the sudden and apparently causeless change which governor dunmore had made in the plan of the expedition. nevertheless, he immediately prepared to obey the new orders, and had given directions for the construction of rafts upon which to cross the ohio, when, before daylight on the morning of the th of october, some of the scouts suddenly entered the encampment with the information that an immense body of indians was just at hand, hastening upon the point. this was the force of the brave and skillful chief cornstalk, whose genius and valor were so conspicuous on that day, throughout the whole of which raged the hardly-contested and moat bloody _battle of the point_. girty had fled from general lewis immediately to the chief cornstalk, forsworn his white nature, and leagued himself with the redman forever; and with the indians he was now advancing, under the cover of night, to surprise the virginian camp. at the distance of only a mile from the point, cornstalk was met by a detachment of the virginians, under the command of colonel charles lewis, a brother of the general; and here, about sunrise on the th of october, , commenced one of the longest, severest, and bloodiest battles ever fought upon the western frontiers. it terminated, as we have seen, about sunset, with the defeat of the indians it is true, but with a loss to the whites which carried mourning into many a mansion of the old dominion, and which was keenly felt throughout the country at the time, and remembered with sorrow long after. girty having thrown himself among the indians, as has been related, and embraced their cause, now retreated with them into the interior of ohio, and ever after followed their fortunes without swerving. on arriving at the towns of the wyandots, he was adopted into that tribe, and established himself at upper sandusky. being active, of a strong constitution, fearless in the extreme, and at all times ready to join their war parties, lie soon became very popular among his new associates, and a man of much consequence. he was engaged in most of the expeditions against the frontier settlements of pennsylvania and virginia--always brave and always cruel--till the year , when occurred an incident which, as it is the only bright spot apparent on the whole dark career of the renegade, shall be related with some particularity. girty happened to be at lower sandusky this year, when kenton--known at that period as simon butler--was brought in to be executed by a party of indians who had made him a prisoner on the banks of the ohio. years before, kenton and girty had been bosom companions at fort pitt, and served together subsequently in the commencement of dunmore's expedition; but the victim was already blackened for the stake, and the renegade failed to recognize in him his former associate. girty had at this time but just returned from an expedition against the frontier of pennsylvania, which had been less successful than he had anticipated, and was enraged by disappointment. he, therefore, as soon as kenton was brought into the village, began to give vent to a portion of his spleen by cuffing and kicking the prisoner, whom he eventually knocked down. he knew that kenton had come from kentucky; and this harsh treatment was bestowed in part, it is thought, to frighten the prisoner into answers of such questions as he might wish to ask him. he then inquired how many men there were in kentucky. kenton could not answer this question, but ran over the names and ranks of such of the officers as he at the time recollected. "do you know william stewart?" asked girty. "perfectly well," replied kenton; "he is an old and intimate acquaintance." "ah! what is _your_ name, then?" "simon butler," answered kenton; and on the instant of this announcement the hardened renegade caught his old comrade by the hand, lifted him from the ground, pressed him to his bosom, asked his forgiveness for having treated him so brutally, and promised to do every thing in his power to save his life, and set him at liberty. "syme!" said he, weeping like a child, "you are condemned to die, but it shall go hard with me, i tell you, but i will save you from _that_." there have been various accounts given of this interesting scene, and all agree in representing girty as having been deeply affected, and moved for the moment to penitence and tears. the foundation of mcclung's detail of the speeches made upon the occasion was a manuscript dictated by kenton himself a number of years before his death. from this writer we therefore quote: "as soon as girty heard the name he became strongly agitated; and, springing from his seat, he threw his arms around kenton's neck, and embraced him with much emotion. then turning to the assembled warriors, who remained astonished spectators of this extraordinary scene, he addressed them in a short speech, which the deep earnestness of his tone, and the energy of his gesture, rendered eloquent. he informed them that the prisoner, whom they had just condemned to the stake, was his ancient comrade and bosom friend; that they had traveled the same war-path, slept upon the same blanket, and dwelt in the same wigwam. he entreated them to have compassion on his feelings--to spare him the agony of witnessing the torture of an old friend by the hands of his adopted brothers, and not to refuse so trifling a favor as the life of a white man to the earnest intercession of one who had proved, by three years' faithful service, that he was sincerely and zealously devoted to the cause of the indians. "the speech was listened to in unbroken silence. as soon as he had finished, several chiefs expressed their approbation by a deep guttural interjection, while others were equally as forward in making known their objections to the proposal. they urged that his fate had already been determined in a large and solemn council, and that they would be acting like squaws to change their minds every hour. they insisted upon the flagrant misdemeanors of kenton--that he had not only stolen their horses, but had flashed his gun at one of their young men--that it was vain to suppose that so bad a man could ever become an indian at heart, like their brother girty--that the kentuckians were all alike--very bad people--and ought to be killed as fast as they were taken--and finally, they observed that many of their people had come from a distance, solely to assist at the torture of the prisoner, and pathetically painted the disappointment and chagrin with which they would hear that all their trouble had been for nothing. "girty listened with obvious impatience to the young warriors who had so ably argued against a reprieve--and starting to his feet, as soon as the others had concluded, he urged his former request with great earnestness. he briefly, but strongly recapitulated his own services, and the many and weighty instances of attachment he had given. he asked if _he_ could be suspected of partiality to the whites? when had he ever before interceded for any of that hated race? had he not brought seven scalps home with him from the last expedition? and had he not submitted seven white prisoners that very evening to their discretion? had he ever expressed a wish that a single captive should be saved? _this_ was his first and should be his last request: for if they refused to _him_, what was never refused to the intercession of one of their natural chiefs, he would look upon himself as disgraced in their eyes, and considered as unworthy of confidence. which of their own natural warriors had been more zealous than himself? from what expedition had he ever shrunk?--what white man had ever seen his back? whose tomahawk had been bloodier than his? he would say no more. he asked it as a first and last favor, as an evidence that they approved of his zeal and fidelity, that the life of his bosom friend might be spared. fresh speakers arose upon each side, and the debate was carried on for an hour and a half with great heat and energy. "during the whole of this time, kenton's feelings may readily be imagined. he could not understand a syllable of what was said. he saw that girty spoke with deep earnestness, and that the eyes of the assembly were often turned upon himself with various expressions. he felt satisfied that his friend was pleading for his life, and that he was violently opposed by a large part of the council. at length the war-club was produced, and the final vote taken. kenton watched its progress with thrilling emotion--which yielded to the most rapturous delight, as he perceived that those who struck the floor of the council-house, were decidedly inferior in number to those who passed it in silence. having thus succeeded in his benevolent purpose, girty lost no time in attending to the comfort of his friend. he led him into his own wigwam, and from his own store gave him a pair of moccasins and leggins, a breech-cloth, a hat, a coat, a handkerchief for his neck, and another for his head." in the course of a few weeks, and after passing through some further difficulties, in which the renegade again stood by him faithfully, kenton was sent to detroit, from which place he effected his escape and returned to kentucky. girty remained with the indians, retaining his old influence, and continuing his old career; and four years after the occurrences last detailed, in , we find him a prominent figure in one of the blackest tragedies that have ever disgraced the annals of mankind. it is generally believed, by the old settlers and their immediate descendants, that the influence of girty at this period, over the confederate tribes of the whole northwest, was almost supreme. he had, it is true, no delegated authority, and of course was powerless as regarded the final determination of any important measure; but his voice was permitted in council among the chiefs, and his inflaming harangues were always listened to with delight by the young warriors. among the sachems and other head-men, he was what may well be styled a "power behind the throne;" and as it is well known that this unseen power is often "greater than the throne itself," it may reasonably be presumed that girty's influence was in reality all which it is supposed to have been. the horrible event alluded to above, was the _burning of crawford_; and as a knowledge of this dark passage in his life, is necessary to a full development of the character of the renegade, an account of the incident, as much condensed as possible, will be given from the histories of the unfortunate campaign of that year. the frontier settlements of pennsylvania and virginia, had been greatly harassed by repeated attacks from bands of indians under girty and some of the wyandot and shawnee chiefs, during the whole period of the revolutionary war; and early in the spring of , these savage incursions became so frequent and galling, and the common mode of fighting the indians on the line of frontier, when forced to do so in self-defense, proved so inefficient, that it was found absolutely necessary to carry the war into the country of the enemy. for this purpose an expedition against the wyandot towns on the sandusky, was gotten up in may, and put under the command of colonel william crawford, a brave soldier of the revolution. this force, amounting to upward of four hundred mounted volunteers, commenced its march through the wilderness northwest of the ohio river, on the th of may, and reached the plains of the sandusky on the th of june. a spirit of insubordination had manifested itself during the march, and on one occasion a small body of the volunteers abandoned the expedition and returned to their homes. the disaffection which had prevailed on the march, continued to disturb the commander and divide the ranks, after their arrival upon the very site (now deserted temporarily) of one of the enemy's principal towns; and the officers, yielding to the wishes of their men, had actually determined, in a hasty council, to abandon the objects of the expedition and return home, if they did not meet with the indians in large force in the course of another day's march. scarcely had this determination been announced, however, when colonel crawford received intelligence from his scouts, of the near approach of a large body of the enemy. preparations were at once made for the engagement, which almost instantly commenced. it was now about the middle of the afternoon; and from this time till dusk the firing was hot and galling on both sides. about dark the indians drew off their force, when the volunteers encamped upon the battle-ground, and slept on their arms. the next day, the battle was renewed by small detachments of the enemy, but no general engagement took place. the indians had suffered severely from the close firing which ensued upon their first attack, and were now maneuvering and awaiting the arrival of reinforcements. no sooner had night closed upon this madly spent day, than the officers assembled in council. they were unanimous in the opinion that the enemy, already as they thought more numerous than their own force, was rapidly increasing in numbers. they therefore determined, without a dissenting voice, to retreat that night, as rapidly as circumstances would permit. this resolution was at once announced to the whole body of volunteers, and the arrangements necessary to carry it into effect were immediately commenced. by nine or ten o'clock every thing was in readiness--the troops properly disposed--and the retreat begun in good order. but unfortunately, says mcclung, "they had scarcely moved an hundred paces, when the report of several rifles was heard in the rear, in the direction of the indian encampment. the troops instantly became very unsteady. at length a solitary voice, in the front rank, called out that their design was discovered, and that the indians would soon be upon them. nothing more was necessary. the cavalry were instantly broken; and, as usual, each man endeavored to save himself as he best could. a prodigious uproar ensued, which quickly communicated to the enemy that the white men had routed themselves, and that they had nothing to do but pick up stragglers." a scene of confusion and carnage now took place, which almost beggars description. all that night and for the whole of the next day, the work of hunting out, running down, and butchering, continued without intermission. but a relation of these sad occurrences does not properly belong to this narrative. the brief account of the expedition which has been given, was deemed necessary as an introduction to the event which now claims attention. among the prisoners taken by the indians, were colonel crawford, the commander, and dr. knight of pittsburg, who had gone upon the expedition as surgeon. on the th of june, these gentlemen were marched toward the principal town of the wyandots, where they arrived the next day. here they beheld the mangled bodies of some of their late companions, and were doomed to see others, yet living, butchered before their eyes. here, likewise, they saw simon girty, who appeared to take an infernal delight in gazing upon the dead bodies, and viewing the tortures which were inflicted upon the living. the features of this wretch, who had known colonel crawford at fort pitt, were clad in malicious smiles at beholding the brave soldier in his present strait; and toward dr. knight he conducted himself with insolence as well as barbarity. the colonel was soon stripped naked, painted black, and commanded to sit down by a large fire which was blazing close at hand; and in this situation he was surrounded by all the old women and young boys of the town, and severely beaten with sticks and clubs. while this was going on, the indians were sinking a large stake in the ground, and building a circle of brushwood and hickory sticks around it, with a diameter of some twelve or fifteen feet. these preparations completed, crawford's hands were tied firmly behind his back, and by his wrists he was bound to the stake. the pile was then fired in several places, and the quick flames curled into the air. girty took no part in these operations, but sat upon his horse at a little distance, observing them with a malignant satisfaction. catching his eye at the moment the pile was fired, crawford inquired of the renegade if the savages really meant to burn him. girty coldly answered "yes," and the colonel calmly resigned himself to his fate. the whole scene is minutely described in the several histories which have been written of this unfortunate expedition; but the particulars are too horrible to be dwelt upon here for more than two hours did the gallant soldier survive at that flame-girdled stake; and during the latter half of this time, he was put to every torture which savage ingenuity could devise, and hellish vengeance execute. once only did a word escape his lips. in the extremity of his agony he again caught the eye of girty; and he is reported to have exclaimed at this time, "girty! girty! shoot me through the heart! do not refuse me! quick!--quick!" and it is said that the monster merely replied, "don't you see i have no gun, colonel?" then burst into a loud laugh and turned away. crawford said no more; he sank repeatedly beneath the pain and suffocation which he endured, and was as often aroused by a new torture; but in a little while the "vital spark" fled, and the black and swollen body lay senseless at the foot of the stake. dr. knight was now removed from the spot, and placed under the charge of a shawanee warrior to be taken to chillicothe, where he was to share in the terrible fate of his late companion. the doctor, however, was fortunate enough to effect his escape; and after wandering through the wilderness for three weeks, in a state bordering on starvation, he reached pittsburg. he had been an eye-witness of all the tortures inflicted upon the colonel, and subsequently published a journal of the expedition; and it is from this that the particulars have been derived of the several accounts which have been published of the _burning of crawford_.[ ] it was not to be expected that such a man as simon girty could, for a great many years, maintain his influence among a people headed by chiefs and warriors like black-hoof, buckongahelas, little turtle, tarhé, and so forth. accordingly we find the ascendancy of the renegade at its height about the period of the expedition against bryant's station, already described; and not long after this it began to wane, when, discontent and disappointment inducing him to give way to his natural appetites, he partook freely of all intoxicating liquors, and in the course of a few years became a beastly drunkard. it is believed that he at one time seriously meditated an abandonment of the indians, and a return to the whites; and an anecdote related by mcclung, in his notice of the emigration to kentucky, by way of the ohio river, in the year , would seem to give color to this opinion. but if the intention ever was seriously indulged, it is most likely that fear of the treatment he would receive on being recognized in the frontier settlements, on account of his many bloody enormities, prevented him from carrying it into effect. he remained with the indians in ohio till wayne's victory, when he forsook the scenes of his former influence and savage greatness, and established himself somewhere in upper canada. he fought in the bloody engagement which terminated in the defeat and butchery of st. clair's army in , and was at the battle of the fallen timbers in ; but he had no command in either of those engagements, and was not at this time a man of any particular influence. in canada, girty was something of a trader, but gave himself up almost wholly to intoxicating drinks, and became a perfect sot. at this time he suffered much from rheumatism and other diseases; but he had grown a great braggart, and amidst his severest pains he would entertain his associates, and all who were willing to listen, with stories of his past pranks and cruelty. he had now the most exaggerated notions of the honor attaching to the character of a great warrior; and for some years before his death his constantly-expressed wish was, that he might find an opportunity of signalizing his last years by some daring action, and die upon the field of battle. whether sincere in this wish or not, the opportunity was afforded him. he fought with the indians at proctor's defeat on the thames in , and was among those who were here cut down and trodden under foot by colonel johnson's regiment of mounted kentuckians. of the birth-place and family of simon girty we have not been able to procure any satisfactory information. it is generally supposed, from the fact that nearly all of his early companions were virginians, that he was a native of the old dominion; but one of the early pioneers, (yet living in franklin county,) who knew girty at pittsburg before his defection, thinks that his native state was pennsylvania. this venerable gentleman is likewise of the opinion, that it was the disappointment of not getting an office to which he aspired that first filled girty's breast with hatred of the whites, and roused in him those dark thoughts and bitter feelings which subsequently, on the occurrence of the first good opportunity, induced him to desert his countrymen and league himself with the indians. that girty was an applicant or candidate for some office, and was defeated in his efforts to obtain it by an individual who was generally considered less deserving of it than he, my informant has distinct recollections; and also remembers that his defeat was occasioned principally through the exertions, in behalf of his opponent, of colonel william crawford. this affords a key to the cause of girty's fiend-like conduct toward the colonel when, some ten years afterward, the latter was bound to the stake at one of the wyandot towns, and in the extremity of his agony besought the renegade to put an end to his misery by shooting him through the heart: it offers no apology, however, for girty's brutality on that occasion. the career of the renegade, commenced by treason and pursued through blood to the knee, affords a good lesson, which might well receive some remark; but this narrative has already extended to an unexpected length, and must here close. it is a dark record; but the histories of all new countries contain somewhat similar passages, and their preservation in this form may not be altogether without usefulness.[ ] [footnote : gallagher: "hesperian," vol. i., p. .] [footnote : gallagher.] [footnote : gallagher.] [footnote : gallagher.] chapter xviii. season of repose--colonel boone buys land--builds a log-house and goes to farming--kentucky organized on a new basis--the three counties united in one district, and courts established--colonel boone surprised by indians--escapes by a bold stratagem--increase of emigration--transportation of goods commences--primitive manners and customs of the settlers--hunting--the autumn hunt--the hunting camp-qualifications of a good hunter--animals hunted--the process of building and furnishing a cabin--the house-warming. after the series of indian hostilities recorded in the chapters immediately preceding this, kentucky enjoyed a season of comparative repose. the cessation of hostilities between the united states and great britain in , and the probable speedy cession of the british posts on the northwestern frontier, discouraged the indians, stopped their customary incursions on the kentuckians, and gave them leisure to acquire and cultivate new tracts of land. colonel boone, notwithstanding the heavy loss of money (which has been already mentioned) as he was on his journey to north carolina, was now able to purchase several locations of land. he had been compensated for his military services by the commonwealth of virginia, to which kentucky still belonged. on one of his locations he built a comfortable log-house and recommenced farming, with his usual industry and perseverance, varying the pursuits of agriculture with occasional indulgence in his favorite sport of hunting. in kentucky organized herself on a new basis, virginia having united the three counties into one district, having a court of common law and chancery for the whole territory which now forms the state of kentucky. the seat of justice at first was at harrodsburg; but for want of convenient accommodations for the sessions of the courts, they were subsequently removed to danville, which, in consequence, became for a season the centre and capital of the state.[ ] a singular and highly characteristic adventure, in which boone was engaged about this time, is thus narrated by mr. peck: "though no hostile attacks from indians disturbed the settlements, still there were small parties discovered, or _signs_ seen on the frontier settlements. on one occasion, about this period, four indians came to the farm of colonel boone, and nearly succeeded in taking him prisoner. the particulars are given as they were narrated by boone himself, at the wedding of a granddaughter, a few months before his decease, and they furnish an illustration of his habitual self-possession and tact with indians. at a short distance from his cabin he had raised a small patch of tobacco to supply his neighbors, (for boone never used the 'filthy weed' himself,) the amount, perhaps, of one hundred and fifty hills. "as a shelter for curing it, he had built an enclosure of rails, a dozen feet in height, and covered it with cane and grass. stalks of tobacco are usually split and strung on sticks about four feet in length. the ends of these are laid on poles, placed across the tobacco house, and in tiers, one above the other to the roof. boone had fixed his temporary shelter in such a manner as to have three tiers. he had covered the lower tier, and the tobacco had become dry, when he entered the shelter for the purpose of removing the sticks to the upper tier, preparatory to gathering the remainder of the crop. he had hoisted up the sticks from the lower to the second tier, and was standing on the poles that supported it while raising the sticks to the upper tier, when four stout indians, with guns, entered the low door and called him by name. 'now, boone, we got you. you no get away more. we carry you off to chillicothe this time. you no cheat us any more.' boone looked down upon their up-turned faces, saw their loaded guns pointed at his breast, and recognizing some of his old friends, the shawanees, who had made him prisoner near the blue licks in , coolly and pleasantly responded, 'ah! old friends, glad to see you.' perceiving that they manifested impatience to have him come down, he told them he was quite willing to go with them, and only begged they would wait where they were, and watch him closely, until he could finish removing his tobacco." while parleying with them, inquiring after old acquaintances, and proposing to give them his tobacco when cured, he diverted their attention from his purpose, until he had collected together a number of sticks of dry tobacco, and so turned them as to fall between the poles directly in their faces. at the same instant, he jumped upon them with as much of the dry tobacco as he could gather in his arms, filling their mouths and eyes with its pungent dust; and blinding and disabling them from following him, rushed out and hastened to his cabin, where he had the means of defense. notwithstanding the narrow escape, he could not resist the temptation, after retreating some fifteen or twenty yards, to look round and see the success of his achievement. the indians blinded and nearly suffocated, were stretching out their hands and feeling about in different directions, calling him by name and cursing him for a rogue, and themselves for fools. the old man, in telling the story, imitated their gestures and tones of voice with great glee. emigration to kentucky was now rapidly on the increase, and many new settlements were formed. the means of establishing comfortable homesteads increased. horses, cattle, and swine were rapidly in creasing in number; and trading in various commodities became more general. from philadelphia, merchandise was transported to pittsburg on pack-horses, and thence taken down the ohio river in flat-boats and distributed among the settlements on its banks. country stores, land speculators, and paper money made their appearance, affording a clear augury of the future activity of the west in commercial industry and enterprise. [illustration: bold strategem of boone] most of the settlers came from the interior of north carolina and virginia; and brought with them the manners and customs of those states. these manners and customs were primitive enough. the following exceedingly graphic description, which we transcribe from "doddridge's notes," will afford the reader a competent idea of rural life in the times of daniel boone. "hunting.--this was an important part of the employment of the early settlers of this country. for some years the woods supplied them with the greater amount of their subsistence, and with regard to some families, at certain times, the whole of it; for it was no uncommon thing for families to live several months without a mouthful of bread. it frequently happened that there was no breakfast until it was obtained from the woods. fur and peltry were the people's money. they had nothing else to give in exchange for rifles, salt, and iron, on the other side of the mountains. "the fall and early part of the winter was the season for hunting deer, and the whole of the winter, including part of the spring, for bears and fur-skinned animals. it was a customary saying that fur is good during every month in the name of which the letter r occurs. "the class of hunters with whom i was best acquainted, were those whose hunting ranges were on the eastern side of the river, and at the distance of eight or nine miles from it. as soon as the leaves were pretty well down, and the weather became rainy, accompanied with light snows, these men, after acting the part of husbandmen, so far as the state of warfare permitted them to do so, soon began to feel that they were hunters. they became uneasy at home. every thing about them became disagreeable. the house was too warm. the feather-bed too soft, and even the good wife was not thought, for the time being, a proper companion. the mind of the hunter was wholly occupied with the camp and chase. "i have often seen them get up early in the morning at this season, walk hastily out, and look anxiously to the woods and snuff the autumnal winds with the highest rapture, then return into the house and cast a quick and attentive look at the rifle, which was always suspended to a joist by a couple of buck horns, or little forks. his hunting dog, understanding the intentions of his master, would wag his tail, and by every blandishment in his power express his readiness to accompany him to the woods. "a day was soon appointed for the march of the little cavalcade to the camp. two or three horses furnished with pack-saddles were loaded with flour, indian meal, blankets, and every thing else requisite for the use of the hunter. "a hunting camp, or what was called a half-faced cabin, was of the following form; the back part of it was sometimes a large log; at the distance of eight or ten feet from this, two stakes were set in the ground a few inches apart, and at the distance of eight or ten feet from these, two more, to receive the ends of the poles for the sides of the camp. the whole slope of the roof, was from the front to the back. the covering was made of slabs, skins, or blankets, or, if in the spring of the year, the bark of hickory or ash trees. the front was entirely open. the fire was built directly before this opening. the cracks between the logs were filled with moss. dry leaves served for a bed. it is thus that a couple of men, in a few hours will construct for themselves a temporary, but tolerably comfortable defense, from the inclemencies of the weather. the beaver, otter, muskrat and squirrel are scarcely their equals in dispatch in fabricating for themselves a covert from the tempest! "a little more pains would have made a hunting camp a defense against the indians. a cabin ten feet square, bullet proof, and furnished with port-holes would have enabled two or three hunters to hold twenty indians at bay for any length of time. but this precaution i believe was never attended to; hence the hunters were often surprised and killed in their camps. "the site for the camp was selected with all the sagacity of the woodsman, so as to have it sheltered by the surrounding hills from every wind, but more especially from those of the north and west. "an uncle of mine, of the name of samuel teter, occupied the same camp for several years in succession. it was situated on one of the southern branches of cross creek. although i lived for many years not more than fifteen miles from the place, it was not till within a very few years ago that i discovered its situation. it was shown me by a gentleman living in the neighborhood. viewing the hills round about it i soon perceived the sagacity of the hunter in the site for his camp. not a wind could touch him; and unless by the report of his gun or the sound of his axe, it would have been by mere accident if an indian had discovered his concealment. "hunting was not a mere ramble in pursuit of game, in which there was nothing of skill and calculation; on the contrary, the hunter, before he set out in the morning, was informed, by the state of the weather, in what situation he might reasonably expect to meet with his game; whether on the bottoms, sides or tops of the hills. in stormy weather, the deer always seek the most sheltered places, and the leeward side of the hills. in rainy weather, in which there is not much wind, they keep in the open woods on the highest ground. "in every situation it was requisite for the hunter to ascertain the course of the wind, so as to get the leeward of the game. this he effected by putting his finger in his mouth, and holding it there until it became warm, then holding it above his head, the side which first becomes cold shows which way the wind blows. "as it was requisite too for the hunter to know the cardinal points, he had only to observe the trees to ascertain them. the bark of an aged tree is thicker and much rougher on the north than on the south side. the same thing may be said of the moss: it is much thicker and stronger on the north than on the south side of the trees. "the whole business of the hunter consists of a succession of intrigues. from morning till night he was on the alert to _gain the_ wind of his game, and approach them without being discovered. if he succeeded in killing a deer, he skinned it, and hung it up out of the reach of the wolves, and immediately resumed the chase till the close of the evening, when he bent his course toward the camp; when he arrived there he kindled up his fire, and together with his fellow hunter, cooked his supper. the supper finished, the adventures of the day furnished the tales for the evening. the spike buck, the two and three-pronged buck, the doe and barren doe, figured through their anecdotes with great advantage. it should seem that after hunting awhile on the same ground, the hunters became acquainted with nearly all the gangs of deer within their range, so as to know each flock of them when they saw them. often some old buck, by the means of his superior sagacity and watchfulness, saved his little gang from the hunter's skill, by giving timely notice of his approach. the cunning of the hunter and that of the old buck were staked against each other, and it frequently happened that at the conclusion of the hunting season, the old fellow was left the free uninjured tenant of his forest; but if his rival succeeded in bringing him down, the victory, was followed by no small amount of boasting on the part of the conqueror. "when the weather was not suitable for hunting, the skins and carcasses of the game were brought in and disposed of. "many of the hunters rested from their labors on the sabbath day; some from a motive of piety; others said that whenever they hunted on sunday, they were sure to have bad luck on the rest of the week. "the house-warming.--i will proceed to state the usual manner of settling a young couple in the world. "a spot was selected on a piece of land of one of the parents, for their habitation. a day was appointed shortly after their marriage, for commencing the work of building their cabin. the fatigue-party consisted of choppers, whose business it was to fell the trees and cut them off at proper lengths. a man with a team for hauling them to the place and arranging them, properly assorted, at the sides and ends of the building; a carpenter, if such he might be called, whose business it was to search the woods for a proper tree for making clapboards for the roof. the tree for this purpose must be straight-grained, and from three to four feet in diameter. the boards were split four feet long, with a large frown, and as wide as the timber would allow. they were used without planing or shaving another division were employed in getting puncheons for the floor of the cabin; this was done by splitting trees, about eighteen inches in diameter, and hewing the faces of them with a broad-axe. they were half the length of the floor they were intended to make. the materials for the cabin were mostly prepared on the first day, and sometimes the foundation laid in the evening. the second day was allotted for the raising. "in the morning of the next day the neighbors collected for the raising. the first thing to be done was the election of four corner men, whose business it was to notch and place the logs. the rest of the company furnished them with the timbers. in the meantime the boards and puncheons were collecting for the floor and roof, so that by the time the cabin was a few rounds high, the sleepers and floor began to be laid. the door was made by sawing or cutting the logs in one side so as to make an opening about three feet wide. this opening was secured by upright pieces of timber about three inches thick, through which holes were bored into the ends of the logs for the purpose of pinning them fast. a similar opening, but wider, was made at the end for the chimney. this was built of logs, and made large, to admit of a back and jambs of stone. at the square, two end logs projected a foot or eighteen inches beyond the wall, to receive the butting poles, as they were called, against which the ends of the first row of clapboards was supported. the roof was formed by making the end logs shorter, until a single log formed the comb of the roof, on these logs the clapboards were placed, the ranges of them lapping some distance over those next below them, and kept in their places by logs, placed at proper distances upon them. "the roof, and sometimes the floor, were finished on the same day of the raising. a third day was commonly spent by a few carpenters in leveling off the floor, making a clapboard door and a table. this last was made of a split slab, and supported by four round legs set in auger-holes. some three-legged stools were made in the same manner. some pins stuck in the logs at the back of the house, supported some clapboards which served for shelves for the table furniture. a single fork, placed with its lower end in a hole in the floor, and the upper end fastened to a joist, served for a bedstead, by placing a pole in the fork with one end through a crack between the logs of the wall. this front pole was crossed by a shorter one within the fork, with its outer end through another crack. from the front pole, through a crack between the logs of the end of the house, the boards were put on which formed the bottom of the bed. sometimes other poles were pinned to the fork a little distance above these, for the purpose of supporting the front and foot of the bed, while the walls were the supports of its back and head. a few pegs around the walls for a display of the coats of the women, and hunting-shirts of the men, and two small forks or buck-horns to a joist for the rifle and shot-pouch, completed the carpenter work. "in the mean time masons were at work. with the heart pieces of the timber of which the clapboards were made, they made billets for chunking up the cracks between the logs of the cabin and chimney; a large bed of mortar was made for daubing up these cracks; a few stones formed the back and jambs of the chimney. "the cabin being finished, the ceremony of house-warming took place, before the young couple were permitted to move into it. "the house-warming was a dance of a whole night's continuance, made up of the relations of the bride and groom and their neighbors. on the day following the young couple took possession of their new mansion." [footnote : perkins. peck.] chapter xix. condition of the early settlers as it respects the mechanic arts--want of skilled mechanics--hominy block and hand-mill--sweeps--gunpowder--water mills clothing--leather--farm tools--wooden ware--sports--imitating birds--throwing the tomahawk--athletic sports--dancing--shooting at marks--emigration of the present time compared with that of the early settlers--scarcity of iron--costume--dwellings--furniture--employments--the women--their character--diet--indian corn--the great improvements in facilitating the early settlement of the west--amusements. before having the subject of the actual condition of the early settlers in the west, we take another extract from "doddridge's notes," comprising his observations on the state of the mechanic arts among them, and an account of some of their favorite sports. "mechanic arts.--in giving the history of the state of the mechanic arts as they were exercised at an early period of the settlement of this country, i shall present a people, driven by necessity to perform works of mechanical skill, far beyond what a person enjoying all the advantages of civilization would expect from a population placed in such destitute circumstances. "my reader will naturally ask, where were their mills for grinding grain? where their tanners for making leather? where their smiths' shops for making and repairing their farming utensils? who were their carpenters, tailors, cabinet-workmen, shoemakers, and weavers? the answer is, those manufacturers did not exist; nor had they any tradesmen, who were professedly such. every family were under the necessity of doing every thing for themselves as well as they could. the hominy block and hand-mills were in use in most of our houses. the first was made of a large block of wood about three feet long, with an excavation burned in one end, wide at the top and narrow at the bottom, so that the action of the pestle on the bottom threw the corn up to the sides toward the top of it, from whence it continually fell down into the centre. "in consequence of this movement, the whole mass of the grain was pretty equally subjected to the strokes of the pestle. in the fall of the year, while the indian corn was soft, the block and pestle did very well for making meal for johnny-cake and mush; but were rather slow when the corn became hard. "the sweep was sometimes used to lessen the toil of pounding grain into meal. this was a pole of some springy, elastic wood, thirty feet long or more; the butt end was placed under the side of a house, or a large stump; this pole was supported by two forks, placed about one-third of its length from the butt end, so as to elevate the small end about fifteen feet from the ground; to this was attached, by a large mortise a piece of sapling about five or six inches in diameter, and eight or ten feet long. the lower end of this was shaped so as to answer for a pestle. a pin of wood was put through it, at a proper height, so that two persons could work at the sweep at once. this simple machine very much lessened the labor and expedited the work. "i remember that when a boy i put up an excellent sweep at my father's. it was made of a sugar-tree sapling. it was kept going almost constantly from morning till night by our neighbors for a period of several weeks." in the greenbriar country, where they had a number of saltpeter caves, the first settlers made plenty of excellent gunpowder by the means of those sweeps and mortars. "a machine, still more simple than the mortar and pestle, was used for making meal while the corn was too soft to be beaten. it was called a grater. this was a half-circular piece of tin, perforated with a punch from the concave side, and nailed by its edges to a block of wood. the ears of corn were rubbed on the rough edge of the holes, while the meal fell through them on the board or block, to which the grater was nailed, which, being in a slanting direction, discharged the meal into a cloth or bowl placed for its reception. this, to be sure, was a slow way of making meal; but necessity has no law. "the hand-mill was better than the mortar and grater. it was made of two circular stones, the lowest of which was called the bed-stone, the upper one the runner. these were placed in a hoop, with a spout for discharging the meal. a staff was let into a hole in the upper surface of the runner, near the outer edge, and its upper end through a hole in a board fastened to a joist above, so that two persons could be employed in turning the mill at the same time. the grain was put into the opening in the runner by hand. the mills are still in use in palestine, the ancient country of the jews. to a mill of this sort our saviour alluded when, with reference to the destruction of jerusalem, he said: 'two women shall be grinding at a mill, the one shall be taken and the other left.' "this mill is much preferable to that used at present in upper egypt for making the dhourra bread. it is a smooth stone, placed on an inclined plane, upon which the grain is spread, which is made into meal by rubbing another stone up and down upon it. "our first water mills were of that description denominated tub-mills. it consists of a perpendicular shaft, to the lower end of which an horizontal wheel of about four or five feet diameter is attached, the upper end passes through the bedstone and carries the runner after the manner of a trundlehead. these mills were built with very little expense, and many of them answered the purpose very well. "instead of bolting cloths, sifters were in general use. these were made of deer skins in the state of parchment, stretched over a hoop and perforated with a hot wire. "our clothing was all of domestic manufacture. we had no other resource for clothing, and this, indeed, was a poor one. the crops of flax often failed, and the sheep were destroyed by the wolves. linsey, which is made of flax and wool, the former the chain and the latter the filling, was the warmest and most substantial cloth we could make. almost every house contained a loom, and almost every woman was a weaver. "every family tanned their own leather. the tan vat was a large trough sunk to the upper edge in the ground. a quantity of bark was easily obtained every spring in clearing and fencing land. this, after drying, was brought in, and in wet days was shaved and pounded on a block of wood with an axe or mallet. ashes were used in place of lime for taking off the hair. bears' oil, hogs' lard, and tallow answered the place of fish oil. the leather, to be sure, was coarse; but it was substantially good. the operation of currying was performed by a drawing-knife with its edge turned, after the manner of a currying-knife. the blocking for the leather was made of soot and hogs' lard. "almost every family contained its own tailors and shoemakers. those who could not make shoes, could make shoepacks. these, like moccasins, were made of a single piece on the top of the foot. this was about two inches broad, and circular at the lower end. to this the main piece of leather was sewed, with a gathering stitch. the seam behind was like that of a moccasin. to the shoepack a sole was sometimes added. the women did the tailor-work. they could all cut-out, and make hunting-shirts, leggins, and drawers. "the state of society which exists in every country at an early period of its settlements, is well calculated to call into action every native mechanical genius. so it happened in this country. there was in almost every neighborhood, some one whose natural ingenuity enabled him to do many things for himself and his neighbors, far above what could have been reasonably expected. with the few tools which they brought with them into the country, they certainly performed wonders. their plows, harrows with their wooden teeth, and sleds, were in many instances well made. their cooper-ware, which comprehended every thing for holding milk and water, was generally pretty well executed. the cedar-ware, by having alternately a white and red stave, was then thought beautiful; many of their puncheon floors were very neat, their joints close, and the top even and smooth. their looms, although heavy, did very well. those who could not exercise these mechanic arts, were under the necessity of giving labor or barter to their neighbors, in exchange for the use of them, so far as their necessities required. "sports.--one important pastime of our boys, was that of imitating the noise of every bird and beast in the woods. this faculty was not merely a pastime, but a very necessary part of education, on account of its utility in certain circumstances. the imitations of the gobbling, and other sounds of wild turkeys, often brought those keen-eyed, and ever-watchful tenants of the forest within the reach of their rifle. the bleating of the fawn, brought its dam to her death in the same way. the hunter often collected a company of mopish owls to the trees about his camp, and amused himself with their hoarse screaming; his howl would raise and obtain responses from a pack of wolves, so as to inform him of their neighborhood, as well as guard him against their depredations. "this imitative faculty was sometimes requisite as a measure of precaution in war. the indians, when scattered about in a neighborhood, often collected together, by imitating turkeys by day, and wolves or owls by night. in similar situations, our people did the same. i have often witnessed the consternation of a whole settlement, in consequence of a few screeches of owls. an early and correct use of this imitative faculty was considered as an indication that its possessor would become, in due time, a good hunter and valiant warrior. throwing the tomahawk was another boyish sport, in which many acquired considerable skill. the tomahawk, with its handle of a certain length, will make a given number of turns in a given distance. say in five steps, it will strike with the edge, the handle downward; at the distance of seven and a half, it will strike with the edge, the handle upward, and so on. a little experience enabled the boy to measure the distance with his eye, when walking through the woods, and strike a tree with his tomahawk in any way he chose. "the athletic sports of running, jumping, and wrestling, were the pastimes of boys, in common with the men. "a well-grown boy, at the age of twelve or thirteen years, was furnished with a small rifle and shot-pouch. he then became a fort-soldier, and had his port hole assigned him. hunting squirrels, turkeys, and raccoons, soon made him expert in the use of his gun. "dancing was the principal amusement of our young people of both sexes. their dances, to be sure, were of the simplest form. three and four-handed reels and jigs. country dances, cotillions, and minuets, were unknown. i remember to have seen, once or twice, a dance which was called 'the irish trot,' but i have long since forgotten its figure." "shooting at marks was a common diversion among the men, when their stock of ammunition would allow it; this, however, was far from being always the case. the present mode of shooting off-hand was not then in practice. this mode was not considered as any trial of the value of a gun, nor indeed, as much of a test of the skill of a marksman. their shooting was from a rest, and at as great a distance as the length and weight of the barrel of the gun would throw a ball on a horizontal level. such was their regard to accuracy, in those sportive trials of their rifles, and of their own skill in the use of them, that they often put moss, or some other soft substance on the log or stump from which they shot, for fear of having the bullet thrown from the mark, by the spring of the barrel. when the rifle was held to the side of a tree for a rest, it was pressed against it as lightly as possible, for the same reason. "rifles of former times were different from those of modern date; few of them carried more than forty five bullets to the pound. bullets of a less size were not thought sufficiently heavy for hunting or war." our readers will pardon the length of these extracts from doddridge, as they convey accurate pictures of many scenes of western life in the times of daniel boone. we add to them a single extract from "ramsay's annals of tennessee." the early settlement of that state took place about the same time with that of kentucky, and was made by emigrants from the same region. the following remarks are therefore perfectly applicable to the pioneers of kentucky. "the settlement of tennessee was unlike that of the present new country of the united states. emigrants from the atlantic cities, and from most points in the western interior, now embark upon steamboats or other craft, and carrying with them all the conveniences and comforts of civilized life--indeed, many of its luxuries--are, in a few days, without toil, danger, or exposure, transported to their new abodes, and in a few months are surrounded with the appendages of home, of civilization, and the blessings of law and of society. the wilds of minnesota and nebraska by the agency of steam, or the stalwart arms of western boatmen, are at once transformed into the settlements of a commercial and civilized people. independence and st. paul, six months after they are laid off, have their stores and their workshops, their artisans, and their mechanics. the mantua-maker and the tailor arrive in the same boat with the carpenter and mason. the professional man and the printer quickly follow. in the succeeding year the piano, the drawing-room, the restaurant, the billiard-table, the church bell, the village and the city in miniature, are all found, while the neighboring interior is yet a wilderness and a desert. the town and comfort, taste and urbanity are first; the clearing, the farm-house, the wagon-road and the improved country, second. it was far different on the frontier in tennessee. at first a single indian trail was the only entrance to the eastern border of it and for many years admitted only of the hunter and the pack-horse it was not till the year that a wagon was seen in tennessee. in consequence of the want of roads--as well as of the great distance from sources of supply--the first inhabitants were without tools, and, of course, without mechanics--much more, without the conveniences of living and the comforts of house-keeping. luxuries were absolutely unknown. salt was brought on pack-horses from augusta and richmond, and readily commanded ten dollars a bushel. the salt gourd, in every cabin, was considered as a treasure. the sugar-maple furnished the only article of luxury on the frontier; coffee and tea being unknown, or beyond the reach of the settlers, sugar was seldom made, and was only used for the sick, or in the preparation of a _sweetened dram_ at a wedding, or the arrival of a new-comer. the appendages of the kitchen, the cupboard, and the table were scanty and simple. "iron was brought, at great expense, from the forges east of the mountain, on pack-horses, and was sold at an enormous price. its use was, for this reason, confined to the construction and repair of plows and other farming utensils. hinges, nails, and fastenings of that material, were seldom seen. "the costume of the first settlers corresponded well with the style of their buildings and the quality of their furniture. the hunting-shirt of the militiaman and the hunter was in general use. the rest of their apparel was in keeping with it--plain, substantial, and well adapted for comfort, use, and economy. the apparel of the pioneer's family was all home-made, and in a whole neighborhood there would not be seen, at the first settlement of the country, a single article of dress of foreign growth or manufacture. half the year, in many families, shoes were not worn. boots, a fur hat, and a coat with buttons on each side, attracted the gaze of the beholder, and sometimes received censure and rebuke. a stranger from the old states chose to doff his ruffles, his broadcloth, and his queue, rather than endure the scoff and ridicule of the backwoodsmen." the dwelling-house, on every frontier in tennessee, was the log-cabin. a carpenter and a mason were not needed to build them--much less the painter, the glazier, or the upholsterer. every settler had, besides his rifle, no other instrument but an axe, a hatchet, and a butcher-knife. a saw, an auger, a froe, and a broad-axe would supply a whole settlement, and were used as common property in the erection of the log-cabin. the floor of the cabin was sometimes the earth. no saw-mill was yet erected; and, if the means or leisure of the occupant authorized it, he split out puncheons for the floor and for the shutter of the entrance to his cabin. the door was hung with wooden hinges and fastened by a wooden latch. "such was the habitation of the pioneer tennessean. scarcely can one of these structures, venerable for their years and the associations which cluster around them, be now seen, in tennessee. time and improvement have displaced them. here and there in the older counties, may yet be seen the old log house, which sixty years ago sheltered the first emigrant, or gave, for the time, protection to a neighborhood, assembled within its strong and bullet-proof walls. such an one is the east end of mr. martin's house, at campbell's station, and the centre part of the mansion of this writer, at mecklenburg, once gilliam's station, changed somewhat, it is true, in some of its aspects, but preserving even yet, in the height of the story and in its old-fashioned and capacious fire-place, some of the features of primitive architecture on the frontier. such, too, is the present dwelling-house of mr. tipton, on ellejoy, in blount county, and that of mr. glasgow snoddy, in sevier county. but these old buildings are becoming exceedingly rare, and soon not one of them will be seen. their unsightly proportions and rude architecture will not much longer offend modern taste, nor provoke the idle and irreverent sneer of the fastidious and the fashionable. when the last one of these pioneer houses shall have fallen into decay and ruins, the memory of their first occupants will still be immortal and indestructible. "the interior of the cabin was no less unpretending and simple. the whole furniture, of the one apartment--answering in these primitive times the purposes of the kitchen, the dining-room, the nursery and the dormitory--were a plain home-made bedstead or two, some split-bottomed chairs and stools; a large puncheon, supported on four legs, used, as occasion required, for a bench or a table, a water shelf and a bucket; a spinning-wheel, and sometimes a loom, finished the catalogue. the wardrobe of the family was equally plain and simple. the walls of the house were hung round with the dresses of the females, the hunting-shirts, clothes, and the arms and shot-pouches of the men. "the labor and employment of a pioneer family were distributed in accordance with surrounding circumstances. to the men was assigned the duty of procuring subsistence and materials for clothing, erecting the cabin and the station, opening and cultivating the farm, hunting the wild beasts, and repelling and pursuing the indians. the women spun the flax, the cotton and wool, wove the cloth, made them up, milked, churned, and prepared the food, and did their full share of the duties of house-keeping. another thus describes them: 'there we behold woman in her true glory; not a doll to carry silks and jewels; not a puppet to be dandled by fops, an idol of profane adoration, reverenced to-day, discarded to-morrow; admired, but not respected; desired, but not esteemed; ruling by passion, not affection; imparting her weakness, not her constancy, to the sex she should exalt; the source and mirror of vanity. we see her as a wife, partaking of the cares, and guiding the labors of her husband, and by her domestic diligence spreading cheerfulness all around; for his sake, sharing the decent refinements of the world, without being fond of them; placing all her joy, all her happiness, in the merited approbation of the man she loves. as a mother, we find her the affectionate, the ardent instructress of the children she has reared from infancy, and trained them up to thought and virtue, to meditation and benevolence; addressing them as rational beings, and preparing them to become men and women in their turn. "'could there be happiness or comfort in such dwellings and such a state of society? to those who are accustomed to modern refinements, the truth appears like fable. the early occupants of log-cabins were among the most happy of mankind. exercise and excitement gave them health; they were practically equal; common danger made them mutually dependant; brilliant hopes of future wealth and distinction led them on; and as there was ample room for all, and as each new-comer increased individual and general security, there was little room for that envy, jealousy, and hatred which constitute a large portion of human misery in older societies. never were the story, the joke, the song, and the laugh better enjoyed than upon the hewed blocks, or puncheon stools, around the roaring log fire of the early western settler. the lyre of apollo was not hailed with more delight in primitive greece than the advent of the first fiddler among the dwellers of the wilderness; and the polished daughters of the east never enjoyed themselves half so well, moving to the music of a full band, upon the elastic floor of their ornamented ball-room, as did the daughters of the emigrants, keeping time to a self-taught fiddler, on the bare earth or puncheon floor of the primitive log-cabin. the smile of the polished beauty is the wave of the lake, where the breeze plays gently over it, and her movement is the gentle stream which drains it; but the laugh of the log-cabin is the gush of nature's fountain, and its movement, its leaping water.'"[ ] "on the frontier the diet was necessarily plain and homely, but exceedingly abundant and nutritive. the goshen of america[ ] furnished the richest milk, the finest butter, and the most savory and delicious meats. in their rude cabins, with their scanty and inartificial furniture, no people ever enjoyed in wholesome food a greater variety, or a superior quality of the necessaries of life. for bread, the indian corn was exclusively used. it was not till that the settlers on the rich bottoms of cumberland and nollichucky discovered the remarkable adaptation of the soil and climate of tennessee to the production of this grain. emigrants from james river, the catawba, and the santee, were surprised at the amount and quality of the corn crops, surpassing greatly the best results of agricultural labor and care in the atlantic states. this superiority still exists, and tennessee, by the census of , was _the_ corn state. of all the farinacea, corn is best adapted to the condition of a pioneer people; and if idolatry is at all justifiable, ceres, or certainly the goddess of indian corn, should have had a temple and a worshipers among the pioneers of tennessee. without that grain, the frontier settlements could not have been formed and maintained. it is the most certain crop--requires the least preparation of the ground--is most congenial to a virgin soil--needs not only the least amount of labor in its culture, but comes to maturity in the shortest time. the pith of the matured stalk of the corn is esculent and nutritious; and the stalk itself, compressed between rollers, furnishes what is known as corn-stalk molasses." "this grain requires, also, the least care and trouble in preserving it. it may safely stand all winter upon the stalk without injury from the weather or apprehension of damage by disease, or the accidents to which other grains are subject. neither smut nor rust, nor weavil nor snow-storm, will hurt it. after its maturity, it is also prepared for use or the granary with little labor. the husking is a short process, and is even advantageously delayed till the moment arrives for using the corn. the machinery for converting it into food is also exceedingly simple and cheap. as soon as the ear is fully formed, it may be roasted or boiled, and forms thus an excellent and nourishing diet. at a later period it may be grated, and furnishes, in this form, the sweetest bread. the grains boiled in a variety of modes, either whole or broken in a mortar, or roasted in the ashes, or popped in an oven, are well relished. if the grain is to be converted into meal, a simple tub-mill answers the purpose best, as the meal _least perfectly ground_ is always preferred. a bolting-cloth is not needed, as it diminishes the sweetness and value of the flour. the catalogue of the advantages of this meal might be extended further. boiled in water, it forms the frontier dish called _mush_, which was eaten with milk, with honey, molasses, butter or gravy. mixed with cold water, it is, at once, ready for the cook; covered with hot ashes, the preparation is called the ash cake; placed upon a piece of clapboard, and set near the coals, it forms the journey-cake; or managed in the same way, upon a helveless hoe, it forms the hoe-cake; put in an oven, and covered over with a heated lid, it is called, if in a large mass, a pone or loaf; if in smaller quantities, dodgers. it has the further advantage, over all other flour, that it requires in its preparation few culinary utensils, and neither sugar, yeast, eggs, spices, soda, potash, or other _et ceteras_, to qualify or perfect the bread. to all this, it may be added, that it is not only cheap and well tasted, but it is unquestionably the most wholesome and nutritive food. the largest and healthiest people in the world have lived upon it exclusively. it formed the principal bread of that robust race of men--giants in miniature--which, half a century since, was seen on the frontier. "the dignity of history is not lowered by this enumeration of the pre-eminent qualities of indian corn. the rifle and the axe have had their influence in subduing the wilderness to the purposes of civilization, and they deserve their eulogists and trumpeters. let paeans be sung all over the mighty west to indian corn--without it, the west would have still been a wilderness. was the frontier suddenly invaded? without commissary or quartermaster, or other sources of supply, each soldier parched a peck of corn; a portion of it was put into his pockets, the remainder in his wallet, and, throwing it upon his saddle, with his rifle on his shoulder, he was ready, in half an hour, for the campaign. did a flood of emigration inundate the frontier with an amount of consumers disproportioned to the supply of grain? the facility of raising the indian corn, and its early maturity, gave promise and guaranty that the scarcity would be temporary and tolerable. did the safety of the frontier demand the services of every adult militiaman? the boys and women could, themselves, raise corn and furnish ample supplies of bread. the crop could be gathered next year. did an autumnal intermittent confine the whole family or the entire population to the sick bed? this certain concomitant of the clearing, and cultivating the new soil, mercifully withholds its paroxysms till the crop of corn is made. it requires no further labor or care afterward. paeans, say we, and a temple and worshipers, to the creator of indian corn. the frontier man could gratefully say: 'he maketh me to lie down in green pastures. he leadeth me beside the still waters. thou _preparest a table before me in presence of mine enemies_.' "the sports of the frontier men were manly, athletic, or warlike--the chase, the bear hunt, the deer drive, shooting at the target, throwing the tomahawk, jumping, boxing and wrestling, foot and horse-racing. playing marbles and pitching dollars, cards and backgammon, were little known, and were considered base or effeminate. the bugle, the violin, the fife and drum, furnished all the musical entertainments. these were much used and passionately admired. weddings, military trainings, house-raisings, chopping frolics, were often followed with the fiddle, and dancing, and rural sports." [footnote : kendall.] [footnote : butler.] chapter xx. indian hostilities resumed--expedition of davis, caffre and mcclure--murder of elliot--marshall's river adventure--attack on captain ward's boat--affair near scaggs' creek--growth of kentucky--population--trade--general logan calls a meeting at danville--danger of the country from indian hostilities, and necessity of defense considered--convention called--separation from virginia proposed--other conventions-virginia consents--kentucky admitted as an independent state of the union--indian hostilities--expedition and death of colonel christian--attack on higgins' fort--expedition of general clark--its utter failure--expedition of general logan--surprises and destroys a shawanese town--success of captain hardin--defeat of hargrove--affairs in bourbon county--exploits of simon kenton--affairs at the elkhorn settlements--treaty--harman's expedition--final pacification of the indians after wayne's victory. kentucky was not yet entirely freed from indian hostilities. there was no formidable invasion, such as to call for the exertions of boone, kenton and the other warriors of the border, but there were several occurrences which occasioned considerable alarm. in the spring of , a number of families started down the ohio from louisville in two flat boats. they were pursued by indians in canoes, but awed by the determined aspect of the whites, they drew off, without so much as a gun being fired on either side. this same spring a party of southern indians stole some horses from lincoln county. three young men, davis, caffre and mcclure, pursued them, but failing to overtake them, concluded to make reprisals on the nearest indian settlement. not far from the tennessee river, they fell in with an equal number of indians. the two parties saluted each other in a very friendly manner, and agreed to journey in company. the whites, however, were by no means convinced of the sincerity of their companions, and, seeing them talking together very earnestly, became assured of their hostile intentions. it being determined to anticipate the indians' attack; caffre undertook to capture one of them, while his companions shot the other two. accordingly he sprung upon the nearest indian, and bore him to the ground; davis's gun missed fire but mcclure shot his man dead. the remaining indian sprung to a tree from which shelter he shot caffre, who was still struggling with the indian he had grappled. he, in his turn was immediately shot by mcclure. the indian whom caffre had attacked, extricated himself from the grasp of his dying antagonist, and seizing his rifle presented it at davis, who was coming to the assistance of his friend. davis took to flight, his rifle not being in good order, and was pursued by the indian into the wood. mcclure, loading his gun, followed them, but lost sight of both. davis was never heard of afterward. mcclure now concluded to retreat, but he had not proceeded far, before he met an indian on horseback attended by a boy on foot. the warrior dismounted, and seating himself on a log, offered his pipe to mcclure. soon other indians were seen advancing in the distance, when mcclure's sociable friend, informed him that when his companions came up, they would take him (mcclure) and put him on a horse, tying his feet under its belly. in order to convey to his white brother an adequate idea of the honor intended him, the indian got astride the log and locked his feet together. mcclure took this opportunity of shooting his amiable but rather eccentric companion, and then ran off into the woods and escaped. this affair the reader will bear in mind, was with southern indians, not with those of the north-western tribes, from whom the kentuckians had suffered most. the only demonstration of hostility made by these, this year, appears to have been the pursuit of the boats mentioned before. in march, , a man of the name of elliot, who had emigrated to the country near the mouth of the kentucky river, was killed by indians, and his house destroyed and family dispersed. as colonel thomas marshall from virginia was descending the ohio, in a flat boat, he was hailed from the northern shore by a man, who announced himself as james girty, and said that he had been placed by his brother simon, to warn all boats of the danger of being attacked by the indians. he told them that efforts would be made to decoy them ashore by means of renegade white men, who would represent themselves as in great distress. he exhorted them to steel their hearts against all such appeals, and to keep the middle of the river. he said that his brother regretted the injuries he had inflicted upon the whites, and would gladly repair them as much as possible, to be re-admitted to their society, having lost all his influence among the indians. this repentance on the part of girty seems to have been of short duration, as he remained among the indians till his death, which according to some took place at the battle of the thames, though others deny it. however sincere or lasting girty's repentance had been, he could never have lived in safety among the whites; he had been too active, and if common accounts are to be credited, too savage in his hostility to them, to admit of forgiveness; and it is probable that a knowledge of this prevented him from abandoning the indians. "about the same time," says mcclung, "captain james ward, at present a highly-respectable citizen of mason county, kentucky, was descending the ohio, under circumstances which rendered a rencontre with the indians peculiarly to be dreaded. he, together with half a dozen others, one of them his nephew, embarked in a crazy boat, about forty-five feet long, and eight feet wide, with no other bulwark than a single pine plank, above each gunnel. the boat was much encumbered with baggage, and seven horses were on board. having seen no enemy for several days, they had become secure and careless, and permitted the boat to drift within fifty yards of the ohio shore. suddenly, several hundred indians showed themselves on the bank, and running down boldly to the water's edge, opened a heavy fire upon the boat. the astonishment of the crew may be conceived." captain ward and his nephew were at the oars when the enemy appeared, and the captain knowing that their safety depended upon their agility to regain the middle of the river, kept his seat firmly, and exerted his utmost powers at the oar, but his nephew started up at sight of the enemy, seized his rifle, and was in the act of leveling it, when he received a ball in the breast, and fell dead in the bottom of the boat. unfortunately, his oar fell into the river, and the captain, having no one to pull against him, rather urged the boat nearer to the hostile shore than otherwise. he quickly seized a plank, however, and giving his oar to another of the crew, he took the station which his nephew had held, and unhurt by the shower of bullets which flew around him, continued to exert himself until the boat had reached a more respectable distance. he then, for the first time, looked around him in order to observe the condition of the crew. his nephew lay in his blood, perfectly lifeless; the horses had been all killed or mortally wounded. some had fallen overboard; others were struggling violently, and causing their frail bark to dip water so abundantly as to excite the most serious apprehensions. but the crew presented the most singular spectacle. a captain, who had served with reputation in the continental army, seemed now totally bereft of his faculties. he lay upon his back in the bottom of the boat, with hands uplifted, and a countenance in which terror was personified, exclaiming in a tone of despair, "oh lord! oh lord." a dutchman, whose weight might amount to about three hundred pounds, was anxiously engaged in endeavoring to find shelter for his bulky person, which, from the lowness of the gunnels, was a very difficult undertaking. in spite of his utmost efforts, a portion of his posterior luxuriance appeared above the gunnel, and afforded a mark to the enemy, which brought a constant shower of balls around it. "in vain he shifted his position. the hump still appeared, and the balls still flew around it, until the dutchman losing all patience, raised his head above the gunnel, and in a tone of querulous remonstrance, called out, 'oh now! quit tat tamned nonsense, tere, will you!' not a shot was fired from the boat. at one time, after they had partly regained the current, captain ward attempted to bring his rifle to bear upon them, but so violent was the agitation of the boat, from the furious struggles of the horses, that he could not steady his piece within twenty yards of the enemy, and quickly laying it aside, returned to the oar. the indians followed them down the river for more than an hour, but having no canoes they did not attempt to board; and as the boat was at length transferred to the opposite side of the river, they at length abandoned the pursuit and disappeared. none of the crew, save the young man already mentioned, were hurt, although the dutchman's seat of honor served as a target for the space of an hour; and the continental captain was deeply mortified at the sudden, and, as he said, 'unaccountable' panic which had seized him. captain ward himself was protected by a post, which had been fastened to the gunnel, and behind which he sat while rowing."[ ] "in october, a party of emigrants were attacked near scagg's creek, and six killed. mrs. mcclure, with four children, ran into the woods, where she might have remained concealed, if it had not been for the cries of her infant, whom she could not make up her mind to abandon. the indians guided to her hiding-place by these cries, cruelly tomahawked the three oldest children, but made her prisoner with her remaining child. captain whitley, with twenty-one men, intercepted the party on its return, and dispersed them, killing two, and wounding the same number. the prisoners were rescued. a few days after, another party of emigrants were attacked, and nine of them killed. captain whitley again pursued the indians. on coming up with them, they took to flight. three were killed in the course of the pursuit; two by the gallant captain himself. some other depredations were committed this year, but none of as much importance as those we have mentioned." these acts of hostility on the part of the indians led to the adoption of measures for the defense of the colony, to which we shall presently call the reader's attention. "although," says perkins,[ ] "kentucky grew rapidly during the year , the emigrants numbering twelve, and the whole population thirty thousand; although a friendly meeting was held by thomas j. dalton, with the piankeshaws, at vincennes, in april; and though trade was extending itself into the clearings and among the canebrakes--daniel brodhead having opened his store at louisville the previous year, and james wilkinson having come to lexington in february, as the leader of a large commercial company, formed in philadelphia, still the cool and sagacious mind of logan led him to prepare his fellow-citizens for trial and hardships. he called, in the autumn of , a meeting of the people at danville, to take measures for defending the country, and at this meeting the whole subject of the position and danger of kentucky was examined and discussed, and it was agreed that a convention should meet in december to adopt some measures for the security of the settlements in the wilderness. upon the th of that month it met, nor was it long before the idea became prominent that kentucky must ask to be severed from virginia, and left to her own guidance and control. but as no such conception was general, when the delegates to this first convention were chosen, they deemed it best to appoint a second, to meet during the next may, at which was specially to be considered the topic most interesting to those who were called on to think and vote--a complete separation from the parent state--political independence." several other conventions took place, in which the subject of a separation from virginia was considered. in the legislature of virginia enacted the necessary preliminary provisions for the separation and erection of kentucky into an independent state, with the condition that congress should receive it into the union, which was finally effected in the year . previously to this event, indian hostilities were again renewed. "a number of indians in april, , stole some horses from the bear grass settlement, with which they crossed the ohio. colonel christian pursued them into the indian country, and, coming up with them, destroyed the whole party. how many there were is not stated. the whites lost two men, one of whom was the colonel himself whose death was a severe loss to kentucky. the following affair, which took place the same year, is given in the language of one who participated in it: "'after the battle of the blue licks, and in our family removed to higgins' block-house on licking river, one and a half miles above cynthiana. between those periods my father had been shot by the indians, and my mother married samuel van hook, who had been one of the party engaged in the defense at ruddell's station in , and on its surrender was carried with the rest of the prisoners to detroit. "'higgins' fort, or block-house, had been built at the bank of the licking, on precipitous rocks, at least thirty feet high, which served to protect us on every side but one. on the morning of the th of june, at daylight, the fort, which consisted of six or seven houses, was attacked by a party of indians, fifteen or twenty in number. there was a cabin outside, below the fort, where william mccombs resided, although absent at that time. his son andrew, and a man hired in the family, named joseph mcfall, on making their appearance at the door to wash themselves, were both shot down--mccombs through the knee, and mcfall in the pit of the stomach. mcfall ran to the block-house, and mccombs fell, unable to support himself longer, just after opening the door of his cabin, and was dragged in by his sisters, who barricaded the door instantly. on the level and only accessible side there was a corn-field, and the season being favorable, and the soil rich as well as new, the corn was more than breast high. here the main body of the indians lay concealed, while three or four who made the attack attempted thereby to decoy the whites outside of the defenses. failing in this, they set fire to an old fence and corn-crib, and two stables, both long enough built to be thoroughly combustible. these had previously protected their approach in that direction. captain asa reese was in command of our little fort. 'boys,' said he, 'some of you must run over to hinkston's or harrison's.' these were one and a half and two miles off, but in different directions. every man declined. i objected, alleging as my reason that he would give up the fort before i could bring relief; but on his assurance that he would hold out, i agreed to go. i jumped off the bank through the thicket of trees, which broke my fall, while they scratched my face and limbs. i got to the ground with a limb clenched in my hands, which i had grasped unawares in getting through. i recovered from the jar in less than a minute, crossed the licking, and ran up a cow-path on the opposite side, which the cows from one of those forts had beat down in their visits for water. as soon as i had gained the bank i shouted to assure my friends of my safety, and to discourage the enemy. in less than an hour i was back, with a relief of ten horsemen, well armed, and driving in full chase after the indians. but they had decamped immediately upon hearing my signal, well knowing what it meant, and it was deemed imprudent to pursue them with so weak a party--the whole force in higgins' block-house hardly sufficing to guard the women and children there. mcfall, from whom the bullet could not be extracted, lingered two days and nights in great pain, when he died, as did mccombs, on the ninth day, mortification then taking place.' "while these depredations were going on, most of the northwestern tribes were ostensibly at peace with the country, treaties having recently been made. but the kentuckians, exasperated by the repeated outrages, determined to have resort to their favorite expedient of invading the indian country. how far they were justified in holding the tribes responsible for the actions of these roving plunderers, the reader must judge for himself. we may remark, however, that it does not seem distinctly proved that the indians engaged in these attacks belonged to any of the tribes against whom the attack was to be made. but the backwoodsmen were never very scrupulous in such matters. they generally regarded the indian race as a unit: an offense committed by one warrior might be lawfully punished on another. we often, in reading the history of the west, read of persons who, having lost relations by indians of one tribe, made a practice of killing all whom they met, whether in peace or war. it is evident, as marshall says, that no authority but that of congress could render an expedition of this kind lawful. the governor of virginia had given instructions to the commanders of the counties to take the necessary means for defense; and the kentuckians, giving a free interpretation to these instructions, decided that the expedition was necessary and resolved to undertake it. "general clark was selected to command it, and to the standard of this favorite officer volunteers eagerly thronged. a thousand men were collected at the falls of the ohio, from whence the troops marched by land to st. vincennes, while the provisions and other supplies were conveyed by water. the troops soon became discouraged. when the provisions reached vincennes, after a delay of several days on account of the low water, it was found that a large proportion of them were spoiled. in consequence of this, the men were placed upon short allowance, with which, of course, they were not well pleased. in the delay in waiting for the boats, much of the enthusiasm of the men had evaporated; and it is said by some that general clark dispatched a messenger to the towns, in advance of the troops, to offer them the choice of peace or war, which greatly lessened the chances of the success of the expedition. though this measure would be only complying with the requirements of good faith, it is very doubtful if it was adopted, so utterly at variance would it be with the usual manner of conducting these expeditions. "at any rate, when the army arrived within two days' march of the indian towns, no less than three hundred of the men refused to proceed, nor could all the appeals of clark induce them to alter their determination. they marched off in a body; and so discouraged were the others by this desertion, and the unfavorable circumstances in which they were placed, that a council held the evening after their departure concluded to relinquish the undertaking." the whole of the troops returned to kentucky in a very disorderly manner. thus did this expedition, begun under the most favorable auspices--for the commander's reputation was greater than any other in the west, and the men were the elite of kentucky--altogether fail of its object, the men not having even seen the enemy. marshall, in accounting for this unexpected termination, says that clark was no longer the man he had been; that he had injured his intellect by the use of spirituous liquors. colonel logan had at first accompanied clark, but he soon returned to kentucky to organize another expedition; that might, while the attention of the indians was altogether engrossed by the advance of clark, fall upon some unguarded point. he raised the requisite number of troops without difficulty, and by a rapid march completely surprised one of the shawanee towns, which he destroyed, killing several of the warriors, and bringing away a number of prisoners. in regard to the results of the measures adopted by the kentuckians, we quote from marshall: "in october of this year, a large number of families traveling by land to kentucky, known by the name of mcnitt's company, were surprised in camp, at night, by a party of indians, between big and little laurel river, and totally defeated, with the loss of twenty-one persons killed; the rest dispersed, or taken prisoners. "about the same time, captain hardin, from the south-western part of the district, with a party of men, made an excursion into the indian country, surrounding the saline; he fell in with a camp of indians whom he attacked and defeated, killing four of them, without loss on his part. "some time in december, hargrove and others were defeated at the mouth of buck creek, on the cumberland river. the indians attacked in the night, killed one man, and wounded hargrove; who directly became engaged in a rencontre with an indian, armed with his tomahawk; of this he was disarmed, but escaped, leaving the weapon with hargrove, who bore it off, glad to extricate himself. in this year also, benjamin price was killed near the three forks of kentucky. "thus ended, in a full renewal of the war, the year whose beginning had happily witnessed the completion of the treaties of peace. "by this time, one thing must have been obvious to those who had attended to the course of events--and that was, that if the indians came into the country, whether for peace or war, hostilities were inevitable." 'if the white people went into their country, the same consequences followed. the parties were yet highly exasperated against each other; they had not cooled since the peace, if peace it could be called; and meet where they would, bloodshed was the result.' "whether the indians to the north and west had ascertained, or not, that the two expeditions of this year were with or without the consent of congress, they could but think the treaties vain things; and either made by those who had no right to make them, or no power to enforce them. with kentuckians, it was known that the latter was the fact. to the indians, the consequence was the same. they knew to a certainty, that the british had not surrendered the posts on the lakes--that it was from them they received their supplies; that they had been deceived, as to the united states getting the posts, and they were easily persuaded to believe, that these posts would not be transferred; and that in truth, the british, not the united states, had been the conquerors in the late war." "such were the reflections which the state of facts would have justified, and at the same time have disposed them for war. the invasion of their country by two powerful armies from kentucky, could leave no doubt of a disposition equally hostile on her part congress, utterly destitute of the means for enforcing the treaties, either on the one side or the other, stood aloof, ruminating on the inexhaustible abundance of her own want of resources--and the abuse of herself for not possessing them." after this year, we hear of but few independent expeditions from kentucky. their militia were often called out to operate with the united states troops, and in wayne's campaign were of much service; but this belongs to the general history of the united states. all that we have to relate of kentucky now, is a series of predatory attacks by the indians, varied occasionally by a spirited reprisal by a small party of whites. it is estimated that fifteen hundred persons were either killed or made prisoners in kentucky after the year . "on the night of the th of april, ," says mcclung, "the house of a widow, in bourbon county, became the scene of an adventure which we think deserves to be related. she occupied what is generally called a double cabin, in a lonely part of the country, one room of which was tenanted by the old lady herself, together with two grown sons, and a widowed daughter, at that time suckling an infant, while the other was occupied by two unmarried daughters, from sixteen to twenty years of age, together with a little girl not more than half grown. the hour was eleven o'clock at night. one of the unmarried daughters was still busily engaged at the loom, but the other members of the family, with the exception of one of the sons, had retired to rest. some symptoms of an alarming nature had engaged the attention of the young man for an hour before any thing of a decided character took place. "the cry of owls was heard in the adjoining wood, answering each other in rather an unusual manner. the horses, which were enclosed as usual in a pound near the house, were more than commonly excited and by repeated snorting and galloping, announced the presence of some object of terror. the young man was often upon the point of awakening his brother, but was as often restrained by the fear of incurring ridicule and the reproach of timidity, at that time an unpardonable blemish in the character of a kentuckian. at length hasty steps were heard in the yard, and quickly afterward, several loud knocks at the door, accompanied by the usual exclamation, 'who keeps house?' in very good english. the young man, supposing from the language that some benighted settlers were at the door, hastily arose, and was advancing to withdraw the bar which secured it, when his mother, who had long lived upon the frontiers, and had probably detected the indian tone in the demand for admission, instantly sprung out of bed, and ordered her son not to admit them, declaring that they were indians. "she instantly awakened her other son, and the two young men seized their guns, which were always charged, prepared to repel the enemy. the indians, finding it impossible to enter under their assumed characters, began to thunder at the door with great violence, but a single shot from a loop-hole compelled them to shift the attack to some less exposed point and, unfortunately, they discovered the door of the other cabin, containing the three daughters. the rifles of the brothers could not be brought to bear upon this point, and by means of several rails taken from the yard fence, the door was forced from its hinges, and the three girls were at the mercy of the savages. one was instantly secured, but the eldest defended herself desperately with a knife which she had been using at the loom, and stabbed one of the indians to the heart before she was tomahawked. "in the mean time the little girl, who had been overlooked by the enemy in their eagerness to secure the others, ran out into the yard, and might have effected her escape, had she taken advantage of the darkness and fled; but instead of that, the terrified little creature ran around the house wringing her hands, and crying out that her sisters were killed. the brothers, unable to hear her cries without risking every thing for her rescue, rushed to the door and were preparing to sally out to her assistance, when their mother threw herself before them and calmly declared that the child must be abandoned to its fate; that the sally would sacrifice the lives of all the rest, without the slightest benefit to the little girl. just then the child uttered a loud scream, followed by a few faint moans, and all was again silent. presently the crackling of flames was heard, accompanied by a triumphant yell from the indians, announcing that they had set fire to that division of the house which had been occupied by the daughters, and of which they held undisputed possession. "the fire was quickly communicated to the rest of the building, and it became necessary to abandon it or perish in the flames. in the one case there was a possibility that some might escape; in the other, their fate would be equally certain and terrible. the rapid approach of the flames cut short their momentary suspense. the door was thrown open, and the old lady, supported by her eldest son, attempted to cross the fence at one point, while her daughter, carrying her child in her arms, and attended by the younger of the brothers, ran in a different direction. the blazing roof shed a light over the yard but little inferior to that of day, and the savages were distinctly seen awaiting the approach of their victims. the old lady was permitted to reach the stile unmolested, but in the act of crossing received several balls in her breast and fell dead. her son, providentially, remained unhurt, and by extraordinary agility effected his escape. "the other party succeeded also in reaching the fence unhurt, but in the act of crossing, were vigorously assailed by several indians, who, throwing down their guns, rushed upon them with their tomahawks. the young man defended his sister gallantly, firing upon the enemy as they approached, and then wielding the butt of his rifle with a fury that drew their whole attention upon himself, and gave his sister an opportunity of effecting her escape. he quickly fell, however, under the tomahawks of his enemies, and was found at daylight, scalped and mangled in a shocking manner. of the whole family consisting of eight persons, when the attack commenced, only three escaped. four were killed upon the spot, and one (the second daughter) carried off as a prisoner. "the neighborhood was quickly alarmed, and by daylight about thirty men were assembled under the command of colonel edwards. a light snow had fallen during the latter part of the night, and the indian trail could be pursued at a gallop. it led directly into the mountainous country bordering upon licking, and afforded evidences of great hurry and precipitation on the part of the fugitives. unfortunately a hound had been permitted to accompany the whites, and as the trail became fresh and the scent warm, she followed it with eagerness, baying loudly and giving the alarm to the indians. the consequences of this imprudence were soon displayed. the enemy finding the pursuit keen, and perceiving that the strength of the prisoner began to fail, instantly sunk their tomahawks in her head and left her, still warm and bleeding, upon the snow." as the whites came up, she retained strength enough to waive her hand in token of recognition, and appeared desirous of giving them some information, with regard to the enemy, but her strength was too far gone. her brother sprung from his horse and knelt by her side, endeavoring to stop the effusion of blood, but in vain. she gave him her hand, muttered some inarticulate words, and expired within two minutes after the arrival of the party. the pursuit was renewed with additional ardor, and in twenty minutes the enemy was within view. they had taken possession of a steep narrow ridge and seemed desirous of magnifying their numbers in the eyes of the whites, as they ran rapidly from tree to tree, and maintained a steady yell in their most appalling tones. the pursuers, however, were too experienced to be deceived by so common an artifice, and being satisfied that the number of the enemy must be inferior to their own, they dismounted, tied their horses, and flanking out in such a manner as to enclose the enemy, ascended the ridge as rapidly as was consistent with a due regard to the shelter of their persons. the firing quickly commenced, and now for the first time they discovered that only two indians were opposed to them. they had voluntarily sacrificed themselves for the safety of the main body, and succeeded in delaying pursuit until their friends could reach the mountains. one of them was instantly shot dead, and the other was badly wounded, as was evident from the blood upon his blanket, as well as that which filled his tracks in the snow for a considerable distance. the pursuit was recommenced, and urged keenly until night, when the trail entered a running stream and was lost. on the following morning the snow had melted, and every trace of the enemy was obliterated. this affair must be regarded as highly honorable to the skill, address, and activity of the indians; and the self-devotion of the rear guard, is a lively instance of that magnanimity of which they are at times capable, and which is more remarkable in them, from the extreme caution, and tender regard for their own lives, which usually distinguished their warriors. from this time simon kenton's name became very prominent as a leader. this year, at the head of forty-six men, he pursued a body of indians, but did not succeed in overtaking them, which he afterward regarded as a fortunate circumstance, as he ascertained that they were at least double the number of his own party. a man by the name of scott, having been carried off by the indians, kenton followed them over the ohio, and released him. as early as january, , the indians entered kentucky, two of them were captured near crab orchard by captain whitley. the same month, a party stole a number of horses from the elkhorn settlements; they were pursued and surprised in their camp. their leader extricated his hand, by a singular stratagem. springing up before the whites could fire, he went through a series of the most extraordinary antics, leaping and yelling as if frantic. this conduct absorbing the attention of the whites, his followers took advantage of the opportunity to escape. as soon as they had all disappeared, the wily chief plunged into the woods and was seen no more. the attacks were continued in march. several parties and families suffered severely. lieutenant mcclure, following the trail of a marauding party of indians, fell in with an other body, and in the skirmish that ensued, was mortally wounded. in , a conference was held at the mouth of the muskingum, with most of the northwestern tribes, the result of which was the conclusion of another treaty. the shawanese were not included in this pacification. this tribe was the most constant in its enmity to the whites, of all the western indians. there was but little use in making peace with the indians unless all were included; for as long as one tribe was at war, restless spirits among the others were found to take part with them, and the whites, on the other hand, were not particular to distinguish between hostile and friendly indians. though the depredations continued this year, no affair of unusual interest occurred; small parties of the indians infested the settlements, murdering and plundering the inhabitants. they were generally pursued, but mostly without success. major mcmillan was attacked by six or seven indians, but escaped unhurt after killing two of his assailants. a boat upon the ohio was fired upon, five men killed, and a woman made prisoner. in their attacks upon boats, the indians employed the stratagem of which the whites had been warned by girty. white men would appear upon the shore, begging the crew to rescue them from the indians, who were pursuing them. some of these were renegades, and others prisoners compelled to act this part, under threats of death in its most dreadful form if they refused. the warning of girty is supposed to have saved many persons from this artifice; but too often unable to resist the many appeals, emigrants became victims to the finest feelings of our nature. thus in march, , a boat descending the river was decoyed ashore, and no sooner had it reached the bank than it was captured by fifty indians, who killed a man and a woman, and made the rest prisoners. an expedition was made against the indians on the sciota by general harmer, of the united states army, and general scott, of the kentucky militia, but nothing of consequence was achieved. in may a number of people returning from divine service, on bear grass creek, were attacked, and one man killed, and a woman made prisoner, who was afterward tomahawked. three days after, a boat containing six men and several families was captured by sixteen indians without loss. the whites were all carried off by the indians, who intended, it is said, to make them slaves; one of the men escaped and brought the news to the settlements. in the fall harmer made a second expedition, which was attended with great disasters. several marauding attacks of the indians ensued; nor was peace finally restored until after the treaty of greenville, which followed the subjugation of the indians by general wayne in . [footnote : mcclung.] [footnote : "western annals."] chapter xxi. colonel boone meets with the loss of all his land in kentucky, and emigrates to virginia--resides on the kenhawas, near point pleasant--hears of the fertility of missouri, and the abundance of game there--emigrates to missouri--is appointed commandant of a district under the spanish government--mr. audubon's narrative of a night passed with boone, and the narratives made by him during the night--extraordinary power of his memory. a period of severe adversity for colonel boone now ensued. his aversion to legal technicalities and his ignorance of legal forms were partly the cause of defects in the titles to the lands which he had long ago acquired, improved, and nobly defended. but the whole system of land titles in kentucky at that early period was so utterly defective, that hundreds of others who were better informed and more careful than the old pioneer, lost their lands by litigation and the arts and rogueries of land speculators, who made it their business to hunt up defects in land titles. the colonel lost all his land--even his beautiful farm near boonesborough, which ought to have been held sacred by any men possessed of a particle of patriotism or honest feeling, was taken from him. he consequently left kentucky and settled on the kenhawa river in virginia, not far from point pleasant. this removal appears to have taken place in the year . he remained in this place several years, cultivating a farm, raising stock, and at the proper seasons indulging in his favorite sport of hunting. some hunters who had been pursuing their sport on the western shores of the missouri river gave colonel boone a very vivid description of that country, expatiating on the fertility of the land, the abundance of game, and the great herds of buffalo ranging over the vast expanse of the prairies. they also described the simple manners of the people, the absence of lawyers and lawsuits, and the arcadian happiness which was enjoyed by all in the distant region, in such glowing terms that boone resolved to emigrate and settle there, leaving his fourth son jesse in the kenhawa valley, where he had married and settled, and who did not follow him till several years after.[ ] mr. peck fixes the period of this emigration in . perkins, in his "western annals," places it in . his authority is an article of thomas j. hinde in the "american pioneer," who says: "i was 'neighbor to daniel boone, the first white man that fortified against the. indians in kentucky. in october, , i saw him on pack-horses take up his journey for missouri, then upper louisiana." mr. peck says:[ ] "at that period, and for several years after, the country of his retreat belonged to the crown of spain. his fame had reached this remote region before him; and he received of the lieutenant-governor, who resided at st. louis, 'assurance that ample portions of land should be given to him and his family.' his first residence was in the femme osage settlement, in the district of st. charles, about forty-five miles west of st. louis. here he remained with his son daniel m. boone until , when he removed to the residence of his youngest son, nathan boone, with whom he continued till about , when he went to reside with his son-in-law, flanders callaway. a commission from don charles d. delassus, lieutenant-governor, dated july th, , appointing him commandant of the femme osage district, was tendered and accepted. he retained this command, which included both civil and military duties and he continued to discharge them with credit to himself, and to the satisfaction of all concerned, until the transfer of the government to the united states. the simple manners of the frontier people of missouri exactly suited the peculiar habits and temper of colonel boone." it was during his residence in missouri that colonel boone was visited by the great naturalist, j.j. audubon, who passed a night with him. in his ornithological biography, mr. audubon gives the following narrative of what passed on that occasion: "daniel boone, or, as he was usually called in the western country, colonel boone, happened to spend a night with me under the same roof, more than twenty years ago.[ ] we had returned from a shooting excursion, in the course of which his extraordinary skill in the management of the rifle had been fully displayed. on retiring to the room appropriated to that remarkable individual and myself for the night, i felt anxious to know more of his exploits and adventures than i did, and accordingly took the liberty of proposing numerous questions to him. the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests approached the gigantic. his chest was broad and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise, and perseverance; and when he spoke, the very motion of his lips brought the impression that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. i undressed, whilst he merely took off his hunting-shirt, and arranged a few folds of blankets on the floor, choosing rather to lie there, as he observed, than on the softest bed. when we had both disposed of ourselves, each after his own fashion, he related to me the following account of his powers of memory, which i lay before you, kind reader, in his own words, hoping that the simplicity of his style may prove interesting to you:" "'i was once,' said he, 'on a hunting expedition on the banks of the green river, when the lower parts of this state (kentucky) were still in the hands of nature, and none but the sons of the soil were looked upon as its lawful proprietors. we virginians had for some time been waging a war of intrusion upon them, and i, amongst the rest, rambled through the woods in pursuit of their race, as i now would follow the tracks of any ravenous animal. the indians outwitted me one dark night, and i was as unexpectedly as suddenly made a prisoner by them. the trick had been managed with great skill; for no sooner had i extinguished the fire of my camp, and laid me down to rest, in full security, as i thought, than i felt myself seized by an indistinguishable number of hands, and was immediately pinioned, as if about to be led to the scaffold for execution. to have attempted to be refractory would have proved useless and dangerous to my life; and i suffered myself to be removed from my camp to theirs, a few miles distant, without uttering even a word of complaint. you are aware, i dare say, that to act in this manner was the best policy, as you understand that by so doing i proved to the indians at once that i was born and bred as fearless of death as any of themselves. "'when we reached the camp, great rejoicings were exhibited. two squaws and a few papooses appeared particularly delighted at the sight of me, and i was assured, by very unequivocal gestures and words, that, on the morrow, the mortal enemy of the redskins would cease to live. i never opened my lips but was busy contriving some scheme which might enable me to give the rascals the slip before dawn. the women immediately fell a searching about my hunting-shirt for whatever they might think valuable, and, fortunately for me, soon found my flask tilled with _monongahela_ (that is, reader, strong whisky). a terrific grin was exhibited on their murderous countenances, while my heart throbbed with joy at the anticipation of their intoxication. the crew immediately began to beat their bellies and sing, as they passed the bottle from mouth to mouth. how often did i wish the flask ten times its size, and filled with aquafortis! i observed that the squaws drank more freely than the warriors, and again my spirits were about to be depressed, when the report of a gun was heard at a distance. the indians all jumped on their feet. the singing and drinking were both brought to a stand, and i saw, with inexpressible joy, the men walk off to some distance and talk to the squaws. i knew that they were consulting about me, and i foresaw that in a few moments the warriors would go to discover the cause of the gun having been fired so near their camp. i expected that the squaws would be left to guard me. well, sir, it was just so. they returned; the men took up their guns, and walked away. the squaws sat down again, and in less than five minutes had my bottle up to their dirty mouths, gurgling down their throats the remains of the whisky. "'with what pleasure did i see them becoming more and more drunk, until the liquor took such hold of them that it was quite impossible for these women to be of any service. they tumbled down, rolled about, and began to snore; when i, having no other chance of freeing myself from the cords that fastened me, rolled over and over toward the fire, and, after a short time, burned them asunder. i rose on my feet, stretched my stiffened sinews, snatched up my rifle, and, for once in my life spared that of indians. i now recollect how desirous i once or twice felt to lay open the skulls of the wretches with my tomahawk; but when i again thought upon killing beings unprepared and unable to defend themselves, it looked like murder without need, and i gave up the idea. "'but, sir, i felt determined to mark the spot, and walking to a thrifty ash sapling i cut out of it three large chips, and ran off. i soon reached the river soon crossed it, and threw myself deep into the canebrakes, imitating the tracks of an indian with my feet, so that no chance might be left for those from whom i had escaped to overtake me. "'it is now nearly twenty years since this happened, and more than five since i left the whites' settlements, which i might probably never have visited again had i not been called on as a witness in a lawsuit that was pending in kentucky, and which i really believe would never have been settled had i not come forward and established the beginning of a certain boundary line. this is the story, sir: "'mr. ---- moved from old virginia into kentucky, and having a large tract granted to him in the new state, laid claim to a certain parcel of land adjoining green river, and, as chance would have it, took for one of his corners the very ash tree on which i had made my mark, and finished his survey of some thousands of acres, beginning, as it is expressed in the deed, at an ash marked by three distinct notches of the tomahawk of a white man." "'the tree had grown much, and the bark had covered the marks; but, somehow or other, mr. ---- heard from some one all that i have already said to you, and thinking that i might remember the spot alluded to in the deed, but which was no longer discoverable, wrote for me to come and try at least to find the place or the tree. his letter mentioned that all my expenses should be paid, and not caring much about once more going back to kentucky i started and met mr. ----. after some conversation, the affair with the indians came to my recollection. i considered for a while, and began to think that after all i could find the very spot, as well as the tree, if it was yet standing. "'mr. ---- and i mounted our horses, and off we went to the green river bottoms. after some difficulties--for you must be aware, sir, that great changes have taken place in those woods--i found at last the spot where i had crossed the river, and, waiting for the moon to rise, made for the course in which i thought the ash tree grew. on approaching the place, i felt as if the indians were there still, and as if i was still a prisoner among them. mr. ---- and i camped near what i conceived the spot, and waited until the return of day. "'at the rising of the sun i was on foot, and, after a good deal of musing, thought that an ash tree then in sight must be the very one on which i had made my mark, i felt as if there could be no doubt of it, and mentioned my thought to mr. ----. 'well, colonel boone,' said he, 'if you think so, i hope it may prove true, but we must have some witnesses; do you stay here about, and i will go and bring some of the settlers whom i know.' i agreed. mr. ---- trotted off, and i, to pass the time, rambled about to see if a deer was still living in the land. but ah! sir, what a wonderful difference thirty years make in the country! why, at the time when i was caught by the indians, you would not have walked out in any direction for more than a mile without shooting a buck or a bear. there were then thousands of buffaloes on the hills in kentucky; the land looked as if it never would become poor: and to hunt in those days was a pleasure indeed. but when i was left to myself on the banks of green river, i dare say for the last time in my life, a few _signs_ only of deer were to be seen, and, as to a deer itself, i saw none. "'mr. ---- returned, accompanied by three gentlemen. they looked upon me as if i had been washington himself, and walked to the ash tree which i now called my own, as if in quest of a long-lost treasure. i took an axe from one of them, and cut a few chips off the bark. still no signs were to be seen. so i cut again until i thought it was time to be cautious, and i scraped and worked away with my butcher-knife until i _did_ come to where my tomahawk had left an impression in the wood. we now went regularly to work, and scraped at the tree with care until three hacks, as plain as any three notches ever were, could be seen. mr. ---- and the other gentlemen were astonished, and i must allow i was as much surprised as pleased myself. i made affidavit of this remarkable occurrence in presence of these gentlemen. mr. ---- gained his cause. i left green river forever, and came to where we now are; and sir i wish you a good-night.'" [footnote : peck.] [footnote : life of boone.] [footnote : this would be about the year .] chapter xxii. colonel boone receives a large grant of land from the spanish government of upper louisiana--he subsequently loses it by neglecting to secure the formal title--his law suits in his new home--character of the people--sketch of the history of missouri--colonel boone's hunting--he pays his debts by the sale of furs--hunting excursions continued--in danger from the indians--taken sick in his hunting camp--his relatives settled in his neighborhood--colonel boone applies to congress to recover his land--the legislature of kentucky supports his claim--death of mrs. boone--results of the application to congress--he receives one-eleventh part of his just claim--he ceases to hunt--occupations of his declining years--mr. harding paints his portrait. in consideration of his official services as syndic, ten thousand arpents[ ] of excellent land were given to colonel boone by the government. under the special law, in order to make his title good, he should have obtained a confirmation of his grant from the immediate representative of the crown, then residing in new orleans. but his friend, the commandant at st. louis, undertook to dispense with his residence on the land which was another condition to a sound title, and boone probably supposed that "all would be right" without attending to any of the formalities, and neglected to take the necessary steps for holding his land securely. it is probable that he foresaw that missouri would soon become a part of the united states, and expected justice from that quarter. but in this he was disappointed, for when that event took place, the commissioners of the united states appointed to decide on confirmed claims felt constrained by their instructions and rejected colonel boone's claims for want of legal formalities. thus was the noble pioneer a second time deprived of the recompense of his inestimable services by his inattention to the precautions necessary for securing his rights. this second misfortune came upon him some time after the period of which we are now writing. meantime colonel boone found his residence in missouri agreeable, and in every respect congenial to his habits and tastes. his duties as syndic were light; and he was allowed ample time for the cultivation of his land, and for occasional tours of hunting, in which he so greatly delighted. trapping beaver was another of his favorite pursuits, and in this new country he found abundance of this as well as other species of game. a greater part of the people of missouri were emigrants from the united states, pioneers of the west, who had already resisted indian aggressions, and were welcomed by the french and spanish settlers as a clear accession to their military strength, a brief notice of the history of this state, showing how the different kinds of population came there, will be not inappropriate in this place. though the french were the first settlers, and for a long time the principal inhabitants of missouri, yet a very small portion of her present population is of that descent. a fort was built by that people as early as , near the site of the present capital, called fort orleans, and its lead mines worked to some extent the next year. st. genevieve, the oldest town in the state, was settled in , and st. louis in . at the treaty of it was assigned, with all the territory west of the mississippi, to spain. "in , st. louis was besieged and attacked by a body of british troops and indians, fifteen hundred and forty strong." during the siege, sixty of the french were killed. the siege was raised by colonel george rogers clark, who came with five hundred men to the relief of the place. at the close of the american revolution, the territory west of the mississippi remained with spain till it was ceded to france, in . in , at the purchase of louisiana, it came into the possession of the united states, and formed part of the territory of louisiana, until the formation of the state of that name in , when the remainder of the territory was named missouri, from which (after a stormy debate in congress as to the admission of slavery) was separated the present state of missouri in .[ ] the office of syndic, to which colonel boone had been appointed, is similar to that of justice of the peace under our own government: but it is more extensive, as combining military with civil powers. its exercise in colonel boone's district did not by any means occupy the whole of his time and attention. on the contrary, he found sufficient time for hunting in the winter months--the regular hunting season. at first he was not very successful in obtaining valuable furs; but after two or three seasons, he was able to secure a sufficient quantity to enable him, by the proceeds of their sale, to discharge some outstanding debts in kentucky; and he made a journey thither for that purpose. when he had seen each creditor, and paid him all he demanded, he returned home to missouri, and on his arrival he had but half a dollar remaining. "to his family," says mr. peck, "and a circle of friends who had called to see him, he said, 'now i am ready and willing to die. i am relieved from a burden that has long oppressed me. i have paid all my debts, and no one will say, when i am gone, 'boone was a dishonest man.' i am perfectly willing to die.'"[ ] boone still continued his hunting excursions, attended sometimes by some friend: but most frequently by a black servant boy. on one of these occasions these two had to resist an attack of osage indians, whom they speedily put to flight. at another time, when he was entirely alone, a large encampment of indians made its appearance in his neighborhood; and he was compelled to secrete himself for twenty days in his camp, cooking his food only in the middle of the night, so that the smoke of his fire would not be seen. at the end of this long period of inaction the indians went off. at another time, while in his hunting camp, with only a negro boy for his attendant, he fell sick and lay a long time unable to go out. when sufficiently recovered to walk out, he pointed out to the boy a place where he wished to be buried if he should die in camp, and also gave the boy very exact directions about his burial, and the disposal of his rifle, blankets and peltry.[ ] among the relations of colonel boone, who were settled in his neighborhood, were daniel morgan boone, his eldest son then living, who had gone out before his father; nattra, with his wife, who had followed in ; and flanders callaway, his son-in-law, who had come out about the time that missouri, then upper louisiana, became a part of the united states territory.[ ] we have already stated that the land granted to colonel boone, in consideration of his performing the duties of syndic, was lost by his omission to comply with the legal formalities necessary to secure his title. in addition to the ten thousand arpents of land thus lost, he had been entitled as a citizen to one thousand arpents of land according to the usage in other cases; but he appears not to have complied with the condition of actual residence on this land, and it was lost in consequence. in , colonel boone sent a petition to congress, praying for a confirmation of his original claims. in order to give greater weight to his application, he presented a memorial to the general assembly of kentucky, on the thirteenth of january, , soliciting the aid of that body in obtaining from congress the confirmation of his claims. the legislature, by a unanimous vote, passed the following preamble and resolutions. "the legislature of kentucky, taking into view the many eminent services rendered by col. boone, in exploring and settling the western country, from which great advantages have resulted, not only to this state, but to his country in general; and that from circumstances over which he had no control, he is now reduced to poverty, not having, so far as appears, an acre of land out of the vast territory he has been a great instrument in peopling; believing, also, that it is as unjust as it is impolitic, that useful enterprise and eminent services should go unrewarded by a government where merit confers the only distinction; and having sufficient reason to believe that a grant of ten thousand acres of land, which he claims in upper louisiana, would have been confirmed by the spanish government, had not said territory passed, by cession, into the hands of the general government: wherefore. "resolved, by the general assembly of the commonwealth of kentucky,--that our senators in congress be requested to make use of their exertions to procure a grant of land in said territory to said boone, either the ten thousand acres to which he appears to have an equitable claim, from the grounds set forth to this legislature, by way of confirmation, or to such quantity in such place as shall be deemed most advisable, by way of donation." notwithstanding this action of the legislature of kentucky, colonel boone's appeal, like many other just and reasonable claims presented to congress, was neglected for some time. during this period of anxious suspense, mrs. boone, the faithful and affectionate wife of the venerable pioneer, who had shared his toils and anxieties, and cheered his home for so many years, was taken from his side. she died in march, , at the age of seventy-six. the venerable pioneer was now to miss her cheerful companionship for the remainder of his life; and to a man of his affectionate disposition this must have been a severe privation. colonel boone's memorial to congress received the earnest and active support of judge coburn, joseph vance, judge burnett, and other distinguished men belonging to the western country. but it was not till the th of december, , that the committee on public lands made a report on the subject. the report certainly is a very inconsistent one, as it fully admits the justice of his claim to eleven thousand arpents of land, and recommends congress to give him the miserable pittance of one thousand arpents, to which he was entitled in common with all the other emigrants to upper louisiana! the act for the confirmation of the title passed on the th of february, . for ten years before his decease, colonel boone gave up his favorite pursuit of hunting. the infirmities of age rendered it imprudent for him to venture alone in the woods. the closing years of colonel boone's life were passed in a manner entirely characteristic of the man. he appears to have considered love to mankind, reverence to the supreme being, delight in his works and constant usefulness, as the legitimate ends of life. after the decease of mrs. boone, he divided his time among the different members of his family, making his home with his eldest daughter, mrs. callaway, visiting his other children, and especially his youngest son, major nathan boone, for longer or shorter periods, according to his inclination and convenience. he was greatly beloved by all his descendants, some of whom were of the fifth generation; and he took great delight in their society. "his time at home," says mr. peck, "was usually occupied in some useful manner. he made powder-horns for his grandchildren, neighbors, and friends, many of which were carved and ornamented with much taste. he repaired rifles, and performed various descriptions of handicraft with neatness and finish." making powder-horns--repairing rifles--employments in pleasing unison with old pursuits, and by the associations thus raised in his mind, always recalling the pleasures of the chase, the stilly whispering hum of the pines, the fragrance of wild flowers, and the deep solitude of the primeval forest. in the summer of , chester harding, who of american artists is one of the most celebrated for the accuracy of his likenesses, paid a visit to colonel boone for the purpose of taking his portrait. the colonel was quite feeble, and had to be supported by a friend, the rev. j.e. welsh, while sitting to the artist.[ ] this portrait is the original from which most of the engravings of boone have been executed. it represents him in his hunting-dress, with his large hunting-knife in his belt. the face is very thin and pale, and the hair perfectly white; the eyes of a bright blue color, and the expression of the countenance mild and pleasing. [footnote : an arpent of land is eighty-five-hundredths of an acre.] [footnote : lippincott's gazetteer.] [footnote : the owners of the money of which he was robbed on his journey to virginia, as already related, had voluntarily relinquished all claims on him. this was a simple act of justice.] [footnote : peck.] [footnote : ibid.] [footnote : peck. life of boone.] chapter xxiii. last illness, and death of colonel boone--his funeral--account of his family--his remains and those of his wife removed from missouri, and reinterred in the new cemetery in frankfort, kentucky--character of colonel boone. in september, , colonel boone had an attack of fever, from which he recovered so as to make a visit to the house of his son, major nathan boone. soon after, from an indiscretion in his diet, he had a relapse; and after a confinement to the house of only three days, he expired on the th of september, in the eighty-sixth year of his age. he was buried in a coffin which he had kept ready for several years. his remains were laid by the side of those of his deceased wife. the great respect and reverence entertained toward him, attracted a large concourse from the neighboring country to the funeral. the legislature of missouri, then in session, passed a resolution that the members should wear the badge of mourning usual in such cases for twenty days; and an adjournment for one day took place. colonel boone had five sons and four daughters the two oldest sons, as already related, were killed by the indians. his third, colonel daniel morgan boone, resided in missouri, and died about , past the age of eighty. jesse boone, the fourth son, settled in missouri about , and died at st. louis a few years after. major nathan boone, the youngest child, resided for many years in missouri, and received a commission in the united states dragoons. he was still living at a recent date. daniel boone's daughters, jemima, susannah, rebecca, and lavinia, were all married, lived and died in kentucky. in the citizens of frankfort, kentucky, having prepared a rural cemetery, resolved to consecrate it by interring in it the remains of daniel boone and his wife. the consent of the family being obtained, the reinterment took place on the th of august of that year. the pageant was splendid and deeply interesting. a few survivors of boone's contemporaries were present, gathered from all parts of the state, and a numerous train of his descendants and relatives led the van of the procession escorting the hearse, which was decorated with forest evergreens and white lilies, an appropriate tribute to the simple as well as glorious character of boone, and a suitable emblem of his enduring fame. the address was delivered by mr. crittenden, and the concourse of citizens from kentucky and the neighboring states was immense. the reader of the foregoing pages will have no difficulty in forming a correct estimate of boone's character. he was one of the purest and noblest of the pioneers of the west. regarding himself as an instrument in the hands of providence for accomplishing great purposes, he was nevertheless always modest and unassuming, never seeking distinction, but always accepting the post of duty and danger. as a military leader he was remarkable for prudence, coolness, bravery, and imperturbable self-possession. his knowledge of the character of the indians enabled him to divine their intentions and baffle their best laid plans; and notwithstanding his resistance of their inroads, he was always a great favorite amongst them. as a father, husband, and citizen, his character seems to have been faultless; and his intercourse with his fellow-men was always marked by the strictest integrity and honor. colonel boone's autobiography [the following pages were dictated by colonel boone to john filson, and published in . colonel boone has been heard to say repeatedly since its publication, that "it is every word true."] curiosity is natural to the soul of man, and interesting objects have a powerful influence on our affections. let these influencing powers actuate, by the permission or disposal of providence, from selfish or social views, yet in time the mysterious will of heaven is unfolded, and we behold our conduct, from whatsoever motives excited, operating to answer the important designs of heaven. thus we behold kentucky, lately a howling wilderness, the habitation of savages and wild beasts, become a fruitful field; this region, so favorably distinguished by nature, now become the habitation of civilization, at a period unparalleled in history, in the midst of a raging war, and under all the disadvantages of emigration to a country so remote from the inhabited parts of the continent. here, where the hand of violence shed the blood of the innocent; where the horrid yells of savages and the groans of the distressed sounded in our ears, we now hear the praises and adorations of our creator; where wretched wigwams stood, the miserable abodes of savages, we behold the foundations of cities laid, that, in all probability, will equal the glory of the greatest upon earth. and we view kentucky, situated on the fertile banks of the great ohio, rising from obscurity to shine with splendor, equal to any other of the stars of the american hemisphere. the settling of this region well deserves a place in history. most of the memorable events i have myself been exercised in; and, for the satisfaction of the public, will briefly relate the circumstance of my adventures, and scenes of life from my first movement to this country until this day. it was on the first of may, in the year , that i resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the yadkin river, in north carolina, to wander through the wilderness of america, in quest of the country of kentucky, in company with john finley, john stewart, joseph holden, james monay, and william cool. we proceeded successfully, and after a long and fatiguing journey through a mountainous wilderness, in a westward direction. on the th of june following we found ourselves on red river, where john finley had formerly been trading with the indians, and, from the top of an eminence, saw with pleasure the beautiful level of kentucky. here let me observe that for some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather, as a pre-libation of our future sufferings. at this place we encamped, and made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country. we found everywhere abundance of wild beasts of all sorts, through this vast forest. the buffalo were more frequent than i have seen cattle in the settlements, browsing on the leaves of the cane, or cropping the herbage on those extensive plains, fearless, because ignorant of the violence of man. sometimes we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. in this forest, the habitation of beasts of every kind natural to america, we practiced hunting with great success until the d day of december following. this day john steward and i had a pleasing ramble, but fortune changed the scene in the close of it. we had passed through a great forest, on which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, and others rich with fruits. nature was here a series of wonders, and a fund of delight. here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully colored, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavored; and we were diverted with innumerable animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view. in the decline of the day, near kentucky river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a number of indians rushed out of a thick canebrake upon us, and made us prisoners. the time of our sorrow was now arrived, and the scene fully opened. the indians plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with common savage usage. during this time we discovered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious of us; but in the dead of night, as we lay in a thick canebrake by a large fire, when sleep had locked-up their senses, my situation not disposing me for rest, i touched my companion, and gently awoke him. we improved this favorable opportunity and departed, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily directed our course toward our old camp, but found it plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home. about this time my brother, squire boone, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was wandering through the forest, determined to find me if possible, and accidentally found our camp. notwithstanding the unfortunate circumstances of our company, and our dangerous situation, as surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting so fortunately in the wilderness made us reciprocally sensible of the utmost satisfaction. so much does friendship triumph over misfortune, that sorrows and sufferings vanish at the meeting not only of real friends, but of the most distant acquaintances, and substitute happiness in their room. soon after this, my companion in captivity, john stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. we were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death among savages and wild beasts--not a white man in the country but ourselves. thus situated, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, i believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. i often observed to my brother, "you see now how little nature requires to be satisfied. felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things; and i firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. this consists in a full resignation to the will of providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briers and thorns." we continued not in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter storms. we remained there undisturbed during the winter, and on the first day of may, , my brother returned home to the settlement by himself, for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself, without bread, salt, or sugar, without company of my fellow-creatures, or even a horse or dog. i confess i never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. a few days i passed uncomfortably. the idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety upon the account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. a thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly disposed me to melancholy, if further indulged. one day i undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature i met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. just at the close of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. i had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains, the beauteous tracts below. on the other hand, i surveyed the famous river ohio, that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. at a vast distance i beheld the mountains lift their venerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. all things were still. i kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck, which a few hours before i had killed. the sullen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the hovering moisture. my roving excursion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted my imagination. i laid me down to sleep, and i awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. i continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. i returned again to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. i did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick canebrakes, to avoid the savages, who, i believe, often visited my camp, but, fortunately for me, in my absence. in this situation i was constantly exposed to danger and death. how unhappy such a situation for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes, and if it does, only augments the pain! it was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which i had the greatest reason to be affected. the prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings; and the various species of animals in this vast forest, in the daytime, were continually in my view. thus i was surrounded by plenty in the midst of want. i was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. in such a diversity, it was impossible i should be disposed to melancholy. no populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind as the beauties of nature i found here. thus, through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, i spent the time until the th day of july following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. shortly after, we left this place, not thinking it safe to stay there longer, and proceeded to cumberland river, reconnoitering that part of the country until march, , and giving names to the different waters. soon after, i returned home to my family, with a determination to bring them as soon as possible to live in kentucky, which i esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune. i returned safe to my old habitation, and found my family in happy circumstances. i sold my farm on the yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the th day of september, , bade a farewell to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to kentucky, in company with five families more, and forty men that joined us in powel's valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the now settled parts of kentucky, this promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity; for, upon the th day of october, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. of these, my eldest son was one that fell in the action. though we defended ourselves and repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to the settlement on clinch river. we had passed over two mountains, viz, powel's and walden's, and were approaching cumberland mountain when this adverse fortune overtook us. these mountains are in the wilderness, as we pass from the old settlements in virginia to kentucky, are ranged in a southwest and northeast direction, are of a great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. over these, nature hath formed passes that are less difficult than might be expected, from a view of such huge piles. the aspect of these cliffs is so wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror. the spectator is apt to imagine that nature has formerly suffered some violent convulsion, and that these are the dismembered remains of the dreadful shock; the ruins, not of persepolis or palmyra, but of the world! i remained with my family on clinch until the th of june, , when i and one michael stoner were solicited by governor dunmore of virginia to go to the falls of the ohio, to conduct into the settlements a number of surveyors that had been sent thither by him some months before; this country having about this time drawn the attention of many adventurers. we immediately complied with the governor's request, and conducted in the surveyors--completing a tour of eight hundred miles, through many difficulties, in sixty-two days. soon after i returned home, i was ordered to take the command of three garrisons during the campaign which governor dunmore carried on against the shawanese indians; after the conclusion of which, the militia was discharged from each garrison, and i, being relieved from my post, was solicited by a number of north carolina gentlemen, that were about purchasing the lands lying on the south side of kentucky river, from the cherokee indians, to attend their treaty at wataga, in march, , to negotiate with them, and mention the boundaries of the purchase. this i accepted; and, at the request of the same gentlemen, undertook to mark out a road in the best passage from the settlement through the wilderness to kentucky, with such assistance as i thought necessary to employ for such an important undertaking. i soon began this work, having collected a number of enterprising men, well armed. we proceeded with all possible expedition until we came within fifteen miles of where boonesborough now stands, and where we were fired upon by a party of indians, that killed two, and wounded two of our number; yet, although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we stood our ground. this was on the th of march, . three days after, we were fired upon again, and had two men killed, and three wounded. afterward we proceeded on to kentucky river without opposition; and on the first day of april began to erect the fort of boonesborough at a salt lick, about sixty yards from the river, on the south side. on the fourth day, the indians killed one of our men. we were busily employed in building this fort until the fourteenth day of june following, without any further opposition from the indians; and having finished the works, i returned to my family on clinch. in a short time i proceeded to remove my family from clinch to this garrison, where we arrived safe, without any other difficulties than such as are common to this passage; my wife and daughter being the first white women that ever stood on the banks of kentucky river. on the th day of december following, we had one man killed, and one wounded by the indians, who seemed determined to persecute us for erecting this fortification. on the fourteenth day of july, , two of colonel calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were taken prisoners near the fort. i immediately pursued the indians with only eight men, and on the th overtook them, killed two of the party, and recovered the girls. the same day on which this attempt was made, the indians divided themselves into different parties, and attacked several forts, which were shortly before this time erected, doing a great deal of mischief. this was extremely distressing to the new settlers. the innocent husbandman was shot down, while busy in cultivating the soil for his family's supply. most of the cattle around the stations were destroyed. they continued their hostilities in this manner until the th of april, , when they attacked boonesborough with a party of above one hundred in number, killed one man, and wounded four. their loss in this attack was not certainly known to us. on the th day of july following, a party of about two hundred indians attacked boonesborough, killed one man and wounded two. they besieged us forty-eight hours, during which time seven of them were killed, and, at last, finding themselves not likely to prevail, they raised the siege and departed. the indians had disposed their warriors in different parties at this time, and attacked the different garrisons, to prevent their assisting each other, and did much injury to the distressed inhabitants. on the th day of this month, colonel logan's fort was besieged by a party of about two hundred indians. during this dreadful siege they did a great deal of mischief, distressed the garrison, in which were only fifteen men, killed two, and wounded one. the enemy's loss was uncertain, from the common practice which the indians have of carrying off their dead in time of battle. colonel harrod's fort was then defended by only sixty-five men, and boonesborough by twenty-two, there being no more forts or white men in the country, except at the falls, a considerable distance from these; and all, taken collectively, were but a handful to the numerous warriors that were everywhere dispersed through the country, intent upon doing all the mischief that savage barbarity could invent. thus we passed through a scene of sufferings that exceeds description. on the th of this month, a reinforcement of forty-five men arrived from north carolina, and about the th of august following, colonel bowman arrived with one hundred men from virginia. now we began to strengthen; and hence, for the space of six weeks, we had skirmishes with indians, in one quarter or another, almost every day. the savages now learned the superiority of the long knife, as they call the virginians, by experience; being out-generalled in almost every battle. our affairs began to wear a new aspect, and the enemy, not daring to venture on open war, practiced secret mischief at times. on the st day of january, , i went with a party of thirty men to the blue licks, on licking river, to make salt for the different garrisons in the country. on the th day of february, as i was hunting to procure meat for the company, i met with a party of one hundred and two indians, and two frenchmen, on their march against boonesborough, that place being particularly the object of the enemy. they pursued, and took me; and brought me on the th day to the licks, where twenty-seven of my party were, three of them having previously returned home with the salt. i, knowing it was impossible for them to escape, capitulated with the enemy, and, at a distance, in their view, gave notice to my men of their situation, with orders not to resist, but surrender themselves captives. the generous usage the indians had promised before in my capitulation, was afterward fully complied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners to old chilicothe, the principal indian town on little miami, where we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey, in very severe weather, on the th day of february, and received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages. on the th day of march following, i and ten of my men were conducted by forty indians to detroit, where we arrived the th day, and were treated by governor hamilton, the british commander at that post, with great humanity. during our travels, the indians entertained me well, and their affection for me was so great, that they utterly refused to leave me there with the others, although the governor offered them one hundred pounds sterling for me, on purpose to give me a parole to go home. several english gentlemen there, being sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly supply for my wants, which i refused, with many thanks for their kindness--adding, that i never expected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity. the indians left my men in captivity with the british at detroit, and on the th day of april brought me toward old chilicothe, where we arrived on the th day of the same month. this was a long and fatiguing march, through an exceedingly fertile country, remarkable for fine springs and streams of water. at chilicothe i spent my time as comfortably as i could expect; was adopted, according to their custom, into a family, where i became a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. i was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as cheerful and satisfied as possible, and they put great confidence in me. i often went a hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. i was careful not to exceed many of them in shooting; for no people are more envious than they in this sport. i could observe, in their countenances and gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me; and, when the reverse happened, of envy. the shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with profound respect and entire friendship, often entrusting me to hunt at my liberty. i frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what i had taken to him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. my food and lodging were in common with them; not so good, indeed, as i could desire, but necessity makes every thing acceptable. i now began to meditate an escape, and carefully avoided their suspicions, continuing with them at old chilicothe until the st day of june following, and then was taken by them to the salt springs on scioto, and kept there making salt ten days. during this time i hunted some for them, and found the land, for a great extent about this river, to exceed the soil of kentucky, if possible, and remarkably well watered. when i returned to chilicothe, alarmed to see four hundred and fifty indians, of their choicest warriors, painted and armed in a fearful manner, ready to march against boonesborough, i determined to escape the first opportunity. on the th, before sunrise, i departed in the most secret manner, and arrived at boonesborough on the th, after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles, during which i had but one meal. i found our fortress in a bad state of defense; but we proceeded immediately to repair our flanks, strengthen our gates and posterns, and form double bastions, which we completed in ten days. in this time we daily expected the arrival of the indian army; and at length, one of my fellow-prisoners, escaping from them, arrived, informing us that the enemy had, on account of my departure, postponed their expedition three weeks. the indians had spies out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed with our increase in number and fortifications. the grand council of the nations were held frequently, and with more deliberation than usual. they evidently saw the approaching hour when the long knife would dispossess them of their desirable habitations; and, anxiously concerned for futurity, determined utterly to extirpate the whites out of kentucky. we were not intimidated by their movements, but frequently gave them proofs of our courage. about the first of august, i made an incursion into the indian country with a party of nineteen men, in order to surprise a small town up scioto, called paint creek town. we advanced within four miles thereof, when we met a party of thirty indians on their march against boonesborough, intending to join the others from chilicothe. a smart fight ensued between us for some time; at length the savages gave way and fled. we had no loss on our side; the enemy had one killed, and two wounded. we took from them three horses, and all their baggage; and being informed by two of our number that went to their town, that the indians had entirely evacuated it, we proceeded no further, and returned with all possible expedition to assist our garrison against the other party. we passed by them on the sixth day, and on the seventh we arrived safe at boonesborough. on the th, the indian army arrived, being four hundred and forty-four in number, commanded by captain duquesne, eleven other frenchmen, and some of their own chiefs, and marched up within view of our fort, with british and french colors flying; and having sent a summons to me, in his britannic majesty's name, to surrender the fort, i requested two days consideration, which was granted. it was now a critical period with us. we were a small number in the garrison--a powerful army before our walls, whose appearance proclaimed inevitable death, fearfully painted, and marking their footsteps with desolation. death was preferable to captivity; and if taken by storm, we must inevitably be devoted to destruction. in this situation we concluded to maintain our garrison, if possible. we immediately proceeded to collect what we could of our horses and other cattle, and bring them through the posterns into the fort; and in the evening of the th, i returned answer that we were determined to defend our fort while a man was living. "now," said i to their commander, who stood attentively hearing my sentiments, "we laugh at your formidable preparations; but thank you for giving us notice and time to provide for our defense. your efforts will not prevail; for our gates shall forever deny you admittance." whether this answer affected their courage or not i cannot tell; but contrary to our expectations, they formed a scheme to deceive us, declaring it was their orders, from governor hamilton, to take us captives, and not to destroy us; but if nine of us would come out and treat with them, they would immediately withdraw their forces from our walls, and return home peaceably. this sounded grateful in our ears; and we agreed to the proposal. we held the treaty within sixty yards of the garrison, on purpose to divert them from a breach of honor, as we could not avoid suspicions of the savages. in this situation the articles were formally agreed to, and signed; and the indians told us it was customary with them on such occasions for two indians to shake hands with every white man in the treaty, as an evidence of entire friendship. we agreed to this also, but were soon convinced their policy was to take us prisoners. they immediately grappled us; but, although surrounded by hundreds of savages, we extricated ourselves from them, and escaped all safe into the garrison, except one that was wounded, through a heavy fire from their army. they immediately attacked us on every side, and a constant heavy fire ensued between us, day and night, for the space of nine days. in this time the enemy began to undermine our fort, which was situated sixty yards from kentucky river. they began at the water-mark, and proceeded in the bank some distance, which we understood by their aking the water muddy with the clay; and we immediately proceeded to disappoint their design, by cutting a trench across their subterranean passage. the enemy, discovering our countermine by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted from that stratagem; and experience now fully convincing them that neither their power nor policy could effect their purpose, on the th day of august they raised the siege and departed. during this siege, which threatened death in every form, we had two men killed, and four wounded, besides a number of cattle. we killed of the enemy thirty-seven, and wounded a great number. after they were gone, we picked up one hundred and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of our fort, which certainly is a great proof of their industry. soon after this, i went into the settlement, and nothing worthy of a place in this account passed in my affairs for some time. during my absence from kentucky, colonel bowman carried on an expedition against the shawanese, at old chilicothe, with one hundred and sixty men, in july, . here they arrived undiscovered, and a battle ensued, which lasted until ten o'clock, a.m., when colonel bowman, finding he could not succeed at this time, retreated about thirty miles. the indians, in the meantime, collecting all their forces, pursued and overtook him, when a smart fight continued near two hours, not to the advantage of colonel bowman's party. colonel harrod proposed to mount a number of horse, and furiously to rush upon the savages, who at this time fought with remarkable fury. this desperate step had a happy effect, broke their line of battle, and the savages fled on all sides. in these two battles we had nine killed, and one wounded. the enemy's loss uncertain, only two scalps being taken. on the d day of june, , a large party of indians and canadians, about six hundred in number, commanded by colonel bird, attacked riddle's and martin's stations, at the forks of licking river, with six pieces of artillery. they carried this expedition so secretly, that the unwary inhabitants did not discover them until they fired upon the forts; and, not being prepared to oppose them, were obliged to surrender themselves miserable captives to barbarous savages, who immediately after tomahawked one man and two women, and loaded all the others with heavy baggage, forcing them along toward their towns, able or unable to march. such as were weak and faint by the way, they tomahawked. the tender women and helpless children fell victims to their cruelty. this, and the savage treatment they received afterward, is shocking to humanity and too barbarous to relate. the hostile disposition of the savages and their allies caused general clarke, the commandant at the falls of the ohio, immediately to begin an expedition with his own regiment, and the armed force of the country, against pecaway, the principal town of the shawanese, on a branch of great miami, which he finished with great success, took seventeen scalps, and burnt the town to ashes, with the loss of seventeen men. about this time i returned to kentucky with my family; and here, to avoid an inquiry into my conduct, the reader being before informed of my bringing my family to kentucky, i am under the necessity of informing him that, during my captivity with the indians, my wife, who despaired of ever seeing me again--expecting the indians had put a period to my life, oppressed with the distresses of the country, and bereaved of me, her only happiness--had, before i returned, transported my family and goods on horses through the wilderness, amid a multitude of dangers, to her father's house in north carolina. shortly after the troubles at boonesborough, i went to them, and lived peaceably there until this time. the history of my going home, and returning with my family, forms a series of difficulties, an account of which would swell a volume; and, being foreign to my purpose, i shall purposely omit them. i settled my family in boonesborough once more; and shortly after, on the th day of october, , i went in company with my brother to the blue licks; and, on our return home, we were fired upon by a party of indians. they shot him and pursued me, by the scent of their dog, three miles; but i killed the dog, and escaped. the winter soon came on, and was very severe, which confined the indians to their wigwams. the severities of this winter caused great difficulties in kentucky. the enemy had destroyed most of the corn the summer before. this necessary article was scarce and dear, and the inhabitants lived chiefly on the flesh of buffalo. the circumstances of many were very lamentable; however, being a hardy race of people, and accustomed to difficulties and necessities, they were wonderfully supported through all their sufferings, until the ensuing autumn, when we received abundance from the fertile soil. toward spring we were frequently harassed by indians; and in may, , a party assaulted ashton's station, killed one man, and took a negro prisoner. captain ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued and overtook the savages, and a smart fight ensued, which lasted two hours; but they, being superior in number, obliged captain ashton's party to retreat, with the loss of eight killed, and four mortally wounded; their brave commander himself being numbered among the dead. the indians continued their hostilities; and, about the th of august following, two boys were taken from major hoy's station. this party was pursued by captain holder and seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss of four men killed, and one wounded. our affairs became more and more alarming. several stations which had lately been erected in the country were continually infested with savages, stealing their horses and killing the men at every opportunity. in a field, near lexington, an indian shot a man, and running to scalp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon his enemy. every day we experienced recent mischiefs. the barbarous savage nations of shawanese, cherokees, wyandots, tawas, delawares, and several others near detroit, united in a war against us, and assembled their choicest warriors at old chilicothe, to go on the expedition, in order to destroy us, and entirely depopulate the country. their savage minds were inflamed to mischief by two abandoned men, captains mckee and girty. these led them to execute every diabolical scheme, and on the th day of august, commanded a party of indians and canadians, of about five hundred in number, against bryant's station, five miles from lexington. without demanding a surrender, they furiously assaulted the garrison, which was happily prepared to oppose them; and, after they had expended much ammunition in vain, and killed the cattle round the fort, not being likely to make themselves masters of this place, they raised the siege, and departed in the morning of the third day after they came, with the loss of about thirty killed, and the number of wounded uncertain. of the garrison, four were killed, and three wounded. on the th day, colonel todd, colonel trigg, major harland, and myself, speedily collected one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages. they had marched beyond the blue licks, to a remarkable bend of the main fork of licking river, about forty-three miles from lexington, where we overtook them on the th day. the savages observing us, gave way; and we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. when the enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage of us in situation, they formed the line of battle from one bend of licking to the other, about a mile from the blue licks. an exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when we being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of whom were taken prisoners. the brave and much-lamented colonels todd and trigg, major harland, and my second son, were among the dead. we were informed that the indians, numbering their dead, found they had four killed more than we; and therefore four of the prisoners they had taken were, by general consent, ordered to be killed in a most barbarous manner by the young warriors, in order to train them up to cruelty; and then they proceeded to their towns. on our retreat we were met by colonel logan, hastening to join us, with a number of well-armed men. this powerful assistance we unfortunately wanted in the battle; for, notwithstanding the enemy's superiority of numbers, they acknowledged that, if they had received one more fire from us, they should undoubtedly have given way. so valiantly did our small party light, that to the memory of those who unfortunately fell in the battle, enough of honor cannot be paid. had colonel logan and his party been with us, it is highly probable we should have given the savages a total defeat. i cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sorrow fills my heart. a zeal for the defense of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a few men to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. when we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. the river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight--some just entering the river, some in the water, others after crossing, in ascending the cliffs. some escaped on horseback, a few on foot; and, being dispersed everywhere in a few hours, brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle to lexington. many widows were now made. the reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that i am able to describe. being reinforced, we returned to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed everywhere, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner. this mournful scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled; some torn and eaten by wild beasts; those in the river eaten by fishes; all in such a putrefied condition, that no one could be distinguished from another. as soon as general clark, then at the falls of the ohio--who was ever our ready friend, and merits the love and gratitude of all his countrymen--understood the circumstances of this unfortunate action, he ordered an expedition, with all possible haste, to pursue the savages, which was so expeditiously effected, that we overtook them within two miles of their towns; and probably might have obtained a great victory, had not two of their number met us about two hundred poles before we came up. these returned quick as lightning to their camp, with the alarming news of a mighty army in view. the savages fled in the utmost disorder, evacuated their towns, and reluctantly left their territory to our mercy. we immediately took possession of old chilicothe without opposition, being deserted by its inhabitants. we continued our pursuit through five towns on the miami river, old chilicothe, pecaway, new chilicothe, will's towns, and chilicothe--burnt them all to ashes, entirely destroyed their corn, and other fruits, and everywhere spread a scene of desolation in the country. in this expedition we took seven prisoners and five scalps, with the loss of only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by our own army. this campaign in some measure damped the spirits of the indians, and made them sensible of our superiority. their connections were dissolved, their armies scattered, and a future invasion put entirely out of their power; yet they continued to practice mischief secretly upon the inhabitants, in the exposed parts of the country. in october following, a party made an incursion into that district called the crab orchard; and one of them, being advanced some distance before the others, boldly entered the house of a poor defenseless family, in which was only a negro man, a woman, and her children, terrified with the apprehensions of immediate death. the savage, perceiving their defenseless condition, without offering violence to the family, attempted to capture the negro, who happily proved an over-match for him, threw him on the ground, and in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an axe from a corner of the cottage, and cut his head off, while her little daughter shut the door. the savages instantly appeared, and applied their tomahawks to the door. an old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in a corner, which the mother put through a small crevice, and the savages, perceiving it, fled. in the meantime, the alarm spread through the neighborhood; the armed men collected immediately, and pursued the ravagers into the wilderness. thus providence, by the means of this negro, saved the whole of the poor family from destruction. from that time until the happy return of peace between the united states and great britain, the indians did us no mischief. finding the great king beyond the water disappointed in his expectations, and conscious of the importance of the long knife, and their own wretchedness, some of the nations immediately desired peace; to which, at present [ ], they seem universally disposed, and are sending ambassadors to general clarke, at the falls of the ohio, with the minutes of their councils. to conclude, i can now say that i have verified the saying of an old indian who signed colonel henderson's deed. taking me by the hand, at the delivery thereof--"brother," said he, "we have given you a fine land, but i believe you will have much trouble in settling it." my footsteps have often been marked with blood, and therefore i can truly subscribe to its original name. two darling sons and a brother have i lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses, and abundance of cattle. many dark and sleepless nights have i been a companion for owls, separated from the cheerful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold--an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. but now the scene is changed: peace crowns the sylvan shade. what thanks, what ardent and ceaseless thanks are due to that all-superintending providence which has turned a cruel war into peace, brought order out of confusion, made the fierce savages placid, and turned away their hostile weapons from our country! may the same almighty goodness banish the accursed monster, war, from all lands, with, her hated associates, rapine and insatiable ambition! let peace, descending from her native heaven, bid her olives spring amid the joyful nations; and plenty, in league with commerce, scatter blessings from her copious hand! this account of my adventures will inform the reader of the most remarkable events of this country. i now live in peace and safety, enjoying the sweets of liberty, and the bounties of providence, with my once fellow-sufferers, in this delightful country, which i have seen purchased with a vast expense of blood and treasure: delighting in the prospect of its being, in a short time, one of the most opulent and powerful states on the continent of north america; which, with the love and gratitude of my countrymen, i esteem a sufficient reward for all my toil and dangers. daniel boone. fayette county, kentucky. none daniel boone the pioneer of kentucky. [illustration] by john s. c. abbott. new york: dodd & mead, no. broadway. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by dodd & mead, in the office of the librarian of congress, at washington. _american pioneers and patriots._ daniel boone the pioneer of kentucky. by john s. c. abbott. illustrated. "his youth was innocent; his riper age, marked with some act of goodness every day; and watched by eyes that loved him, calm and sage, faded his late declining years away. cheerful he gave his being up and went to share the holy rest that waits a life well spent." new york: dodd & mead, no. broadway. . [illustration] preface. the name of daniel boone is a conspicuous one in the annals of our country. and yet there are but few who are familiar with the events of his wonderful career, or who have formed a correct estimate of the character of the man. many suppose that he was a rough, coarse backwoodsman, almost as savage as the bears he pursued in the chase, or the indians whose terrors he so perseveringly braved. instead of this, he was one of the most mild and unboastful of men; feminine as a woman in his tastes and his deportment, never uttering a coarse word, never allowing himself in a rude action. he was truly one of nature's _gentle_ men. with all this instinctive refinement and delicacy, there was a boldness of character which seemed absolutely incapable of experiencing the emotion of fear. and surely all the records of chivalry may be searched in vain for a career more full of peril and of wild adventure. this narrative reveals a state of society and habitudes of life now rapidly passing into oblivion. it is very desirable that the record should be perpetuated, that we may know the scenes through which our fathers passed, in laying the foundations of this majestic republic. it is probable that as the years roll on the events which occurred in the infancy of our nation will be read with ever-increasing interest. it is the intention of the publisher of this volume to issue a series of sketches of the prominent men in the early history of our country. the next volume will contain the life and adventures of the renowned miles standish, the puritan captain. john s. c. abbott. fair haven, conn. contents. chapter i. _the discovery and early settlement of america._ page discovery of the new world.--of florida.--conquest and cruelties of de soto.--the wigwam.--colony at st. mary.--sir walter raleigh and his colonies.--grant of king james.--settlements in the virginia.--adventures of john smith.--arrival of lord delaware.--terrible massacres.--pressures of colonists to the west.--doherty trade with indians.--attempted colony on the tennessee.--daniel boone. chapter ii. _daniel boone, his parentage, and early adventures._ trials of the colonists.--george boone and his home.--squire boone.--birth and character of daniel boone.--his limited education.--a pioneer's camp.--a log house and furnishings.--annoyance of boone on the arrival of scotch emigrants.--his longings for adventure.--camp meetings.--frontier life.--sports.--squirrel hunting.--snuffing the candle. chapter iii. _louisiana, its discovery and vicissitudes._ louisiana, and its eventful history.--the expedition of de soto.--the missionary marquette.--his voyage on the upper mississippi.--the expedition of la salle.--michilimackinac.--its history.--fate of the "griffin."--grief of la salle.--his voyage of discovery.--sale of louisiana to the united states.--remarks of napoleon. chapter iv. _camp life beyond the alleghanies._ john finley and his adventures.--aspect of the country.--boone's private character.--his love for the wilderness.--first view of kentucky.--emigrants' dress.--hunter's home.--capture of boone and stewart by the indians.--their escape.--singular incident. chapter v. _indian warfare._ alleghany ridges.--voyage in a canoe.--speech of logan.--battle at the kanawha.--narrative of francis marion.--important commission of boone.--council at circleville.--treaty of peace.--imlay's description of kentucky.--settlement right.--richard henderson.--boone's letter.--fort at boonesborough. chapter vi. _sufferings of the pioneers._ emigration to boonesborough.--new perils.--transylvania company.--beneficence of its laws--interesting incident.--infamous conduct of great britain.--attack on the fort.--reinforcements.--simon kenton and his sufferings.--mrs. harvey. chapter vii. _life in the wilderness._ stewart killed by the indians.--squire boone returns to the settlements.--solitary life of daniel boone.--return of squire boone.--extended and romantic explorations.--charms and perils of the wilderness.--the emigrant party.--the fatal ambuscade.--retreat of the emigrants.--solitude of the wilderness.--expedition of lewis and clarke.--extraordinary adventures of cotter. chapter viii. _captivity and flight._ heroism of thomas higgins and of mrs. pursley.--affairs at boonesborough.--continued alarms.--need of salt.--its manufacture.--indian schemes.--capture of boone and twenty-seven men.--dilemma of the british at detroit.--blackfish adopts colonel boone.--adoption ceremony.--indian designs.--escape of boone.--attacks the savages.--the fort threatened. chapter ix. _victories and defeats._ situation of the fort.--indian treachery.--bombardment.--boone goes to north carolina.--new trials.--boone robbed.--he returns to kentucky.--massacre of colonel rogers.--adventure of col. bowman.--new attack by the british and indians.--retaliatory measures.--wonderful exploit. chapter x. _british allies._ death of squire boone.--indian outrages.--gerty and mcgee.--battle of blue lick.--death of isaac boone.--colonel boone's narrow escape.--letter of daniel boone.--determination of general clarke.--discouragement of the savages.--amusing anecdote of daniel boone. chapter xi. _kentucky organized as a state._ peace with england.--order of a kentucky court.--anecdotes.--speech of mr. dalton.--reply of piankashaw.--renewed indications of indian hostility.--conventions at danville.--kentucky formed into a state.--new trials for boone. chapter xii. _adventures romantic and perilous._ the search for the horse.--navigating the ohio.--heroism of mrs. rowan.--lawless gangs.--exchange of prisoners.--boone revisits the home of his childhood.--the realms beyond the mississippi.--habits of the hunters.--corn.--boone's journey to the west. chapter xiii. _a new home._ colonel boone welcomed by the spanish authorities.--boone's narrative to audubon.--the midnight attack.--pursuit of the savages.--sickness in the wilderness.--honesty of colonel boone.--payment of his debts.--loss of all his property. chapter xiv. _conclusion._ colonel boone appeals to congress.--complimentary resolutions of the legislature of kentucky.--death of mrs. boone.--catholic liberality.--itinerant preachers.--grant by congress to colonel boone.--the evening of his days.--personal appearance.--death and burial.--transference of the remains of mr. and mrs. boone to frankfort, kentucky. chapter i. _the discovery and early settlement of america._ discovery of the new world.--of florida.--conquest and cruelties of de soto.--the wigwam.--colony at st. mary.--sir walter raleigh and his colonies.--grant of king james.--settlements in the virginia.--adventures of john smith.--arrival of lord delaware.--terrible massacres.--pressures of colonists to the west.--doherty trade with indians.--attempted colony on the tennessee.--daniel boone. the little fleet of three small vessels, with which columbus left palos in spain, in search of a new world, had been sixty-seven days at sea. they had traversed nearly three thousand miles of ocean, and yet there was nothing but a wide expanse of waters spread out before them. the despairing crew were loud in their murmurs, demanding that the expedition should be abandoned and that the ships should return to spain. the morning of the th of october, , had come. during the day columbus, whose heart had been very heavily oppressed with anxiety, had been cheered by some indications that they were approaching land. fresh seaweed was occasionally seen and a branch of a shrub with leaves and berries upon it, and a piece of wood curiously carved had been picked up. the devout commander was so animated by these indications, that he gathered his crew around him and returned heartfelt thanks to god, for this prospect that their voyage would prove successful. it was a beautiful night, the moon shone brilliantly and a delicious tropical breeze swept the ocean. at ten o'clock columbus stood upon the bows of his ship earnestly gazing upon the western horizon, hoping that the long-looked-for land would rise before him. suddenly he was startled by the distinct gleam of a torch far off in the distance. for a moment it beamed forth with a clear and indisputable flame and then disappeared. the agitation of columbus no words can describe. was it a meteor? was it an optical illusion? was it light from the land? suddenly the torch, like a star, again shone forth with distinct though faint gleam. columbus called some of his companions to his side and they also saw the light clearly. but again it disappeared. at two o'clock in the morning a sailor at the look out on the mast head shouted, "land! land! land!" in a few moments all beheld, but a few miles distant from them, the distinct outline of towering mountains piercing the skies. a new world was discovered. cautiously the vessels hove to and waited for the light of the morning. the dawn of day presented to the eyes of columbus and his companions a spectacle of beauty which the garden of eden could hardly have rivalled. it was a morning of the tropics, calm, serene and lovely. but two miles before them there emerged from the sea an island of mountains and valleys, luxuriant with every variety of tropical vegetation. the voyagers, weary of gazing for many weeks on the wide waste of waters, were so enchanted with the fairy scene which then met the eye, that they seemed really to believe that they had reached the realms of the blest. the boats were lowered, and, as they were rowed towards the shore, the scene every moment grew more beautiful. gigantic trees draped in luxuriance of foliage hitherto unimagined, rose in the soft valleys and upon the towering hills. in the sheltered groves, screened from the sun, the picturesque dwellings of the natives were thickly clustered. flowers of every variety of tint bloomed in marvellous profusion. the trees seemed laden with fruits of every kind, and in inexhaustible abundance. thousands of natives crowded the shore, whose graceful forms and exquisitely moulded limbs indicated the innocence and simplicity of eden before the fall. columbus, richly attired in a scarlet dress, fell upon his knees as he reached the beach, and, with clasped hands and uplifted eyes, gave utterance to the devout feelings which ever inspired him, in thanksgiving to god. in recognition of the divine protection he gave the island the name of san salvador, or holy savior. though the new world thus discovered was one of the smallest islands of the caribbean sea, no conception was then formed of the vast continents of north and south america, stretching out in both directions, for many leagues almost to the arctic and antarctic poles. omitting a description of the wonderful adventures which ensued, we can only mention that two years after this, the southern extremity of the north american continent was discovered by sebastian cabot. it was in the spring of the year and the whole surface of the soil seemed carpeted with the most brilliant flowers. the country consequently received the beautiful name of florida. it, of course, had no boundaries, for no one knew with certainty whether it were an island or a continent, or how far its limits might extend. the years rolled on and gradually exploring excursions crept along the coast towards the north, various provinces were mapped out with pretty distinct boundaries upon the atlantic coast, extending indefinitely into the vast and unknown interior. expeditions from france had entered the st. lawrence and established settlements in canada. for a time the whole atlantic coast, from its extreme southern point to canada, was called florida. in the year , ferdinand de soto, an unprincipled spanish warrior, who had obtained renown by the conquest of peru in south america, fitted out by permission of the king of spain, an expedition of nearly a thousand men to conquer and take possession of that vast and indefinite realm called florida. we have no space here to enter upon a description of the fiendlike cruelties practiced by these spaniards. they robbed and enslaved without mercy. in pursuit of gold they wandered as far north as the present boundary of south carolina. then turning to the west, they traversed the vast region to the mississippi river. the forests were full of game. the granaries of the simple-hearted natives were well stored with corn; vast prairies spreading in all directions around them, waving with grass and blooming with flowers, presented ample forage for the three hundred horses which accompanied the expedition. they were also provided with fierce bloodhounds to hunt down the terrified natives. thus invincible and armed with the "thunder and lightning" of their guns, they swept the country, perpetrating every conceivable outrage upon the helpless natives. after long and unavailing wanderings in search of gold, having lost by sickness and the casualties of such an expedition nearly half their number, the remainder built boats upon the mississippi, descended that rapid stream five hundred miles to its mouth, and then skirting the coast of texas, finally disappeared on the plains of mexico. de soto, the leader of this conquering band, died miserably on the mississippi, and was buried beneath its waves. the whole country which these adventurers traversed, they found to be quite densely populated with numerous small tribes of natives, each generally wandering within circumscribed limits. though these tribes spoke different languages, or perhaps different dialects of the same language, they were essentially the same in appearance, manners and customs. they were of a dark-red color, well formed and always disposed to receive the pale face strangers with kindliness, until exasperated by ill-treatment. they lived in fragile huts called wigwams, so simple in their structure that one could easily be erected in a few hours. these huts were generally formed by setting long and slender poles in the ground, inclosing an area of from ten to eighteen feet in diameter, according to the size of the family. the tops were tied together, leaving a hole for the escape of smoke from the central fire. the sides were thatched with coarse grass, or so covered with the bark of trees, as quite effectually to exclude both wind and rain. there were no windows, light entering only through the almost always open door. the ground floor was covered with dried grass, or the skins of animals, or with the soft and fragrant twigs of some evergreen tree. the inmates, men, women and children, seated upon these cushions, presented a very attractive and cheerful aspect. several hundred of these wigwams were frequently clustered upon some soft meadow by the side of a flowing stream, fringed with a gigantic forest, and exhibited a spectacle of picturesque loveliness quite charming to the beholder. the furniture of these humble abodes was extremely simple. they had no pots or kettles which would stand the fire. they had no knives nor forks; no tables nor chairs. sharp flints, such as they could find served for knives, with which, with incredible labor, they sawed down small trees and fashioned their bows and arrows. they had no roads except foot paths through the wilderness, which for generations their ancestors had traversed, called "trails." they had no beasts of burden, no cows, no flocks nor herds of any kind. they generally had not even salt, but cured their meat by drying it in the sun. they had no ploughs, hoes, spades, consequently they could only cultivate the lightest soil. with a sharp stick, women loosened the earth, and then depositing their corn or maize, cultivated it in the rudest manner. these indians acquired the reputation of being very faithful friends, but very bitter enemies. it was said they never forgot a favor, and never forgave an insult. they were cunning rather than brave. it was seldom that an indian could be induced to meet a foe in an open hand-to-hand fight. but he would track him for years, hoping to take him unawares and to brain him with the tomahawk, or pierce his heart with the flint-pointed arrow. about the year , a company of french protestants repaired to florida, hoping there to find the liberty to worship god in accordance with their interpretation of the teachings of the bible. they established quite a flourishing colony, at a place which they named st. marys, near the coast. this was the first european settlement on the continent of north america. the fanatic spaniards, learning that protestants had taken possession of the country, sent out an expedition and utterly annihilated the settlement, putting men, women and children to the sword. many of these unfortunate protestants were hung in chains from trees under the inscription, "_not as frenchmen but as heretics._" the blood-stained spaniards then established themselves at a spot near by, which they called st. augustine. a french gentleman of wealth fitted out a well-manned and well-armed expedition of three ships, attacked the murderers by surprise and put them to death. several corpses were suspended from trees, under the inscription, "_not as spaniards, but as murderers._" there was an understanding among the powers of europe, that any portion of the new world discovered by expeditions from european courts, should be recognised as belonging to that court. the spaniards had taken possession in florida. far away a thousand leagues to the north, the french had entered the gulf of st. lawrence. but little was known of the vast region between. a young english gentleman, sir walter raleigh, an earnest protestant, and one who had fought with the french protestants in their religious wars, roused by the massacre of his friends in florida, applied to the british court to fit out a colony to take possession of the intermediate country. he hoped thus to prevent the spanish monarchy, and the equally intolerant french court, from spreading their principles over the whole continent. the protestant queen elizabeth then occupied the throne of great britain. raleigh was young, rich, handsome and marvelously fascinating in his address. he became a great favorite of the maiden queen, and she gave him a commission, making him lord of all the continent of north america, between florida and canada. the whole of this vast region without any accurate boundaries, was called virginia. several ships were sent to explore the country. they reached the coast of what is now called north carolina, and the adventurers landed at roanoke island. they were charmed with the climate, with the friendliness of the natives and with the majestic growth of the forest trees, far surpassing anything they had witnessed in the old world. grapes in rich clusters hung in profusion on the vines, and birds of every variety of song and plumage filled the groves. the expedition returned to england with such glowing accounts of the realm they had discovered, that seven ships were fitted out, conveying one hundred and eight men, to colonise the island. it is quite remarkable that no women accompanied the expedition. many of these men were reckless adventurers. bitter hostility soon sprang up between them and the indians, who at first had received them with the greatest kindness. most of these colonists were men unaccustomed to work, and who insanely expected that in the new world, in some unknown way, wealth was to flow in upon them like a flood. disheartened, homesick and appalled by the hostile attitude which the much oppressed indians were beginning to assume, they were all anxious to return home. when, soon after, some ships came bringing them abundant supplies, they with one accord abandoned the colony, and crowding the vessels returned to england. fifteen men however consented to remain, to await the arrival of fresh colonists from the mother country. sir walter raleigh, still undiscouraged, in the next year sent out another fleet containing a number of families as emigrants, with women and children. when they arrived, they found roanoke deserted. the fifteen men had been murdered by the indians in retaliation for the murder of their chief and several of his warriors by the english. with fear and trembling the new settlers decided to remain, urging the friends who had accompanied them to hasten back to england with the ships and bring them reinforcements and supplies. scarcely had they spread their sails on the return voyage ere war broke out with spain. it was three years before another ship crossed the ocean, to see what had become of the colony. it had utterly disappeared. though many attempts were made to ascertain its tragic fate, all were unavailing. it is probable that many were put to death by the indians, and perhaps the children were carried far back into the interior and incorporated into their tribes. this bitter disappointment seemed to paralyse the energies of colonization. for more than seventy years the carolinas remained a wilderness, with no attempt to transfer to them the civilization of the old world. still english ships continued occasionally to visit the coast. some came to fish, some to purchase furs of the indians, and some for timber for shipbuilding. the stories which these voyagers told on their return, kept up an interest in the new world. it was indeed an attractive picture which could be truthfully painted. the climate was mild, genial and salubrious. the atmosphere surpassed the far-famed transparency of italian skies. the forests were of gigantic growth, more picturesquely beautiful than any ever planted by man's hand, and they were filled with game. the lakes and streams swarmed with fish. a wilderness of flowers, of every variety of loveliness, bloomed over the wide meadows and the broad savannahs, which the forest had not yet invaded. berries and fruits were abundant. in many places the soil was surpassingly rich, and easily tilled; and all this was open, without money and without price, to the first comer. still more than a hundred years elapsed after the discovery of these realms, ere any permanent settlement was effected upon them. most of the bays, harbors and rivers were unexplored, and reposed as it were in the solemn silence of eternity. from the everglades of florida to the firclad hills of nova scotia, not a settlement of white men could be found. at length in the year , a number of wealthy gentlemen in london formed a company to make a new attempt for the settlement of america. it was their plan to send out hardy colonists, abundantly provided with arms, tools and provisions. king james i., who had succeeded his cousin queen elizabeth, granted them a charter, by which, wherever they might effect a landing, they were to be the undisputed lords of a territory extending a hundred miles along the coast, and running back one hundred miles into the interior. soon after, a similar grant was conferred upon another association, for the region of north virginia, now called new england. under the protection of this london company, one hundred and five men, with no women or children, embarked in three small ships for the southern atlantic coast of north america. apparently by accident, they entered chesapeake bay, where they found a broad and deep stream, which they named after their sovereign, james river. as they ascended this beautiful stream, they were charmed with the loveliness which nature had spread so profusely around them. upon the northern banks of the river, about fifty miles from its entrance into the bay, they selected a spot for their settlement, which they named jamestown. here they commenced cutting down trees and raising their huts. in an enterprise of this kind, muscles inured to work and determined spirits ready to grapple with difficulties, are essential. in such labors, the most useless of all beings is the gentleman with soft hands and luxurious habits. unfortunately quite a number of pampered sons of wealth had joined the colony. being indolent, selfish and dissolute, they could do absolutely nothing for the prosperity of the settlement, but were only an obstacle in the way of its growth. troubles soon began to multiply, and but for the energies of a remarkable man, capt. john smith, the colony must soon have perished through anarchy. but even capt. john smith with all his commanding powers, and love of justice and of law, could not prevent the idle and profligate young men from insulting the natives, and robbing them of their corn. with the autumnal rains sickness came, and many died. the hand of well-organised industry might have raised an ample supply of corn to meet all their wants through the short winter. but this had been neglected, and famine was added to sickness, capt. smith had so won the confidence of the indian chieftains, that notwithstanding the gross irregularities of his young men, they brought him supplies of corn and game, which they freely gave to the english in their destitution. captain smith having thus provided for the necessities of the greatly diminished colony, set out with a small party of men on an exploring expedition into the interior. he was waylayed by indians, who with arrows and tomahawks speedily put all the men to death, excepting the leader, who was taken captive. there was something in the demeanor of this brave man which overawed them. he showed them his pocket compass, upon which they gazed with wonder. he then told them that if they would send to the fort a leaf from his pocket-book, upon which he had made several marks with his pencil, they would find the next day, at any spot they might designate, a certain number of axes, blankets, and other articles of great value to them. their curiosity was exceedingly aroused; the paper was sent, and the next day the articles were found as promised. the indians looked upon captain smith as a magician, and treated him with great respect. still the more thoughtful of the natives regarded him as a more formidable foe. they could not be blind to the vastly superior power of the english in their majestic ships, with their long swords, and terrible fire-arms, and all the developments, astounding to them, of a higher civilization. they were very anxious in view of encroachments which might eventually give the english the supremacy in their land. powhatan, the king of the powerful tribe who had at first been very friendly to the english, summoned a council of war of his chieftains, and after long deliberation, it was decided that captain smith was too powerful a man to be allowed to live, and that he must die. he was accordingly led out to execution, but without any of the ordinary accompaniments of torture. his hands were bound behind him, he was laid upon the ground, and his head was placed upon a stone. an indian warrior of herculean strength stood by, with a massive club, to give the death blow by crushing in the skull. just as the fatal stroke was about to descend, a beautiful indian girl, pocahontas, the daughter of the king, rushed forward and throwing her arms around the neck of captain smith, placed her head upon his. the indians regarded this as an indication from the great spirit that the life of captain smith was to be spared, and they set their prisoner at liberty, who, being thus miraculously rescued, returned to jamestown. by his wisdom captain smith preserved for some time friendly relations with the indians, and the colony rapidly increased, until there were five hundred europeans assembled at jamestown. capt. smith being severely wounded by an accidental explosion of gunpowder, returned to england for surgical aid. the colony, thus divested of his vigorous sway, speedily lapsed into anarchy. the bitter hostility of the indians was aroused, and, within a few months, the colony dwindled away beneath the ravages of sickness, famine, and the arrows of the indians, to but sixty men. despair reigned in all hearts, and this starving remnant of europeans was preparing to abandon the colony and return to the old world, when lord delaware arrived with several ships loaded with provisions and with a reinforcement of hardy laborers. most of the idle and profligate young men who had brought such calamity upon the colony, had died. those who remained took fresh courage, and affairs began to be more prosperous. the organization of the colony had thus far been effected with very little regard to the wants of human nature. there were no women there. without the honored wife there cannot be the happy home; and without the home there can be no contentment. to herd together five hundred men upon the banks of a foreign stream, three thousand miles from their native land, without women and children, and to expect them to lay the foundation of a happy and prosperous colony, seems almost unpardonable folly. emigrants began to arrive with their families, and in the year , one hundred and fifty poor, but virtuous young women, were induced to join the company. each young man who came received one hundred acres of land. eagerly these young planters, in short courtship, selected wives from such of these women as they could induce to listen to them. each man paid one hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco to defray the expenses of his wife's voyage. but the wickedness of man will everywhere, and under all circumstances, make fearful development of its power. many desperadoes joined the colony. the poor indians with no weapons of war but arrows, clubs and stone tomahawks, were quite at the mercy of the english with their keen swords, and death-dealing muskets. fifteen europeans could easily drive several hundred indians in panic over the plains. unprincipled men perpetrated the grossest outrages upon the families of the indians, often insulting the proudest chiefs. the colonists were taking up lands in all directions. before their unerring rifles, game was rapidly disappearing. the indians became fully awake to their danger. the chiefs met in council, and a conspiracy was formed, to put, at an appointed hour, all the english to death, every man, woman and child. every house was marked. two or three indians were appointed to make the massacre sure in each dwelling. they were to spread over the settlement, enter the widely scattered log-huts, as friends, and at a certain moment were to spring upon their unsuspecting victims, and kill them instantly. the plot was fearfully successful in all the dwellings outside the little village of jamestown. in one hour, on the nd of march, , three hundred and forty-seven men, women and children were massacred in cold blood. the colony would have been annihilated, but for a christian indian who, just before the massacre commenced, gave warning to a friend in jamestown. the europeans rallied with their fire-arms, and easily drove off their foes, and then commenced the unrelenting extermination of the indians. an arrow can be thrown a few hundred feet, a musket ball more than as many yards. the indians were consequently helpless. the english shot down both sexes, young and old, as mercilessly as if they had been wolves. they seized their houses, their lands, their pleasant villages. the indians were either slain or driven far away from the houses of their fathers, into the remote wilderness. the colony now increased rapidly, and the cabins of the emigrants spread farther and farther over the unoccupied lands. these hardy adventurers seemed providentially imbued with the spirit of enterprise. instead of clustering together for the pleasure of society and for mutual protection, they were ever pushing into the wild and unknown interior, rearing their cabins on the banks of distant streams, and establishing their silent homes in the wildest solitudes of the wilderness. in , quite a number of emigrants moved directly south from virginia, to the river chowan, in what is now south carolina, where they established a settlement which they called albermarle. in , a colony from england established itself at charleston, south carolina. thus gradually the atlantic coast became fringed with colonies, extending but a few leagues back into the country from the sea-shore, while the vast interior remained an unexplored wilderness. as the years rolled on, ship-loads of emigrants arrived, new settlements were established, colonial states rose into being, and, though there were many sanguinary conflicts with the indians, the europeans were always in the end triumphant, and intelligence, wealth, and laws of civilization were rapidly extended along the atlantic border of the new world. for many years there had been a gradual pressure of the colonists towards the west, steadily encroaching upon the apparently limitless wilderness. to us it seems strange that they did not, for the sake of protection against the indians, invariably go in military bands. but generally this was not the case. the emigrants seem to have been inspired with a spirit of almost reckless indifference to danger; they apparently loved the solitude of the forest, avoided neighbors who might interfere with their hunting and trapping, and reared their humble cottages in the wildest ravines of the mountains and upon the smooth meadows which border the most solitary streams; thus gradually the tide of emigration, flowing through indian trails and along the forest-covered vines, was approaching the base of the alleghany mountains. but little was known of the character of the boundless realms beyond the ridges of this gigantic chain. occasionally a wandering indian who had chased his game over those remote wilds, would endeavor to draw upon the sand, with a stick, a map of the country showing the flow of the rivers, the line of the mountains, and the sweep of the open prairies. the ohio was then called the wabash. this magnificent and beautiful stream is formed by the confluence of the alleghany and the monongahela rivers. it was a long voyage, a voyage of several hundred miles, following the windings of the monongahela river from its rise among the mountains of western virginia till, far away in the north, it met the flood of the alleghany, at the present site of the city of pittsburg. the voyage, in a birch canoe, required, in the figurative language of the indians, "two paddles, two warriors and three moons." the indians very correctly described the ohio, or the wabash, as but the tributary of a much more majestic stream, far away in the west, which, pouring its flood through the impenetrable forest, emptied itself they knew not where. of the magnitude of this distant river, the mississippi, its source, rise and termination, they could give no intelligible account. they endeavored to give some idea of the amount of game to be found in those remote realms, by pointing to the leaves of the forest and the stars in the sky. the settlers were deeply interested and often much excited by the glowing descriptions thus given them of a terrestrial eden, where life would seem to be but one uninterrupted holiday. occasionally an adventurous french or spanish trader would cross the towering mountains and penetrate the vales beyond. they vied with the indians in their account of the salubrity of the climate, the brilliance of the skies, the grandeur of the forests, the magnificence of the rivers, the marvelous fertility of the soil and the abundance of game. as early as the year a trader from virginia, by the name of doherty, crossed the mountains, visited the friendly cherokee nation, within the present bounds of georgia, and resided with the natives several years. in the year an enterprising and intelligent man from south carolina, by the name of adair, took quite an extensive tour through most of the villages of the cherokees, and also visited several tribes south and west of them. he wrote an exceedingly valuable and interesting account of his travels which was published in london. influenced by these examples several traders, in the year , went from virginia to the country of the cherokees. they carried on pack horses goods which the indians valued, and which they exchanged for furs, which were sold in europe at an enormous profit. a hatchet, a knife, a trap, a string of beads, which could be bought for a very small sum in the atlantic towns, when exhibited beyond the mountains to admiring groups in the wigwam of the indian, could be exchanged for furs which were of almost priceless value in the metropolitan cities of the old world. this traffic was mutually advantageous, and so long as peaceful relations existed between the white man and the indian, was prosecuted with great and ever increasing vigor. the indians thus obtained the steel trap, the keenly cutting ax, and the rifle, which he soon learned to use with unerring aim. he was thus able in a day to obtain more game than with his arrows and his clumsy snares he could secure in a month. this friendly intercourse was in all respects very desirable; and but for the depravity of the white man it might have continued uninterrupted for generations. but profligate and vagabond adventurers from the settlements defrauded the indians, insulted their women, and often committed wanton murder. but it would seem that the majority of the traders were honest men. ramsay, in his annals of tennessee, writes, in reference to this traffic: "other advantages resulted from it to the whites. they became thus acquainted with the great avenues leading through the hunting ground, and to the occupied country of the neighboring tribes--an important circumstance in the condition of either peace or war. further the traders were an exact thermometer of the pacific or hostile intention and feelings of the indians with whom they traded. generally they were foreigners, most frequently scotchmen, who had not been long in the country, or upon the frontier; who, having experienced none of the cruelties, depredations or aggressions of the indians, cherished none of the resentment and spirit of retaliation born with and everywhere manifested by the american settler. "thus free from animosity against the aborigines, the trader was allowed to remain in the village, where he traded, unmolested, even where its warriors were singing the war song or brandishing the war club, preparatory to an invasion or massacre of the whites. timely warning was thus often given by a returning packman to a feeble and unsuspecting settlement, of the perfidy and cruelty meditated against it." game on the eastern side of the alleghanies, hunted down alike by white men and indians, soon became scarce. adventurers combining the characters of traders and hunters rapidly multiplied. many of the hunters among the white men far outstripped the indians in skill and energy. thus some degree of jealousy was excited on the part of the savages. they saw how rapidly the game was disappearing, and these thoughtful men began to be anxious for the future. with no love for agriculture the destruction of the game was their ruin. as early as the year quite a party of gentlemen explorers, under the leadership of doctor thomas walker of virginia, crossed a range of the alleghany mountains, which the indians called warioto, but to which doctor walker gave the name of cumberland, in honor of the duke of cumberland who was then prime minister of england. following along this chain in a south-westerly direction, in search of some pass or defile by which they could cross the cliffs, they came to the remarkable depression in the mountains to which they gave the name of cumberland gap. on the western side of the range they found a beautiful mountain stream, rushing far away, with ever increasing volume, into the unknown wilderness, which the indians called shawnee, but which doctor walker's party baptised with the name of cumberland river. these names have adhered to the localities upon which they were thus placed. in a feeble attempt was made to establish a colony upon the tennessee river, at a spot which was called london. this was one hundred and fifty miles in advance of any white settlement. eight years passed, and by the ravages of war the little settlement went up in flame and smoke. as the years rapidly came and went there were occasional bursts of the tempests of war; again there would be a short lull and blessed peace would come with its prosperity and joy. "in the year , doctor walker again passed over clinch and powell's rivers on a tour of exploration, into what is now kentucky. the cherokees were then at peace with the whites, and hunters from the back settlements began, with safety, to penetrate deeper and further into the wilderness of tennessee. several of them, chiefly from virginia, hearing of the abundance of game with which the woods were stocked, and allured by the prospect of gain which might be drawn from this source, formed themselves into a company composed of wallen, seagys, blevins, cox and fifteen others, and came into the valley, since known as carter's valley, in hawkin's county, tennessee. they hunted eighteen months upon clinch and powell rivers. wallen's creek and wallen's ridge received their name from the leader of the company; as also did wallen's station which they erected in the lee county, virginia. "they penetrated as far north as laurel mountain, in kentucky, where they terminated their journey, having met with a body of indians whom they supposed to be shawnees. at the head of one of the companies that visited the west, this year, came daniel boone from the yadkin, in north carolina, and travelled with them as low as the place where abingdon now stands, and there left them." this is the first time the advent of daniel boone to the western wilds has been mentioned by historians or by the several biographers of that distinguished pioneer and hunter. there is reason however to believe that he hunted upon watauga some time earlier than this. chapter ii. _daniel boone, his parentage, and early adventures._ trials of the colonists.--george boone and his home.--squire boone.--birth and character of daniel boone.--his limited education.--a pioneer's camp.--a log house and furnishings.--annoyance of boone on the arrival of scotch emigrants.--his longings for adventure.--camp meetings.--frontier life.--sports.--squirrel hunting.--snuffing the candle. it was but a narrow fringe upon the sea coast of north america, which was thus far occupied by the european emigrants. even this edge of the continent was so vast in its extent, from the southern capes of florida to the gulf of st. lawrence, that these colonial settlements were far separated from each other. they constituted but little dots in the interminable forest: the surges of the atlantic beating upon their eastern shores, and the majestic wilderness sweeping in its sublime solitude behind them on the west. here the painted indians pursued their game, while watching anxiously the encroachments of the pale faces. the cry of the panther, the growling of the bear, and the howling of the wolf, were music to the settlers compared with the war-hoop of the savage, which often startled the inmates of the lonely cabins, and consigned them to that sleep from which there is no earthly waking. the indians were generally hostile, and being untutored savages, they were as merciless as demons in their revenge. the mind recoils from the contemplation of the tortures to which they often exposed their captives. and one cannot but wonder that the almighty father could have allowed such agony to be inflicted upon any of his creatures. notwithstanding the general desire of the colonial authorities to treat the indians with justice and kindness, there were unprincipled adventurers crowding all the colonies, whose wickedness no laws could restrain. they robbed the indians, insulted their families, and inflicted upon them outrages which goaded the poor savages to desperation. in their unintelligent vengeance they could make no distinction between the innocent and the guilty. on the th of october, , a vessel containing a number of emigrants arrived at philadelphia, a small but flourishing settlement upon the banks of the delaware. among the passengers there was a man named george boone, with his wife and eleven children, nine sons and two daughters. he had come from exeter, england, and was lured to the new world by the cheapness of land. he had sufficient property to enable him to furnish all his sons with ample farms in america. the delaware, above philadelphia, was at that time a silent stream, flowing sublimely through the almost unbroken forest. here and there, a bold settler had felled the trees, and in the clearing had reared his log hut, upon the river banks. occasionally the birch canoe of an indian hunter was seen passing rapidly from cove to cove, and occasionally a little cluster of indian wigwams graced some picturesque and sunny exposure, for the indians manifested much taste in the location of their villages. george boone ascended this solitary river about twenty miles above philadelphia, where he purchased upon its banks an extensive territory, consisting of several hundred acres. it was near the present city of bristol, in what is now called buck's county. to this tract, sufficiently large for a township, he gave the name of exeter, in memory of the home he had left in england. here, aided by the strong arms of his boys, he reared a commodious log cabin. it must have been an attractive and a happy home. the climate was delightful, the soil fertile, supplying him, with but little culture, with an ample supply of corn, and the most nutritious vegetables. before his door rolled the broad expanse of the delaware, abounding with fish of delicious flavor. his boys with hook and line could at any time, in a few moments, supply the table with a nice repast. with the unerring rifle, they could always procure game in great variety and abundance. the indians, won by the humanity of william penn, were friendly, and their occasional visits to the cabin contributed to the enjoyment of its inmates. on the whole a more favored lot in life could not well be imagined. there was unquestionably far more happiness in this log cabin of the settler, on the silent waters of the delaware, than could be found in any of the castles or palaces of england, france, or spain. george boone had one son on whom he conferred the singular name of squire. his son married a young woman in the neighborhood by the name of sarah morgan, and surrounded by his brothers and sisters, he raised his humble home in the beautiful township which his father had purchased. before leaving england the family, religiously inclined, had accepted the episcopal form of christian worship. but in the new world, far removed from the institutions of the gospel, and allured by the noble character and influence of william penn, they enrolled themselves in the society of friends. in the record of the monthly meetings of this society, we find it stated that george boone was received to its communion on the thirty-first day of tenth month, in the year . it is also recorded that his son squire boone was married to sarah morgan, on the twenty-third day of seventh month, . the records of the meetings also show the number of their children, and the periods of their birth. by this it appears that their son daniel, the subject of this memoir, was born on the twenty-second day of eighth month, . it seems that squire boone became involved in difficulties with the society of friends, for allowing one of his sons to marry out of meeting. he was therefore disowned, and perhaps on this account, he subsequently removed his residence to north carolina, as we shall hereafter show. his son daniel, from earliest childhood, developed a peculiar and remarkably interesting character. he was silent, thoughtful, of pensive temperament, yet far from gloomy, never elated, never depressed. he exhibited from his earliest years such an insensibility to danger, as to attract the attention of all who knew him. though affectionate and genial in disposition, never morose or moody, he still loved solitude, and seemed never so happy as when entirely alone. his father remained in his home upon the delaware until daniel was about ten years of age. various stories are related of his adventures in these his early years, which may or may not be entirely authentic. it makes but little difference. these anecdotes if only founded on facts, show at least the estimation in which he was regarded, and the impression which his character produced in these days of childhood. before he was ten years old he would take his rifle and plunge boldly into the depths of the illimitable forest. he seemed, by instinct, possessed of the skill of the most experienced hunter, so that he never became bewildered, or in danger of being lost. there were panthers, bears and wolves in those forests, but of them he seemed not to have the slightest fear. his skill as a marksman became quite unerring. not only raccoons, squirrels, partridges and other such small game were the result of his hunting expeditions, but occasionally even the fierce panther fell before his rifle ball. from such frequent expeditions he would return silent and tranquil, with never a word of boasting in view of exploits of which a veteran hunter might be proud. indeed his love of solitude was so great, that he reared for himself a little cabin in the wilderness, three miles back from the settlement. here he would go all alone without even a dog for companion, his trusty rifle his only protection. at his camp-fire, on the point of his ramrod, he would cook the game which he obtained in abundance, and upon his bed of leaves would sleep in sweetest enjoyment, lulled by the wind through the tree-tops, and by the cry of the night bird and of the wild beasts roaming around. in subsequent life, he occasionally spoke of these hours as seasons of unspeakable joy. the education of young boone was necessarily very defective. there were no schools then established in those remote districts of log cabins. but it so happened that an irishman of some little education strolled into that neighborhood, and squire boone engaged him to teach, for a few months, his children and those of some others of the adjacent settlers. these hardy emigrants met with their axes in a central point in the wilderness, and in a few hours constructed a rude hut of logs for a school-house. here young boone was taught to read, and perhaps to write. this was about all the education he ever received. probably the confinement of the school-room was to him unendurable. the forest was his congenial home, hunting the business of his life. though thus uninstructed in the learning of books, there were other parts of practical education, of infinitely more importance to him, in which he became an adept. his native strength of mind, keen habits of observation, and imperturbable tranquility under whatever perils or reverses, gave him skill in the life upon which he was to enter, which the teachings of books alone could not confer. no marksman could surpass him in the dexterity with which with his bullet he would strike the head of a nail, at the distance of many yards. no indian hunter or warrior could with more sagacity trace his steps through the pathless forest, detect the footsteps of a retreating foe, or search out the hiding place of the panther or the bear. in these hunting excursions the youthful frame of daniel became inured to privation, hardship, endurance. taught to rely upon his own resources, he knew not what it was to be lonely, for an hour. in the darkest night and in the remotest wilderness, when the storm raged most fiercely, although but a child he felt peaceful, happy, and entirely at home. about the year (the date is somewhat uncertain), squire boone, with his family, emigrated seven hundred miles farther south and west to a place called holman's ford on the yadkin river, in north carolina. the yadkin is a small stream in the north-west part of the state. a hundred years ago this was indeed a howling wilderness. it is difficult to imagine what could have induced the father of a family to abandon the comparatively safe and prosperous settlements on the banks of the delaware, to plunge into the wilderness of these pathless solitudes, several hundred miles from the atlantic coast. daniel was then about sixteen years of age. of the incidents of their long journey through the wood--on foot, with possibly a few pack horses, for there were no wagon-roads whatever--we have no record. the journey must probably have occupied several weeks, occasionally cheered by sunshine, and again drenched by storms. there were nine children in the family. at the close of the weary pilgrimage of a day, through such narrow trails as that which the indian or the buffalo had made through the forest, or over the prairies, they were compelled to build a cabin at night, with logs and the bark of trees to shelter them from the wind and rain, and at the camp-fire to cook the game which they had shot during the day. we can imagine that this journey must have been a season of unspeakable delight to daniel boone. alike at home with the rifle and the hatchet, never for a moment bewildered, or losing his self-possession, he could, even unaided, at any hour, rear a sheltering hut for his mother and his sisters, before which the camp-fire would blaze cheerily, and their hunger would be appeased by the choicest viands from the game which his rifle had procured. the spirit of adventure is so strong in most human hearts which luxurious indulgence has not enervated, that it is not improbable that this family enjoyed far more in this romantic excursion through an unexplored wilderness, than those now enjoy who in a few hours traverse the same distance in the smooth rolling rail-cars. indeed fancy can paint many scenes of picturesque beauty which we know that the reality must have surpassed. it is the close of a lovely day. a gentle breeze sweeps through the tree-tops from the north-west. the trail through the day has led along the banks of a crystal mountain stream, sparkling with trout. the path is smooth for the moccasined feet. the limbs, inured to action, experienced no weariness. the axes of the father and the sons speedily construct a camp, open to the south and perfectly sheltered on the roof and on the sides by the bark of trees. the busy fingers of the daughters have in the meantime spread over the floor a soft and fragrant carpet of evergreen twigs. the mother is preparing supper, of trout from the stream, and the fattest of wild turkeys or partridges, or tender cuts of venison, which the rifles of her husband or sons have procured. voracious appetites render the repast far more palatable than the choicest viands which were ever spread in the banqueting halls of versailles or windsor. water-fowl of gorgeous plumage sport in the stream, unintimidated by the approach of man. the plaintive songs of forest-birds float in the evening air. on the opposite side of the stream, herds of deer and buffalo crop the rich herbage of the prairie, which extends far away, till it is lost in the horizon of the south. daniel retires from the converse of the cabin to an adjoining eminence, where silently and rapturously he gazes upon the scene of loveliness spread out before him. such incidents must often have occurred. even in the dark and tempestuous night, with the storm surging through the tree tops, and the rain descending in floods, in their sheltered camp, illumined by the flames of their night fire, souls capable of appreciating the sublimity of such scenes must have experienced exquisite delight. it is pleasant to reflect, that the poor man in his humble cabin may often be the recipient of much more happiness than the lord finds in his castle, or the king in his palace. no details are given respecting the arrival of this family on the banks of the yadkin, or of their habits of life while there. we simply know that they were far away in the untrodden wilderness, in the remotest frontiers of civilization. bands of indians were roving around them, but even if hostile, so long as they had only bows and arrows, the settler in his log-hut, which was a fortress, and with his death-dealing rifle, was comparatively safe. here the family dwelt for several years, probably in the enjoyment of abundance, and with ever-increasing comforts. the virgin soil, even poorly tilled, furnished them with the corn and the vegetables they required, while the forests supplied the table with game. thus the family, occupying the double position of the farmer and the hunter, lived in the enjoyment of all the luxuries which both of those callings could afford. here daniel boone grew up to manhood. his love of solitude and of nature led him on long hunting excursions, from which he often returned laden with furs. the silence of the wilderness he brought back with him to his home. and though his placid features ever bore a smile, he had but few words to interchange with neighbors or friends. he was a man of affectionate, but not of passionate nature. it would seem that other emigrants were lured to the banks of the yadkin, for here, after a few years, young boone fell in love with the daughter of his father's neighbor, and that daughter, rebecca bryan, became his bride. he thus left his father's home, and, with his axe, speedily erected for himself and wife a cabin, we may presume at some distance from sight or sound of any other house. there "from noise and tumult far," daniel boone established himself in the life of solitude, to which he was accustomed and which he enjoyed. it appears that his marriage took place about the year . the tide of emigration was still flowing in an uninterrupted stream towards the west. the population was increasing throughout this remote region, and the axe of the settler began to be heard on the streams tributary to the yadkin. daniel boone became restless. he loved the wilderness and its solitude, and was annoyed by the approach of human habitations, bringing to him customs with which he was unacquainted, and exposing him to embarrassments from which he would gladly escape. the mode of life practiced by those early settlers in the wilderness is well known. the log-house usually consisted of but one room, with a fire-place of stones at the end. these houses were often very warm and comfortable, presenting in the interior, with a bright fire blazing on the hearth, a very cheerful aspect. their construction was usually as follows: straight, smooth logs about a foot in diameter, cut of the proper length, and so notched at the ends as to be held very firmly together, were thus placed one above the other to the height of about ten feet. the interstices were filled with clay, which soon hardened, rendering the walls comparatively smooth, and alike impervious to wind or rain. other logs of straight fiber were split into clap-boards, one or two inches in thickness, with which they covered the roof. if suitable wood for this purpose could not be found, the bark of trees was used, with an occasional thatching of the long grass of the prairies. logs about eighteen inches in diameter were selected for the floor. these were easily split in halves, and with the convex side buried in the earth, and the smooth surface uppermost joined closely together by a slight trimming with axe or adze, presented a very firm and even attractive surface for the feet. in the centre of the room, four augur holes were bored in the logs, about three inches in diameter. stakes were driven firmly into these holes, upon which were placed two pieces of timber, with the upper surfaces hewn smooth, thus constructing a table. in one corner of the cabin, four stakes were driven in a similar way, about eighteen inches high, with forked tops. upon these two saplings were laid with smooth pieces of bark stretched across. these were covered with grass or dried leaves, upon which was placed, with the fur upwards, the well-tanned skin of the buffalo or the bear. thus quite a luxurious bed was constructed, upon which there was often enjoyed as sweet sleep as perhaps is ever found on beds of down. in another corner, some rude shelves were placed, upon which appeared a few articles of tin and ironware. upon some buck horns over the door was always placed the rifle, ever loaded and ready for use. a very intelligent emigrant, dr. doddridge, gives the following graphic account of his experience in such a log-cabin as we have described, in the remote wilderness. when he was but a child, his father, with a small family, had penetrated these trackless wilds, and in the midst of their sublime solitudes had reared his lonely cabin. he writes: "my father's family was small and he took us all with him. the indian meal which he brought was expended six weeks too soon, so that for that length of time we had to live without bread. the lean venison and the breast of wild turkeys, we were taught to call bread. i remember how narrowly we children watched the growth of the potato tops, pumpkin, and squash vines, hoping from day to day to get something to answer in the place of bread. how delicious was the taste of the young potatoes, when we got them! what a jubilee when we were permitted to pull the young corn for roasting ears! still more so when it had acquired sufficient hardness to be made into johnny cake by the aid of a tin grater. the furniture of the table consisted of a few pewter dishes, plates and spoons, but mostly of wooden bowls and trenchers and noggins. if these last were scarce, gourds and hard shell squashes made up the deficiency. "i well remember the first time i ever saw a tea cup and saucer. my mother died when i was six or seven years of age. my father then sent me to maryland to go to school. at bedford, the tavern at which my uncle put up was a stone house, and to make the changes still more complete, it was plastered on the inside both as to the walls and ceiling. on going into the dining-room, i was struck with astonishment at the appearance of the house. i had no idea that there was any house in the world that was not built of logs. but here i looked around and could see no logs, and above i could see no joists. whether such a thing had been made by the hands of man, or had grown so of itself, i could not conjecture. i had not the courage to inquire anything about it. when supper came on, my confusion was worse confounded: a little cup stood in a bigger one with some brownish-looking stuff in it, which was neither milk, hominy, nor broth. what to do with these little cups, and the spoons belonging to them, i could not tell. but i was afraid to ask anything concerning the use of them." daniel boone could see from the door of his cabin, far away in the west, the majestic ridge of the alleghany mountains, many of the peaks rising six thousand feet into the clouds. this almost impassable wall, which nature had reared, extended for hundreds of leagues, along the atlantic coast, parallel with that coast, and at an average distance of one hundred and thirty miles from the ocean. it divides the waters which flow into the atlantic, from those which run into the mississippi. the great chain consists of many spurs, from fifty to two hundred miles in breadth, and receives in different localities, different names, such as the cumberland mountains, the blue ridge, etc. but few white men had ever as yet ascended these summits, to cast a glance at the vast wilderness beyond. the wildest stories were told around the cabin fires, of these unexplored realms,--of the indian tribes wandering there; of the forests filled with game; of the rivers alive with fishes; of the fertile plains, the floral beauty, the abounding fruit, and the almost celestial clime. these stories were brought to the settlers in the broken language of the indians, and in the exaggerated tales of hunters, who professed that in the chase they had, from some pisgah's summit, gazed upon the splendors of this canaan of the new world. thus far, the settlers had rested contented with the sea-board region east of the alleghanies. they had made no attempt to climb the summits of this great barrier, or to penetrate its gloomy defiles. a dense forest covered alike the mountain cliff and the rocky gorge. indeed there were but few points at which even the foot of the hunter could pass this chain. while daniel boone was residing in the congenial solitude of his hut, on the banks of the yadkin; with the grandeur of the wilderness around him in which his soul delighted; with his table luxuriously spread according to his tastes--with venison, bear's meat, fat turkeys, chickens from the prairie, and vegetables from his garden; with comfortable clothing of deerskin, and such cloths as pedlars occasionally brought to his cabin door in exchange for furs, he was quite annoyed by the arrival of a number of scotch families in his region, bringing with them customs and fashions which to daniel boone were very annoying. they began to cut down the glorious old forest, to break up the green sward of the prairies, to rear more ambitious houses than the humble home of the pioneer; they assumed airs of superiority, introduced more artificial styles of living, and brought in the hitherto unknown vexation of taxes. one can easily imagine how restive such a man as boone must have been under such innovations. the sheriff made his appearance in the lonely hut; the collection of the taxes was enforced by suits at law. even daniel boone's title to his lands was called in question; some of the new comers claiming that their more legal grants lapped over upon the boundaries which boone claimed. under these circumstances our pioneer became very anxious to escape from these vexations by an emigration farther into the wilderness. day after day he cast wistful glances upon the vast mountain barrier piercing the clouds in the distant horizon. beyond that barrier, neither the sheriff nor the tax-gatherer were to be encountered. his soul, naturally incapable of fear, experienced no dread in apprehension of indian hostilities, or the ferocity of wild beasts. even the idea of the journey through these sublime solitudes of an unexplored region, was far more attractive to him than the tour of europe to a sated millionaire. two or three horses would convey upon their backs all their household goods. there were indian trails and streets, so called, made by the buffaloes, as in large numbers they had followed each other, selecting by a wonderful instinct their path from one feeding ground to another, through cane-brakes, around morasses, and over mountains through the most accessible defiles. along these trails or streets, boone could take his peaceful route without any danger of mistaking his way. every mile would be opening to him new scenes of grandeur and beauty. should night come, or a storm set in, a few hours' labor with his axe would rear for him not only a comfortable, but a cheerful tent with its warm and sheltered interior, with the camp-fire crackling and blazing before it. his wife and his children not only afforded him all the society his peculiar nature craved, but each one was a helper, knowing exactly what to do in this picnic excursion through the wilderness. wherever he might stop for the night or for a few days, his unerring rifle procured for him viands which might tempt the appetite of the epicure. there are many even in civilized life who will confess, that for them, such an excursion would present attractions such as are not to be found in the banqueting halls at windsor castle, or in the gorgeous saloons of versailles. daniel boone, in imagination, was incessantly visiting the land beyond the mountains, and longing to explore its mysteries. whether he would find the ocean there or an expanse of lakes and majestic rivers, or boundless prairies, or the unbroken forest, he knew not. whether the region were crowded with indians, and if so, whether they would be found friendly or hostile, and whether game roamed there in greater variety and in larger abundance than on the atlantic side of the great barrier, were questions as yet all unsolved. but these questions daniel boone pondered in silence, night and day. a gentleman who nearly half a century ago visited one of these frontier dwellings, very romantically situated amidst the mountains of western virginia, has given us a pencil sketch of the habitation which we here introduce. the account of the visit is also so graphic that we cannot improve it by giving it in any language but his own. this settler had passed through the first and was entering upon the second stage of pioneer life: "towards the close of an autumnal day, when traveling through the thinly settled region of western virginia, i came up with a substantial-looking farmer leaning on the fence by the road side. i accompanied him to his house to spend the night. it was a log dwelling, and near it stood another log structure, about twelve feet square,--the weaving shop of the family. on entering the dwelling i found the numerous household all clothed in substantial garments of their own manufacture. the floor was unadorned by a carpet and the room devoid of superfluous furniture; yet they had all that necessity required for their comfort. one needs but little experience like this to learn how few are our real wants,--how easily most luxuries of dress, furniture and equipage can be dispensed with. "soon after my arrival supper was ready. it consisted of fowls, bacon, hoe-cake and buckwheat cakes. our beverage was milk and coffee, sweetened with maple sugar. soon as it grew dark my hostess took down a small candle mould for three candles, hanging from the wall on a frame-work just in front of the fire-place, in company with a rifle, long strings of dried pumpkins and other articles of household property. on retiring i was conducted to the room overhead, to which i ascended by stairs out of doors. my bed-fellow was the county sheriff, a young man of about my own age. and as we lay together a fine field was had for astronomical observations through the chinks of the logs. "the next morning, after rising, i was looking for the washing apparatus, when he tapped me on the shoulder, as a signal to accompany him to the brook in the rear of the house, in whose pure crystal waters we performed our morning ablutions. after breakfast, through the persuasion of the sheriff, i agreed to go across the country by his house. he was on horseback; i on foot bearing my knapsack. for six miles our route lay through a pathless forest; on emerging from which we soon passed through the 'court house,' the only village in the county, consisting of about a dozen log-houses and the court building. "soon after we came to a methodist encampment. this was formed of three continuous lines, each occupying a side of a square and about one hundred feet in length. each row was divided into six or ten cabins with partitions between. the height of the rows on the inner side of the enclosed area was about ten feet, on the outer about six, to which the roofs sloped shed-like. the door of each cabin opened on the inner side of the area, and at the back of each was a log chimney coming up even with the roof. at the upper extremity of the inclosure, formed by these three lines of cabins, was an open shed; a mere roof supported by posts, say thirty by fifty feet, in which was a coarse pulpit and log seats. a few tall trees were standing within the area, and many stumps scattered here and there. the whole establishment was in the depth of a forest, and wild and rude as can well be imagined. "in many of these sparsely-inhabited counties there are no settled clergy, and rarely do the people hear any other than the methodist preachers. here is the itinerating system of wesley exhibited in its full usefulness. the circuits are usually of three weeks' duration, in which the clergymen preach daily. most of these preachers are energetic, devoted men; and often they endure great privations. "after sketching the encampment i came in a few moments to the dwelling of the sheriff. close by it was a group of mountain men and women seated around a log cabin, about twelve feet square, ten high, and open at the top, into which these neighbors of my companion were casting ears of corn as fast as they could shuck them. cheerfully they performed their task. the men were large and hardy; the damsels plump and rosy, and all dressed in good warm homespun. the sheriff informed me that he owned about two thousand acres around his dwelling, and that his farm was worth about one thousand dollars or fifty cents an acre. "i entered his log domicile which was one story in height, about twenty feet square and divided into two small rooms without windows or places to let in the light except by a front and rear door. i soon partook of a meal in which we had a variety of luxuries, not omitting _bear's meat_. a blessing was asked at the table by one of the neighbors. after supper the bottle, as usual at corn huskings, was circulated. the sheriff learning that i was a washingtonian, with the politeness of one of nature's gentlemen refrained from urging me to participate. the men drank but moderately; and we all drew around the fire, the light of which was the only one we had. hunting stories and kindred topics served to talk down the hours till bed time. "on awaking in the morning, i saw two women cooking breakfast in my bedroom, and three men seated over the fire watching the operation. after breakfast, i bade my host farewell, buckled on my knapsack and left. in the course of two hours, i came to a cabin by the wayside. there being no gate, i sprang over the fence, entered the open door, and was received with a hearty welcome. it was an humble dwelling, the abode of poverty. the few articles of furniture were neat and pleasantly arranged. in the corner stood two beds, one hung with curtains, and both with coverlets of snowy white, contrasting with the dingy log walls, rude furniture, and rough boarded floor of this, the only room in the dwelling. around a cheerful fire was seated an interesting family group. in one corner, on the hearth, sat the mother, smoking a pipe. next to her was a little girl, in a small chair, holding a young kitten. in the opposite corner sat a venerable old man, of herculean stature, robed in a hunting shirt, and with a countenance as majestic and impressive as that of a roman senator. in the centre of the group was a young maiden, modest and retiring, not beautiful, except in that moral beauty virtue gives. she was reading to them from a little book. she was the only one of the family who could read, and she could do so but imperfectly. in that small volume was the whole secret of the neatness and happiness found in this lonely cot. that little book was the new testament." the institution of camp-meetings, introduced with so much success by the methodists, those noble pioneers of christianity, seem to have been the necessary result of the attempt to preach to the sparsely settled population of a new country. the following is said to be the origin of those camp-meetings which have done incalculable good, socially, intellectually, and religiously. in the year , two men by the name of mcgee, one a presbyterian, the other a methodist, set out on a missionary tour together, to visit the log-houses in the wilderness. a meeting was appointed at a little settlement upon one of the tributaries of the ohio. the pioneers flocked to the place from many miles around. there was no church there, and the meeting was necessarily held in the open air. many brought their food with them and camped out. thus the meeting, with exhortation and prayer, was continued in the night. immense bonfires blazed illuminating the sublimities of the forest, and the assembled congregation, cut off from all the ordinary privileges of civilized life, listened devoutly to the story of a savior's love. this meeting was so successful in its results that another was appointed at a small settlement on the banks of a stream called muddy river. the tidings spread rapidly through all the stations and farm houses on the frontier. it afforded these lonely settlers a delightful opportunity of meeting together. they could listen for hours with unabated interest to the religious exercises. the people assembled from a distance of forty or fifty miles around. a vast concourse had met beneath the foliage of the trees, the skies alone, draped with clouds by day and adorned with stars by night, the dome of their majestic temple. the scene, by night, must have been picturesque in the extreme. men, women and children were there in homespun garb; and being accustomed to camp life, they were there in comfort. strangers met and became friends. many wives and mothers obtained rest and refreshment from their monotonous toils. there is a bond in christ's discipleship, stronger than any other, and christians grasped hands in love, pledging themselves anew to a holy life. for several days and nights, this religious festival was continued. time could not have been better spent. dwellers in the forest could not afford to take so long a journey merely to listen to one half-hour's discourse. these men and women were earnest and thoughtful. in the solitude of their homes, they had reflected deeply upon life and its issues. when death occasionally visited their cabins, it was a far more awful event than when death occurs in the crowded city, where the hearse is every hour of every day passing through the streets. these scenes of worship very deeply impressed the minds of the people. they were not gospel hardened. the gloom and silence of the forest, alike still by night and by day; the memory of the past, with its few joys and many griefs; the anticipations of the future, with its unceasing struggles, to terminate only in death; the solemnity which rested on every countenance; the sweet melody of the hymns; the earnest tones of the preachers in exhortation and prayer, all combined to present a scene calculated to produce a very profound impression upon the human mind. at this meeting, not only professed christians were greatly revived, but not less than a hundred persons, it was thought, became disciples of the savior. another camp-meeting was soon after appointed to meet on desha's creek, a small stream flowing into the cumberland river. the country was now becoming more populous, and several thousand were assembled. and thus the work went on, multitudes being thus reached by the preached gospel who could not be reached in any other way.[a] [footnote a: bang's history of methodism.] life on the frontier was by no means devoid of its enjoyments as well as of its intense excitements. it must have been also an exceedingly busy life. there were no mills for cutting timber or grinding corn; no blacksmith shops to repair the farming utensils. there were no tanneries, no carpenters, shoemakers, weavers. every family had to do everything for itself. the corn was pounded with a heavy pestle in a large mortar made by burning an excavation in a solid block of wood. by means of these mortars the settlers, in regions where saltpetre could be obtained, made very respectable gunpowder. in making corn-meal a grater was sometimes used, consisting of a half-circular piece of tin, perforated with a punch from the concave side. the ears of corn were rubbed on the rough edges, and the meal fell through the holes on a board or cloth placed to receive it. they also sometimes made use of a handmill, resembling those alluded to in the bible. these consisted of two circular stones; the lowest, which was immovable, was called the bed-stone,--the upper one, the runner. two persons could grind together at this mill. the clothing was all of domestic manufacture. a fabric called linsey-woolsey was most frequently in use and made the most substantial and warmest clothing. it was made of flax and wool, the former the warp, the latter the filling. every cabin almost had its rude loom, and every woman was a weaver. the men tanned their own leather. a large trough was sunk in the ground to its upper edge. bark was shaved with an axe and pounded with a mallet. ashes were used for lime in removing the hair. in the winter evenings the men made strong shoes and moccasins, and the women cut out and made hunting shirts, leggins and drawers. hunting was a great source of amusement as well as a very exciting and profitable employment. the boys were all taught to imitate the call of every bird and beast in the woods. the skill in imitation which they thus acquired was wonderful. hidden in a thicket they would gobble like a turkey and lure a whole flock of these birds within reach of their rifles. bleating like the fawn they would draw the timid dam to her death. the moping owls would come in flocks attracted by the screech of the hunter, while packs of wolves, far away in the forest, would howl in response to the hunter's cry. the boys also rivalled the indians in the skill with which they would throw the tomahawk. with a handle of a given length, and measuring the distance with the eye, they would throw the weapon with such accuracy that its keen edge would be sure to strike the object at which it was aimed. running, jumping, wrestling were pastimes in which both boys and men engaged. shooting at a mark was one of the most favorite diversions. when a boy had attained the age of about twelve years, a rifle was usually placed in his hands. in the house or fort where he resided, a port-hole was assigned him, where he was to do valiant service as a soldier, in case of an attack by the indians. every day he was in the woods hunting squirrels, turkeys and raccoons. thus he soon acquired extraordinary expertness with his gun. the following interesting narrative is taken from ramsay's annals of tennessee, which state was settled about the same time with kentucky and with emigrants from about the same region: "the settlement of tennessee was unlike that of the present new country of the united states. emigrants from the atlantic cities, and from most points in the western interior, now embark upon steamboats or other craft, and carrying with them all the conveniences and comforts of civilized life--indeed many of its luxuries--are, in a few days, without toil, danger or exposure, transported to their new abodes, and in a few months are surrounded with the appendages of home, of civilization and the blessings of law and of society. "the wilds of minnesota and nebraska, by the agency of steam or the stalwart arms of western boatmen, are at once transformed into the settlements of a commercial and civilized people. independence and saint paul, six months after they are laid off, have their stores and their workshops, their artisans and their mechanics. the mantua-maker and the tailor arrive in the same boat with the carpenter and mason. the professional man and the printer quickly follow. in the succeeding year the piano, the drawing-room, the restaurant, the billiard table, the church bell, the village and the city in miniature are all found, while the neighboring interior is yet a wilderness and a desert. "the town and comfort, taste and urbanity are first; the clearing, the farm house, the wagon road and the improved country, second. it was far different on the frontier of tennessee. at first a single indian trail was the only entrance to the eastern border of it, and for many years admitted only the hunter and the pack-horse. it was not till the year that a wagon was seen in tennessee. in consequence of the want of roads--as well as of the great distance from the sources of supply--the first inhabitants were without tools, and of course without mechanics--much more without the conveniences of living and the comforts of housekeeping. "luxuries were absolutely unknown. salt was brought on pack-horses from augusta and richmond and readily commanded ten dollars a bushel. the salt gourd in every cabin was considered as a treasure. the sugar maple furnished the only article of luxury on the frontier; coffee and tea being unknown or beyond the reach of the settlers. sugar was seldom made and was used only for the sick, or in the preparation of a sweetened dram at a wedding, or on the arrival of a new comer. "the appendages of the kitchen, the cupboard and the table, were scanty and simple. iron was brought at great expense from the forges east of the mountains, on pack-horses, and was sold at an enormous price. its use was, for this reason, confined to the construction and repair of ploughs and other farming utensils. hinges, nails and fastenings of that material were seldom seen. the costume of the first settlers corresponded well with the style of their buildings and the quality of their furniture: the hunting shirt of the militia man and the hunter was in general use. the rest of their apparel was in keeping with it,--plain, substantial and well adapted for comfort, use and economy. the apparel of the pioneer's family was all home-made; and in a whole neighborhood there would not be seen, at the first settlement of the country, a single article of dress of foreign manufacture. half the year, in many families, shoes were not worn. boots, a fur hat and a coat, with buttons on each side, attracted the gaze of the beholder and sometimes received censure or rebuke. a stranger from the old states chose to doff his ruffles, his broad-cloth and his cue rather than endure the scoff and ridicule of the backwoodsman. "the dwelling house on every frontier in tennessee was the log-cabin. a carpenter and a mason were not needed to build them--much less the painter, the glazier and the upholsterer. every settler had, besides his rifle, no other instrument but an axe or hatchet and a butcher-knife. a saw, an auger, a file and a broad-axe would supply a whole settlement, and were used as common property in the erection of the log-cabin. "the labor and employment of a pioneer family were distributed in accordance with surrounding circumstances. to the men was assigned the duty of procuring subsistence and materials for clothing, erecting the cabin and the station, opening and cultivating the farm, hunting the wild beasts, and repelling and pursueing the indians. the women spun the flax, the cotton and the wool, wove the cloth, made them up, milked, churned and prepared the food, and did their full share of the duties of housekeeping. "could there be happiness or comfort in such dwellings and such a state of society? to those who are accustomed to modern refinements the truth appears like fable. the early occupants of log-cabins were among the most happy of mankind. exercise and excitement gave them health. they were practically equal, common danger made them mutually dependent. brilliant hopes of future wealth and distinction led them on. and as there was ample room for all, and as each new comer increased individual and general security, there was little room for that envy, jealousy and hatred which constitute a large portion of human misery in older societies. "never were the story, the joke, the song and the laugh better enjoyed than upon the hewed blocks or puncheon stools, around the roaring log fire of the early western settler. "on the frontier the diet was necessarily plain and homely, but exceedingly abundant and nutritive. the goshen of america furnishes the richest milk and the most savory and delicious meats. in their rude cabins, with their scanty and inartificial furniture, no people ever enjoyed, in wholesome food a greater variety, or a superior quality of the necessaries of life." a writer of that day describes the sports of these pioneers of kentucky. one of them consisted in "driving the nail." a common nail was hammered into a target for about two thirds of its length. the marksmen then took their stand at the distance of about forty paces. each man carefully cleaned the interior of his gun, and then placed a bullet in his hand, over which he poured just enough powder to cover it. this was a charge. a shot which only came close to the nail was considered a very indifferent shot. nothing was deemed satisfactory but striking the nail with the bullet fairly on the head. generally one out of three shots would hit the nail. two nails were frequently needed before each man could get a shot. _barking of squirrels_ is another sport. "i first witnessed," writes the one to whom we have above alluded, "this manner of procuring squirrels, while near the town of frankfort. the performer was the celebrated daniel boone. we walked out together and followed the rocky margins of the kentucky river, until we reached a piece of flat land, thickly covered with black walnuts, oaks, and hickories. squirrels were seen gambolling on every tree around us. my companion mr. boone, a stout, hale, athletic man, dressed in a homespun hunting shirt, bare legged and moccasined, carried a long and heavy rifle, which, as he was loading it, he said had proved efficient in all his former undertakings, and which he hoped would not fail on this occasion, as he felt proud to show me his skill. "the gun was wiped, the powder measured, the ball patched with six hundred thread linen, and a charge sent home with a hickory rod. we moved not a step from the place, for the squirrels were so thick, that it was unnecessary to go after them. boone pointed to one of these animals, which had observed us and was crouched on a tree, about fifty paces distant, and bade me mark well where the ball should hit. he raised his piece gradually, until the head, or sight of the barrel, was brought to a line with the spot he intended to strike. the whip-like report resounded through the woods, and along the hills, in repeated echoes. judge of my surprise, when i perceived that the ball had hit the piece of bark immediately underneath the squirrel, and shivered it into splinters; the concussion produced by which had killed the animal, and sent it whirling through the air, as if it had been blown up by the explosion of a powder magazine, boone kept up his firing, and before many hours had elapsed, we had procured as many squirrels as we wished. since that first interview with the veteran boone, i have seen many other individuals perform the same feat. "the _snuffing of a candle_ with a ball, i first had an opportunity of seeing near the banks of green river, not far from a large pigeon roost, to which i had previously made a visit. i had heard many reports of guns during the early part of a dark night, and knowing them to be rifles, i went towards the spot to ascertain the cause. on reaching the place, i was welcomed by a dozen tall, stout men, who told me they were exercising for the purpose of enabling them to shoot in the night at the reflected light from the eyes of a deer, or wolf, by torch-light. "a fire was blazing near, the smoke of which rose curling among the thick foliage of the trees. at a distance which rendered it scarcely distinguishable, stood a burning candle, which in reality was only fifty yards from the spot on which we all stood. one man was within a few yards of it to watch the effect of the shots, as well as to light the candle, should it chance to go out, or to replace it should the shot cut it across. each marksman shot in his turn. some never hit neither the snuff or the candle, and were congratulated with a loud laugh; while others actually snuffed the candle without putting it out, and were recompensed for their dexterity with numerous hurrahs. one of them, who was particularly expert, was very fortunate and snuffed the candle three times out of seven; while all the other shots either put out the candle or cut it immediately under the light." chapter iii. _louisiana, its discovery and vicissitudes._ louisiana, and its eventful history.--the expedition of de soto.--the missionary marquette.--his voyage on the upper mississippi.--the expedition of la salle.--michilimackinac.--its history.--fate of the "griffin."--grief of la salle.--his voyage of discovery.--sale of louisiana to the united states.--remarks of napoleon. the transfer of louisiana to the united states is one of the most interesting events in the history of our country. in the year , spain, then in possession of the vast region west of the mississippi, ceded it to france. the whole country west of the majestic river appropriately called the father of waters, was then called louisiana, and its boundaries were very obscurely defined. indeed neither the missionary nor the hunter had penetrated but a very short distance into those unknown wilds. it was in the year that de soto, marching from florida across the country, came to the banks of this magnificent river, near the present site of memphis. he knew not where it took its rise, or where it emptied its swollen flood. but he found a stream more than a mile in width, of almost fathomless depth, rolling its rapid, turbid stream, on which were floated innumerable logs and trees, through an almost uninhabited country of wonderful luxuriance. he was in search of gold, and crossing the river, advanced in a north-westerly direction about two hundred miles, till he came within sight of the highlands of the white river. he then turned in a southerly direction, and continued his explorations, till death soon terminated his melancholy career. more than one hundred and thirty years passed over these solitudes, when james marquette, a french missionary among the indians at saint marys, the outlet of lake superior, resolved to explore the mississippi, of whose magnificence he had heard much from the lips of the indians, who had occasionally extended their hunting tours to its banks. he was inured to all the hardships of the wilderness, seemed to despise worldly comforts, and had a soul of bravery which could apparently set all perils at defiance. and still he was indued with a poetic nature, which reveled in the charms of these wild and romantic realms, as he climbed its mountains and floated in his canoe over its silent and placid streams. even then it was not known whether the mississippi emptied its majestic flood into the pacific ocean or into the gulf of mexico. the foot of the white man upon the shores of lake superior, had never penetrated beyond the indian village, where the fox river enters into green bay. from this point marquette started for the exploration of the mississippi. the party consisted of mr. marquette, a french gentleman by the name of joliete, five french voyageurs and two indian guides. they transported their two birch canoes on their shoulders across the portage from the fox river to the wisconsin river. paddling rapidly down this stream through realms of silence and solitude, they soon entered the majestic mississippi, more than fifteen hundred miles above its mouth. marquette seems to have experienced in the highest degree the romance of his wonderful voyage, for he says that he commenced the descent of the mighty river with "a joy that could not be expressed." it was the beautiful month of june, , the most genial season of the year. the skies were bright above them. the placid stream was fringed with banks of wonderful luxuriance and beauty, the rocky cliffs at times assuming the aspect of majestic castles of every variety of architecture; again the gently swelling hills were robed in sublime forests, and again the smooth meadows, in their verdure, spread far away to the horizon. rapidly the canoes, gently guided by the paddles, floated down the stream. having descended the river about one hundred and eighty miles, they came to a very well trod indian trail leading back from the river into the interior. marquette and joliete had the curiosity and the courage to follow this trail for six miles, until they came to an indian village. it would seem that some of the indians there, in their hunting excursions, had wandered to some of the french settlements; for four of their leading men, dressed in the most gorgeous display of barbaric pomp, "brilliant with many colored plumes," came out to meet them and conducted them to the cabin of their chief. he addressed them in the following words: "how beautiful is the sun, frenchman, when thou comest to visit us. our whole village welcomes thee. in peace thou shalt enter all our dwellings." after a very pleasant visit they returned to their boats and resumed their voyage. they floated by the mouth of the turbid missouri, little dreaming of the grandeur of the realms watered by that imperial stream and its tributaries. they passed the mouth of the ohio, which they recognized as the _belle rivière_, which the indians then called the wabash. as they floated rapidly away towards the south they visited many indian villages on the banks of the stream, where the devoted missionary, marquette, endeavored to proclaim the gospel of christ. "i did not," says marquette, "fear death. i should have esteemed it the greatest happiness to have died for the glory of god." thus they continued their exploration as far south as the mouth of the arkansas river, where they were hospitably received in a very flourishing indian village. being now satisfied that the mississippi river entered the gulf of mexico, somewhere between florida and california, they returned to green bay by the route of the illinois river. by taking advantage of the eddies, on either side of the stream, it was not difficult for them, in their light canoes, to make the ascent. marquette landed on the western banks of lake michigan to preach the gospel to a tribe of indians called the miames, residing near the present site of chicago. joliete returned to quebec to announce the result of their discoveries. he was received with great rejoicing. the whole population flocked to the cathedral, where the _te deum_ was sung. five years passed away, during which the great river flowed almost unthought of, through its vast and sombre wilderness. at length in the year , la salle received a commission from louis the xiv. of france to explore the mississippi to its mouth. having received from the king the command of fort frontenac, at the northern extremity of lake ontario, and a monopoly of the fur trade in all the countries he should discover, he sailed from larochelle in a ship well armed and abundantly supplied, in june, . ascending the st. lawrence to quebec, he repaired to fort frontenac. with a large number of men he paddled, in birch canoes, to the southern extremity of lake ontario, and, by a portage around the falls of niagara, entered lake erie. here he built a substantial vessel, called the _griffin_, which was the first vessel ever launched upon the waters of that lake. embarking in this vessel with forty men, in the month of september, a genial and gorgeous month in those latitudes, he traversed with favoring breezes the whole length of the lake, a voyage of two hundred and sixty-five miles, ascended the straits and passed through the lake of st. clair, and ran along the coast of lake huron three hundred and sixty miles to michilimackinac, where the three majestic lakes, superior, michigan and huron, form a junction. here a trading post was established, which subsequently attained world-wide renown, and to which the indians flocked with their furs from almost boundless realms. mr. schoolcraft, who some years after visited this romantic spot, gives the following interesting account of the scenery and strange life witnessed there. as these phases of human life have now passed away, never to be renewed, it seems important that the memory of them should be perpetuated: "nothing can present a more picturesque and refreshing spectacle to the traveler, wearied with the lifeless monotony of a voyage through lake huron, than the first sight of the island of michilimackinac, which rises from the watery horizon in lofty bluffs imprinting a rugged outline along the sky and capped with a fortress on which the american flag is seen waving against the blue heavens. the name is a compound of the word _misril_, signifying great, and _mackinac_ the indian word for turtle, from a fancied resemblance of the island to a _great turtle_ lying upon the water. "it is a spot of much interest, aside from its romantic beauty, in consequence of its historical associations and natural curiosities. it is nine miles in circumference, and its extreme elevation above the lake is over three hundred feet. the town is pleasantly situated around a small bay at the southern extremity of the island, and contains a few hundred souls, which are sometimes swelled to one or two thousand by the influx of voyageurs, traders and indians. on these occasions its beautiful harbor is seen checkered with american vessels at anchor, and indian canoes rapidly shooting across the water in every direction. "it was formerly the seat of an extensive fur trade; at present it is noted for the great amount of trout and white fish annually exported. fort mackinac stood on a rocky bluff overlooking the town. the ruins of fort holmes are on the apex of the island. it was built by the british in the war of , under the name of fort george, and was changed to its present appellation after the surrender to the americans, in compliment to the memory of major holmes, who fell in the attack upon the island. "the old town of michilimackinac stood at the extreme point of the peninsula of michigan, nine miles south of the island. eight years before la salle's expedition, father marquette, the french missionary, visited this spot with a party of hurons, upon whom he prevailed to locate themselves. a fort was soon constructed, and became an important post. it continued to be the seat of the fur trade, and the undisturbed rendezvous of the indian tribes during the whole period that the french exercised dominion over the canadas." here at michilimackinac, la salle purchased a rich cargo of furs, exchanging for them his goods at an immense profit. the _griffin_, laden with wealth, set out on her return and was wrecked by the way with total loss. la salle with his companions had embarked in birch canoes, and descending lake michigan to near its southern extremity, they landed and erected a fort which they called miamis. they then carried their canoes across to the illinois river and paddled down that stream until they came near to the present site of peoria, where they established another fort, which la salle, grief-stricken in view of his loss, named _crève-coeur_, or heartsore. here the energetic and courageous adventurer left his men in winter quarters, while, with but three companions, he traversed the wilderness on foot, amidst the snows of winter, to fort frontenac, a distance of fifteen hundred miles. after an absence of several weeks, he returned with additional men and the means of building a large and substantial flat-bottomed boat, with which to descend the illinois river to the mississippi, and the latter stream to its mouth. the romantic achievement was successfully accomplished. the banners of france were unfurled along the banks of the majestic river and upon the shores of the gulf of mexico. this whole region which france claimed by the right of discovery, was named in honor of the king of france, louisiana. its limits were necessarily quite undefined. in , a french colony of two hundred and eighty persons was sent out to effect a settlement on the lower mississippi. passing by the mouth of the river without discovering it, they landed in texas, and took possession of the country in the name of the king of france. disaster followed disaster. la salle died, and the colonists were exterminated by the indians. not long after this, all the country west of the mississippi was ceded by france to spain, and again, some years after, was surrendered back again by spain to france. we have not space here to allude to the details of these varied transactions. but this comprehensive record seems to be essential to the full understanding of the narrative upon which we have entered. it was in the year that louisiana was ceded, by france, to spain. in the year , it was yielded back to france, under napoleon, by a secret article in the treaty of sn. ildefonso. it had now become a matter of infinite moment to the united states that the great republic should have undisputed command of the mississippi, from its source to its mouth. president jefferson instructed our minister at paris, robert livingston, to negotiate with the french government for the purchase of louisiana. france was then at war with england. the british fleet swept triumphantly all the seas. napoleon, conscious that he could not protect louisiana from british arms, consented to the sale. we are informed that on the th of april, , he summoned two of his ministers in council, and said to them: "i am fully sensible of the value of louisiana; and it was my wish to repair the error of the french diplomatists who abandoned it in . i have scarcely recovered it before i run the risk of losing it. but if i am obliged to give it up it shall cost more to those who force me to part with it, than to those to whom i yield it. the english have despoiled france of all her northern possessions in america, and now they covet those of the south. i am determined that they shall not have the mississippi. although louisiana is but a trifle compared with their vast possessions in other parts of the globe, yet, judging from the vexation they have manifested on seeing it return to the power of france, i am certain that their first object will be to obtain possession of it. "they will probably commence the war in that quarter. they have twenty vessels in the gulf of mexico, and our affairs in st. domingo are daily getting worse, since the death of le clere. the conquest of louisiana might be easily made, and i have not a moment to lose in putting it out of their reach. i am not sure but that they have already began an attack upon it. such a measure would be in accordance with their habits; and in their place i should not wait. i am inclined, in order to deprive them of all prospect of ever possessing it, to cede it to the united states. indeed i can hardly say i cede it, for i do not yet possess it. and if i wait but a short time, my enemies may leave me nothing but an empty title to grant to the republic i wish to conciliate. they only ask for one city of louisiana; but i consider the whole colony as lost. and i believe that in the hands of this rising power, it will be more useful to the political and even the commercial interests of france, than if i should attempt to retain it. let me have both of your opinions upon this subject." one of the ministers, barbé marbois, cordially approved of the plan of "cession." the other opposed it. after long deliberation, the conference was closed, without napoleon making known his decision. the next day he sent for barbé marbois, and said to him: "the season for deliberation is over. i have determined to part with louisiana. i shall give up not only new orleans, but the whole colony without reservation. that i do not undervalue louisiana i have sufficiently proved, as the object of my first treaty with spain was to recover it. but though i regret parting with it, i am convinced that it would be folly to persist in trying to keep it. i commission you, therefore, to negotiate this affair with the envoys of the united states. do not wait the arrival of mr. munroe, but go this very day and confer with mr. livingston. "remember, however, that i need ample funds for carrying on the war; and i do not wish to commence it by levying new taxes. during the last century, france and spain have incurred great expense in the improvement of louisiana, for which her trade has never indemnified them. large sums have been advanced to different companies, which have never returned to the treasury. it is fair that i should require payment for these. were i to regulate my demands by the importance of this territory to the united states, they would be unbounded. but being obliged to part with it, i shall be moderate in my terms. still, remember i must have fifty millions of francs ($ , , ), and i will not consent to take less. i would rather make some desperate effort to preserve this fine country." negotiations commenced that day. soon mr. munroe arrived. on the th of april, , the treaty was signed, the united states paying fifteen million dollars for the entire territory. it was stipulated by napoleon that louisiana should be, as soon as possible, incorporated into the union; and that its inhabitants should enjoy the same rights, privileges, and immunities as other citizens of the united states. the third article of the treaty, securing to them these benefits, was drawn up by napoleon himself. he presented it to the plenipotentiaries with these words: "make it known to the people of louisiana, that we regret to part with them; that we have stipulated for all the advantages they could desire; and that france, in giving them up, has insured to them the greatest of all. they could never have prospered under any european government, as they will when they become independent. but while they enjoy the privileges of liberty, let them ever remember that they are french, and preserve for their mother country that affection, which a common origin inspires." this purchase was an immense acquisition to the united states. "i consider," said mr. livingston, "that from this day, the united states take rank with the first powers of europe, and now she has entirely escaped from the power of england." napoleon was also well pleased with the transaction, "by this cession," he said, "i have secured the power of the united states, and given to england a maritime rival, who, at some future time, will humble her pride." the boundaries of this unexampled purchase could not be clearly defined. there was not any known landmarks to which reference could be made. the united states thus had the sole claim to the vast territory west of the mississippi, extending on the north through oregon to the pacific ocean, and on the south to the mexican dominions. from the day of the transfer, the natural resources of the great valley of the mississippi began to be rapidly developed. the accompanying map will enable the reader more fully to understand the geography of the above narrative. chapter iv. _camp life beyond the alleghanies._ john finley and his adventures.--aspect of the country.--boone's private character.--his love for the wilderness.--first view of kentucky.--emigrants' dress.--hunter's home.--capture of boone and stewart by the indians.--their escape.--singular incident. in the year , a bold hunter by the name of john finley with two or three companions crossed the mountain range of the alleghanies into the region beyond, now known as kentucky. the mountains where he crossed, consisting of a series of parallel ridges, some of which were quite impassable save at particular points, presented a rugged expanse nearly fifty miles in breadth. it took many weary days for these moccassined feet to traverse the wild solitudes. the indian avoids the mountains. he chooses the smooth prairie where the buffalo and the elk graze, and where the wild turkey, the grouse and the prairie chicken, wing their flight, or the banks of some placid stream over which he can glide in his birch canoe, and where fish of every variety can be taken. indeed the indians, with an eye for picturesque beauty, seldom reared their villages in the forest, whose glooms repelled them. generally where the forest approached the stream, they clustered their wigwams in its edge, with the tranquil river and the open country spread out before them. john finley and his companions traversed the broad expanse of the alleghanies, without meeting any signs of human life. the extreme western ridge of these parallel eminences or spurs, has received the name of the cumberland mountains. passing through a gorge, which has since then become renowned in peace and war as cumberland gap, they entered upon a vast undulating expanse, of wonderful fertility and beauty. in its rivers, its plains, its forests, its gentle eminences, its bright skies and salubrious clime, it presented then, as now, as attractive a residence for man as this globe can furnish. finley and his companions spent several months roving through this, to them, new eden. game of every variety abounded. through some inexplicable reason, no indians held possession of the country. but wandering tribes, whose homes and acknowledged territory were far away in the north, the west, and the south, were ever traversing these regions in hunting bands. they often met in bloody encounters. these conflicts were so frequent and so sanguinary, that this realm so highly favored of god for the promotion of all happiness, subsequently received the appropriate name of "the dark and bloody ground." after an absence of many months, finley and his companions returned to north carolina, with the most glowing accounts of the new country which they had found. their story of the beauty of those realms was so extravagant, that many regarded them as gross exaggerations. it subsequently appeared, however, that they were essentially true. a more lovely and attractive region cannot be found on earth. it is man's inhumanity to man, mainly, which has ever caused such countless millions to mourn. daniel boone listened eagerly to the recital of john finley and his associates. the story they told added fuel to the flame of emigration, which was already consuming him. he talked more and more earnestly of his desire to cross the mountains. we know not what were the emotions with which his wife was agitated, in view of her husband's increasing desire for another plunge into the wilderness. we simply know that through her whole career, she manifested the most tender solicitude to accommodate herself to the wishes of her beloved husband. indeed he was a man peculiarly calculated to win a noble woman's love. gentle in his demeanor, and in all his utterances, mild and affectionate in his intercourse with his family, he seemed quite unconscious of the heroism he manifested in those achievements, which gave him ever increasing renown. life in the cabin of the frontiersman, where the wants are few, and the supplies abundant, is comparatively a leisure life. these men knew but little of the hurry and the bustle with which those in the crowded city engage daily in the almost deadly struggle for bread. there was no want in the cabin of daniel boone. as these two hardy adventurers, john finley and daniel boone, sat together hour after hour by the fire, talking of the new country which finley had explored, the hearts of both burned within them again to penetrate those remote realms. to them there were no hardships in the journey. at the close of each day's march, which but slightly wearied their toughened sinews, they could in a few moments throw up a shelter, beneath which they would enjoy more luxurious sleep than the traveler, after being rocked in the rail-cars, can now find on the softest couches of our metropolitan hotels. and the dainty morsel cut with artistic skill from the fat buffalo, and toasted on the end of a ramrod before the camp-fire, possessed a relish which few epicures have ever experienced at the most sumptuous tables in paris or new york. and as these men seem to have been constitutionally devoid of any emotions of fear from wild beasts, or still wilder indians, the idea of a journey of a few hundred miles in the wilderness was not one to be regarded by them with any special solicitude. gradually they formed a plan for organizing a small party to traverse these beautiful realms in search of a new home. a company of six picked men was formed, and daniel boone was chosen their leader. the names of this party were john finley, john stewart, joseph holden, james moncey, and william cool. a journey of many hundred miles was before them. through the vast mountain barrier, which could only be traversed by circuitous wanderings some hundreds of miles in extent, their route was utterly pathless, and there were many broad and rapid streams to be crossed, which flowed through the valleys between the mountain ridges. though provision in abundance was scattered along the way, strong clothing must be provided, powder and bullets they must take with them, and all these necessaries were to be carried upon their backs, for no pack horses could thread the defiles of the mountains or climb their rugged cliffs. it was also necessary to make provision for the support of the families of these adventurers during their absence of many months. it does not appear that mrs. boone presented any obstacle in the way of her husband's embarking in this adventure. her sons were old enough to assist her in the management of the farm, and game was still to be found in profusion in the silent prairies and sublime forests which surrounded them. in the sunny clime of north carolina may comes with all the balminess and soft zephyrs of a more northern summer. it was a beautiful morning on the first day of may, , when boone and his companions commenced their adventurous journey. in the brief narrative which boone has given of this excursion, we perceive that it was with some considerable regret that he separated himself from his much loved wife and children on the peaceful banks of the yadkin. we must infer that the first part of their journey was fatiguing, for it took them a full month to accomplish the passage of the mountains. though it was less than a hundred miles across these ridges in a direct line, the circuitous route which it was necessary to take greatly lengthened the distance. and as they were never in a hurry, they would be very likely, when coming to one of the many lovely valleys on the banks of the holstein, or the clinch river, to be enticed to some days of delay. where now there are thriving villages filled with the hum of the industries of a high civilization, there was then but the solitary landscape dotted with herds of buffalo and of deer. boone says that in many of these regions he found buffalo roving in companies of several hundreds feeding upon the tender leaves of the canebrake, or browsing upon the smooth and extended meadows. being far removed from the usual route of the indian hunters, they were very tame, manifesting no fear at the approach of man. on the seventh of june, our adventurers, at the close of a day of arduous travel, reached an eminence of the cumberland mountains, which gave them a commanding and an almost entrancing view of the region beyond, now known as the state of kentucky. at the height upon which they stood, the expanse spreading out to the west, until lost in the distant horizon, presented an aspect of nature's loveliness such as few eyes have ever beheld. the sun was brilliantly sinking, accompanied by a gorgeous retinue of clouds. majestic forests, wide-spread prairies, and lakes and rivers, gilded by the setting sun, confirmed the truth of the most glowing reports which had been heard from the lips of finley. an artist has seized upon this incident, which he has transferred to canvass, in a picture which he has entitled, "daniel boone's first view of kentucky." engravings have been so multiplied of this painting, that it has become familiar to most eyes. the appearance of our adventurers is thus graphically described by mr. peck, in his excellent life of daniel boone. "their dress was of the description usually worn at that period by all forest-rangers. the outside garment was a hunting shirt, or loose open frock, made of dressed deer-skins. leggins, or drawers, of the same material, covered the lower extremities, to which was appended a pair of moccasins for the feet. the cape or collar of the hunting shirt, and the seams of the leggins were adorned with fringes. the undergarments were of coarse cotton. a leather belt encircled the body. on the right side was suspended the tomahawk, to be used as a hatchet. on the left was the hunting-knife, powder-horn, bullet-pouch, and other appendages indispensable for a hunter. each person bore his trusty rifle, and as the party made its toilsome way amid the shrubs, and over the logs and loose shrubs, that accident had thrown upon the obscure trail they were following, each man gave a sharp lookout, as though danger, or a lurking enemy were near. their garments were soiled and rent; the unavoidable result of long travel and exposure to the heavy rains which had fallen, the weather having been stormy and uncomfortable, and they had traversed a mountainous wilderness for several hundred miles. the leader of the party was of full size, with a hardy, robust, sinewy frame, and keen piercing hazel eyes, that glanced with quickness at every object as they passed on, now cast forward in the direction they were travelling, for signs of an old trail, and in the next moment directed askance into the dense forest or the deep ravine, as if watching some concealed enemy. the reader will recognise in this man, the pioneer boone at the head of his companions." the peculiar character of these men is developed in the fact, that, rapidly descending the western declivity of the mountains, they came to a beautiful meadow upon the banks of a little stream now called red river. here they reared their hut, and here they remained in apparently luxurious idleness all the summer; and here daniel boone remained all of the ensuing winter. their object could scarcely have been to obtain furs, for they could not transport them across the mountains. there were in the vicinity quite a number of salt springs which the animals of the forest frequented in immense numbers. in the brief account which boone gives of these long months, he simply says: "in this forest, the habitation of beasts of every kind natural to america, we practised hunting with great success until the twenty-second day of december following." bears, buffalo and deer were mainly the large game which fell before their rifles. water-fowl, and also land birds of almost every variety, were found in great profusion. it must have been a strange life which these six men experienced during these seven months in the camp on the silent waters of the red river. no indians were seen, and no traces of them were discovered through this period. the hunters made several long excursions in various directions, apparently examining the country in reference to their own final settlement in it, and to the introduction of emigrants from the atlantic border. indeed it has been said that daniel boone was the secret agent of a company on the other side of the mountains, who wished to obtain possession of a large extent of territory for the formation of a colony there. but of this nothing with certainty is known. yet there must have been some strong controlling motive to have induced these men to remain so long in their camp, which consisted simply of a shed of logs, on the banks of this solitary stream. three sides of the hut were enclosed. the interstices between the logs were filled with moss or clay. the roof was also carefully covered with bark, so as to be impervious to rain. the floor was spread over with dry leaves and with the fragrant twigs of the hemlock, presenting a very inviting couch for the repose of weary men. the skins of buffaloes and of bears presented ample covering for their night's repose. the front of the hut, facing the south, was entirely open, before which blazed their camp-fire. here the men seem to have been very happy. the climate was mild; they were friendly to each other; they had good health and abundance of food was found in their camp. on the twenty-second of december, boone, with one of his companions, john stewart, set out on one of their exploring tours. there were parts of the country called cane-brakes, covered with cane growing so thickly together as to be quite impenetrable to the hunter. through portions of these the buffaloes had trampled their way in large companies, one following another, opening paths called _streets_. these streets had apparently been trodden for ages. following these paths, boone and his companion had advanced several miles from their camp, when suddenly a large party of indians sprang from their concealment and seized them both as captives. the action was so sudden that there was no possibility of resistance. in the following words boone describes this event: "this day john stewart and i had a pleasing ramble, but fortune changed the scene in the close of it. we had passed through a great forest, on which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, others rich with fruits. nature was here a series of wonders and a fund of delight. here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully colored, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavored; and we were diverted with innumerable animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view. "in the decline of the day, near kentucky river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a number of indians rushed out upon us from a thick canebrake and made us prisoners. the time of our sorrow was now arrived. they plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with common savage usage." the peculiar character of boone was here remarkably developed. his whole course of life had made him familiar with the manners and customs of the indians. they were armed only with bows and arrows. he had the death-dealing rifle which they knew not how to use. his placid temper was never ruffled by elation in prosperity or despair in adversity. he assumed perfect contentment with his lot, cultivated friendly relations with them, taught them many things they did not know, and aided them in all the ways in his power. his rifle ball would instantly strike down the buffalo, when the arrow of the indian would only goad him to frantic flight. the indians admired the courage of their captive, appreciated his skill, and began to regard him as a friend and a helper. they relaxed their vigilance, while every day they were leading their prisoners far away from their camp into the boundless west. boone was so well acquainted with the indian character as to be well aware that any attempt to escape, if unsuccessful, would cause his immediate death. the indians, exasperated by what they would deem such an insult to their hospitality, would immediately bury the tomahawk in his brain. thus seven days and nights passed away. at the close of each day's travel the indians selected some attractive spot for the night's encampment or bivouac, according to the state of the weather, near some spring or stream. here they built a rousing fire, roasted choice cuts from the game they had taken, and feasted abundantly with jokes and laughter, and many boastful stories of their achievements. they then threw themselves upon the ground for sleep, though some one was appointed to keep a watch over their captives. but deceived by the entire contentment and friendliness, feigned by boone, and by stewart who implicitly followed the counsel of his leader's superior mind, all thoughts of any attempt of their captives to escape soon ceased to influence the savages. on the seventh night after the capture, the indians, gorged with an abundant feast, were all soundly asleep. it was midnight. the flickering fire burned feebly. the night was dark. they were in the midst of an apparently boundless forest. the favorable hour for an attempt to escape had come. but it was full of peril. failure was certain death, for the indians deemed it one of the greatest of all crimes for a captive who had been treated with kindness to attempt to escape. a group of fierce savages were sleeping around, each one of whom accustomed to midnight alarms, was supposed to sleep, to use an expressive phrase, "with one eye open." boone, who had feigned sound slumber, cautiously awoke his companion who was asleep and motioned him to follow. the rustling of a leaf, the crackling of a twig, would instantly cause every savage to grasp his bow and arrow and spring from the ground. fortunately the indians had allowed their captives to retain their guns, which had proved so valuable in obtaining game. with step as light as the fall of a feather these men with moccasined feet crept from the encampment. after a few moments of intense solicitude, they found themselves in the impenetrable gloom of the forest, and their captors still undisturbed. with vastly superior native powers to the indian, and equally accustomed to forest life, boone was in all respects their superior. with the instinct of the bee, he made a straight line towards the encampment they had left, with the locality of which the indians were not acquainted. the peril which menaced them added wings to their flight. it was mid-winter, and though not very cold in that climate, fortunately for them, the december nights were long. six precious hours would pass before the dawn of the morning would struggle through the tree-tops. till then the bewildered indians could obtain no clue whatever to the direction of their flight. carefully guarding against leaving any traces of their footsteps behind them, and watching with an eagle eye lest they should encounter any other band of savages, they pressed forward hour after hour with sinews apparently as tireless as if they had been wrought of iron. when the fugitives reached their camp they found it plundered and deserted. whether the red men had discovered it and carried off their companions as prisoners, or whether the white men in a panic had destroyed what they could not remove and had attempted a retreat to the settlements, was never known. it is probable that in some way they perished in the wilderness, and that their fate is to be added to the thousands of tragedies occurring in this world which no pen has recorded. the intrepid boone and his companion stewart seemed, however, to have no idea of abandoning their encampment. but apprehensive that the indians might have discovered their retreat, they reared a small hut in another spot, still more secret and secure. it is difficult to imagine what motive could have led these two men to remain any longer in these solitudes, five hundred miles from home, exposed to so many privations and to such fearful peril. notwithstanding the utmost care in husbanding their resources, their powder and lead were rapidly disappearing, and there was no more to be obtained in the wilderness. but here they remained a month, doing apparently nothing, but living luxuriously, according to their ideas of good cheer. the explanation is probably to be found in the fascination of this life of a hunter, which once enjoyed, seems almost irresistible, even to those accustomed to all the appliances of a high civilization. a gentleman from new york, who spent a winter among the wild scenes of the rocky mountains, describes in the following graphic language, the effect of these scenes upon his own mind: "when i turned my horse's head from pikes peak, i quite regretted the abandonment of my mountain life, solitary as it was, and more than once thought of again taking the trail to the salado valley, where i enjoyed such good sport. apart from the feeling of loneliness, which anyone in my situation must naturally have experienced, surrounded by the stupendous works of nature, which in all their solitary grandeur frowned upon me, there was something inexpressibly exhilarating in the sensation of positive freedom from all worldly care, and a consequent expansion of the sinews, as it were, of mind and body, which made me feel elastic as a ball of india-rubber, and in such a state of perfect ease, that no more dread of scalping indians entered my mind, than if i had been sitting in broadway, in one of the windows of the astor house. "a citizen of the world, i never found any difficulty in investing my resting place wherever it might be, with the attributes of a home. although liable to the accusation of barbarism, i must confess that the very happiest moments of my life have been spent in the wilderness of the far west. i never recall but with pleasure the remembrance of my solitary camp in the bayou salado, with no friend near me more faithful than my rifle. with a plentiful supply of dry pine logs on the fire, and its cheerful blaze streaming far up into the sky, illuminating the valley far and near, i would sit enjoying the genial warmth, and watch the blue smoke as it curled upward, building castles in its vapory wreaths. scarcely did i ever wish to change such hours of freedom for all the luxuries of civilized life; and, unnatural and extraordinary as it may appear, yet such are the fascinations of the life of the mountain hunter, that i believe that not one instance could be adduced of even the most polished and civilized of men, who had once tasted the sweets of its attendant liberty, and freedom from every worldly care, not regretting to exchange them for the monotonous life of the settlements, and not sighing and sighing again for its pleasures and allurements. "a hunter's camp in the rocky mountains, is quite a picture. it is invariably made in a picturesque locality, for, like the indian, the white hunter has an eye to the beautiful. nothing can be more social and cheering than the welcome blaze of the camp-fire on a cold winter's night, and nothing more amusing or entertaining, if not instructive, than the rough conversation of the simple-minded mountaineers, whose nearly daily task is all of exciting adventure, since their whole existence is spent in scenes of peril and privation. consequently the narration is a tale of thrilling accidents, and hair-breadth escapes, which, though simple matter-of-fact to them, appears a startling romance to those unacquainted with the lives led by those men, who, with the sky for a roof, and their rifles to supply them with food and clothing, call no man lord or master, and are as free as the game they follow." there are many events which occurred in the lives of boone and his companions, which would seem absolutely incredible were they not sustained by evidence beyond dispute. boone and stewart were in a boundless, pathless, wilderness of forests, mountains, rivers and lakes. their camp could not be reached from the settlements, but by a journey of many weeks, apparently without the smallest clue to its location. and yet the younger brother of boone, upon whom had been conferred his father's singular baptismal name of squire, set out with a companion to cross the mountains, in search of daniel. one day in the latter part of january, boone and stewart were quite alarmed in seeing two men approach their camp. they supposed of course that they were indians, and that they were probably followed by a numerous band. escape was impossible. captivity and death seemed certain. but to their surprise and delight, the two strangers proved to be white men; one the brother of daniel boone, and the other a north carolinian who had accompanied him. they brought with them quite a supply of powder and lead; inestimable treasures in the remote wilderness. daniel, in his autobiography, in the following simple strain, alludes to this extraordinary occurrence: "about this time my brother squire boone, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was wandering through the forest, determined to find me if possible, and accidentally found our camp. notwithstanding the unfortunate circumstances of our company, and our dangerous situation as surrounded by hostile savages, our meeting so fortunately in the wilderness made us reciprocally sensible of the utmost satisfaction. so much does friendship triumph over misfortune, that sorrows and sufferings vanish at the meeting, not only of real friends, but of the most distant acquaintances, and substitute happiness in their room." our hardy pioneer, far more familiar with his rifle than his pen, comments as follows on their condition: "we were in a helpless, dangerous situation; exposed daily to perils and death, among savages and wild beasts. not a white man in the country but ourselves. thus situated, many hundred miles from our families, in the howling wilderness, i believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. i often observed to my brother, 'you see how little nature requires to be satisfied. felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts, than in the enjoyment of external things; and i firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. this consists in a full resignation to the will of providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briers and thorns.'" chapter v. _indian warfare._ alleghany ridges.--voyage in a canoe.--speech of logan.--battle at the kanawha.--narrative of francis marion.--important commission of boone.--council at circleville.--treaty of peace.--imlay's description of kentucky.--settlement right.--richard henderson.--boone's letter.--fort at boonesborough. the valley of the clinch river is but one of the many magnificent ravines amid the gigantic ranges of the alleghany mountains. boone, speaking of these ridges which he so often had occasion to cross, says: "these mountains in the wilderness, as we pass from the old settlements in virginia to kentucky, are ranged in a south-west and north-east direction and are of great length and breadth and not far distant from each other. over them nature hath formed passes that are less difficult than might be expected from a view of such huge piles. the aspect of these cliffs is so wild and horrid that it is impossible to behold them without terror. the spectator is apt to imagine that nature has formerly suffered some violent convulsion, and that these are the dismembered remains of the dreadful shock." one cannot but regret that no memorials are left of a wonderful journey, full of romantic interest and exciting adventure, which boone at one time took to the falls of the ohio, to warn some surveyors of their danger. he reached them in safety, rescued them from certain death, and conducted them triumphantly back to the settlements. so long as the white men, with their rifles, could keep upon the open prairie, they could defend themselves from almost any number of indians, who could only assail them with bows and arrows. but the moment they entered the forest, or any ravine among the hills, the little band was liable to hear the war-whoop of a thousand indian braves in the ambush around, and to be assailed by a storm of arrows and javelins from unseen hands. a few days after boone's arrival at the encampment near the falls of the ohio, and as the surveyors were breaking camp in preparation for their precipitate retreat, several of their number who had gone to a spring at a short distance from the camp, were suddenly attacked on the twentieth of july by a large party of indians. one was instantly killed. the rest being nearly surrounded, fled as best they could in all directions. one man hotly pursued, rushed along an indian trail till he reached the ohio river. here he chanced to find a bark canoe. he jumped into it and pushed out into the rapid stream till beyond the reach of the indian arrows. the swift current bore him down the river, by curves and head-lands, till he was far beyond the encampment. [illustration] to return against the strong flood, with the savages watching for him, seemed perilous, if not impossible. it is said that he floated down the whole length of the ohio and of the mississippi, a distance not less probably, counting the curvatures of the stream, than two thousand miles, and finally found his way by sea to philadelphia, probably in some vessel which he encountered near the coast. this is certainly one of the most extraordinary voyages which ever occurred. it was mid-summer, so that he could not suffer from cold. grapes often hung in rich clusters in the forests, which lined the river banks, and various kinds of nutritious berries were easily gathered to satisfy hunger. as these men never went into the forest without the rifle and a supply of ammunition, and as they never lost a bullet by an inaccurate shot, it is not probable that our adventurer suffered from hunger. but the incidents of such a voyage must have been so wonderful, that it is greatly to be regretted that we have no record of them. the apprehensions of lord dunmore, respecting the conspiracy of the indians, proved to have been well founded. though boone, with his great sagacity, led his little band by safe paths back to the settlements, a very fierce warfare immediately blazed forth all along the virginia frontier. this conflict with the indians, very brief and very bloody, is usually called lord dunmore's war. the white men have told the story, and they admit that the war "arose in consequence of cold-blooded murders committed upon inoffensive indians in the region of the upper ohio." one of the provocatives to this war was the assassination by fiendlike white men of the whole family of the renowned indian chief, logan, in the vicinity of the city of wheeling. logan had been the friend of the white man. but exasperated by these outrages, he seized his tomahawk breathing only vengeance. general gibson was sent to one of the shawanese towns to confer with logan and to detach him from the conspiracy against the whites. it was on this occasion that logan made that celebrated speech whose pathetic eloquence will ever move the human heart: "i appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered logan's cabin hungry, and i gave him not meat; if ever he came cold or naked and i gave him not clothing. during the course of the last long and bloody war, logan remained in his tent, an advocate of peace. nay, such was my love for the whites, that those of my own country pointed at me and said, 'logan is the friend of white men.' i had even thought to live with you, but for the injuries of one man. colonel cresap, the last spring, in cool blood and unprovoked, cut off all the relatives of logan, not sparing even my women and children. there runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any human creature. this called on me for revenge. i have killed many. i have fully glutted my vengeance. for my country, i rejoice at the beams of peace. yet do not harbor the thought that mine is the joy of fear. logan never felt fear. he will not turn on his heel to save his life. who is there to mourn for logan?" this war, though it lasted but a few months, was very sanguinary. every exposed point on the extensive virginia frontier was assailed. cabins were burned, harvests were trampled down, cattle driven off, and men, women, and children either butchered or carried into captivity more dreadful than death. the peril was so dreadful that the most extraordinary efforts on the part of the virginian government were requisite to meet it. an army of three thousand men was raised in the utmost haste. this force was in two divisions. one of eleven hundred men rendezvoused in what is now green briar county, and marched down the valley of the great kanawha, to its entrance into the ohio, at a place now named point pleasant. lord dunmore with the remaining nineteen hundred crossed the cumberland mountains to wheeling, and thence descended the ohio in boats, to form a junction with the other party at the mouth of the great kanawha. thence united, they were to march across the country about forty miles due west, to the valley of the scioto. the banks of this lovely stream were lined with indian villages, in a high state of prosperity. corn-fields waved luxuriantly around their humble dwellings. they were living at peace with each other, and relied far more upon the produce of the soil, than upon the chase, for their support. it was the plan of lord dunmore to sweep this whole region with utter desolation, and entirely to exterminate the indians. but the savages did not await his arrival in their own homes. many of them had obtained guns and ammunition from the french in canada, with whom they seem to have lived on the most friendly terms. in a well-ordered army for indian warfare, whose numbers cannot now with certainty be known, they crossed the ohio, below the mouth of the great kanawha, and marching through the forest, in the rear of the hills, fell by surprise very impetuously upon the rear of the encampment at point pleasant. the indians seemed to be fully aware that their only safety was in the energies of desperation. one of the most bloody battles was then fought, which ever occurred in indian warfare. though the virginians with far more potent weapons repelled their assailants, they paid dearly for their victory. two hundred and fifteen of the virginians fell dead or severely wounded beneath the bullets or arrows of their foes. the loss which the savages incurred could never be ascertained with accuracy. it was generally believed that several hundred of their warriors were struck down on that bloody field. the whites, accustomed to indian warfare and skilled in the use of the rifle, scarcely fired a shot which did not reach its mark. in the cautious warfare between the tribes, fighting with arrows from behind trees, the loss of fifteen or twenty warriors was deemed a great calamity. now, to find hundreds of their braves weltering in blood, was awful beyond precedent, and gave them new ideas of the prowess of the white man. in this conflict the indians manifested a very considerable degree of military ability. having constructed a breastwork of logs, behind which they could retreat in case of a repulse, they formed in a long line extending across the point from the kanawha to the ohio. then they advanced in the impetuous attack through the forest, protected by logs, and stumps, and trees. had they succeeded in their assault, there would have been no possible escape for the virginian troops. they must have been annihilated. the indians had assembled on that field nearly all the warriors of four powerful tribes; the shawnee, delaware, mingo and wyandotts. after the repulse, panic-stricken, they fled through the wilderness, unable to make any other stand against their foes. lord dunmore, with his triumphant army flushed with victory and maddened by its serious loss, marched rapidly down the left bank of the ohio, and then crossed into the valley of the scioto to sweep it with flame. we have no account of the details of this cruel expedition, but the following graphic description of a similar excursion into the land belonging to the cherokees, will give one a vivid idea of the nature of these conflicts. the celebrated francis marion, who was an officer in the campaign, and an eye-witness of the scenes which he describes, gives the following narrative of the events which ensued: "now commenced a scene of devastation scarcely paralleled in the annals of this continent. for thirty days the army employed themselves in burning and ravaging the settlements of the broken-spirited indians. no less than fourteen of their towns were laid in ashes; their granaries were yielded to the flames, their corn-fields ravaged, while the miserable fugitives, flying from the sword, took refuge with their starving families among the mountains. as the lands were rich and the season had been favorable, the corn was bending under the double weight of lusty roasting ears and pods and clustering beans. the furrows seemed to rejoice under their precious loads. the fields stood thick with bread. we encamped the first night in the woods near the fields where the whole army feasted on the young corn, which, with fat venison, made a most delicious treat. the next morning, by order of col. grant, we proceeded to burn down the indian cabins. "some of our men seemed to enjoy this cruel work, laughing very heartily at the curling flames as they mounted loud crackling over the tops of the huts. but to me it appeared a shocking sight. 'poor creatures!' thought i, 'we surely need not grudge you such miserable habitations.' but when we came according to orders to cut down the fields of corn, i could scarcely refrain from tears; for who could see the stalks that stood so stately, with broad green leaves and gaily tasseled shocks, filled with the sweet milky flour, the staff of life,--who, i say, could see without grief these sacred plants sinking under our swords with all their precious load, to wither and rot untasted in the fields. "i saw everywhere around the footsteps of little indian children, where they had lately played under shelter of the rustling corn. no doubt they had often looked up with joy to the swelling shocks, and were gladdened when they thought of the abundant cakes for the coming winter. 'when we are gone,' thought i, 'they will return, and peeping through the weeds, with tearful eyes, will mark the ghastly ruin poured over their homes and the happy fields where they had so often played.'" such was life among the comparatively intelligent tribes in the beautiful and fertile valley of the scioto. such was the scene of devastation, or of "punishing the indians," as it was called, upon which lord dunmore's army entered, intending to sweep the valley with fire and sword from its opening at the ohio to its head waters leagues away in the north. in this campaign the indians, while with much sagacity they combined their main force to encounter the army under lord dunmore, detached separate bands of picked warriors to assail the settlements on the frontier at every exposed point. these bands of painted savages, emerging from the solitudes of the forests at midnight, would fall with hideous yells upon the lone cabin of the settler, or upon a little cluster of log huts, and in a few hours nothing would be left but smouldering ruins and gory corpses. to daniel boone, who had manifested wonderful skill in baffling all the stratagems of indian warfare, was assigned the difficult and infinitely important task of protecting these frontiers. three garrisons were placed under his command, over which he exercised supreme control. he located them at the most available points; noiselessly passed from one to the other to see that they were fortified according to the most approved principles of military engineering then known in the forest. his scouts were everywhere, to give prompt notice of any approach of hostile bands. thus this quiet, silent man, with great efficiency, fulfilled his mission to universal satisfaction. without seeking fame, without thinking even of such a reward for his services, his sagacity and his virtues were rapidly giving him a very enviable reputation throughout all those regions. the discomfited indians had become thoroughly disheartened, and sent couriers to lord dunmore imploring peace. comstock, their chief, seems to have been a man not only of strong native powers of mind, but of unusual intelligence. with quite a brilliant retinue of his warriors, he met lord dunmore in council at a point in the valley of the scioto, about four miles south of the present city of circleville. comstock himself opened the deliberations with a speech of great dignity and argumentative power. in a loud voice, which was heard, as he intended, by all in the camp, he portrayed the former prosperous condition of the indian tribes, powerful in numbers and abounding in wealth, in the enjoyment of their rich corn-fields, and their forests filled with game. with this he contrasted very forcibly their present wretched condition, with diminished numbers, and with the loss of their hunting grounds. he reproached the whites with the violation of their treaty obligations, and declared that the indians had been forbearing in the extreme under the wrongs which had been inflicted upon them. "we know," said he, "perfectly well, our weakness when compared with the english. the indians desire only justice. the war was not sought by us, but was forced upon us. it was commenced by the whites. we should have merited the contempt of every white man could we have tamely submitted to the murders which have been inflicted upon our unoffending people at the hands of the white men." the power was with lord dunmore. in the treaty of peace he exacted terms which, though very hard for the indians, were perhaps not more than he had a right to require. the indians surrendered four of their principal warriors as hostages for the faithful observance of the treaty. they relinquished all claims whatever to the vast hunting grounds which their bands from time immemorial had ranged south of the ohio river. this was an immense concession. lord dunmore returned across the mountains well satisfied with his campaign, though his soldiers were excited almost to mutiny in not being permitted to wreak their vengeance upon the unhappy savages. and here let it be remarked, that deeply wronged as these indians unquestionably were, there was not a little excuse for the exasperation of the whites. fiends incarnate could not have invented more terrible tortures than they often inflicted upon their captives. we have no heart to describe these scenes. they are too awful to be contemplated. in view of the horrid barbarity thus practised, it is not strange that the english should have wished to shoot down the whole race, men, women, and children, as they would exterminate wolves or bears. this campaign being thus successfully terminated, daniel boone returned to his humble cabin on the clinch river. here he had a small and fertile farm, which his energetic family had successfully cultivated during the summer, and he spent the winter months in his favorite occupation of hunting in the forests around. his thoughtful mind, during these long and solitary rambles, was undoubtedly occupied with plans for the future. emigration to his beautiful kentucky was still his engrossing thought. it is not wonderful that a man of such fearless temperament, and a natural turn of mind so poetic and imaginative, should have been charmed beyond expression by a realm whose attractions he had so fully experienced. that the glowing descriptions of boone and finley were not exaggerated, is manifest from the equally rapturous account of others who now began to explore this favored land. imlay writes of that region: "everything here assumes a dignity and splendor i have never seen in any other part of the world. you ascend a considerable distance from the shores of the ohio, and when you would suppose you had arrived at the summit of a mountain, you find yourself upon an extensive level. here an eternal verdure reigns, and the brilliant sun of latitude degrees, piercing through the azure heavens, produces in this prolific soil an early maturity which is truly astonishing. flowers full and perfect, as if they had been cultivated by the hand of a florist, with all their captivating odors, and with all the variegated charms which color and nature can produce, here in the lap of elegance and beauty, decorate the smiling groves. soft zephyrs gently breathe on sweets, and the inhaled air gives a glow of health and vigor that seems to ravish the intoxicated senses." the virginian government now resolved to pour a tide of emigration into these as yet unexplored realms, south of the ohio. four hundred acres of land were offered to every individual who would build a cabin, clear a lot of land, and raise a crop of corn. this was called a settlement right. it was not stated how large the clearing should be, or how extensive the corn-field. several settlements were thus begun in kentucky, when there was a new and extraordinary movement which attracted universal attention. a very remarkable man, named richard henderson, appeared in north carolina. emerging from the humblest walks of life, and unable even to read until he had obtained maturity, he developed powers of conversational eloquence and administrative ability of the highest order. the cherokee indians claimed the whole country bounded by the kentucky, the ohio, and the cumberland rivers, and we know not how much more territory extending indefinitely to the south and west. colonel henderson formed an association of gentlemen, which he called the transylvania company. making a secret journey to the cherokee country, he met twelve hundred chiefs in council, and purchased of them the whole territory, equal to some european kingdoms, bounded by the above mentioned rivers. for this realm, above a hundred miles square, he paid the insignificant sum of ten wagon loads of cheap goods, with a few fire-arms and some spirituous liquors. mr. henderson, to whom the rest of the company seemed to have delegated all their powers, now assumed the position of proprietor, governor, and legislator of his magnificent domain, which he called transylvania. it seems that boone accompanied colonel henderson to the council of the cherokee chieftains which was held at wataga, the southern branch of the holston river. boone had explored nearly the whole of this region, and it was upon his testimony that the company relied in endeavoring to purchase these rich and fertile lands. indeed, as we have before intimated, it has been said that boone in his wonderful and perilous explorations was the agent of this secret company. no treaties with the indians were sure of general acquiescence. there were always discontented chieftains; there were almost always conflicting claims of hostile tribes; there were always wandering tribes of hunters and of warriors, who, exasperated by the treatment which they had received from vagabond white men, were ever ready to wreak their vengeance upon any band of emigrants they might encounter. colonel henderson's treaty was made in the month of march, . with characteristic vigor, he immediately made preparations for the settlement of the kingdom of which he was the proud monarch. the first thing to be done was to mark out a feasible path through which emigrants might pass, without losing their way, over the mountains and through the wilderness, to the heart of this new eden. of all the men in the world, daniel boone was the one to map out this route of five hundred miles. he took with him a company of road-makers, and in a few months opened a path which could be traversed by pack-horses, and even by wagons to a place called boonesville on the kentucky river, within about thirty miles of the present site of lexington. the indian hunters and warriors, notwithstanding the treaties into which the chieftains of the north and the south had entered, watched the construction of this road with great solicitude. they knew full well that it would ere long secure their expulsion from their ancient hunting grounds. though no general warfare was organized by the tribes, it was necessary to be constantly on the watch against lawless bands, who were determined to harass the pioneers in every possible way. in the following letter boone communicated to colonel henderson the hostility which they had, perhaps unexpectedly, encountered. it was dated the first of april, and was sent back by a courier through the woods: "dear colonel,-- "after my compliments to you, i shall acquaint you with my misfortunes. on march the twenty-fifth, a party of indians fired on my company about half an hour before day, and killed mr. twitty and his negro, and wounded mr. walker very deeply; but i hope he will recover. on march the twenty-eighth, as we were hunting for provisions, we found samuel tale's son who gave us an account that the indians fired on their camp on the twenty-seventh day. my brother and i went down and found two men killed and scalped, thomas mcdowell and jeremiah mcpeters. i have sent a man down to all the lower companies, in order to gather them all to the mouth of the otter creek. my advice to you, sir, is to come or send as soon as possible. your company is desired greatly, for the people are very uneasy, but are willing to stay and venture their lives with you. and now is the time to frustrate their (the indians) intentions, and keep the country while we are in it. if we give way to them now, it will ever be the case. this day we start from the battle ground to the mouth of otter creek, where we shall immediately erect a fort, which will be done before you can come or send. then we can send ten men to meet you, if you send for them. "i am, sir, your most obedient servant, "daniel boone." boone immediately commenced upon the left bank of the kentucky river, which here ran in a westerly direction, the erection of a fort. their position was full of peril, for the road-makers were but few in number, and indian warriors to the number of many hundreds might at any time encircle them. many of these indians had also obtained muskets from the french in canada, and had become practiced marksmen. nearly three months were busily occupied in the construction of this important fort. fortunately we have a minute description of its structure, and a sketch of its appearance, either from the pencil of colonel henderson, or of some one in his employ. the fort or fortress consisted of a series of strong log huts, enclosing a large interior or square. the parallelogram was about two hundred and sixty feet in length and one hundred and fifty in breadth. these cabins, built of logs, were bullet-proof. the intervals between them were filled with stout pieces of timber, about twelve feet high, planted firmly in the ground, in close contact with each other, and sharpened at the top. the fort was built close to the river, with one of its angles almost overhanging the water, so that an abundant supply could be obtained without peril. each of the corner houses projected a little, so that from the port-holes any indian could be shot who should approach the walls with ladder or hatchet. this really artistic structure was not completed until the fourteenth day of june. the indians from a distance watched its progress with dismay. they made one attack, but were easily repelled, though they succeeded in shooting one of the emigrants. daniel boone contemplated the fortress on its completion with much satisfaction. he was fully assured that behind its walls and palisades bold hearts, with an ample supply of ammunition, could repel any assaults which the indians were capable of making. he now resolved immediately to return to clinch river, and bring his family out to share with him his new and attractive home. chapter vi. _sufferings of the pioneers._ emigration to boonesborough.--new perils.--transylvania company.--beneficence of its laws.--interesting incident.--infamous conduct of great britain.--attack on the fort.--reinforcements.--simon kenton and his sufferings.--mrs. harvey. the fortress at boonesborough consisted of ten strong log huts arranged in a quadrangular form, enclosing an area of about one-third of an acre. the intervals, as before stated, between the huts, were filled with strong palisades of timber, which, like the huts themselves, were bullet-proof. the outer sides of the cabins, together with the palisades, formed the sides of the fort exposed to the foe. each of these cabins was about twenty feet in length and twelve or fifteen in breadth. there were two entrance gates opposite each other, made of thick slabs of timber, and hung on wooden hinges. the forest, which was quite dense, had been cut away to such a distance as to expose an assailing party to the bullets of the garrison. as at that time the indians were armed mainly with bows and arrows, a few men fully supplied with ammunition within the fort could bid defiance to almost any number of savages. and subsequently, as the indians obtained fire-arms, they could not hope to capture the fort without a long siege, or by assailing it with a vastly overwhelming superiority of numbers. the accompanying illustration will give the reader a very correct idea of this renowned fortress of logs, which was regarded as the gibraltar of indian warfare. having finished this fort daniel boone, leaving a sufficient garrison for its security, set out for his home on the clinch river to bring his wife and family to the beautiful land he so long had coveted for their residence. it seems that his wife and daughters were eager to follow their father to the banks of the kentucky, whose charms he had so glowingly described to them. several other families were also induced to join the party of emigration. they could dwell together in a very social community and in perfect safety in the spacious cabins within the fortress. the river would furnish them with an unfailing supply of water. the hunters, with their rifles, could supply them with game, and with those rifles could protect themselves while laboring in the fields, which with the axe they had laid open to the sun around the fort. the hunters and the farmers at night returning within the enclosure, felt perfectly safe from all assaults. daniel boone commenced his journey with his wife and children, and others who joined them, back to boonesborough in high spirits. it was a long journey of several hundred miles, and to many persons it would seem a journey fraught with great peril, for they were in danger almost every mile of the way, of encountering hostile indians. but boone, accustomed to traversing the wilderness, and accompanied by well armed men, felt no more apprehensions of danger than the father of a family would at the present day in traveling by cars from massachusetts to pennsylvania. it was beautiful autumnal weather when the party of pioneers commenced its adventurous tour through the wilderness, to find a new home five hundred miles beyond even the remotest frontiers of civilization. there were three families besides that of boone, and numbered in all twenty-six men, four women, and four or five boys and girls of various ages. daniel boone was the happy leader of this heroic little band. in due time they all arrived safely at boonesborough "without having encountered," as boone writes, "any other difficulties than such as are common to this passage." as they approached the fort, boone and his family, for some unexplained reason, pressed forward, and entered the fortress a few days in advance of the rest of the party. perhaps boone himself had a little pride to have it said, that mrs. boone and her daughter were the first of her color and sex that ever stood upon the banks of the wild and beautiful kentucky. a few days after their arrival, the emigrants had a very solemn admonition of the peril which surrounded them, and of the necessity of constant vigilance to guard against a treacherous and sleepless foe. one of their number who had sauntered but a short distance from the fort, lured by the combined beauty of the field, the forest and the river, was shot by a prowling indian, who, raising the war-whoop of exultation and defiance, immediately disappeared in the depths of the wilderness. colonel henderson and his partners, anxious to promote the settlement of the country, by organising parties of emigration, were busy in making known through the settlements the absolute security of the fort at boonesborough, and the wonderful attractions of the region, in soil, climate, and abounding game. henderson himself soon started with a large party, forty of whom were well armed. a number of pack-horses conveyed the luggage of the emigrants. following the very imperfect road that boone with much skill had engineered, which was quite tolerable for pack-horses in single file, they reached boonesborough early in the following spring. the transylvania company was in the full flush of successful experiment. small parties of emigrants were constantly arriving. boonesborough was the capital of the colony. various small settlements were settled in its vicinity. colonel henderson opened a land office there, and in the course of a few months, over half a million of acres were entered, by settlers or speculators. these men did not purchase the lands outright, but bound themselves to pay a small but perpetual rent. the titles, which they supposed to be perfectly good, were given in the name of the "proprietors of the colony of transylvania, in america." soon four settlements were organised called boonesborough, harrodsburg, boiling spring, and st. asaph. colonel henderson, on the twenty-third of may, , as president or rather sovereign of this extraordinary realm, summoned a legislature consisting of delegates from this handful of pioneers, to meet at his capital, boonesborough. henderson presided. daniel and his brother squire were delegates from boonesborough. a clergyman, the reverend john leythe, opened the session with prayer. colonel henderson made a remarkable and admirable speech. this extraordinary legislature represented only a constituency of one hundred and fifty souls. but the colonel presented to them very clearly the true republican principle of government. he declared that the only legitimate source of political power is to be found in the will of the people, and added: "if any doubts remain among you with respect to the force and efficiency of whatever laws you now or hereafter make, be pleased to consider that all power is originally in the people. make it their interest, therefore, by impartial and beneficent laws, and you may be sure of their inclination to see them enforced." rumors of these extraordinary proceedings reached the ears of lord dunmore. he considered the whole region of kentucky as included in the original grant of virginia, and that the government of virginia alone had the right to extinguish the indian title to any of those lands. he therefore issued a proclamation, denouncing in the severest terms the "unlawful proceedings of one richard henderson and other disorderly persons, his associates." the legislature continued in session but three days, and honored itself greatly by its energetic action, and by the character of the laws which it inaugurated. one bill was introduced for preserving game; another for improving the breed of their horses; and it is worthy of especial record that a law was passed prohibiting profane swearing and sabbath breaking. the moral sense of these bold pioneers was shocked at the desecration of the creator's name among their sublime solitudes. the controversy between the transylvania company and the government of virginia was short but very sharp. virginia could then very easily send an army of several thousand men to exterminate the kentucky colony. a compromise was the result. the title of henderson was declared "null and void." but he received in compensation a grant of land on the ohio, about twelve miles square, below the mouth of green river. virginia assumed that the indian title was entirely extinguished, and the region called transylvania now belonged without encumbrance to the old dominion. still the tide of emigration continued to flow into this beautiful region. among others came the family of colonel calloway, consisting of his wife and two daughters. for a long time no indians had been seen in the vicinity of boonesborough. no one seemed to apprehend the least danger from them, and the people in the fort wandered about as freely as if no foe had ever excited their fears. an accident occurred which sent a tremor of dismay through the whole colony, and which we will describe as related to the intelligent historian, peck, from the lips of one of the parties, who experienced all the terrors of the scene: "on the fourteenth of july, , betsey calloway, her sister frances, and jemima boone, a daughter of daniel boone, the two last about fourteen years of age, carelessly crossed the river opposite boonesborough in a canoe, at a late hour in the afternoon. the trees and shrubs on the opposite bank were thick, and came down to the water's edge. the girls, unconscious of danger, were playing and splashing the water with their paddles, until the canoe floating with the current, drifted near the shore. five stout indians lay there concealed, one of whom, noiseless and stealthy as the serpent, crawled down the bank until he reached the rope that hung from the bow, turned its course up the stream, and in a direction to be hidden from the view of the fort. the loud shrieks of the captured girls were heard, but too late for their rescue. "the canoe, their only means of crossing, was on the opposite shore, and none dared to risk the chance of swimming the river, under the impression that a large body of savages was concealed in the woods. boone and calloway were both absent, and night came on before arrangements could be made for their pursuit. next morning by daylight we were on the track, and found they had prevented our following them by walking some distance apart through the thickest canes they could find. we observed their course, and on which side they had left their sign and traveled upwards of thirty miles. we then imagined they would be less cautious in traveling, and made a turn in order to cross their trace, and had gone but a few miles when we found their tracks in a buffalo path. we pursued and overtook them on going about ten miles, as they were kindling a fire to cook. [illustration] "our study had been more to get the prisoners without giving the indians time to murder them, after they discovered us, than to kill them. we discovered each other nearly at the same time. four of us fired, and all of us rushed on them, which prevented them from carrying away anything, except one shot-gun without ammunition. mr. boone and myself had a pretty fair shoot, just as they began to move off. i am well convinced i shot one through, and the one he shot dropped his gun. mine had none. the place was very thick with canes, and being so much elated on recovering the three broken-hearted girls, prevented our making further search. we sent them off without their mocassins, and not one of them with so much as a knife or a tomahawk." the indians seemed to awake increasingly to the consciousness that the empire of the white man in their country could only exist upon the ruins of their own. they divided themselves into several parties, making incessant attacks upon the forts, and prowling around to shoot every white man who could be found within reach of their bullets. they avoided all open warfare, and fought only when they could spring from an ambush, or when protected by a stump, a rock, or a tree. an indian would conceal himself in the night behind a stump, shoot the first one who emerged from the fort in the morning, and then with a yell disappear in the recesses of the forest. the cattle could scarcely appear for an hour to graze beyond the protection of the fort, without danger of being struck down by the bullet of an unseen foe. the war of the american revolution was just commencing. dreadfully it added to the perils of these distant emigrants. the british government, with infamy which can never be effaced from her records, called in to her aid the tomahawk and the scalping knife of the savage. the indian alone in his wild and merciless barbarity, was terrible enough. but when he appeared as the ally of a powerful nation, guided in his operations by the wisdom of her officers, and well provided with guns, powder, and bullets from inexhaustible resources, the settler had indeed reason to tremble. the winter of and was gloomy beyond expression. the indians were hourly becoming more bold. their predatory bands were wandering in all directions, and almost every day came fraught with tidings of outrage or massacre. the whole military force of the colony was but about one hundred men. three hundred of the pioneers, dismayed by the cloud of menace, every hour growing blacker, had returned across the moutains. there were but twenty-two armed men left in the fort at boonesborough. the dismal winter passed slowly away, and the spring opened replete with nature's bloom and beauty, but darkened by the depravity of man. on the fifteenth of april, a band of a hundred howling indians appeared in the forest before boonesborough. with far more than their ordinary audacity, they rushed from their covert upon the fort. had they been acquainted with the use of scaling ladders, by attacking at different points, they might easily, by their superior numbers, have carried the place by storm. but fortunately the savages had but little military science, and when once repulsed, would usually retreat in dismay. the garrison, behind their impenetrable logs, took deliberate aim, and every bullet killed or wounded some indian warrior. the savages fought with great bravery, and succeeded in killing one man in the garrison. dismayed by the slaughter which they were encountering, they fled, taking their dead and wounded with them. but so fully were they conscious, that would they retain their own supremacy in the wilderness, they must exterminate the white man, that their retreat was only in preparation for a return with accumulated numbers. an intelligent historian writes: "daniel boone appears before us in these exciting times the central figure towering like a colossus amid that hardy band of pioneers who opposed their breasts to the shock of the struggle which gave a terrible significance and a crimson hue to the history of the old dark and bloody ground." the indians were scattered everywhere in desperate bands. forty men were sent from north carolina and a hundred from virginia, under colonel bowman, to strengthen the feeble settlements. the latter party arrived on the twentieth of august, . there were at that time skirmishes with the indians almost every day at some point. the pioneers within their log-houses, or behind their palisades, generally repelled these assaults with but little loss to themselves and not often inflicting severe injury to the wary savages. in the midst of these constant conflicts and dangers, the winter months passed drearily away. boonesborough was constantly menaced and frequently attacked. in a diary kept within the fort we find the following entries: "_may ._--a large party of indians attacked boonesborough fort. kept a warm fire till eleven o'clock at night. began it next morning, and kept a warm fire till midnight. attempting several times to burn the fort. three of our men were wounded, but not mortally. "_may th._--a party went out to hunt indians. one wounded squire boone, and escaped." very cruel warfare was now being waged by the majestic power of great britain to bring the revolted colonies back to subjection to their laws. as we have mentioned they called into requisition on their side the merciless energies of the savage, openly declaring to the world that they were justified in making use of whatever weapons god and nature might place in their hands. from the strong british garrisons at detroit, vincennes and kaskaskia, the indians were abundantly supplied with rifles, powder and bullets, and were offered liberal rewards for such prisoners, and even scalps, as they might bring in. the danger which threatened these settlements in kentucky was now such as might cause the stoutest heart to quail. the savage had been adopted as an ally by the most wealthy and powerful nation upon the globe. his marauding bands were often guided by the intelligence of british officers. boone organized what might be called a corps of explorers to go out two and two, penetrating the wilderness with extreme caution, in all directions, to detect any indication of the approach of the indians. one of these explorers, simon kenton, acting under the sagacious counsel of colonel boone, had obtained great and deserved celebrity as among the most heroic of the remarkable men who laid the foundation of the state of kentucky. it would be difficult to find in any pages of romance incidents of more wonderful adventure, or of more dreadful suffering, or stories of more miraculous escape, than were experienced by this man. several times he was taken captive by the indians, and though treated with great inhumanity, succeeded in making his escape. the following incident in his life, occurring about this time, gives one a very vivid picture of the nature of this warfare with the indians: "colonel bowman sent simon kenton with two other men, montgomery and clark, on an exploring tour. approaching an indian town very cautiously in the night, on the north side of the ohio river, they found a number of indian horses in an enclosure. a horse in the wilderness was one of the most valuable of prizes. they accordingly each mounted an animal, and not daring to leave any behind, which would aid the indians to pursue them, by hastily constructed halters they led the rest. the noise which the horses made awoke the indians, and the whole village was at once in a state of uproar. the mounted adventurers dashed through the woods and were soon beyond the reach of the shouts and the yells which they left behind them. they knew, however, full well that the swift-footed indian warriors would be immediately on their trail. without a moment's rest they rode all night, the next day and the next night, and on the morning of the second day reached the banks of the ohio river. the flood of that majestic stream flowed broad and deep before them, and its surface was lashed into waves by a very boisterous wind. the horses could not swim across in such a gale, but their desire to retain the invaluable animals was so great that they resolved to wait upon the banks until sunset, when they expected the wind to abate. having been so well mounted and having such a start of the indians, they did not suppose it possible that their pursuers could overtake them before that time. "night came, but with it an increase of the fury of the gale, and the stream became utterly impassable. early in the morning kenton, who was separated from his companions, observed three indians and a white man, well mounted, rapidly approaching. raising his rifle, he took steady aim at the breast of the foremost indian, and pulled the trigger. the powder flashed in the pan. kenton took to his heels, but was soon overtaken and captured. the indians seemed greatly exasperated at the loss of their horses. one seized him by the hair and shook his head 'till his teeth rattled.' the others scourged him severely with their ramrods over the head and face, exclaiming at every blow, 'steal indian hoss, hey!' "just then kenton saw montgomery coming boldly to his assistance. instantly two indian rifles were discharged, and montgomery fell dead. his bloody scalp was waved in the face of kenton, with menaces of a similar fate. clark had sought safety in flight. kenton was thrown upon the ground upon his back. his neck was fastened by a halter to a sapling; his arms, extended to their full length, were pinioned to the earth by stakes; his feet were fastened in a similar manner. a stout stick was passed across his breast, and so attached to the earth that he could not move his body. all this was done in the most violent and cruel manner, accompanied by frequent cuffs, and blows, as the maddened indians called him in the broken english which they had acquired, 'a tief, a hoss steal, a rascal,' which expressions the indians had learned to intersperse with english oaths. "in this condition of suffering kenton remained through the day and through the night. the next morning the savages having collected their scattered horses, put kenton upon a young colt, tied his hands behind him and his feet beneath the horse's belly, and set out on their return. the country was rough and kenton could not at all protect himself from the brambles through which they passed. thus they rode all day. when night came, their prisoner was bound to the earth as before. the next day they reached the indian village, which was called chilicothe, on the miami river, forty or fifty miles west of the present city of chilicothe, ohio. a courier was sent forward, to inform the village of their arrival. every man, woman and child came running out, to view the prisoner. one of their chiefs, blackfish, approached kenton with a strong hickory switch in his hand, and addressing him said, "'you have been stealing our horses, have you?' "'yes,' was the defiant reply. "'did colonel boone,' inquired the chief, 'tell you to steal our horses?' "'no,' said kenton, 'i did it of my own accord.' "blackfish then with brawny arms so mercilessly applied the scourge to the bare head and shoulders of his prisoner, as to cause the blood to flow freely, and to occasion the acutest pain. "in the mean time the whole crowd of men, women and children danced and hooted and clapped their hands, assailing him with the choicest epithets of indian vituperation. with loud cries they demanded that he should be tied to the stake, that they might all enjoy the pleasure of tormenting him. a stake was immediately planted in the ground, and he was firmly fastened to it. his entire clothing was torn from him, mainly by the indian women. the whole party then danced around him until midnight, yelling in the most frantic manner, smiting him with their hands and lacerating his flesh with their switches. "at midnight they released him from the stake, and allowed him some little repose, in preparation for their principal amusement in the morning, of having their prisoner run the gauntlet. three hundred indians of all ages and both sexes were assembled for the savage festival. the indians were ranged in two parallel lines, about six feet apart, all armed with sticks, hickory rods, whips, and other means of inflicting torture. between these lines, for more than half a mile to the village, the wretched prisoner was doomed to run for his life, exposed to such injury as his tormentors could inflict as he passed. if he succeeded in reaching the council-house alive, it would prove an asylum to him for the present. "at a given signal, kenton started in the perilous race; exerting his utmost strength and activity, he passed swiftly along the line, receiving numerous blows, stripes, buffets, and wounds, until he approached the town, near which he saw an indian leisurely awaiting his advance, with a drawn knife in his hand, intent upon his death. "to avoid him, he instantly broke through the line, and made his rapid way towards the council-house, pursued by the promiscuous crowd, whooping and yelling like infernal furies at his heels. entering the town in advance of his pursuers, just as he supposed the council-house within his reach, an indian was perceived leisurely approaching him with his blanket wrapped around him; but suddenly he threw off the blanket and sprung upon kenton as he advanced. exhausted with fatigue and wounds, he was thrown to the ground, and in a moment he was beset with crowds, eager to inflict upon him the kick or blow which had been avoided by breaking through the line. here beaten, kicked and scourged, until he was nearly lifeless, he was left to die."[b] [footnote b: macdonald's sketches.] a few hours afterwards he was supplied with food and water, and was suffered to recuperate for a few days, until he was enabled to attend at the council-house, and receive the announcement of his final doom. it was here decided that he should be made a public sacrifice to the vengeance of the nation. the indian town of wappatomica, upon the present site of zanesville, ohio, was the appointed place of his execution. being in a state of utter exhaustion his escape was deemed impossible, and he was carelessly guarded. in despair he attempted it. he was promptly recaptured and punished by being taken to a neighboring creek where he was dragged through mud and water, till life was nearly extinct. still his constitutional vigor triumphed, and he revived. wappatomica was a british trading post. here kenton met an old comrade, simon girty, who had become a renegade, had joined the indians, and had so adopted their dress and manners as hardly to be distinguished from his savage associates. girty cautiously endeavored to save the condemned prisoner. he represented to the band that it would be of great advantage to them to have possession of one so intimately acquainted with all the white settlements and their resources. a respite was granted. another council was held. the spirit of indian revenge prevailed. kenton was again doomed to death, to be preceded by the terrible ordeal of running the gauntlet. but a british officer, influenced by the persuasions of the indian chief logan, the friend of the white man, urged upon the indian chiefs that the british officers at detroit would regard the possession of kenton, with the information he had at his command, as a great acquisition, and that they would pay for him a ransom of at least one hundred dollars. they took him to detroit; the ransom was paid, and kenton became the prisoner of the british officers, instead of the savage chieftains. still he was a prisoner, though treated with ordinary humanity, and was allowed the liberty of the town. there were two other american captives there, captain nathan bullit and jesse coffer. escape seemed impossible, as it could only be effected through a wilderness four hundred miles in extent, crowded with wandering indian bands, where they would be imminently exposed to recapture, or to death by starvation. simon kenton was a very handsome man. he won the sympathies of a very kind english woman, mrs. harvey, the wife of one of the traders at the post. she secretly obtained for him and his two companions, and concealed in a hollow tree, powder, lead, moccasins, and a quantity of dried beef. one dark night, when the indians were engaged in a drunken bout, she met kenton in the garden and handed him three of the best rifles, which she had selected from those stacked near the house. the biographer of these events writes: "when a woman engages to do an action, she will risk limb, life or character, to serve him whom she respects or wishes to befriend. how differently the same action would be viewed by different persons! by kenton and his friends her conduct was viewed as the benevolent conduct of a good angel; while if the part she played in behalf of kenton and his companions had been known to the commander at detroit, she would have been looked upon as a traitress, who merited the scorn and contempt of all honest citizens. this night was the last that kenton ever saw or heard of her." our fugitives traveled mostly by night, guided by the stars. after passing through a series of wonderful adventures, which we have not space here to record, on the thirty-third day of their escape, they reached the settlement at the falls of the ohio, now louisville. during the rest of the war, kenton was a very active partisan. he died in the year , over eighty years of age, having been for more than a quarter of a century an honored member of the methodist church. chapter vii. _life in the wilderness._ stewart killed by the indians.--squire boone returns to the settlements.--solitary life of daniel boone.--return of squire boone.--extended and romantic explorations.--charms and perils of the wilderness.--the emigrant party.--the fatal ambuscade.--retreat of the emigrants.--solitude of the wilderness.--expedition of lewis and clarke.--extraordinary adventures of cotter. there were now four hungry men to occupy the little camp of our bold adventurers. they do not seem to have been conscious of enduring any hardships. the winter was mild. their snug tent furnished perfect protection from wind and rain. with abundant fuel, their camp-fire ever blazed brightly. still it was necessary for them to be diligent in hunting, to supply themselves with their daily food. bread, eggs, milk, butter, sugar, and even salt, were articles of which they were entirely destitute. one day, not long after the arrival of squire boone, daniel boone, with his companion stewart, was a long distance from the camp, hunting. suddenly the terrible war-whoop of the indians resounded from a thicket, and a shower of arrows fell around them. stewart, pierced by one of these deadly missiles, fell mortally wounded. a sturdy savage sprang from the ambuscade upon his victim, and with a yell buried a tomahawk in his brain. then, grasping with one hand the hair on the top of his head, he made a rapid circular cut with his gleaming knife, and tore off the scalp, leaving the skull bare. the revolting deed was done quicker than it can be described. shaking the bloody trophy in his hand, he gave a whoop of exultation which echoed far and wide through the solitudes of the forest. boone, swift of foot as the antelope, escaped and reached the camp with the sad tidings of the death of his companion, and of the presence, in their immediate vicinity, of hostile indians. this so affrighted the north carolinian who had come with squire boone, that he resolved upon an immediate return to the yadkin. he set out alone, and doubtless perished by the way, as he was never heard of again. a skeleton, subsequently found in the wilderness, was supposed to be the remains of the unfortunate hunter. he probably perished through exhaustion, or by the arrow or tomahawk of the savage. the two brothers, daniel and squire, were now left entirely alone. they selected a favorable spot in a wild ravine where they would be the least likely to be discovered by hunting bands, and built for themselves a snug and comfortable log-house, in which they would be more effectually sheltered from the storms and cold of winter, and into which they moved from their open camp. here they remained, two loving brothers of congenial tastes, during the months of january, february, march and april. solitary as their life must have been probably, every hour brought busy employment. each day's food was to be obtained by the rifle. wood was to be procured for their fire. all their clothing, from the cap to the moccasin, was to be fashioned by their own hands from the skin of the deer, which they had carefully tanned into pliancy and softness; and there were to be added to their cabin many conveniences which required much ingenuity with knife and hatchet for their only tools, and with neither nail nor screw for their construction. in addition to this they were under the necessity of being ever on the alert to discover indications of the approach of the indians. the winter passed away, not only undisturbed, but evidently very happily. it is remarkable that their retreat was not discovered by any of the indian bands, who in pursuit of game were constantly roving over those rich hunting grounds. as summer's warmth returned, squire boone decided to retrace his steps to the yadkin, to carry to his brother's family news of his safety, and to obtain much needed supplies of powder and of lead. there is no satisfactory explanation of the motives which could have induced daniel, after the absence of a year from his home, to remain alone in that solitary cabin. in his autobiography he has assigned no reason for the extraordinary decision. one of the most judicious of his biographers makes the following statement which by no means solves the mystery: "when the spring came it was time for another movement. the spring came early, and the awaking to its foliage seemed like the passing from night to the day. the game had reduced their powder and lead, and without these there was no existence to the white man. again daniel boone rises to the emergency. it was necessary that the settlement which they had made should be continued and protected, and it was the duty in the progress of events that one of them should remain to that task. he made the selection and chose himself. he had the courage to remain alone. and while he felt the keenest desire to see his own family, he felt that he had a noble purpose to serve and was prepared for it."[c] [footnote c: life of boone, by w. h. bogart.] daniel boone, in his quaint autobiography, in the following terms alludes to the departure of his brother and his own solitary mode of life during the three months of his brother's absence: "on the first day of may, , my brother returned home to the settlement by himself for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself without bread, salt or sugar, without company of my fellow creatures, or even a horse or dog. i confess i never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. a few days i passed uncomfortably. the idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety on account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. a thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly exposed me to melancholy if further indulged. "one day i took a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature i met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. just at the close of the day the gentle gales retired and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. i had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and looking around with astonishing delight beheld the ample plain, the beauteous tracts below. on the other hand i surveyed the famous river ohio, that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of kentucky, with inconceivable grandeur. at a vast distance i beheld the mountains lift their venerable heads and penetrate the clouds. "i kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck. the fallen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gape after the hovering moisture. my roving excursion this day had fatigued my body and diverted my imagination. i laid me down to sleep, and i woke not until the sun had chased away the night. i continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. i returned to my old camp which was not disturbed in my absence. i did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick cane brakes, to avoid the savages, who i believe often visited it, but, fortunately for me, in my absence. "in this situation i was constantly exposed to danger and death. how unhappy such a condition for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes; and if it does, only augments the pain! it was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which i had the greatest reason to be affected. the prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings, and the various species of animals in this vast forest, in the day-time were continually in my view. thus i was surrounded with plenty in the midst of want. i was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. in such a diversity it was impossible i should be disposed to melancholy. no populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind, as the beauties of nature i found here. "thus through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, i spent the time until the twenty-seventh day of july following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp." boone was at this time thirty-six years of age. he was about five feet ten inches in height, and of remarkably vigorous and athletic frame. his life in the open air, his perfect temperance, and his freedom from all exciting passions, gave him constant health. squire brought back to his brother the gratifying news that his wife rebecca was in good health and spirits, and cheerfully acquiesced in whatever decision her husband might make, in reference to his absence. she had full confidence in the soundness of his judgment, and in his conjugal and parental love. the children were all well, and from the farm and the forest the wants of the family were fully supplied. it appears that squire boone had succeeded in bringing one or two horses across the mountains. the abundance of grass kept them in fine condition. upon the backs of these horses, the pioneers could traverse the treeless prairies without obstruction, and large portions of the forest were as free from underbrush as the park of an english nobleman. invaluable as these animals were to the adventurers, they greatly increased their perils. they could not easily be concealed. their footprints could not be effaced, and there was nothing the indians coveted so greatly as a horse. the two adventurers now set out on horseback for an exploring tour to the south-west. following a line nearly parallel with the cumberland range, after traversing a magnificent region of beauty and fertility for about one hundred and fifty miles, they reached the banks of the cumberland river. this majestic stream takes its rise on the western slope of the cumberland mountains. after an exceedingly circuitous route of six hundred miles, running far down into tennessee, it turns north-westerly again, and empties its waters into the ohio, about sixty miles above the entrance of that river into the mississippi. it was mid-summer. the weather was delightful. the forest free from underbrush, attractive as the most artificial park, and the smooth sweep of the treeless prairie presented before them as enticing a route of travel as the imagination could desire. there were of course hardships and privations, which would have been regarded as very severe by the dwellers in the sealed houses, but none which disturbed in the slightest degree the equanimity of these hardy adventurers. they journeyed very leisurely; seven months being occupied in the tour. probably only a few miles were accomplished each day. with soft saddles made of the skin of buffalo, with their horses never urged beyond a walk, with bright skies above them, and vistas of beauty ever opening before them, and luxuriance, bloom and fragrance spread everywhere around, their journey seemed replete with enjoyment of the purest kind. though it was necessary to practice the extreme of caution, to avoid capture by the indians, our adventurers do not seem to have been annoyed in the slightest degree with any painful fears on that account. each morning they carefully scanned the horizon, to see if anywhere there could be seen the smoke of the camp-fire curling up from the open prairie or from the forest. through the day they were ever on the alert, examining the trails which they occasionally passed, to see if there were any fresh foot prints, or other indications of the recent presence of their foe. at night, before venturing to kindle their own camp-fire, they looked cautiously in every direction, to see if a gleam from an indian encampment could anywhere be seen. thus from the first of august to the ensuing month of march, these two bold men traversed, for many hundred miles, an unknown country, filled with wandering hunting bands of hostile indians, and yet avoided capture or detection. if a storm arose, they would rear their cabin in some secluded dell, and basking in the warmth of their camp-fire wait until the returning sun invited them to resume their journey. or if they came to some of nature's favored haunts, where eden-like attractions were spread around them, on the borders of the lake, by the banks of the stream, or beneath the brow of the mountain, they would tarry for a few days, reveling in delights, which they both had the taste to appreciate. in this way, they very thoroughly explored the upper valley of the cumberland river. for some reason not given, they preferred to return north several hundred miles to the kentucky river, as the seat of their contemplated settlement. the head waters of this stream are near those of the cumberland. it however flows through the very heart of kentucky, till it enters the ohio river, midway between the present cities of cincinnati and louisville. it was in the month of march that they reached the kentucky river on their return. for some time they wandered along its banks searching for the more suitable situation for the location of a colony. "the exemption of these men," said w. h. bogart, "from assault by the indians during all this long period of seven months, in which, armed and on horseback, they seem to have roamed just where they chose, is most wonderful. it has something about it which seems like a special interposition of providence, beyond the ordinary guardianship over the progress of man. on the safety of these men rested the hope of a nation. a very distinguished authority has declared, that without boone, the settlements could not have been upheld and the conquest of kentucky would have been reserved for the emigrants of the nineteenth century." boone having now, after an absence of nearly two years, apparently accomplished the great object of his mission; having, after the most careful and extensive exploration, selected such a spot as he deemed most attractive for the future home of his family, decided to return to the yadkin and make preparations for their emigration across the mountains. to us now, such a movement seems to indicate an almost insane boldness and recklessness. to take wife and children into a pathless wilderness filled with unfriendly savages, five hundred miles from any of the settlements of civilization, would seem to invite death. a family could not long be concealed. their discovery by the indians would be almost the certain precursor of their destruction. boone, in his autobiography, says in allusion to this hazardous adventure: "i returned home to my family with a determination to bring them as soon as possible, at the risk of my life and fortune, to live in kentucky, which i esteemed a second paradise." the two brothers accomplished the journey safely, and daniel boone found his family, after his long absence, in health and prosperity. one would have supposed that the charms of home on the banks of the yadkin, where they could dwell in peace, abundance and safety, would have lured our adventurer to rest from his wanderings. and it is probable that for a time, he wavered in his resolution. two years elapsed ere he set out for his new home in the far-west. there was much to be done in preparation for so momentous a movement. he sold his farm on the yadkin and invested the proceeds in such comforts as would be available on the banks of the kentucky. money would be of no value to him there. a path had been discovered by which horses could be led through the mountains, and thus many articles could be transported which could not be taken in packs on the back. several of the neighbors, elated by the description which boone gave of the paradise he had found, were anxious to join his family in their emigration. there were also quite a number of young men rising here and there, who, lured by the romance of the adventure, were eager to accompany the expedition. all these events caused delays. the party of emigrants became more numerous than boone at first expected. it was not until the twenty-fifth of september, , that daniel boone, his brother squire, and quite a large party of emigrants, probably in all--men, women and children--not less than sixty in number, commenced their journey across the mountains. there were five families and forty pioneers, all well armed, who were quite at home amid the trials and privations of the wilderness. four horses, heavily laden, led the train through the narrow trails of the forest. then came, in single file, the remainder of the party, of all ages and both sexes. it must have been a singular spectacle which was presented, as this long line wound its way through the valleys and over the ridges. squire boone was quite familiar with the path. it was delightful autumnal weather. the days were long and calm, and yet not oppressively hot. there were no gloved gentlemen or delicate ladies in the company. all were hardy men and women, accustomed to endurance. each day's journey was short. an hour before the sun disappeared in the west, the little village of cabins arose, where some spring gurgled from the cliff, or some sparkling mountain stream rippled before them. in front of each cabin the camp-fire blazed. all was animation and apparent joy, as the women prepared the evening meal, and the wearied children rested upon their couch of dried leaves or fragrant twigs. if a storm arose, they had but to remain beneath their shelter until it passed away. "traveling," says madame de stael, who was accustomed to the most luxurious of european conveyances, "is the most painful of pleasures." probably our travelers on this journey experienced as many pleasures and as few pains as often fall to the lot of any tourist. the solitary wilderness has its attractions as well as the thronged town. these bold men armed with their rifles, under such an accomplished leader as daniel boone, penetrated the wilderness with almost the strength of an invading army. upon the open prairie, the superiority of their arms would compensate for almost any inferiority of numbers. indeed they had little to fear from the savages, unless struck suddenly with overwhelming numbers leaping upon them from some ambush. pleasant days came and went, while nothing occurred to interrupt the prosperity of their journey. they were approaching the celebrated cumberland gap, which seems to be a door that nature has thrown open for passing through this great mountain barrier. the vigilance they ought to have practiced had been in some degree relaxed by their freedom from all alarm. the cows had fallen a few miles behind, seven young men were with them, a son of daniel boone being one of the number. the main party was not aware how far the cattle had fallen in the rear. it is probable that the savages had been following them for several days, watching for an opportunity to strike, for suddenly, as they were passing through a narrow ravine, the fearful war-whoop resounded from the thickets on both sides, a shower of arrows fell upon them, and six of the seven young men were instantly struck down by these deadly missiles. one only escaped. the attack was so sudden, so unexpected, that the emigrants had scarcely time for one discharge of their fire-arms, ere they were struck with death. the party in advance heard with consternation the reports of the muskets, and immediately returned to the scene of the disaster. but several miles intervened. they met the fugitive who had escaped, bleeding and almost breathless. hurrying on, an awful spectacle met their view. the bodies of six of the young men lay in the path, mangled and gory, with their scalps torn from their heads: the cattle were driven into the forest beyond pursuit. one of these victims was the eldest son of daniel boone. james was a noble lad of but seventeen years. his untimely death was a terrible blow to his father and mother. this massacre took place on the tenth of october, only a fortnight after the expedition had commenced its march. the gloom which it threw over the minds of the emigrants was so great, that the majority refused to press any farther into a wilderness where they would encounter such perils. they had already passed two mountain ridges. between them there was a very beautiful valley, through which flows the clinch river. this many leagues below, uniting with the holston river, flowing on the other side of powell's ridge, composes the majestic tennessee, which, extending far down into alabama, turns again north, and traversing the whole breadth of tennessee and kentucky, empties into the ohio. notwithstanding the remonstrances of daniel boone and his brother, the majority of the emigrants resolved to retreat forty miles over the walden ridge, and establish themselves in the valley of the clinch. daniel boone, finding all his attempts to encourage them to proceed in vain, decided with his customary good sense to acquiesce in their wishes, and quietly to await further developments. the whole party consequently retraced their steps, and reared their cabins on fertile meadows in the valley of the clinch river. here, between parallel ridges of mountains running north-east and south-west, boone with his disheartened emigrants passed seven months. this settlement was within the limits of the present state of virginia, in its most extreme south-western corner. the value of the vast country beyond the mountains was beginning to attract the attention of the governors of the several colonies. governor dunmore of virginia had sent a party of surveyors to explore the valley of the ohio river as far as the celebrated falls of the ohio, near the present site of louisville. quite a body of these surveyors had built and fortified a camp near the falls, and were busy in exploring the country, in preparation for the granting of lands as rewards for services to the officers and soldiers in the french war. these pioneers were far away in the wilderness, four hundred miles beyond any settlement of the whites. they were surrounded by thousands of indian warriors, and still they felt somewhat secure, as a treaty of peace had been made by the governor of virginia with the neighboring chiefs. but, notwithstanding this treaty, many of the more intelligent of the indians foresaw the inevitable destruction of their hunting grounds, should the white men succeed in establishing themselves on their lands, and cutting them up into farms. a friendly indian had informed governor dunmore that a very formidable conspiracy had been organised by the tribes for the destruction of the party encamped at the falls of the ohio, and for the extermination of every other party of whites who should penetrate their hunting grounds. it was in accordance with this conspiracy that daniel boone's party was so fiercely assailed when near the gap, in the cumberland mountains; and it was probably the knowledge of this conspiracy, thus practically developed, which led the husbands and fathers to abandon their enterprise of plunging into the wilderness of kentucky. there were about forty men all numbered, in the little band of surveyors at the falls. they were in terrible peril. unconscious of danger, and supposing the indians to be friendly, they were liable to be attacked on any day by overwhelming numbers of savages, and utterly exterminated. it consequently became a matter of great moment that governor dunmore should send them word of their danger, and if possible secure their safe return to the settlements. but who would undertake such a mission? one fraught with greater danger could not easily be imagined. the courier must traverse on foot a distance of four or five hundred miles through a pathless wilderness, filled with hunting bands of hostile savages. he must live upon the game he could shoot each day, when every discharge of his musket was liable to bring upon him scores of foes. he must either eat his food raw, or cook it at a fire whose gleam at night, or smoke by day, would be almost sure to attract the attention of death-dealing enemies. he must conceal his footprints from hunting bands, wandering far and wide in every direction, so keen in their sagacity that they could almost follow the track of the lightest-footed animal through the forest or over the prairie. the indians had also well-trained dogs, who being once put upon the scent, could with unerring instinct follow any object of search, until it was overtaken. the name of daniel boone was mentioned to governor dunmore as precisely the man to meet this exigency. the governor made application to the practiced hunter, and boone, without the slightest hesitancy, accepted the perilous office. indeed he seems to have been entirely unconscious of the heroism he was developing. never did knight errant of the middle ages undertake an achievement of equal daring; for capture not only was certain death, but death under the most frightful tortures. but boone, calm, imperturbable, pensive, with never a shade of boastfulness in word or action, embarked in the enterprise as if it had been merely one of the ordinary occurrences of every-day life. in the following modest words he records the event in his autobiography: "i remained with my family on the clinch river until the sixth of june, , when i, and one michael stoner, were solicited by governor dunmore of virginia, to go to the falls of the ohio to conduct into the settlements a number of surveyors that had been sent thither by him some months before, this country having about this time drawn the attention of many adventurers. we immediately complied with the governor's request, and conducted in the surveyors, completing a tour of eight hundred miles, through many difficulties, in sixty-two days." the narrative which follows will give the reader some idea of the wilderness which boone was about to penetrate and the perils which he was to encounter. an emigrant of these early days who lived to witness the transformation of the wilderness from a scene of unbroken solitude into the haunts of busy men, in the following words describes this change and its influence upon the mind: "to a person who has witnessed all the changes which have taken place in the western country since its first settlement, its former appearance is like a dream or romance. he will find it difficult to realise the features of that wilderness which was the abode of his infant days. the little cabin of his father no longer exists. the little field and truck patch which gave him a scanty supply of coarse bread and vegetables have been swallowed up in the extended meadows, orchard or grain fields. the rude fort in which his people had resided so many painful summers has vanished. "everywhere surrounded by the busy hum of men and the splendor, arts, refinements and comforts of civilised life, his former state and that of his country have vanished from his memory; or if sometimes he bestows a reflection on its original aspect, the mind seems to be carried back to a period of time much more remote than it really is. one advantage at least results from having lived in a state of society ever on the change and always for the better, that it doubles the retrospect of life. with me at any rate it has had that effect. did not the definite number of my years teach me to the contrary, i should think myself at least one hundred years old instead of fifty. the case is said to be widely different with those who have passed their lives in cities or ancient settlements where, from year to year, the same unchanging aspect of things presents itself. "one prominent feature of the wilderness is its solitude. those who plunged into the bosom of this forest left behind them not only the busy hum of men, but of domesticated animal life generally. the solitude of the night was interrupted only by the howl of the wolf, the melancholy moan of the ill-boding owl or the shriek of the frightful panther. even the faithful dog, the only steadfast companion of man among the brute creation, partook of the silence of the desert; the discipline of his master forbade him to bark or move but in obedience to his command, and his native sagacity soon taught the propriety of obedience to this severe government. "the day was, if possible, more solitary than the night. the noise of the wild turkey, the croaking of the raven, or the woodpecker tapping the hollow beech tree, did not much enliven the dreary scene. the various tribes of singing birds are not inhabitants of the desert. they are not carnivorous and therefore must be fed from the labors of man. at any rate they did not exist in this country at its first settlement. "let the imagination of the reader pursue the track of the adventurer into the solitary wilderness, bending his course towards the setting sun over undulating hills, under the shade of large forest trees, and wading through the rank weeds and grass which then covered the earth. now he views from the top of a hill the winding course of a creek whose streams he wishes to explore. doubtful of its course and of his own, he ascertains the cardinal points of north and south by the thickness of the moss and bark on the north side of the ancient trees. now descending into a valley, he presages his approach to a river by seeing large ash, basswood and sugar trees beautifully festooned with wild grape vines. watchful as argus, his restless eye catches everything around him. "in an unknown region and surrounded with dangers, he is the sentinel of his own safety and relies on himself for protection. the toilsome march of the day being ended, at the fall of night he seeks for safety some narrow sequestered hollow, and by the side of a large log builds a fire and, after eating a coarse and scanty meal, wraps himself up in his blanket and lays him self down for repose on his bed of leaves, with his feet to the fire, hoping for favorable dreams, ominous of future good luck, while his faithful dog and gun rest by his side. "but let not the reader suppose that the pilgrim of the wilderness could feast his imagination with the romantic beauties of nature, without any drawback from conflicting passions. his situation did not afford him much time for contemplation. he was an exile from the warm clothing and plentiful mansions of society. his homely woodman's dress soon became old and ragged. the cravings of hunger compelled him to sustain from day to day the fatigues of the chase. often he had to eat his venison, bear's meat, or wild turkey without bread or salt. his situation was not without its dangers. he did not know at what moment his foot might be stung by a serpent, at what moment he might meet with the formidable bear, or on what limb of a tree over his head the murderous panther might be perched, in a squatting attitude, to drop down upon him and tear him in pieces in a moment. "exiled from society and its comforts, the situation of the first adventurers was perilous in the extreme. the bite of a serpent, a broken limb, a wound of any kind, or a fit of sickness in the wilderness without those accommodations which wounds and sickness require, was a dreadful calamity. the bed of sickness, without medical aid, and above all to be destitute of the kind attention of a mother, sister, wife, or other female friends, was a situation which could not be anticipated by the tenant of the forest, with other sentiments than those of the deepest horror."[d] [footnote d: doddridge's notes.] there are no narratives of more thrilling interest than those which describe the perils and hair-breadth escapes which some of these bold hunters encountered. immediately after the purchase of louisiana, an expedition under lewis and clark was fitted out, under president jefferson's administration, to explore the vast, mysterious, undefined realms which the government had purchased. in the month of may, , the expedition, in birch canoes, commenced the ascent of the missouri river. they knew not whence its source, what its length or the number of its tributaries, through what regions of fertility or barrenness it flowed, or what the character of the nations who might inhabit its banks. paddling up the rapid current of this flood of waters in their frail boats, the ascent was slow. by the latter part of october they had reached a point fifteen hundred miles above the spot where the missouri enters the mississippi. here they spent the winter with some friendly indians called the mandans. early in april, lewis and clark, with thirty men in their canoes, resumed their voyage. their course was nearly west. in may they reached the mouth of the yellow stone river, and on the th of june came to the _great falls of the missouri_. here they found a series of cataracts ten miles in length. at one spot the river plunged over a precipice eighty-seven feet in height. carrying their canoes around these falls, they re-embarked, and paddled through what they called "the gates of the rocky mountains." here for six miles they were in a narrow channel with perpendicular walls of rock, rising on both sides to the height of twelve hundred feet. thus these adventurers continued their voyage till they reached the head of navigation, three thousand miles from the mouth of the missouri river. passing through the mountains they launched their canoes on streams flowing to the west, through which they entered the columbia river, reaching its mouth, through a thousand perils on the th of november. they were now more than four thousand miles distant from the mouth of the missouri. such was the breadth of the estate we had purchased of france. here they passed their second winter. in the early spring they commenced their return. when they arrived at the falls of the missouri they encountered a numerous band of indians, very bold and daring, called the blackfoot. these savages were astonished beyond measure, at the effect of the rifle which could emit thunder and lightning, and a deadly though invisible bolt. some of the boldest endeavored to wrench the rifles from some of the americans. mr. lewis found it necessary to shoot one of them before they would desist. the rest fled in dismay, but burning with the desire for revenge. the explorers continuing their voyage arrived at saint louis on the rd of september, , having been absent more than two years, and having traveled more than nine thousand miles. when the expedition, on its return, had reached the head waters of the missouri, two of these fearless men, colter and potts, decided to remain in the wilderness to hunt beaver. being well aware of the hostility of the blackfoot indians, within whose regions they were, they set their traps at night, and took them up in the first dawn of the day. early one morning, they were ascending a creek in a canoe, visiting their traps, when they were alarmed by a great noise, like the trampling of animals. they could see nothing, as the perpendicular banks of the river impeded their view. yet they hoped that the noise was occasioned simply by the rush of a herd of buffaloes. their doubts were soon painfully removed. a band of six hundred blackfoot warriors appeared upon each side of the creek. escape was hopeless. the indians beckoned to the hunters to come ashore. colter turned the head of the canoe towards the bank, and as soon as it touched the land, a burly savage seized the rifle belonging to potts, and wrenched it from his hand. but colter, who was a man of extraordinary activity and strength, grasped the rifle, tore it from the hands of the indian, and handed it back to potts. colter stepped ashore and was a captive. potts, with apparent infatuation, but probably influenced by deliberate thought, pushed again out into the stream. he knew that, as a captive, death by horrible torture awaited him. he preferred to provoke the savages to his instant destruction. an arrow was shot at him, which pierced his body. he took deliberate aim at the indian who threw it and shot him dead upon the spot. instantly a shower of arrows whizzed through the air, and he fell a dead man in the bottom of the boat. the earthly troubles of potts were ended. but fearful were those upon which colter was about to enter. the indians, after some deliberation respecting the manner in which they would put him to death, stripped him entirely naked, and one of the chiefs led him out upon the prairie to the distance of three or four hundred yards from the rest of the band who were grouped together. colter then perceived that he was to have the dreadful privilege of running for his life;--he, entirely naked and unarmed, to be pursued by six hundred fleet-footed indians with arrows and javelins, and with their feet and limbs protected from thorns and brambles by moccasins and deerskin leggins. "save yourself if you can," said the chief in the blackfoot language as he set him loose. colter sprung forward with almost supernatural speed. instantly the indian's war-whoop burst from the lips of his six hundred pursuers. they were upon a plain about six miles in breadth abounding with the prickly pear. at the end of the plain there was jefferson river, a stream but a few rods wide. every step colter took, bounding forward with almost the speed of an antelope, his naked feet were torn by the thorns. the physical effort he made was so great that the blood gushed from his nostrils, and flowed profusely down over his chest. he had half crossed the plain before he ventured to glance over his shoulder upon his pursuers, who, with hideous yells, like baying bloodhounds, seemed close upon his heels. much to his relief he perceived that he had greatly distanced most of the indians, though one stout savage, with a javelin in his hand, was within a hundred yards of him. hope reanimated him. regardless of lacerated feet and blood, he pressed forward with renovated vigor until he arrived within about a mile of the river, when he found that his pursuer was gaining rapidly upon him. he could hear his breathing and the sound of his footsteps, and expected every moment to feel the sharp javelin piercing his back. in his desperation he suddenly stopped, turned round and stretching out both of his arms, rushed, in his utter defencelessness, upon the armed warrior. the savage, startled by this unexpected movement and by the bloody appearance of his victim, stumbled and fell, breaking his spear as he attempted to throw it. colter instantly snatched up the pointed part, and pinned his foe, quivering with convulsions to the earth. again he plunged forward on the race for life. the indians, as they came up, stopped for a moment around the body of their slain comrade, and then, with hideous yells, resumed the pursuit. the stream was fringed with a dense growth of cotton-wood trees. colter rushed through them, thus concealed from observation, and seeing near by a large raft of drift timber, he plunged into the water, dived under the raft and fortunately succeeded in getting his head above the water between the logs, where smaller wood covered him to the depth of several feet. scarcely had he attained this hiding place ere the indians like so many fiends came rushing down to the river's bank. they searched the cotton-wood thickets, and traversed the raft in all directions. they frequently came so near the hiding place of colter that he could see them through the chinks. he was terribly afraid that they would set fire to the raft. night came on, and the indians disappeared. colter, in the darkness, dived from under the raft, swam down the river to a considerable distance, and then landed and traveled all night, following the course of the stream. "although happy in having escaped from the indians, his situation was still dreadful. he was completely naked under a burning sun. the soles of his feet were filled with the thorns of the prickly pear. he was hungry and had no means of killing game, although he saw abundance around him; and was at a great distance from the nearest settlement. after some days of sore travel, during which he had no other sustenance than the root known by naturalists under the name of _psoralea esculenta_, he at length arrived in safety at lisa fort, on the big horn, a branch of the yellow stone river." chapter viii. _captivity and flight._ heroism of thomas higgins and of mrs. pursley.--affairs at boonesborough.--continued alarms.--need of salt.--its manufacture.--indian schemes.--capture of boone and twenty-seven men.--dilemma of the british at detroit.--blackfish adopts colonel boone.--adoption ceremony.--indian designs.--escape of boone.--attacks the savages.--the fort threatened. the following well authenticated account of the adventures of a ranger is so graphically described in brown's _history of illinois_, that we give it in the words of the writer: "thomas higgins, a native kentuckian, was, in the summer of , stationed in a block-house eight miles south of greenville, in what is now bond county, illinois. on the evening of the th of august, , a small party of indians having been seen prowling about the station, lieutenant journay, with all his men, twelve only in number, sallied forth the next morning, just before daybreak, in pursuit of them. they had not proceeded far on the border of the prairie, before they were in an ambuscade of seventy or eighty savages. at the first fire, the lieutenant and three of his men were killed. six fled to the fort under cover of the smoke, for the morning was sultry, and the air being damp, the smoke from the guns hung like a cloud over the scene. but higgins remained behind to have 'one more pull at the enemy,' and to avenge the death of his companions. "he sprang behind a small elm scarcely sufficient to protect his body, when, the smoke partly rising, discovered to him a number of indians, upon whom he fired, and shot down the foremost one. concealed still by the smoke, higgins reloaded, mounted his horse, and turned to fly, when a voice, apparently from the grass, hailed him with: tom, you won't leave me, will you? "he turned immediately around, and seeing a fellow soldier by the name of burgess lying on the ground, wounded and gasping for breath, replied, 'no, i will not leave you; come along.' 'i can't come,' said burgess, 'my leg is all smashed to pieces.' "higgins dismounted, and taking up his friend, whose ankle had been broken, was about to lift him on his horse, when the animal, taking fright, darted off in an instant and left them both behind. 'this is too bad,' said higgins, 'but don't fear. you hop off on your three legs and i will stay behind between you and the indians and keep them off. get into the tallest grass and creep as near the ground as possible.' burgess did so and escaped. "the smoke which had hitherto concealed higgins now cleared away, and he resolved, if possible, to retreat. to follow the track of burgess was most expedient. it would, however, endanger his friend. he determined, therefore, to venture boldly forward and, if discovered, to secure his own safety by the rapidity of his flight. on leaving a small thicket in which he had sought refuge, he discovered a tall, portly savage near by, and two others in the direction between him and the fort. "he started, therefore, for a little rivulet near, but found one of his limbs failing him, it having been struck by a ball in the first encounter, of which, till now, he was scarcely conscious. the largest indian pressed close upon him, and higgins turned round two or three times in order to fire. the indian halted and danced about to prevent his taking aim. he saw that it was unsafe to fire at random, and perceiving two others approaching, knew that he must be overpowered unless he could dispose of the forward indian first. he resolved, therefore, to halt and receive his fire. "the indian raised his rifle, and higgins, watching his eye, turned suddenly as his finger pressed the trigger, and received the ball in his thigh. he fell, but rose immediately and ran. the foremost indian, now certain of his prey, loaded again, and with the other two pressed on. they overtook him. he fell again, and as he rose the whole three fired, and he received all their balls. he now fell and rose a third time, and the indians, throwing away their guns, advanced upon him with spears and knives. as he presented his gun at one or another, each fell back. at last the largest indian, supposing his gun to be empty, from his fire having been thus reserved, advanced boldly to the charge. higgins fired and the savage fell. "he had now four bullets in his body, an empty gun in his hand, two indians unharmed as yet before him, and a whole tribe but a few yards distant. any other man would have despaired. not so with him. he had slain the most dangerous of the three, and having but little to fear from the others, began to load his rifle. they raised a savage whoop and rushed to the encounter. a bloody conflict now ensued. the indians stabbed him in several places. their spears, however, were but thin poles, hastily prepared, and which bent whenever they struck a rib or a muscle. the wounds they made were not therefore deep, though numerous. "at last one of them threw his tomahawk. it struck him upon the cheek, severed his ear, laid bare his skull to the back of his head, and stretched him upon the prairie. the indians again rushed on, but higgins, recovering his self-possession, kept them off with his feet and hands. grasping at length one of their spears, the indian, in attempting to pull it from him, raised higgins up, who, taking his rifle, dashed out the brains of the nearest savage. in doing this, however, it broke, the barrel only remaining in his hand. the other indian, who had heretofore fought with caution, came now manfully into the battle. his character as a warrior was in jeopardy. to have fled from a man thus wounded and disarmed, or to have suffered his victim to escape, would have tarnished his fame for ever. uttering, therefore, a terrific yell, he rushed on and attempted to stab the exhausted ranger. but the latter warded off his blow with one hand and brandished his rifle barrel with the other. the indian was as yet unharmed, and, under existing circumstances, by far the most powerful man. higgins' courage, however, was unexhausted and inexhaustible. "the savage at last began to retreat from the glare of his untamed eye to the spot where he had dropped his rifle. higgins knew that if he recovered that, his own case was desperate. throwing, therefore, his rifle barrel aside, and drawing his hunting knife he rushed upon his foe. a desperate strife ensued--deep gashes were inflicted on both sides. higgins, fatigued and exhausted by the loss of blood, was no longer a match for the savage. the latter succeeded in throwing his adversary from him, and went immediately in pursuit of his rifle. higgins at the same time rose and sought for the gun of the other indian. both, therefore, bleeding and out of breath, were in search of arms to renew the combat. "the smoke had now passed away, and a large number of indians were in view. nothing, it would seem, could now save the gallant ranger. there was, however, an eye to pity and an arm to save, and that arm was a woman's. the little garrison had witnessed the whole combat. it consisted of but six men and one woman; that woman, however, was a host--a mrs. pursley. when she saw higgins contending single-handed with a whole tribe of savages, she urged the rangers to attempt his rescue. the rangers objected, as the indians were ten to one. mrs. pursley, therefore, snatched a rifle from her husband's hand, and declaring that 'so fine a fellow as tom higgins should not be lost for want of help,' mounted a horse and sallied forth to his rescue. "the men, unwilling to be outdone by a woman, followed at full gallop, reached the spot where higgins had fainted and fell, before the indians came up, and while the savage with whom he had been engaged was looking for his rifle, his friends lifted the wounded ranger up and throwing him across a horse before one of the party, reached the fort in safety. "higgins was insensible for several days, and his life was preserved by continued care. his friends extracted two of the balls from his thigh. two, however, yet remained, one of which gave him a good deal of pain. hearing afterwards that a physician had settled within a day's ride of him, he determined to go and see him. the physician asked him fifty dollars for the operation. this higgins flatly refused, saying that it was more than half a year's pension. on reaching home he found that the exercise of riding had made the ball discernable; he requested his wife, therefore, to hand him his razor. with her assistance he laid open his thigh until the edge of the razor touched the bullet, then, inserting his two thumbs into the gash, 'he flirted it out,' as he used to say, 'without it costing him a cent.' "the other ball yet remained. it gave him, however, but little pain, and he carried it with him to the grave. higgins died in fayette county, illinois, a few years ago. he was the most perfect specimen of a frontier man in his day, and was once assistant door-keeper of the house of representatives in illinois. the facts above stated are familiar to many to whom higgins was personally known, and there is no doubt of their correctness."[e] [footnote e: brown's illinois.] this narrative gives one a very vivid idea of the nature of the conflict in which boone, through so many years of his life, was engaged. the little fort, whose feeble garrison he commanded, was liable at any time to be assailed by overwhelming numbers. daniel boone, during his occupancy of the fort at boonesborough, manifested the most constant vigilance to guard against surprise. he was however struggling against a foe whose cunning and strategems were such, as not to allow him an hour of quiet. one morning two men laboring in the field were shot at by the indians. not being hit, they ran for the fort. they were pursued by the savages, and one was tomahawked and scalped within a few hundred feet of the gate. boone hearing the alarm, inconsiderately rushed out with ten men upon the miscreants. they fled before him hotly pursued. in the eagerness of the chase, boone had not counted the number of his foes. some of them rushing from their ambush cut off his retreat. at one discharge, six of his men fell wounded. boone's leg was shattered by a ball. as he fell to the ground, the tomahawk of a savage was over his head. simon kenton, who was one of boone's party, with sure aim pierced the heart of the savage with a rifle bullet and he fell dead. reinforcements rushed from the fort, and fortunately succeeded in rescuing the adventurous party, the wounded and all. it is said of boone, that though a silent man and not given to compliments, he manifested very deep gratitude to his friend kenton for saving his life. the very peculiar character of boone is vividly presented in the following sketch, from the graphic pen of mr. peck: "as dangers thickened and appearances grew more alarming, as scouts came in with rumors of indians seen here and there, and as the hardy and bold woodsmen sat around their camp-fires with the loaded rifle at hand, rehearsing for the twentieth time the tales of noble daring, or the hair-breadth escapes, boone would sit silent, apparently not heeding the conversation, employed in repairing the rents in his hunting shirt and leggins, moulding bullets or cleaning his rifle. yet the eyes of the garrison were upon him. concerning 'indian signs' he was an oracle. "sometimes with one or two trusty companions, but more frequently alone, as night closed in, he would steal noiselessly away into the woods, to reconnoiter the surrounding wilderness. and in the day time, stealthily would he creep along with his trusty rifle resting on his arm, ready for the least sign of danger, his keen, piercing eyes glancing into every thicket and canebrake, or watch intently for 'signs' of the wiley enemy. accustomed to range the country as a hunter and a scout, he would frequently meet the approaching travelers on the road and pilot them into the settlement, while his rifle supplied them with provisions. he was ever more ready to aid the community, or to engage in public services, than to attend to his private interests." the want of salt had become one of the greatest privations of the garrison. it was an article essential to comfort and health, and yet, in the warfare then existing, was almost impossible of attainment. upon the sicking river, nearly a hundred miles north from boonesborough, there were valuable springs richly impregnated with salt. animals from all quarters frequented these springs, licking the saturated clay around them. hence the name of salt licks. evaporating the water by boiling in large kettles, salt of a good quality was easily obtained. the necessities of the garrison became so great, that colonel boone took a well-armed party of thirty men, and threading their way through the wilderness, at length reached the springs unassailed. it was one of the boldest of adventures. it was certain that the watchful indians would learn that a party had left the cover of the fort, and would fall upon them with great ferocity. colonel boone, who desired to obtain salt for all the garrisons, deemed it consequently necessary to work night and day with the greatest possible diligence. they could never venture to move a step beyond the grasp of their rifles. for nearly four weeks the salt-makers pursued their work unassailed. the news of so strong and well armed a party having left the fort, reached the ears of the indians. they had a very great dread of boone, and knew very well he would not be found sleeping or unprotected, at the springs. they shrewdly inferred that the departure of so many men must greatly weaken the garrison, and that they could never hope for a more favorable opportunity to attack boonesborough. this formidable fortress was the great object of their dread. they thought that if they could lay it in ashes, making it the funeral pyre of all its inmates, the weaker forts would be immediately abandoned by their garrisons in despair, or could easily be captured. an expedition was formed, consisting of more than a hundred indian warriors, and accompanied it is said by two frenchmen. boone had sent three men back to the garrison, loaded with salt, and to convey tidings of the good condition of the party at the springs. on the morning of the seventh of february, boone, who was unequalled in his skill as a hunter, and also in the sagacity by which he could avoid the indians, was out in search of game as food for the party. emboldened by the absence of all signs of the vicinity of the indians, he had wandered some distance from the springs, where he encountered this band of warriors, attended by the two frenchmen, on the march for the assault on boonesborough. though exceedingly fleet of foot, his attempt to escape was in vain. the young indian runners overtook and captured him. the indians seem to have had great respect for boone. even with them he had acquired the reputation of being a just and humane man, while his extraordinary abilities, both as a hunter and a warrior, had won their admiration. boone was not heading a war party to assail them. he had not robbed them of any of their horses. they were therefore not exasperated against him personally. it is also not improbable that the frenchmen who were with them had influenced them not to treat their prisoner with barbarity. boone, whose spirits seemed never to be perturbed, yielded so gracefully to his captors as to awaken in their bosoms some emotions of kindness. they promised that if the party at the springs would yield without resistance--which resistance, though unavailing, they knew would cost them the lives of many of their warriors--the lives of the captives should be safe, and they should not be exposed to any inhuman treatment. boone was much perplexed. had he been with his men, he would have fought to the last extremity, and his presence not improbably might have inspirited them, even to a successful defence. but deprived of their leader, taken entirely by surprise, and outnumbered three or four to one, their massacre was certain. and it was also certain that the indians, exasperated by the loss which they would have encountered, would put every prisoner to death, through all the horrors of fiendlike torture. under these circumstances, colonel boone very wisely decided upon surrender. it would have been very impolitic and cruel to do otherwise. he having thus given his word, the indians placed implicit confidence in it. they were also perfectly faithful to their own promises. boone was allowed to approach his men, and represent the necessity of a surrender, which was immediately effected. the indians were so elated by this great victory, and were so well satisfied with the result of the campaign, that instead of continuing their march for the attack of boonesborough, they returned with their illustrious captive and his twenty-seven companions to their head-quarters on the little miami river. the modest, unaffected account which boone himself gives of these transactions, is worthy of record here: "on the seventh of february, as i was hunting to procure meat for the company, i met a party of one hundred and two indians, and two frenchmen, on their march against boonesborough; that place being particularly the object of the enemy. they pursued and took me, and brought me the eighth day to the licks, where twenty-seven of my party were, three of them having previously returned home with the salt. i, knowing it was impossible for them to escape, capitulated with the enemy, and at a distance, in their view, gave notice to my men of their situation with orders not to resist, but surrender themselves captives. "the generous usage the indians had promised before in my capitulation, was afterwards fully complied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners to old chilicothe, the principal indian town on little miami, where we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey in very severe weather, on the eighteenth of february, and received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages. on the tenth of march following, i and ten of my men were conducted by forty indians to detroit, where we arrived the thirtieth day, and were treated by governor hamilton, the british commander at that post, with great humanity. "during our travels, the indians entertained me well, and their affection for me was so great, that they utterly refused to leave me there with the others, although the governor offered them one hundred pounds sterling for me, on purpose to give me a parole to go home. several english gentlemen there, being sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly supply for my wants, which i refused with many thanks for their kindness, adding that i never expected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity." the british officers in detroit could not venture to interfere in behalf of colonel boone, in any way which would displease their savage allies, for they relied much upon them in their warfare against the colonies. there was much in the character of our hero to win the affection of the savages. his silent, unboastful courage they admired. he was more than their equal in his skill in traversing the pathless forest. his prowess as a hunter they fully appreciated. it was their hope that he would consent to be incorporated in their tribe, and they would gladly have accepted him as one of their chiefs. the savages had almost universally sufficient intelligence to appreciate the vast superiority of the white man. the indians spent ten days at detroit, and surrendered, for a ransom, all their captives to the english, excepting colonel boone. him they took back on a long and fatiguing journey to old chilicothe on the little miami. the country they traversed, now so full of wealth, activity, and all the resources of individual and social happiness, was then a vast wilderness, silent and lonely. still in its solitude it was very beautiful, embellished with fertile plains, magnificent groves, and crystal streams. at chilicothe, colonel boone was formally adopted, according to an indian custom, into the family of blackfish, one of the distinguished chiefs of the shawanese tribe. "at chilicothe," writes boone, "i spent my time as comfortably as i could expect. i was adopted according to their custom, into a family where i became a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters and friends. i was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as cheerful and satisfied as possible, and they put great confidence in me. i often went hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity, at our shooting matches. i was careful not to excel them when shooting, for no people are more envious than they in their sport. i could observe in their countenances and gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me, and when the reverse happened, of envy. the shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with profound respect and entire friendship, often trusting me to hunt at my liberty. i frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what i had taken to him, expressive of my duty to my sovereign. my food and lodging were in common with them. not so good, indeed, as i could desire, but necessity makes everything acceptable." the spirit manifested by boone under these circumstances, when he was apparently a hopeless prisoner in the hands of the indians, was not influenced by artifice alone. he had real sympathy for the savages, being fully conscious of the wrongs which were often inflicted upon them, and which goaded their untamed natures to fearful barbarities. he had always treated them not only kindly, but with fraternal respect. the generous treatment he had received in return won his regards. his peculiarly placid nature was not easily disturbed by any reverses. let what would happen, he never allowed himself to complain or to worry. thus making the best of circumstances, he always looked upon the brightest side of things, and was reasonably happy, even in this direful captivity. still he could not forget his home, and was continually on the alert to avail himself of whatever opportunity might be presented to escape and return to his friends. the ceremony of adoption was pretty severe and painful. all the hair of the head was plucked out by a tedious operation, leaving simply a tuft three or four inches in diameter on the crown. this was called the scalp-lock. the hair was here allowed to grow long, and was dressed with ribbons and feathers. it was to an individual warrior what the banner is to an army. the victor tore it from the skull as his trophy. having thus denuded the head and dressed the scalp-lock, the candidate was taken to the river and very thoroughly scrubbed, that all the white blood might be washed out of him. his face was painted in the most approved style of indian taste, when he was led to the council lodge and addressed by the chief in a long and formal speech, in which he expatiates upon the honor conferred upon the adopted son, and upon the corresponding duties expected of him. colonel boone having passed through this transformation, with his indian dress and his painted cheeks, his tufted scalp-lock and his whole person embrowned by constant exposure to the open air, could scarcely be distinguished from any of his indian associates. his wary captors however, notwithstanding all the kindness with which they treated him, seemed to be conscious that it must be his desire to return to his friends. they therefore habitually, but without a remark suggestive of any suspicions, adopted precautions to prevent his escape. so skilful a hunter as boone could, with his rifle and a supply of ammunition, traverse the solitary expanse around for almost any length of time, living in abundance. but deprived of his rifle or of ammunition, he would soon almost inevitably perish of starvation. the indians were therefore very careful not to allow him to accumulate any ammunition, which was so essential to sustain him in a journey through the wilderness. though boone was often allowed to go out alone to hunt, they always counted his balls and the charges of powder. thus they could judge whether he had concealed any ammunition to aid him, should he attempt to escape. he however, with equal sagacity, cut the balls in halves, and used very small charges of powder. thus he secretly laid aside quite a little store of ammunition. as ever undismayed by misfortune, he serenely gave the energies of his mind to the careful survey of the country around. "during the time that i hunted for them," he writes, "i found the land for a great extent about this river to exceed the soil of kentucky if possible, and remarkably well watered." upon one of the branches of the scioto river, which stream runs about sixty miles east of the little miami, there were some salt springs. early in june a party of the indians set out for these "licks" to make salt. they took boone with them. the indians were quite averse to anything like hard work. boone not only understood the process of manufacture perfectly, but was always quietly and energetically devoted to whatever he undertook. the indians, inspired by the double motive of the desire to obtain as much salt as possible, and to hold securely the prisoner, whom they so highly valued, kept him so busy at the kettles as to give him no opportunity to escape. after an absence of about a fortnight, they returned with a good supply of salt to the little miami. here boone was quite alarmed to find that during his absence the chiefs had been marshaling a band of four hundred and fifty of their bravest warriors to attack boonesborough. in that fort were his wife and his children. its capture would probably insure their slaughter. he was aware that the fort was not sufficiently guarded by its present inmates, and that, unapprehensive of impending danger, they were liable to be taken entirely by surprise. boone was sufficiently acquainted with the shawanese dialect to understand every word they said, while he very sagaciously had assumed, from the moment of his captivity, that he was entirely ignorant of their language. boone's anxiety was very great. he was compelled to assume a smiling face as he attended their war dances. apparently unmoved, he listened to the details of their plans for the surprise of the fort. indeed, to disarm suspicion and to convince them that he had truly become one of their number, he co-operated in giving efficiency to their hostile designs against all he held most dear in the world. it had now become a matter of infinite moment that he should immediately escape and carry to his friends in the fort the tidings of their peril. but the slightest unwary movement would have led the suspicious indians so to redouble their vigilance as to render escape utterly impossible. so skilfully did he conceal the emotions which agitated him, and so successfully did he feign entire contentment with his lot, that his captors, all absorbed in the enterprise in which they were engaged, remitted their ordinary vigilance. on the morning of the sixteenth of june, boone rose very early to take his usual hunt. with his secreted ammunition, and the amount allowed him by the indians for the day, he hoped to be able to save himself from starvation, during his flight of five days through the pathless wilderness. there was a distance of one hundred and sixty miles between old chilicothe and boonesborough. the moment his flight should be suspected, four hundred and fifty indian warriors, breathing vengeance, and in perfect preparation for the pursuit, would be on his track. his capture would almost certainly result in his death by the most cruel tortures; for the infuriated indians would wreak upon him all their vengeance. it is however not probable that this silent, pensive man allowed these thoughts seriously to disturb his equanimity. an instinctive trust in god seemed to inspire him. he was forty-three years of age. in the knowledge of wood-craft, and in powers of endurance, no indian surpassed him. though he would be pursued by sagacious and veteran warriors and by young indian braves, a pack of four hundred and fifty savages following with keener scent than that of the bloodhound, one poor victim, yet undismayed, he entered upon the appalling enterprise. the history of the world perhaps presents but few feats so difficult, and yet so successfully performed. and yet the only record which this modest man makes, in his autobiography, of this wonderful adventure is as follows: "on the sixteenth, before sunrise, i departed in the most secret manner, and arrived at boonesborough on the twentieth, after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles, during which i had but one meal." it was necessary, as soon as boone got out of sight of the village, to fly with the utmost speed, to put as great a distance as possible between himself and his pursuers, before they should suspect his attempt at escape. he subsequently learned that as soon as the indians apprehended that he had actually fled, there was the most intense commotion in their camp, and immediately a large number of their fleetest runners and keenest hunters were put upon his trail. he dared not fire a gun. had he killed any game he could not have ventured to kindle a fire to cook it. he had secretly provided himself with a few cuts of dried venison with which he could appease his hunger as he pressed forward by day and by night, scarcely allowing himself one moment for rest or sleep. his route lay through forests and swamps, and across many streams swollen by recent rains. at length he reached the ohio river. its current was swift and turbid, rolling in a majestic flood half a mile in width, filling the bed of the stream with almost fathomless waters from shore to shore. experienced as colonel boone was in wood-craft, he was not a skilful swimmer. the thought of how he should cross the ohio had caused him much anxiety. upon reaching its banks he fortunately--may we not say providentially--found an old canoe which had drifted among the bushes upon the shore. there was a large hole at one end, and it was nearly filled with water. he succeeded in bailing out the water and plugging up the hole, and crossed the river in safety. then for the first time he so far indulged in a feeling of security as to venture to shoot a turkey, and kindling a fire he feasted abundantly upon the rich repast. it was the only meal in which he indulged during his flight of five days. on his arrival at boonesborough, he was welcomed as one risen from the grave. much to his disappointment he found that his wife with his children, despairing of ever seeing him again, had left the fort and returned to the house of her father, in north carolina. she supposed that the indians had killed him. "oppressed," writes boone, "with the distresses of the country and bereaved of me, her only happiness, she had undertaken her long and perilous journey through the wilderness." it is gratifying to record that she reached her friends in safety. boone found the fort as he had apprehended, in a bad state of defence. his presence, his military skill, and the intelligence he brought, immediately inspired every man to the intensest exertion. the gates were strengthened, new bastions were formed, and provisions were laid in, to stand a siege. everything was done which could be done to repel an assault from they knew not how many savages, aided by british leaders, for the band from old chilicothe, was to be joined by warriors from several other tribes. in ten days, boonesborough was ready for the onset. these arduous labors being completed, boone heroically resolved to strike consternation into the indians, by showing them that he was prepared for aggressive as well as defensive warfare, and that they must leave behind them warriors for the protection of their own villages. selecting a small party of but nineteen men, about the first of august he emerged from boonesborough, marched boldly to the ohio, crossed the river, entered the valley of the scioto, and was within four miles of an indian town, paint creek, which he intended to destroy, when he chanced to encounter a band of thirty savages painted, thoroughly armed and on the war path, to join the band advancing from old chilicothe. the indians were attacked with such vehemence by boone, that they fled in consternation, leaving behind them three horses and all their baggage. the savages also lost one killed and two wounded, while they inflicted no loss whatever upon the white men. boone sent forward some swift runners as spies, and they speedily returned with the report that the indians in a panic had entirely abandoned paint creek. aware that the warriors would rush to join the four hundred and fifty from old chilicothe, and that they might cut off his retreat, or reach boonesborough before his return, he immediately commenced a rapid movement back to the fort. every man would be needed there for an obstinate defence. this foray had extended one hundred and fifty miles from the fort. it greatly alarmed the indians. it emboldened the hearts of the garrison, and gave them intelligence of the approach of their foes. after an absence of but seven days, boone with his heroic little band quite triumphantly re-entered the fort. the approach of the foe is described in the following terms by boone: "on the eighth of august, the indian army arrived, being four hundred and forty-four in number, commanded by captain duquesne, eleven other frenchmen and some of their own chiefs, and marched up in view of our fort, with british and french colors flying. and having sent a summons to me in his britannic majesty's name to surrender the fort, i requested two days' consideration which was granted. it was now a critical period with us. we were a small number in the garrison; a powerful army before our walls, whose appearance proclaimed inevitable death; fearfully painted and marking their footsteps with desolation. death was preferable to captivity; and if taken by storm, we must inevitably be devoted to destruction. "in this situation we concluded to maintain our garrison if possible. we immediately proceeded to collect what we could of our horses and other cattle, and bring them through the posterns into the fort; and in the evening of the ninth, i returned the answer 'that we were determined to defend our fort while a man was living.' "'now,' said i to their commander who stood attentively hearing my sentiments, 'we laugh at your formidable preparations, but thank you for giving us notice, and time for our defence. your efforts will not prevail, for our gates shall forever deny you admittance.' "whether this answer affected their courage or not, i cannot tell, but contrary to our expectations, they formed a scheme to deceive us, declaring it was their orders from governor hamilton to take us captives, and not to destroy us; but if nine of us would come out and treat with them, they would immediately withdraw their forces from our walls, and return home peaceably. this sounded grateful in our ears, and we agreed to the proposal." chapter ix. _victories and defeats._ situation of the fort.--indian treachery.--bombardment.--boone goes to north carolina.--new trials.--boone robbed.--he returns to kentucky.--massacre of col. rogers.--adventure of col. bowman.--new attack by the british and indians.--retaliatory measures.--wonderful exploit. there were but fifty men in the garrison at boonesborough. they were assailed by a body of more than ten to one of the bravest indian warriors, under the command of an officer in the british army. the boldest in the fort felt that their situation was almost desperate. the ferocity of the indian, and the intelligence of the white man, were combined against them. they knew that the british commander, however humane he might be, would have no power, should the fort be taken by storm, to save them from death by the most horrible tortures. general duquesne was acting under instructions from governor hamilton, the british officer in supreme command at detroit. boone knew that the governor felt very kindly towards him. when he had been carried to that place a captive, the governor had made very earnest endeavors to obtain his liberation. influenced by these considerations, he consented to hold the conference. but, better acquainted with the indian character than perhaps duquesne could have been, he selected nine of the most athletic and strong of the garrison, and appointed the place of meeting in front of the fort, at a distance of only one hundred and twenty feet from the walls. the riflemen of the garrison were placed in a position to cover the spot with their guns, so that in case of treachery the indians would meet with instant punishment, and the retreat of the party from the fort would probably be secured. the language of boone is: "we held a treaty within sixty yards of the garrison on purpose to divert them from a breach of honor, as we could not avoid suspicion of the savages." the terms proposed by general duquesne were extremely liberal. and while they might satisfy the british party, whose object in the war was simply to conquer the colonists and bring them back to loyalty, they could by no means have satisfied the indians, who desired not merely to drive the white men back from their hunting grounds, but to plunder them of their possessions and to gratify their savage natures by hearing the shrieks of their victims at the stake and by carrying home the trophies of numerous scalps. boone and his men, buried in the depths of the wilderness, had probably taken little interest in the controversy which was just then rising between the colonies and the mother country. they had regarded the king of england as their lawful sovereign, and their minds had never been agitated by the question of revolution or of independence. when, therefore, general duquesne proposed that they should take the oath of allegiance to the king of great britain, and that then they should be permitted to return unmolested to their homes and their friends beyond the mountains, taking all their possessions with them, colonel boone and his associates were very ready to accept such terms. it justly appeared to them in their isolated condition, five hundred miles away from the atlantic coast, that this was vastly preferable to remaining in the wilderness assailed by thousands of indians guided by english energy and abundantly provided with all the munitions of war from british arsenals. but boone knew very well that the indians would never willingly assent to this treaty. still he and his fellow commissioners signed it while very curious to learn how it would be regarded by their savage foes. the commissioners on both sides had appeared at the appointed place of conference, as is usual on such occasions, entirely unarmed. there were, however, a large number of indians lingering around and drawing nearer as the conference proceeded. after the treaty was signed, the old indian chief blackfish, boone's adopted father, and who, exasperated by the escape of his ungrateful son, had been watching him with a very unamiable expression of countenance, arose and made a formal speech in the most approved style of indian eloquence. he commented upon the bravery of the two armies, and of the desirableness that there should be entire friendship between them, and closed by saying that it was a custom with them on all such important occasions to ratify the treaty by two indians shaking hands with each white man. this shallow pretense, scarcely up to the sagacity of children, by which blackfish hoped that two savages grappling each one of the commissioners would easily be able to make prisoners of them, and then by threats of torture compel the surrender of the fort, did not in the slightest degree deceive colonel boone. he was well aware of his own strength and of that of the men who accompanied him. he also knew that his riflemen occupied concealed positions, from which, with unerring aim, they could instantly punish the savages for any act of treachery. he therefore consented to the arrangement. the grasp was given. instantly a terrible scene of confusion ensued. the burly savages tried to drag off their victims. the surrounding indians rushed in to their aid, and a deadly fire was opened upon them from the fort, which was energetically responded to by all the armed savages from behind stumps and trees. one of the fiercest of battles had instantly blazed forth. still these stalwart pioneers were not taken by surprise. aided by the bullets of the fort, they shook off their assailants, and all succeeded in escaping within the heavy gates, which were immediately closed behind them. one only of their number, boone's brother, was wounded. this escape seems almost miraculous. but the majority of the indians in intelligence were mere children: sometimes very cunning, but often with the grossest stupidity mingled with their strategy. duquesne and blackfish, the associated leaders, now commenced the siege of the fort with all their energies. dividing their forces into two parties, they kept up an incessant fire upon the garrison for nine days and nine nights. it was one of the most heroic of those bloody struggles between civilization and barbarism, which have rendered the plains of kentucky memorable. the savages were very careful not to expose themselves to the rifles of the besieged. they were stationed behind rocks, and trees, and stumps, so that it was seldom that the garrison could catch even a glimpse of the foes who were assailing them. it was necessary for those within the fort to be sparing of their ammunition. they seldom fired unless they could take deliberate aim, and then the bullet was almost always sure to reach its mark. colonel boone, in describing this attempt of the indians to capture the commissioners by stratagem, and of the storm of war which followed, writes: "they immediately grappled us, but, although surrounded by hundreds of savages, we extricated ourselves from them and escaped all safe into the garrison except one, who was wounded through a heavy fire from their army. they immediately attacked us on every side, and a constant heavy fire ensued between us, day and night, for the space of nine days. in this time the enemy began to undermine our fort, which was situated about sixty yards from the kentucky river. they began at the water mark and proceeded in the bank some distance, which we understood by their making the water muddy with the clay. we immediately proceeded to disappoint their design by cutting a trench across their subterranean passage. the enemy discovering our counter mine by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted from that stratagem. experience now fully convincing them that neither their power nor their policy could effect their purpose, on the twentieth of august they raised the siege and departed. "during this siege, which threatened death in every form, we had two men killed and four wounded, besides a number of cattle. we killed of the enemy thirty-seven and wounded a great number. after they were gone we picked up one hundred and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of our fort, which certainly is a great proof of their industry." it is said that during this siege, one of the negroes, probably a slave, deserted from the fort with one of their best rifles, and joined the indians. concealing himself in a tree, where unseen he could take deliberate aim, he became one of the most successful of the assailants. but the eagle eye of boone detected him, and though, as was afterwards ascertained by actual measurement, the tree was five hundred and twenty-five feet distant from the fort, boone took deliberate aim, fired, and the man was seen to drop heavily from his covert to the ground. the bullet from boone's rifle had pierced his brain. at one time the indians had succeeded in setting fire to the fort, by throwing flaming combustibles upon it, attached to their arrows. one of the young men extinguished the flames, exposing himself to the concentrated and deadly fire of the assailants in doing so. though the bullets fell like hailstones around him, the brave fellow escaped unscathed. this repulse quite disheartened the indians. henceforth they regarded boonesborough as a gibraltar; impregnable to any force which they could bring against it. they never assailed it again. though boonesborough is now but a small village in kentucky, it has a history which will render it forever memorable in the annals of heroism. it will be remembered that boone's family, supposing him to have perished by the hands of the indians, had returned to the home of mrs. boone's father in north carolina. colonel boone, anxious to rejoin his wife and children, and feeling that boonesborough was safe from any immediate attack by the indians, soon after the dispersion of the savages entered again upon the long journey through the wilderness, to find his friends east of the mountains. in the autumn of , colonel boone again found himself, after all his wonderful adventures, in a peaceful home on the banks of the yadkin. the settlements in kentucky continued rapidly to increase. the savages had apparently relinquished all hope of holding exclusive possession of the country. though there were occasional acts of violence and cruelty, there was quite a truce in the indian warfare. but the white settlers, and those who wished to emigrate, were greatly embarrassed by conflicting land claims. many of the pioneers found their titles pronounced to be of no validity. others who wished to emigrate, experienced great difficulty in obtaining secure possession of their lands. the reputation of kentucky as in all respects one of the most desirable of earthly regions for comfortable homes, added to the desire of many families to escape from the horrors of revolutionary war, which was sweeping the sea-board, led to a constant tide of emigration beyond the mountains. under these circumstances the government of virginia established a court, consisting of four prominent citizens, to go from place to place, examine such titles as should be presented to them, and to confirm those which were good. this commission commenced its duties at st. asaph. all the old terms of settlement proposed by henderson and the transylvania company were abrogated. thus colonel boone had no title to a single acre of land in kentucky. a new law however was enacted as follows: "any person may acquire title to so much unappropriated land, as he or she may desire to purchase, on paying the consideration of forty pounds for every one hundred acres, and so in proportion." this money was to be paid to the state treasurer, who would give for it a receipt. this receipt was to be deposited with the state auditor, who would in exchange for it give a certificate. this certificate was to be lodged at the land office. there it was to be registered, and a warrant was to be given, authorizing the survey of the land selected. surveyors who had passed the ordeal of william and mary college, having defined the boundaries of the land, were to make a return to the land office. a due record was there to be made of the survey, a deed was to be given in the name of the state, which deed was to be signed by the governor, with the seal of the commonwealth attached. this was a perplexing labyrinth for the pioneer to pass through, before he could get a title to his land. not only colonel boone, but it seems that his family were anxious to return to the beautiful fields of kentucky. during the few months he remained on the yadkin, he was busy in converting every particle of property he possessed into money, and in raising every dollar he could for the purchase of lands he so greatly desired. the sum he obtained amounted to about twenty thousand dollars, in the depreciated paper currency of that day. to daniel boone this was a large sum. with this the simple-hearted man started for richmond to pay it to the state treasurer, and to obtain for it the promised certificate. he was also entrusted with quite large sums of money from his neighbors, for a similar purpose. on his way he was robbed of every dollar. it was a terrible blow to him, for it not only left him penniless, but exposed him to the insinuation of having feigned the robbery, that he might retain the money entrusted to him by his friends. those who knew daniel boone well would have no more suspected him of fraud than an angel of light. with others however, his character suffered. rumor was busy in denouncing him. colonel nathaniel hart had entrusted boone with two thousand nine hundred pounds. this of course was all gone. a letter, however, is preserved from colonel hart, which bears noble testimony to the character of the man from whom he had suffered: "i observe what you say respecting our losses by daniel boone. i had heard of the misfortune soon after it happened, but not of my being a partaker before now. i feel for the poor people who perhaps are to lose their pre-emptions. but i must say i feel more for boone, whose character i am told suffers by it. much degenerated must the people of this age be, when amongst them are to be found men to censure and blast the reputation of a person so just and upright, and in whose breast is a seat of virtue too pure to admit of a thought so base and dishonorable. i have known boone in times of old, when poverty and distress had him fast by the hand, and in these wretched circumstances, i have ever found him of a noble and generous soul, despising everything mean, and therefore i will freely grant him a discharge for whatever sums of mine he might have been possessed at the time." boone was now forty-five years of age, but the hardships to which he had been exposed had borne heavily upon him, and he appeared ten years older. though he bore without a murmur the loss of his earthly all, and the imputations which were cast upon his character, he was more anxious than ever to find refuge from the embarrassments which oppressed him in the solitudes of his beautiful kentucky. notwithstanding his comparative poverty, his family on the banks of the yadkin need not experience any want. land was fertile, abundant and cheap. he and his boys in a few days, with their axes, could erect as good a house as they desired to occupy. the cultivation of a few acres of the soil, and the results of the chase, would provide them an ample support. here also they could retire to rest at night, with unbolted door and with no fear that their slumbers would be disturbed by the yell of the blood-thirsty savage. the wife and mother must doubtless have wished to remain in her pleasant home, but cheerfully and nobly she acceded to his wishes, and was ready to accompany him to all the abounding perils of the distant west. again the family set out on its journey across the mountains. of the incidents which they encountered, we are not informed. the narrative we have from boone is simply as follows: our readers will excuse the slight repetition it involves: "about this time i returned to kentucky with my family. and here, to avoid an enquiry into my conduct, the reader being before informed of my bringing my family to kentucky, i am under the necessity of informing him that during my captivity with the indians, my wife, who despaired of ever seeing me again, had transported my family and goods back through the wilderness, amid a multitude of dangers, to her father's house in north carolina. shortly after the troubles at boonesborough, i went to them and lived peaceably there until this time. the history of my going home and returning with my family forms a series of difficulties, an account of which would swell a volume. and being foreign to my purpose i shall omit them." during boone's absence from kentucky, one of the most bloody battles was fought, which ever occurred between the whites and the indians. colonel rogers, returning with supplies (by boat) from new orleans to the upper ohio, when he arrived at the mouth of the little miami, detected the indians in large numbers, painted, armed, and evidently on the war path, emerging from the mouth of the river in their canoes, and crossing the ohio to the kentucky shore. he cautiously landed his men, intending to attack the indians by surprise. instead of this, they turned upon him with overwhelming numbers, and assailed him with the greatest fury. colonel rogers and sixty of his men were almost instantly killed. this constituted nearly the whole of his party. two or three effected their escape, and conveyed the sad tidings of the massacre to the settlements. the kentuckians were exceedingly exasperated, and resolved that the indians should feel the weight of their vengeance. colonel bowman, in accordance with a custom of the times, issued a call, inviting all the kentuckians who were willing to volunteer under his leadership for the chastisement of the indians, to rendezvous at harrodsburg. three hundred determined men soon assembled. the expedition moved in the month of july, and commenced the ascent of the little miami undiscovered. they arrived in the vicinity of old chilicothe just before nightfall. here it was determined so to arrange their forces in the darkness, as to attack the place just before the dawn of the ensuing day. one half of the army, under the command of colonel logan, were to grope their way through the woods, and march around the town so as to attack it in the rear, at a given signal from colonel bowman, who was to place his men in position for efficient cooperation. logan accomplished his movement, and concealing his men behind stumps, trees, and rocks, anxiously awaited the signal for attack. but the sharp ear of a watch-dog detected some unusual movement, and commenced barking furiously. an indian warrior came from his cabin, and cautiously advanced the way the dog seemed to designate. as the indian drew near, one of the party, by accident or great imprudence, discharged his gun. the indian gave a war-whoop, which immediately startled all the inmates of the cabins to their feet. logan and his party were sufficiently near to see the women and the children in a continuous line rushing over the ridge, to the protection of the forest. the indian warriors, with a military discipline hardly to be expected of them, instantly collected in several strong cabins, which were their citadels, and from whose loop-holes, unexposed, they could open a deadly fire upon their assailants, in an instant, the whole aspect of affairs was changed. the assailants advancing through the clearing, must expose their unprotected breasts to the bullets of an unseen foe. after a brief conflict, colonel logan, to his bitter disappointment and that of his men, felt constrained to order a retreat. the two parties were soon reunited, having lost several valuable lives, and depressed by the conviction that the enterprise had proved an utter failure. the savages pursued, keeping up a harassing fire upon the rear of the fugitives. fortunately for the white men, the renowned indian chieftain blackfish, struck by a bullet, was instantly killed. this so disheartened his followers, that they abandoned the pursuit. the fugitives continued their flight all the night, and then at their leisure returned to their homes much dejected. in this disastrous expedition, nine men were killed and one was severely wounded. the indians, aided by their english allies, resolved by the invasion of kentucky to retaliate for the invasion of the little miami. governor hamilton raised a very formidable army, and supplied them with two pieces of artillery. by such weapons the strongest log fort could speedily be demolished; while the artillerists would be entirely beyond the reach of the guns of the garrison. a british officer, colonel boyd, commanded the combined force. the valley of the licking river, along whose banks many thriving settlements had commenced, was their point of destination. a twelve days' march from the ohio brought this army, which was considered a large one in those times, to a post called kuddle's station. the garrison was immediately summoned to surrender, with the promise of protection for their lives only. resistance against artillery was hopeless. the place was surrendered. indians and white men rushed in, alike eager for plunder. the indians, breaking loose from all restraint, caught men, women and children, and claimed them as their prisoners. three persons who made some slight resistance were immediately tomahawked. the british commander endeavored to exonerate himself from these atrocities by saying that it was utterly beyond his power to control the savages. these wolfish allies, elated by their conquest, their plunder and their captives, now demanded to be led along the valley five miles to the next station, called martin's fort. it is said that colonel byrd was so affected by the uncontrollable atrocities he had witnessed, that he refused to continue the expedition, unless the indians would consent, that while they should receive all the plunder, he should have all the prisoners. it is also said that notwithstanding this agreement, the same scenes were enacted at martin's fort which had been witnessed at ruddle's station. in confirmation of this statement, it is certain that colonel byrd refused to go any farther. all the stations on the river were apparently at his disposal, and it speaks well for his humanity that he refused to lead any farther savages armed with the tomahawk and the scalping knife, against his white brethren. he could order a retreat, as he did, but he could not rescue the captives from those who had seized them. the indians loaded down their victims with the plunder of their own dwellings, and as they fell by the way, sinking beneath their burdens, they buried the tomahawk in their brains. the exasperation on both sides was very great, and general clark, who was stationed at fort jefferson with a thousand picked men, entered the indian territory, burned the villages, destroyed the crops, and utterly devastated the country. in reference to this expedition, mr. cecil b. hartley writes: "some persons who have not the slightest objection to war, very gravely express doubts as to whether the expedient of destroying the crops of the indians was justifiable. it is generally treated by these men as if it were a wanton display of a vindictive spirit, where in reality it was dictated by the soundest policy; for when the indians' harvests were destroyed, they were compelled to subsist their families altogether by hunting, and had no leisure for their murderous inroads into the settlements. this result was plainly seen on this occasion, for it does not appear that the indians attacked any of the settlements during the remainder of this year." the following incident, well authenticated, which occurred early in the spring of , gives one a vivid idea of the nature of this warfare: "mr. alexander mcconnel of lexington, while out hunting, killed a large buck. he went home for his horse to bring it in. while he was absent, five indians accidentally discovered the body of the deer. supposing the hunter would return, three of them hid themselves within rifle shot of the carcass while two followed his trail. mcconnel, anticipating no danger, was riding slowly along the path, when he was fired upon from ambush, his horse shot beneath him, and he seized as a prisoner. his captors were in high glee, and treated him with unusual kindness. his skill with the rifle excited their admiration, and as he provided them with abundance of game, they soon became quite fond of him. day after day the savages continued their tramp to the ohio river, to cross over to their own country. every night they bound him very strongly. as they became better acquainted, and advanced farther from the settlements of the pioneers, they in some degree remitted their vigilance. one evening when they had arrived near the ohio, mcconnel complained so earnestly of the pain which the tightly bound cords gave him, that they more loosely fastened the cord of buffalo hide around his wrists. still they tied it, as they supposed securely, and attached the end of the cord to the body of one of the indians. "at midnight, mcconnel discovered a sharp knife lying near him, which had accidentally fallen from its sheath. he drew it to him with his feet, and succeeded noiselessly in cutting the cords. still he hardly dared to stir, for there was danger that the slightest movement might rouse his vigilant foes. the savages had stacked their five guns near the fire. cautiously he crept towards them, and secreted three at but a short distance where they would not easily find them. he then crept noiselessly back, took a rifle in each hand, rested the muzzles upon a log, and aiming one at the heart, and one at the head of two indians at the distance of a few feet, discharged both guns simultaneously. [illustration] "both shots were fatal. the three remaining savages in bewilderment sprang to their feet. mcconnel instantly seizing the two other guns, shot one through the heart, and inflicted a terrible wound upon the other. he fell to the ground bellowing loudly. soon however he regained his feet and hobbled off into the woods as fast as possible. the only remaining one of the party who was unhurt uttered a loud yell of terror and dismay, and bounded like a deer into the forest. mcconnel was not disposed to remain even for one moment to contemplate the result of his achievement. he selected his own trusty rifle, plunged into the forest, and with the unerring instinct of the veteran hunter, in two days reached the garrison at lexington to relate to them his wonderful escape." chapter x. _british allies._ death of squire boone.--indian outrages.--gerty and mcgee.--battle of blue lick.--death of isaac boone.--colonel boone's narrow escape.--letter of daniel boone.--determination of general clarke.--discouragement of the savages.--amusing anecdote of daniel boone. it was in the autumn of the year that daniel boone, with his family, returned to boonesborough. a year before, the legislature of virginia had recognized essentially what is now kentucky as one of the counties of virginia, and had established the town of boonesborough as its capital. by this act daniel boone was named one of the trustees or selectmen. town lots were ordered to be surveyed, and a very liberal grant of land was conferred upon every one who would erect a house at least sixteen feet square, with either brick, stone, or dirt chimney. for some reason colonel boone declined this office. it is probable that he was disgusted by his own experience in the civil courts. there was little danger now of an attack upon boonesborough by the indians. there were so many settlements around it that no foe could approach without due warning and without encountering serious opposition. on the sixth of october daniel boone, with his brother squire, left the fort alone for what would seem to be an exceedingly imprudent excursion, so defenceless, to the blue licks. they reached the licks in safety. while there they were discovered by a party of indians, and were fired upon from ambush. squire boone was instantly killed and scalped. daniel, heart-stricken by the loss of his beloved brother, fled like a deer, pursued by the whole band, filling the forest with their yells like a pack of hounds. the indians had a very powerful dog with them, who, with unerring scent, followed closely in the trail of the fugitive. for three miles this unequal chase continued. the dog, occasionally embarrassed in his pursuit, would be delayed for a time in regaining the trail. the speed of boone was such that the foremost of the savages was left far behind. he then, as the dog came bounding on, stopped, took deliberate aim, and shot the brute. boone was still far from the fort, but he reached it in safety, leaving upon the indians the impression that he bore a charmed life. he was very deeply afflicted by the death of his brother. squire was the youngest of the sons, and the tie which bound the brothers together was unusually tender and confidential. they had shared in many perilous adventures, and for months had dwelt entirely alone in the wilderness, far away from any other society. the winter of was one of the saddest in the annals of our country. the colonial army, everywhere defeated, was in the most deplorable state of destitution and suffering. our frontiers were most cruelly ravaged by a barbarian foe. to add to all this, the winter was severely cold, beyond any precedent. the crops had been so destroyed by the enemy that many of the pioneers were compelled to live almost entirely upon the flesh of the buffalo. virginia, in extending her jurisdiction over her western lands of kentucky, now, for the sake of a more perfect military organization, divided the extensive region into three counties--fayette, lincoln, and jefferson. general clarke was made commander-in-chief of the kentucky militia. daniel boone was commissioned as lieutenant-colonel of lincoln county. the emigration into the state at this time may be inferred from the fact that the court of commissioners to examine land titles, at the close of its session of seven months had granted three thousand claims. its meetings had been held mainly at boonesborough, and its labors terminated in april, . during the spring three hundred barges, loaded with emigrants, were floated down the ohio to the falls, at what is now louisville. as we have stated, the winter had been one of the most remarkable on record. from the middle of november to the middle of february, the ground was covered with snow and ice, without a thaw. the severity of the cold was terrible. nearly all unprotected animals perished. even bears, buffalo, wolves, and wild turkeys were found frozen in the woods. the starving wild animals often came near the settlement for food. for seventy-five years the winter of was an era to which the old men referred. though the indians organized no formidable raids, they were very annoying. no one could safely wander any distance from the forts. in march, , several bands entered jefferson county, and by lying in ambush killed four of the settlers. captain whittaker, with fifteen men, went in pursuit of them. he followed their trail to the banks of the ohio. supposing they had crossed, he and his party embarked in canoes, boldly to continue the pursuit into the indian country. they had scarcely pushed a rod from the shore when hideous yells rose from the indians in ambush, and a deadly fire was opened upon the canoes. nine of the pioneers were instantly killed or wounded. the savages, having accomplished this feat, fled into the wilderness, where the party, thus weakened in numbers, could not pursue them. a small party of settlers had reared their log-huts near the present site of shelbyville. squire boone had been one of the prominent actors in the establishment of this little colony. alarmed by the menaces of the savages, these few settlers decided to remove to a more secure station on bear's creek. on their way they were startled by the war-whoop of they knew not how many indians concealed in ambush, and a storm of bullets fell upon them, killing and wounding many of their number. the miscreants, scarcely waiting for the return fire, fled with yells which resounded through the forest, leaving their victims to the sad task of burying the dead and nursing the wounded. colonel floyd collected twenty-five men to pursue them. the wary indians, nearly two hundred in number, drew them into an ambush and opened upon the party a deadly fire which almost instantly killed half their number. the remainder with great difficulty escaped, leaving their dead to be mutilated by the scalping knife of the savage. almost every day brought tidings of similar disasters. the indians, emboldened by these successes, seemed to rouse themselves to a new determination to exterminate the whites. the conduct of the british government, in calling such wretches to their alliance in their war with the colonies, created the greatest exasperation. thomas jefferson gave expression to the public sentiment in the declaration of independence, in which he says, in arraignment of king george the third: "he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions." there were two wretched men, official agents of the british government, who were more savage than the savages themselves. one of them, a vagabond named simon gerty, had joined the indians by adoption. he had not only acquired their habits, but had become their leader in the most awful scenes of ferocity. he was a tory, and as such was the bitterest foe of the colonists, who were struggling for independence. the other, colonel mcgee, with a little more respectability of character, was equally fiendlike in exciting the indians to the most revolting barbarities. thus incited and sustained by british authority, the indians kept all the settlers in kentucky in constant alarm. instigated by the authorities at detroit, the warriors of five tribes assembled at old chilicothe to organize the most formidable expedition which had as yet invaded kentucky. these tribes were the shawanese on the little miami, the cherokees on the tennessee, the wyandotts on the sandusky, the tawas on the maumee, and the delawares on the muskingum. their choicest warriors, five hundred in number, rendezvoused at old chilicothe. this indian village was built in the form of a square enclosing a large area. some of their houses were of logs, some of bark, some of reeds filled in with clay. boone says that the indians concentrated their utmost force and vengeance upon this expedition, hoping to destroy the settlements and to depopulate the country at a single blow. not far from boonesborough, in the same valley of the kentucky, there was a small settlement called bryant's station. william bryant, the founder, had married a sister of colonel boone. on the fifteenth of august, a war party of five hundred indians and canadians, under the leadership of simon gerty, appeared before this little cluster of log-huts, each of which was of course bullet-proof. the settlers fought heroically. gerty was wounded, and thirty of his band were killed, while the garrison lost but four. the assailing party, thus disappointed in their expectation of carrying the place by storm, and fearing the arrival of reinforcements from other settlements, hastily retired. colonel boone, hearing of the attack, hastened to the rescue, joining troops from several of the adjacent forts. the party consisted of one hundred and eighty men, under the leadership of colonel todd, one of "nature's noblemen." colonel boone seems to have been second in command. two of his sons, israel and samuel, accompanied their father upon this expedition. the indians, led by british officers, were far more to be dreaded than when left to their own cunning, which was often childish. as the little band of pioneers, rushing to the rescue, approached bryant's station and were informed of the retreat of the invaders, a council of war was held, to decide whether it were best for a hundred and eighty men to pursue five hundred indians and canadians, through a region where every mile presented the most favorable opportunities for concealment in ambush. gerty was a desperado who was to be feared as well as hated. contrary to the judgment of both colonels todd and boone, it was decided to pursue the indians. there was no difficulty in following the trail of so large a band, many of whom were mounted. their path led almost directly north, to the licking river, and then followed down its banks towards the ohio. as the pursuers were cautiously advancing, they came to a remarkable bend in the stream, where there was a large and open space, with prairie grass very high. a well trampled buffalo track led through this grass, which was almost like a forest of reeds. along this "street" the indians had retreated. the scouts who had been sent forward to explore, returned with the report that there were no signs of indians. and yet, four hundred savages had so adroitly concealed themselves, that their line really extended from bank to bank of the river, where it bent like a horseshoe before them. the combined cunning of the indian, and the intelligence of their white leaders, was now fatally enlisted for the destruction of the settlers. a hundred and eighty men were to be caught in a trap, with five hundred demons prepared to shoot them down. as soon as colonel todd's party passed the neck of this bend, the indians closed in behind them, rose from their concealment, and with terrific yells opened upon them a still more terrific fire. the pioneers fought with the courage of desperation. at the first discharge, nearly one third of colonel todd's little party fell dead or wounded. struck fatally by several bullets, colonel todd himself fell from his horse drenched with blood. while a portion of the indians kept up the fire, others, with hideous yells sprang forward with tomahawk and scalping knife, completing their fiendlike work. it was a scene of awful confusion and dismay. the survivors fighting every step of the way, retreated towards the river, for there was no escape back through their thronging foes. colonel boone's two sons fought by the side of their father. samuel, the younger, struck by a bullet, was severely but not mortally wounded. israel, his second son, fell dead. the unhappy father, took his dead boy upon his shoulders to save him from the scalping knife. as he tottered beneath the bleeding body, an indian of herculean stature with uplifted tomahawk rushed upon him. colonel boone dropped the body of his son, shot the indian through the heart, and seeing the savages rushing upon him from all directions, fled, leaving the corpse of his boy to its fate. being intimately acquainted with the ground, he plunged into a ravine, baffling several parties who pursued him, swam across the river, and entering the forest succeeded in escaping from his foes, and at length safely by a circuitous route returned to bryant's station. in the meantime the scene of tumult and slaughter was awful beyond all description. victors and vanquished were blended together upon the banks of the stream. in this dreadful conflict there were four indians to each white man. there was a narrow ford at the spot, but the whole stream seemed clogged, some swimming and some trying to wade, while the exultant indians shot and tomahawked without mercy. those who succeeded in crossing the river, leaving the great buffalo track which they had been following, plunged into the thickets, and though vigorously pursued by the indians, most of them eventually reached the settlements. in this dreadful disaster, the colonists lost sixty men in killed and seven were taken prisoners. the indians in counting up their loss, found that sixty-four were missing. in accordance with their barbaric custom, they selected in vengeance four of the prisoners and put them to death by the most terrible tortures which savage ingenuity could devise. had colonel boone's advice been followed, this calamity might have been avoided. still characteristically, he uttered not a word of complaint. in his comments upon the event he says: "i cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene but sorrow fills my heart. a zeal for the defence of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a few men to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. when we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. the river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight; some just entering the river, some in the water, others after crossing, in ascending the cliffs. some escaped on horseback, a few on foot; and being dispersed everywhere in a few hours, brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate conflict to lexington. the reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants; exceeding anything i am able to describe. being reinforced we returned to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed everywhere, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner. this mournful scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled; some torn and eaten by wild beasts; those in the river eaten by fishes; all in such a putrified condition that no one could be distinguished from another." this battle of the blue licks, as it is called, occupies one of the most mournful pages in the history of kentucky. the escape of boone adds another to the extraordinary adventures of this chivalric and now sorrow-stricken man. colonel boone communicated an official report to the governor of virginia, benjamin harrison, father of william henry harrison, subsequently president of the united states. in this report, it is noticeable that boone makes no allusion whatever to his own services. this modest document throws such light upon the character of this remarkable man, and upon the peril of the times, that it merits full insertion here. it is as follows: "boone's station, fayette co., aug. , . "sir,--present circumstances of affairs cause me to write to your excellency, as follows: on the sixteenth instant, a large body of indians, with some white men, attacked one of our frontier stations, known as bryant's station. the siege continued from about sunrise until two o'clock of the next day, when they marched off. notice being given to the neighboring stations, we immediately raised one hundred and eighty-one horsemen, commanded by col. john todd, including some of the lincoln county militia, and pursued about forty miles." after a brief account of the battle which we have already given, he continues: "afterwards we were reinforced by colonel logan, which made our force four hundred and sixty men. we marched again to the battle ground, but finding the enemy had gone, we proceeded to bury the dead. we found forty-three on the ground, and many lay about which we could not stay to find, hungry and weary as we were, and dubious that the enemy might not have gone off quite. by the sign, we thought that the indians exceeded four hundred, while the whole of the militia of the county does not amount to more than one hundred and thirty. "from these facts, your excellency may form an idea of our situation. i know that your own circumstances are critical; but are we to be wholly forgotten? i hope not. i trust that about five hundred men may be sent to our assistance immediately. if these shall be stationed as our county lieutenant shall deem necessary, it may be the means of saving our part of the country. but if they are placed under the direction of general clarke, they will be of little or no service to our settlement. the falls lie one hundred miles west of us, and the indians north-east; while our men are frequently called to protect them. "i have encouraged the people in this county all that i could; but i can no longer justify them or myself to risk our lives here, under such extraordinary hazards. the inhabitants of this county are very much alarmed at the thoughts of the indians bringing another campaign into our country this fall. if this should be the case, it will break up these settlements. i hope therefore that your excellency will take the matter into your consideration, and send us some relief as quick as possible. these are my sentiments without consulting any person. colonel logan will i expect immediately send you an express, by whom i humbly request your excellency's answer. in the meantime, i remain yours, etc., daniel boone." general clarke, who was the military leader of kentucky under the colonial government, was established at _the falls_. the british authorities held their head-quarters at detroit, from which post they were sending out their indian allies in all directions to ravage the frontiers. general clarke was a man of great energy of character, and he was anxious to organise an expedition against detroit. with this object in view, he had by immense exertions assembled a force of nearly two thousand men. much to his chagrin, he received orders to remain at the falls for the present, to protect the frontiers then so severely menaced. but when the tidings reached him of the terrible disaster at the blue lick, he resolved to pursue the indians and punish them with the greatest severity. the exultant savages had returned to old chilicothe, and had divided their spoil and their captives. colonel boone was immediately sent for to take part in this expedition. clarke's army crossed the ohio, and marching very rapidly up the banks of the little miami, arrived within two miles of chilicothe before they were discovered. on perceiving the enemy the indians scattered in all directions. men, women and children fled into the remote forest, abandoning their homes and leaving everything behind them. the avenging army swept the valley with fire and ruin. their corn just ripening, and upon which they mainly relied for their winter supply of food, was utterly destroyed. every tree which bore any fruit was felled, and five of their towns were laid in ashes. the trail of the army presented a scene of utter desolation. the savages were alike astonished and dismayed. they had supposed that the white men, disheartened by their dreadful defeat at the blue lick, would abandon the country. instead of that, with amazing recuperative power, they had scarcely reached their homes ere another army, utterly resistless in numbers, is burning their towns and destroying their whole country. this avenging campaign so depressed the indians that they made no farther attempt for the organised invasion of kentucky. the termination of the war with england also deprived them of their military resources, and left them to their own unaided and unintelligent efforts. still miserable bands continued prowling around, waylaying and murdering the lonely traveler, setting fire to the solitary hut and inflicting such other outrages as were congenial with their cruel natures. it thus became necessary for the pioneers always to live with the rifle in hand. colonel boone had become especially obnoxious to the indians. twice he had escaped from them, under circumstances which greatly mortified their vanity. they recognised the potency of his rifle in the slaughter of their own warriors at the blue lick; and they were well aware that it was his sagacity which led the army of general clarke in its avenging march through their country. it thus became with them an object of intense desire to take him prisoner, and had he been taken, he would doubtless have been doomed to the severest torture they could inflict. mr. peck, in his interesting life of boone, gives the following account of one of the extraordinary adventures of this man, which he received from the lips of colonel boone himself. on one occasion, four indians suddenly appeared before his cabin and took him prisoner. though the delicacy of colonel boone's organization was such, that he could never himself relish tobacco in any form, he still raised some for his friends and neighbors, and for what were then deemed the essential rites of hospitality. "as a shelter for curing the tobacco, he had built an enclosure of rails a dozen feet in height and covered with canes and grass. stalks of tobacco are generally split and strung on sticks about four feet in length. the ends of these are laid on poles placed across the tobacco house, and in tiers one above another, to the roof. boone had fixed his temporary shelter in such a manner as to have three tiers. he had covered the lower tier and the tobacco had become dry; when he entered the shelter for the purpose of removing the sticks to the upper tier, preparatory to gathering the remainder of the crop. he had hoisted up the sticks from the lower to the second tier, and was standing on the poles which supported it, while raising the sticks to the upper tier, when four stout indians, with guns, entered the low door and called him by name. [illustration] "'now, boone, we got you. you no get away more. we carry you off to chilicothe this time. you no cheat us anymore.' "boone looked down upon their upturned faces, saw their loaded guns pointed at his breast, and recognising some of his old friends the shawanese, who had made him prisoner near the blue licks in , coolly and pleasantly responded: "'ah, old friends, glad to see you.' "perceiving that they manifested impatience to have him come down, he told them he was quite willing to go with them, and only begged that they would wait where they were, and watch him closely until he could finish removing the tobacco. "while thus parleying with them, boone inquired earnestly respecting his old friends in chilicothe. he continued for some time to divert the attention of these simple-minded men, by allusions to past events with which they were familiar, and by talking of his tobacco, his mode of curing it, and promising them an abundant supply. with their guns in their hands however, they stood at the door of the shed, grouped closely together so as to render his escape apparently impossible. in the meantime boone carefully gathered his arms full of the long, dry tobacco leaves, filled with pungent dust, which would be blinding and stifling as the most powerful snuff, and then with a leap from his station twelve feet high, came directly upon their heads, filling their eyes and nostrils, and so bewildering and disabling them for the moment, that they lost all self-possession and all self-control. "boone, agile as a deer, darted out at the door, and in a moment was in his bullet-proof log-hut, which to him was an impregnable citadel. loop-holes guarded every approach. the indians could not show themselves without exposure to certain death. they were too well acquainted with the unerring aim of boone's rifle to venture within its range. keeping the log cabin between them and their redoubtable foe, the baffled indians fled into the wilderness. "colonel boone related this adventure with great glee, imitating the gestures of the bewildered indians. he said that notwithstanding his narrow escape, he could not resist the temptation, as he reached the door of his cabin, to look around to witness the effect of his achievement. the indians coughing, sneezing, blinded and almost suffocated by the tobacco dust, were throwing out their arms and groping about in all directions, cursing him for a rogue and calling themselves fools." chapter xi. _kentucky organized as a state._ peace with england.--order of a kentucky court.--anecdotes.--speech of mr. dalton.--reply of piankashaw.--renewed indications of indian hostility.--conventions at danville.--kentucky formed into a state.--new trials for boone. the close of the war of the revolution, bringing peace between the colonies and the mother country, deprived the indians of that powerful alliance which had made them truly formidable. being no longer able to obtain a supply of ammunition from the british arsenals, or to be guided in their murderous raids by british intelligence, they also, through their chiefs, entered into treaties of peace with the rapidly-increasing emigrants. though these treaties with the indians prevented any general organization of the tribes, vagabond indians, entirely lawless, were wandering in all directions, ever ready to perpetrate any outrage. civil society has its highway robbers, burglars and murderers. much more so was this the case among these savages, exasperated by many wrongs; for it cannot be denied that they were more frequently sinned against than sinning. their untutored natures made but little distinction between the innocent and the guilty. if a vagabond white man wantonly shot an indian--and many were as ready to do it as to shoot a wolf--the friends of the murdered indian would take revenge upon the inmates of the first white man's cabin they encountered in the wilderness. thus it was necessary for the pioneers to be constantly upon their guard. if they wandered any distance from the fort while hunting, or were hoeing in the field, or ventured to rear a cabin on a fertile meadow at a distance from the stations, they were liable to be startled at any hour of the day or of the night by the terrible war-whoop, and to feel the weight of savage vengeance. this exposure to constant peril influenced the settlers, as a general rule, to establish themselves in stations. this gave them companionship, the benefits of co-operative labor, and security against any small prowling bands. these stations were formed upon the model of the one which daniel boone had so wisely organized at boonesborough. they consisted of a cluster of bullet-proof log-cabins, arranged in a quadrangular form, so as to enclose a large internal area. all the doors opened upon this interior space. here the cattle were gathered at night. the intervals between the cottages were filled with palisades, also bullet-proof. loop-holes through the logs enabled these riflemen to guard every approach to their fortress. thus they had little to fear from the indians when sheltered by these strong citadels. emigration to kentucky began very rapidly to increase. large numbers crossed the mountains to pittsburgh, where they took flat boats and floated down the beautiful ohio, _la belle rivière_, until they reached such points on its southern banks as pleased them for a settlement, or from which they could ascend the majestic rivers of that peerless state. comfortable homesteads were fast rising in all directions. horses, cattle, swine, and poultry of all kinds were multiplied. farming utensils began to make their appearance. the hum of happy industry was heard where wolves had formerly howled and buffalo ranged. merchandise in considerable quantities was transported over the mountains on pack horses, and then floated down the ohio and distributed among the settlements upon its banks. country stores arose, land speculators appeared, and continental paper money became a circulating medium. this money, however, was not of any very great value, as may be inferred from the following decree, passed by one of the county courts, establishing the schedule of prices for tavern-keeping: "the court doth set the following rates to be observed by keepers in this county: whiskey, fifteen dollars the half-pint; rum, ten dollars the gallon; a meal, twelve dollars; stabling or pasturage, four dollars the night." under these changed circumstances, colonel boone, whose intrepidity nothing could daunt, and whose confidence in the protective power of his rifle was unbounded, had reared for himself, on one of the beautiful meadows of the kentucky, a commodious home. he had selected a spot whose fertility and loveliness pleased his artistic eye. it is estimated that during the years and nearly twelve thousand persons emigrated to kentucky. still all these had to move with great caution, with rifles always loaded, and ever on the alert against surprise. the following incident will give the reader an idea of the perils and wild adventures encountered by these parties in their search for new and distant homes. colonel thomas marshall, a man of much note in those days, had crossed the alleghanies with his large family. at pittsburgh he purchased a flat-boat, and was floating down the ohio. he had passed the mouth of the kanawha river without any incident of note occurring. about ten o'clock one night, as his boat had drifted near the northern shore of the solitary stream, he was hailed by a man upon the bank, who, after inquiring who he was, where he was bound, etc., added: "i have been posted here by order of my brother, simon gerty, to warn all boats of the danger of permitting themselves to be decoyed ashore. my brother regrets very deeply the injury he has inflicted upon the white men, and to convince them of the sincerity of his repentance, and of his earnest desire to be restored to their society, he has stationed me here to warn all boats of the snares which are spread for them by the cunning of the indians. renegade white men will be placed upon the banks, who will represent themselves as in the greatest distress. even children taken captive will be compelled, by threats of torture, to declare that they are all alone upon the shore, and to entreat the boats to come and rescue them. "but keep in the middle of the river," said gerty, "and steel your heart against any supplications you may hear." the colonel thanked him for his warning, and continued to float down the rapid current of the stream. virginia had passed a law establishing the town of louisville, at the falls of the ohio. a very thriving settlement soon sprang up there. the nature of the warfare still continuing between the whites and the indians may be inferred from the following narrative, which we give in the words of colonel boone: "the indians continued to practice mischief secretly upon the inhabitants in the exposed part of the country. in october a party made an incursion into a district called crab orchard. one of these indians having advanced some distance before the others, boldly entered the house of a poor defenseless family, in which was only a negro man, a woman and her children, terrified with apprehensions of immediate death. the savage, perceiving their defenseless condition, without offering violence to the family, attempted to capture the negro, who happily proved an over-match for him, and threw the indian on the ground. "in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an axe from the corner of the cottage and cut off the head of the indian, while her little daughter shut the door. the savages soon appeared, and applied their tomahawks to the door. an old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in the corner, which the mother put through a small crevice, and the savages perceiving it, fled. in the meantime the alarm spread through the neighborhood; the armed men collected immediately and pursued the savages into the wilderness. thus providence, by means of this negro, saved the whole of the poor family from destruction." the heroism of mrs. merrill is worthy of being perpetuated, not only as a wonderful achievement, but as illustrative of the nature of this dreadful warfare. mr. merrill, with his wife, little son and daughter, occupied a remote cabin in nelson county, kentucky. on the th of december, , he was alarmed by the barking of his dog. opening the door to ascertain the cause, he was instantly fired upon by seven or eight indians who had crept near the house secreting themselves behind stumps and trees. two bullets struck him, fracturing the bones both of his leg and of his arm. the savages, with hideous yells, then rushed for the door. mrs. merrill had but just time to close and bolt it when the savages plunged against it and hewed it with their tomahawks. every dwelling was at that time a fortress whose log walls were bullet proof. but for the terrible wounds which mr. merrill had received, he would with his rifle shooting through loop-holes, soon have put the savages to flight. they, emboldened by the supposition that he was killed, cut away at the door till they had opened a hole sufficiently large to crawl through. one of the savages attempted to enter. he had got nearly in when mrs. merrill cleft his skull with an ax, and he fell lifeless upon the floor. another, supposing that he had safely effected an entrance, followed him and encountered the same fate. four more of the savages were in this way despatched, when the others, suspecting that all was not right, climbed upon the roof and two of them endeavored to descend through the chimney. the noise they made directed the attention of the inmates of the cabin to the new danger. there was a gentle fire burning upon the hearth. mr. merrill, with much presence of mind, directed his son, while his wife guarded the opening of the door with her ax, to empty the contents of a feather bed upon the fire. the dense smothering smoke filled the flue of the chimney. the two savages, suffocated with the fumes, after a few convulsive efforts to ascend fell almost insensible down upon the hearth. mr. merrill, seizing with his unbroken arm a billet of wood, despatched them both. but one of the indians now remained. peering in at the opening in the door he received a blow from the ax of mrs. merrill which severely wounded him. bleeding and disheartened he fled alone into the wilderness, the only one of the eight who survived the conflict. a white man who was at that time a prisoner among the indians and who subsequently effected his escape, reported that when the wounded savage reached his tribe he said to the white captive in broken english: "i have bad news for the poor indian. me lose a son, me lose a broder. the squaws have taken the breech clout, and fight worse than the long knives." but the indians were not always the aggressors. indeed it is doubtful whether they would ever have raised the war-whoop against the white man, had it not been for the outrages they were so constantly experiencing from unprincipled and vagabond adventurers, who were ever infesting the frontiers. the following incident illustrates the character and conduct of these miscreants: a party of indian hunters from the south wandering through their ancient hunting grounds of kentucky, accidentally came upon a settlement where they found several horses grazing in the field. they stole the horses, and commenced a rapid retreat to their own country. three young men, davis, caffre and mcclure, pursued them. not being able to overtake the fugitives, they decided to make reprisals on the first indians they should encounter. it so happened that they soon met three indian hunters. the parties saluted each other in a friendly manner, and proceeded on their way in pleasant companionship. the young men said that they observed the indians conversing with one another in low tones of voice, and thus they became convinced that the savages meditated treachery. resolving to anticipate the indians' attack, they formed the following plan. while walking together in friendly conversation, the indians being entirely off their guard, caffre, who was a very powerful man, was to spring upon the lightest of the indians, crush him to the ground, and thus take him a prisoner. at the same instant, davis and mcclure were each to shoot one of the other indians, who, being thus taken by surprise, could offer no resistance. the signal was given. caffre sprang upon his victim and bore him to the ground. mcclure shot his man dead. davis' gun flashed in the pan. the indian thus narrowly escaping death immediately aimed his gun at caffre, who was struggling with the one he had grappled, and instantly killed him. mcclure in his turn shot the indian. there was now one indian and two white men. but the indian had the loaded rifle. mcclure's was discharged and davis' missed fire. the indian, springing from the grasp of his dying antagonist, presented his rifle at davis, who immediately fled, hotly pursued by the indian. mcclure, stopping only to reload his gun, followed after them. soon he lost sight of both. davis was never heard of afterwards. doubtless he was shot by the avenging indian, who returned to his wigwam with the white man's scalp. mcclure, after this bloody fray, being left alone in the wilderness, commenced a return to his distant home. he had not proceeded far before he met an indian on horseback accompanied by a boy on foot. the warrior dismounted, and in token of peace offered mcclure his pipe. as they were seated together upon a log, conversing, mcclure said that the indian informed him by signs that there were other indians in the distance who would soon come up, and that then they should take him captive, tie his feet beneath the horse's belly and carry him off to their village. mcclure seized his gun, shot the indian through the heart, and plunging into the forest, effected his escape. about this same time captain james ward, with a party of half a dozen white men, one of whom was his nephew, and a number of horses, was floating down the ohio river from pittsburgh. they were in a flat boat about forty-five feet long and eight feet wide. the gunwale of the boat consisted of but a single pine plank. it was beautiful weather, and for several days they were swept along by the tranquil stream, now borne by the changing current towards the one shore, and now towards the other. one morning when they had been swept by the stream within about one hundred and fifty feet of the northern shore, suddenly several hundred indians appeared upon the bank, and uttering savage yells opened upon them a terrible fire. captain ward's nephew, pierced by a ball in the breast, fell dead in the bottom of the boat. every horse was struck by a bullet. some were instantly killed; others, severely wounded, struggled so violently as to cause the frail bark to dip water, threatening immediate destruction. all the crew except captain ward were so panic-stricken by this sudden assault, that they threw themselves flat upon their faces in the bottom of the boat, and attempted no resistance where even the exposure of a hand would be the target for a hundred rifles. fortunately captain ward was protected from this shower of bullets by a post, which for some purpose had been fastened to the gunwale. he therefore retained his position at the helm, which was an oar, striving to guide the boat to the other side of the river. as the assailants had no canoes, they could not attempt to board, but for more than an hour they ran along the banks yelling and keeping up an almost constant fire. at length the boat was swept to the other side of the stream, when the miscreants abandoned the pursuit, and disappeared. quite a large party of emigrants were attacked by the indians near what is now called scagg's creek, and six were instantly killed. a mrs. mcclure, delirious with terror, fled she knew not where, followed by her three little children and carrying a little babe in her arms. the cries of the babe guided the pursuit of the indians. they cruelly tomahawked the three oldest children, and took the mother and the babe as captives. fortunately the tidings of this outrage speedily reached one of the settlements. captain whitley immediately started in pursuit of the gang. he overtook them, killed two, wounded two, and rescued the captives. such were the scenes enacted during a period of nominal peace with the indians. there has been transmitted to us a very curious document, giving an account of a speech made by mr. dalton, a government agent, to a council of indian chiefs, upon the announcement of peace with great britain, and their reply. mr. dalton said: "my children,--what i have often told you is now come to pass. this day i received news from my great chief at the falls of the ohio. peace is made with the enemies of america. the white flesh, the americans, french, and spanish, this day smoked out of the peace-pipe. the tomahawk is buried, and they are now friends. i am told the shawanese, the delawares, chickasaws, cherokees, and all other red flesh, have taken the long knife by the hand. they have given up to them the prisoners that were in their hands. "my children on the wabash, open your ears and let what i tell you sink into your hearts. you know me. near twenty years i have been among you. the long knife is my nation. i know their hearts. peace they carry in one hand and war in the other. i leave you to yourselves to judge. consider and now accept the one or the other. we never beg peace of our enemies. if you love your women and children, receive the belt of wampum i present you. return me my flesh you have in your villages, and the horses you stole from my people in kentucky. your corn fields were never disturbed by the long knife. your women and children lived quiet in their houses, while your warriors were killing and robbing my people. all this you know is the truth. "this is the last time i shall speak to you. i have waited six moons to hear you speak and to get my people from you. in ten nights i shall leave the wabash to see my great chief at the falls of the ohio, where he will be glad to hear from your own lips what you have to say. here is tobacco i give you. smoke and consider what i have said." mr. dalton then presented piankashaw, the chief of the leading tribe assembled in council, with a belt of blue and white wampum. piankashaw received the emblem of peace with much dignity, and replied: "my great father the long knife,--you have been many years among us. you have suffered by us. we still hope you will have pity and compassion upon us, on our women and children. the sun shines on us, and the good news of peace appears in our faces. this is the day of joy to the wabash indians. with one tongue we now speak. we accept your peace-belt. "we received the tomahawk from the english. poverty forced us to it. we were followed by other tribes. we are sorry for it. to-day we collect the scattered bones of our friends and bury them in one grave. we thus plant the tree of peace, that god may spread its branches so that we can all be secured from bad weather. here is the pipe that gives us joy. smoke out of it. our warriors are glad you are the man we present it to. we have buried the tomahawk, have formed friendship never to be broken, and now we smoke out of your pipe. "my father, we know that the great spirit was angry with us for stealing your horses and attacking your people. he has sent us so much snow and cold weather as to kill your horses with our own. we are a poor people. we hope god will help us, and that the long knife will have compassion on our women and children. your people who are with us are well. we shall collect them when they come in from hunting. all the prisoners taken in kentucky are alive. we love them, and so do our young women. some of your people mend our guns, and others tell us they can make rum out of corn. they are now the same as we. in one moon after this we will take them back to their friends in kentucky. "my father, this being the day of joy to the wabash indians, we beg a little drop of your milk to let our warriors see that it came from your own breast. we were born and raised in the woods. we could never learn to make rum. god has made the white men masters of the world." having finished his speech, piankashaw presented mr. dalton with three strings of blue and white wampum as the seal of peace. all must observe the strain of despondency which pervades this address, and it is melancholy to notice the imploring tones with which the chief asks for rum, the greatest curse which ever afflicted his people. the incessant petty warfare waged between vagrant bands of the whites and the indians, with the outrages perpetrated on either side, created great exasperation. in the year there were many indications that the indians were again about to combine in an attack upon the settlements. these stations were widely scattered, greatly exposed, and there were many of them. it was impossible for the pioneers to rally in sufficient strength to protect every position. the savages, emerging unexpectedly from the wilderness, could select their own point of attack, and could thus cause a vast amount of loss and misery. for a long time it had been unsafe for any individual, or even small parties, unless very thoroughly armed, to wander beyond the protection of the forts. under these circumstances, a convention was held of the leading men of kentucky at the danville station, to decide what measures to adopt in view of the threatened invasion. it was quite certain that the movement of the savages would be so sudden and impetuous that the settlers would be compelled to rely mainly upon their own resources. the great state of virginia, of which kentucky was but a frontier portion, had become rich and powerful. but many weary leagues intervened, leading through forests and over craggy mountains, between the plains of these distant counties and richmond, the capital of virginia. the convention at danville discussed the question whether it were not safer for them to anticipate the indians, and immediately to send an army for the destruction of their towns and crops north of the ohio. but here they were embarrassed by the consideration that they had no legal power to make this movement, and that the whole question, momentous as it was and demanding immediate action, must be referred to the state government, far away beyond the mountains. this involved long delay, and it could hardly be expected that the members of the general court in their peaceful homes would fully sympathize with the unprotected settlers in their exposure to the tomahawk and the scalping knife. several conventions were held, and the question was earnestly discussed whether the interests of kentucky did not require her separation from the government of virginia, and her organization as a self-governing state. the men who had boldly ventured to seek new homes so far beyond the limits of civilization were generally men of great force of character and of political foresight. they had just emerged from the war of the revolution, during which all the most important questions of civil polity had been thoroughly canvassed. their meetings were conducted with great dignity and calm deliberation. on the twenty-third of may, , the convention at danville passed the resolve with great unanimity that kentucky ought to be separated from virginia, and received into the american union, upon the same basis as the other states. still that they might not act upon a question of so much importance without due deliberation, they referred the subject to another convention to be assembled at danville in august. this convention reiterated the resolution of its predecessor; issued a proclamation urging the people everywhere to organise for defence against the indians, and appointed a delegation of two members to proceed to richmond, and present their request for a separation to the authorities there. "the legislature of virginia was composed of men too wise not to see that separation was inevitable. separated from the parent state by distance and by difficulties of communication, in those days most formidable, they saw that kentuckians would not long submit to be ruled by those whose power was so far removed as to surround every approach to it with the greatest embarrassment. it was, without its wrongs, and tyranny and misgovernment, the repetition of the circumstances of the crown and colonies; and with good judgment, and as the beautiful language of the danville convention expressed it, with sole intent to bless its people, they agreed to a dismemberment of its part, to secure the happiness of the whole."[f] [footnote f: daniel boone, by w. h. bogart.] it is not important here to enter into a detail of the various discussions which ensued, and of the measures which were adopted. it is sufficient to say that the communication from kentucky to the legislature of virginia was referred to the illustrious john marshall, then at the commencement of his distinguished career. he gave to the request of the petitioners his own strong advocacy. the result was, that a decree was passed after tedious delays, authorising the formal separation of kentucky from virginia. on the fourth of february, , the new state, by earnest recommendation of george washington, was admitted into the american union. it does not appear that colonel boone was a member of any of these conventions. he had no taste for the struggles in political assemblies. he dreaded indeed the speculator, the land jobber, and the intricate decisions of courts, more than the tomahawk of the indian. and he knew full well that should the hour of action come, he would be one of the first to be summoned to the field. while therefore others of the early pioneers were engaged in these important deliberations, he was quietly pursuing those occupations, congenial to his tastes, of cultivating the farm, or in hunting game in the solitude of the forests. his humble cabin stood upon the banks of the kentucky river, not far from the station at boonesborough. and thoroughly acquainted as he was with the habits of the indians, he felt quite able, in his bullet-proof citadel, to protect himself from any marauding bands which might venture to show themselves so near the fort. it seems to be the lot of humanity that life should be composed of a series of storms, rising one after another. in the palace and in the cottage, in ancient days and at the present time, we find the sweep of the inexorable law, that man is born to mourn. "sorrow is for the sons of men, and weeping for earth's daughters." the cloud of menaced indian invasion had passed away, when suddenly the sheriff appears in boone's little cabin, and informs him that his title to his land is disputed, and that legal proceedings were commenced against him. boone could not comprehend this. kentucky he regarded almost his own by the right of his discovery. he had led the way there. he had established himself and family in the land, and had defended it from the incursions of the indians. and now, in his advancing years, to be driven from the few acres he had selected and to which he supposed he had a perfect title, seemed to him very unjust indeed. he could not recognise any right in what seemed to him but the quibbles of the lawyers. in his autobiography he wrote in reference to his many painful adventures: "my footsteps have often been marked with blood. two darling sons and a brother have i lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses and abundance of cattle. many dark and sleepless nights have i been a companion for owls, separated from the cheerful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness." agitated by the thought of the loss of his farm and deeply wounded in his feelings, as though a great wrong had been inflicted upon him, boone addressed an earnest memorial to the legislature of kentucky. in this he stated that immediately after the troubles with the indians had ceased, he located himself upon lands to which he supposed he had a perfect title; that he reared his house and commenced cultivating his fields. and after briefly enumerating the sacrifices he had made in exploring, settling and defending kentucky, he said he could not understand the justice of making a set of complicated forms of law, superior to his actual occupancy of the land selected, as he believed when and where it was, it was his unquestioned right to do so. but the lawyers and the land speculators were too shrewd for the pioneer. colonel boone was sued; the question went to the courts which he detested, and boone lost his farm. it was indeed a very hard case. he had penetrated the country when no other white man trod its soil. he discovered its wonderful resources, and proclaimed them to the world. he had guided settlers into the region, and by his sagacity and courage, had provided for their wants and protected them from the savage. and now in his declining years he found himself driven from his farm, robbed of every acre, a houseless, homeless, impoverished man. the deed was so cruel that thousands since, in reading the recital, have been agitated by the strongest emotions of indignation and grief. chapter xii. _adventures romantic and perilous._ the search for the horse.--navigating the ohio.--heroism of mrs. rowan.--lawless gangs.--exchange of prisoners.--boone revisits the home of his childhood.--the realms beyond the mississippi.--habits of the hunters.--corn.--boone's journey to the west. the indians still continued hostile. the following incident gives one an idea of the nature of the conflict which continued, and of the perils which were encountered. there was a striving station where a few settlers were collected, at a spot now called state creek iron works. one or two farm-houses were scattered around, but at such a short distance from the fort that their inmates could at once take refuge behind its log walls, in case of alarm. in the month of august, , a young man residing in the fort, by the name of yates, called at one of these farm-houses and requested a lad, francis downing, to accompany him in search of a horse, which had strayed away. the two friends set out together, and after searching the forest in vain, found themselves, the latter part of the afternoon, in a lonely uninhabited valley, nearly seven miles from the fort. here young downing became quite alarmed by some indications that indians were dogging their steps. he communicated his fears to his companion. but yates, who was several years older than downing, was an experienced hunter and inured to life in the woods, had become to a certain degree indifferent to danger. he made himself quite merry over his young companion's fears, asking him at what price he was willing to sell his scalp, and offering to insure it for sixpence. still downing was not satisfied, and his alarm increased as he insisted that he occasionally heard the crack of dry twigs behind them, as if broken by some one pursueing. but yates deriding his fears, pressed on, making the woods resound with a song, to which he gave utterance from unusually full and strong lungs. downing gradually slackened his pace, and when yates was some thirty yards in advance of him, sprang into a dense cluster of tall whortleberry bushes, where he was effectually concealed. scarcely had he done this, when to his great terror he saw two indians peeping cautiously out of a thick canebrake. deceived by the song of yates, who with stentorian lungs was still giving forth his woodland ditty, they supposed both had passed. young downing thought it impossible but that the savages must have seen him as he concealed himself. greatly alarmed he raised his gun, intending to shoot one and to trust to his heels for escape from the other. but his hand was so unsteady that the gun went off before he had taken aim. terror stricken, he rushed along the path yates had trod. yates, alarmed by the report of the gun, came running back. as they met, the two indians were seen not far from them in hot pursuit. they soon could easily see that the enemy was gaining upon them. in their rapid flight they came to a deep gulley which yates cleared at a bound, but young downing failed in the attempt. his breast struck the opposite almost precipitous bank, and he rolled to the bottom of the ditch. some obstruction in the way prevented the indians from witnessing the fall of downing. they continued the pursuit of yates, crossing the gulley a few yards below where downing had met his mishap. thus in less time than we have occupied in the narration, the indians disappeared in their chase after yates. downing was in great perplexity. he did not dare to creep out of the gulley, lest he should be seen, and as soon as the indians should perceive that he was not with yates, as they inevitably would ere long do, they would know that he was left behind, and would turn back for his capture. unfortunately young downing had so far lost his presence of mind, that he had failed to reload his gun. just then he saw one of the savages returning, evidently in search of him. there was no possible resource left but flight. throwing away his now useless gun, he rushed into the forest with all the speed which terror could inspire. he was but a boy, the full-grown indian gained rapidly upon him, he could almost strike him with his tomahawk, when they came to an immense tree, blown up by the roots. the boy ran on one side of the trunk and the indian on the other, towards the immense pile of earth which adhered to the upturned roots. the boy now gave up all hope in utter despair. it seemed certain that the brawny indian would get ahead of him and intercept his further flight. but it so happened--was it an accident or was it a providence--that a she-bear had made her bed directly in the path which the indian with almost blind eagerness was pursuing. here the ferocious beast was suckling her cubs. the bear sprang from her lair, and instantly with a terrific hug grasped the savage in her paws. the indian gave a terrific yell and plunged his knife again and again into the body of the bear. the boy had but one brief glance, as in this bloody embrace they rolled over and over on the ground. the boy, praying that the bear might tear the indian in pieces, added new speed to his flight and reached the fort in safety. there he found yates who had arrived but a few moments before him, and who had outrun the other indian. the next morning a well armed party returned to the tree. both the bear and the indian had disappeared. probably both had suffered very severely in the conflict, and both had escaped with their lives. another incident illustrative of these perilous adventures in the now peaceful state of kentucky. mr. rowan, with his own and five other families, left the little hamlet at louisville to float down the ohio to green river, and to ascend that stream, intending to rear their new homes on its fertile and delightful banks. the families were quite comfortably accommodated in a large flat-bottomed boat. another boat of similar construction conveyed their cattle and sundry articles of household furniture. on the route which they were pursuing, there were then no settlements. the ohio river and the green river flowed through unbroken solitudes. the flat boats had floated down the beautiful ohio, through scenes of surpassing loveliness, about one hundred miles, when one night about ten o'clock a prodigious shouting and yelling of indians was heard some distance farther down the river on the northern shore. very soon they came in sight of their camp-fires, which were burning very brightly. it was evident that the indians were having a great carousal rejoicing over some victory. mr. rowan immediately ordered the two boats to be lashed firmly together. there were but seven men on board who were capable of making efficient use of the rifle. plying the oars as vigorously and noiselessly as they could, they endeavored to keep close to the kentucky shore. and yet they were careful not to approach too near, lest there might be indians there also. it was evident that there was a large gathering of the indians on the northern bank, for their camp-fires extended for a distance of nearly half a mile along the river. as the boats floated noiselessly along in the gloom of the night, under shadow of the cliffs, they were not detected until they were opposite the central fire, whose brilliancy threw a flood of light nearly across the stream. a simultaneous shout greeted this discovery, and with terrific yells the savages rushed to their canoes and commenced a pursuit. the two flat boats rapidly floated beyond the illumination of the fires into the region of midnight darkness. the timid indians, well acquainted with the white man's unerring aim, pursued cautiously, though their hideous yells resounded along the shores. mr. rowan ordered all on board to keep perfect silence, to conceal themselves as much as possible, and ordered not a gun to be fired till the indians were so near that the powder of the gun would burn them, thus rendering every shot absolutely certain. the indians, with their hideous yells, pursued in their canoes until within a hundred yards of the boats. they then seemed simultaneously to have adopted the conviction that the better part of valor was discretion. in the darkness, they could not see the boatmen, who they had no doubt were concealed behind bullet-proof bulwarks. their birch canoes presented not the slightest obstruction to the passage of a rifle ball. knowing that the flash of a gun from the boat would be certain death to some one of their number, and that thus the boatmen, with the rapidity with which they could load and fire, would destroy a large part of their company before they could hope to capture the flat boats, they hesitated to approach any nearer, but followed in the pursuit for nearly three miles down the river, assailing the white men only with harmless yells. the heroic mrs. rowan, as she saw the canoes approaching, supposing that the savages would attempt to board the boats, crept quietly around in the darkness, collected all the axes, and placed one by the side of each man, leaning the handle against his knee. while performing this significant act she uttered not a word, but returned to her own seat in silence, retaining a sharp hatchet for herself. with such determined spirits to assail, it was well for the savages that they did not approach within arms-length of those whom they were pursuing. they would certainly have met with a bloody reception. the savages at length, despairing of success, relinquished the pursuit and returned to their demoniac orgies around their camp-fires. it was supposed that they had captured a boat which was descending the river the day before, and that their extraordinary revelry was accompanied by the roasting of their captives. a son of mr. rowan, but ten years of age, who subsequently became one of the most distinguished men in kentucky, was present on this occasion. he frequently, in after-years, alluded to the indescribable sensations of sublimity and terror which the scene inspired. the gloom of the night; the solemn flow of the majestic river; the dim view of the forests on either side; the gleam of the camp-fires of the indians, around which the half-clad savages were dancing in hideous contortions; the unearthly yells in which every demoniac passion seemed contending for the mastery; the shout which was given when they discovered the boats beneath the shadows of the opposite cliffs; the pursuit of the canoes with redoubled vehemence of hooting; the rapidity with which, with brawny arms, they paddled their boats to and fro; the breathless silence which pervaded the flat boat while for more than an hour the occupants awaited, momentarily expecting the terrible onset; and above all, the fortitude and heroism displayed by his mother,--all these combined to leave an impression upon the mind of the boy which could never be obliterated. few will be able to read the record of this adventure without emotion. what then must it have been to have experienced it in bodily presence, and to have shared in all its terrible dangers? as we have before said, there was no distinctly proclaimed war, at this time, between the pioneers and the indians. while lawless men on both sides were committing the most atrocious outrages, the chiefs and the legitimate authorities were nominally at peace. the red men, whether engaged in what they deemed lawful warfare, or moving in plundering bands, were in the habit of inflicting upon their captives the most dreadful tortures which their ingenuity could devise. the white men could not retaliate by the perpetration of such revolting cruelty. it probably was a suggestion of colonel boone that a council might be held with the indian chiefs, and a treaty formed by which prisoners should be exempted from torture and exchanged, as in civilized warfare. the indians were by no means reckless of the lives of their warriors, and would probably be very ready to give up a white captive if by so doing they could receive one of their own braves in return. a council was held at a station where maysville now stands. colonel boone was at once selected as the man of all others most fit to take part in these deliberations. he was not only thoroughly acquainted with the indians, their habits, their modes of thought, and the motives most likely to influence their minds; but his own peculiar character seemed just the one calculated to inspire them with admiration. the principle was here adopted of an exchange of prisoners, which notwithstanding the continued violence of the lawless, saved the lives of many captives. it is an interesting fact, illustrative of the sagacity and extraordinary power of colonel boone over the indian mind, that the chiefs with one consent agreed in grateful commemoration of this treaty, that if any captive should hereafter be taken by them from maysville, that captive should be treated with every possible degree of lenity. and it is worthy of record that such a captive was subsequently taken, and that the indians with the most scrupulous fidelity fulfilled their pledge. indeed, it is difficult for an impartial historian to deny, that these poor savages, ignorant and cruel as they were, often displayed a sense of honor which we do not so often find in their opponents. it is to be feared that were indian historians to write the record of these wars, we should not find that they were always in the wrong. colonel boone, ejected from his lands and thus left penniless, felt keenly the wrongs which were inflicted upon him. he knew full well that he had done a thousand times more for kentucky than any other man living or dead. he had conferred upon the state services which no money could purchase. though to his intimate friends he confided his sufferings, he was too proud to utter loud complaints. in silence he endured. but kentucky had ceased to be a happy home for him. over all its broad and beautiful expanse which he had opened to the world, there was not a single acre which he could call his own. and he had no money with which to purchase a farm of those speculators, into whose hands most of the lands had fallen. could the good old man now rise from his grave, a kentucky legislature would not long leave him landless. there is scarcely a cabin or a mansion in the whole state, where daniel boone would not meet with as hospitable a reception as grateful hearts could give. as a grief-stricken child rushes to its mother's arms for solace, so it is natural for man, when world-weary and struggling with adversity, to look back with longing eyes to the home of his childhood. the remembrance of its sunny days animates him, and its trivial sadnesses are forgotten. thus with daniel boone; houseless and stung by ingratitude, he turned his eyes to the far distant home of his childhood, on the banks of the schuykill. more than forty years of a wonderfully adventurous life had passed, since he a boy of fourteen had accompanied his father in his removal from reading, in berk's county, to north carolina. still the remarkable boy had left traces behind him which were not yet obliterated. he visited reading, probably influenced by a faint hope of finding there a home. a few of his former acquaintances were living, and many family friends remained. by all he was received with the greatest kindness. but the frontier settlement of log huts, and the majestic surrounding forests filled with game, had entirely disappeared. highly cultivated farms, from which even the stumps of the forest had perished, extended in all directions. ambitious mansions adorned the hillsides, and all the appliances of advancing civilization met the eye. there could be no home here for daniel boone. amid these strange scenes he felt as a stranger, and his heart yearned again for the solitudes of the forest. he longed to get beyond the reach of lawyers' offices, and court-houses, and land speculators. after a short visit he bade adieu forever to his friends upon the schuykill, and turned his steps again towards the setting sun. his feelings had been too deeply wounded to allow him to think of remaining a man without a home in kentucky. still the idea of leaving a region endeared to him by so many memories must have been very painful. he remembered vividly his long and painful journeys over the mountains, through the wilderness untrodden by the foot of the white man; his solitary exploration of the new eden which he seemed to have found there; the glowing accounts he had carried back to his friends of the sunny skies, the salubrious clime, the fertile soil, and the majesty and loveliness of the landscape; of mountain, valley, lake and river which providence had lavished with a prodigal hand in this "garden of the lord." one by one he had influenced his friends to emigrate, had led them to their new homes, had protected them against the savages, and now when kentucky had become a prosperous state in the union, containing thirty thousand inhabitants, he was cast aside, and under the forms of law was robbed of the few acres which he had cultivated as his own. his life embittered by these reflections, and seeing nothing to attract him in the wild and unknown regions beyond the mississippi, colonel boone turned sadly back to virginia. it was an easy task for him to remove. in such an hour, one can sometimes well say, "blessed be nothing." a few pack-horses were sufficient to convey all his household goods. it is probable that his wife and children, indignant at the treatment which the husband and father had received, were glad to leave. this was doubtless one of the saddest journeys that colonel boone ever undertook. traversing an almost pathless wilderness in a direction a little north of east from boonesborough, he crossed the various speers of the alleghany range, supporting his family with his rifle on the way, until after passing over three hundred miles of the wilderness, he reached the mouth of the kanawha river, as that stream flows from virginia due north, and empties into the ohio river. here there was a point of land washed by the ohio on the north, and the great kanawha on the west, to which the appropriate name of point pleasant had been given. it does not appear that civilization had as yet penetrated this region. the emigration to kentucky had floated by it down the river, descending from pittsburg, or had crossed the mountain passes from north carolina, several hundred miles to the south. colonel boone was now fifty-five years of age. if there were any settlement at the time at point pleasant, it must have consisted merely of a few log huts. here at all events, colonel boone found the solitude and the communion with nature alone, for which his heart yearned. the world might call him poor, and still he was rich in the abundant supply of all his earthly wants. he reared his log hut where no one appeared to dispute his claim. the fertile soil around, a virgin soil, rich with undeveloped treasures, under the simplest culture produced abundantly, and the forest around supplied him daily with animal food more than a european peasant sees in a year. here colonel boone and his family remained for several years, to use a popular phrase, buried from the world. his life was mainly that of a hunter. mr. peck, speaking of the habits of those pioneers who depended mainly upon the rifle for support, writes: "i have often seen him get up early in the morning, walk hastily out, and look anxiously to the woods and snuff the autumnal winds with the highest rapture; then return into the house and cast a quick and attentive look at the rifle, which was always suspended to a joist by a couple of buck-horns or little forks. the hunting dog understanding the intentions of his master, would wag his tail, and by every blandishment in his power, express his readiness to accompany him to the woods." it probably did not diminish colonel boone's interest in his new home, that it was exposed to all the perils of border life; that his rifle should be ever loaded; that his faithful watch-dog should be stationed at the door, to give warning of any approaching footsteps; and that he and his family should always be ready for a siege or battle. with these precautions, boone had no more fear of assault from half a dozen vagabond indians, than he had from so many howling wolves. the casualties of life had greatly reduced his family. of his three sons, the eldest had fallen beneath the arrow and the tomahawk of the savages amidst the gloomy defiles of the alleghany mountains. his second son was killed at the dreadful battle of the blue licks, as his agonised father had been compelled to abandon him to the merciless foe. his third son, probably chagrined by the treatment which his father had received from the authorities of kentucky, had bidden adieu to all the haunts of civilized life, and traversing the wilderness towards the setting sun for many hundred miles, had crossed the mississippi and sought a home in the wilds of the upper louisiana, then under the dominion of spain. as boone was quietly engaged in his solitary vocation of farmer and hunter, where there were no books, no newspapers, nothing whatever to inform him of what was transpiring in the busy world of civilization, or in the haunts of savage life, two or three hunters came one day to his cabin, where of course they met with a very hospitable reception. it was not difficult to entertain guests in those days. the floor of the cabin supplied all the needed accommodations for lodging. each guest with his rifle could easily furnish more food than was desired for the whole family. a little corn-meal, very coarsely ground in what was called a tub-mill, gave quite a variety of palatable food. boiled in water it formed a dish called mush, which when eaten with milk, honey or butter, presented truly a delicious repast for hungry mouths. mixed with cold water, it was ready to be baked. when covered with hot ashes, it emerged smoking from the glowing embers in the form of ash cake. when baked upon a shingle and placed before the coals, it was termed journey cake, so called because it could be so speedily prepared. this name has been corrupted in modern times into _johnny_ cake. when baked upon a helveless hoe, it formed the hoe cake. when baked in a kettle covered with a heated lid, if in one large cake, it was called a pone or loaf. if in quite a number of small cakes they were called dodgers. corn flour seems to have been peculiarly prepared by providence for the pioneers. for them it possesses some very great advantages over all other flour. it requires but few and the most simple cooking utensils. it can be rendered very palatable without either yeast, eggs, sugar or spices of any kind. it can easily be raised in the greatest abundance, and affords the most wholesome and nutritious food. "let pæans," writes mr. hartly, "be sung all over the mighty west, to indian corn. without it, the west would still have been a wilderness. was the frontier suddenly invaded, without commissary, or quartermaster, or other sources of supply, each soldier parched a peck of corn. a portion of it was put into his pockets, the remainder in his wallet, and throwing it upon his saddle with his rifle on his shoulder, he was ready in half an hour for the campaign. did a flood of emigration inundate the frontier, with an amount of consumers disproportioned to the supply of grain, the facility of raising the indian corn, and its early maturity, gave promise and guarantee that the scarcity would be temporary and tolerable. did the safety of the frontier demand the services of every adult militiaman, the boys and women could themselves raise corn, and furnish ample supplies of bread. did an autumnal intermittent confine the whole family, or the entire population to the sick bed, this certain concomitant of the clearing and cultivating the new soil, mercifully withholds its paroxysms till the crop of corn is made. it requires no further labor or care afterwards. pæans, say we, and a temple of worshipping to the creator of indian corn!" the hunters to whom we referred were indeed congenial companions to daniel boone. as day after day they accompanied him in the chase, and night after night sat by the blaze of his cabine-fire, related to him the adventures they had encountered far away beyond the mississippi, the spirit of his youth revived within him. an irrepressible desire sprang up in his heart again to become a pioneer in the pathless forest which he loved so well. it is not improbable also that his parental feelings might have been aroused by the consideration that his son had gone before him to that distant land; and that he might have been animated by the hope of being reunited with him in his declining years. the hunters represented to him that another kentucky could be found beyond the father of waters; that the game was abundant and would be inexhaustible, until long after his earthly pilgrimage should end; that the spanish government, desirous of promoting emigration, were ready to make the most liberal grants of land to any man who would rear a cabin and commence the cultivation of the soil; that over an expanse of hundreds of miles of a sunny clime, and as luxurious soil as heart could desire, he could select his broad acres with no fear of ever again being ejected from his home. these representations were resistless. colonel boone decided again to become a wanderer to the far west, though it involved the relinquishment of american citizenship and becoming a subject of the crown of spain. the year had now come, as colonel boone gathered up his few household goods for the fourth great remove of his life. he was born on the banks of the delaware; his childhood was passed amidst the solitudes of the upper skuylkill; his early manhood, where he reared his cabin and took to it his worthy bride, was in north carolina. thence penetrating the wilderness through adventures surpassing the dreams of romance, he had passed many years amidst the most wonderful vicissitudes of quietude and of agitation, of peace and of war, on the settlement of which he was the father, at boonesborough, in the valley of the kentucky river. robbed of the possessions which he had earned a hundred times over, he had sought a temporary residence at point pleasant, in virginia. and now, as he was approaching the termination of his three score years, he was prepared to traverse the whole extent of kentucky, from the alleghany border on the east, to the mighty flood of the mississippi, which then upon the west rushed with its turbid flood through an almost unbroken solitude. it was a long, long journey. we can only surmise the reasons why he did not float down the ohio in a flat boat. it may be said that he was entirely unaccustomed to boating. and as it does not appear that any other families joined him in the enterprise, his solitary boat would be almost certain to be attacked and captured by some of the marauding bands which frequented the northern banks of the ohio. colonel boone was perfectly at home in the wilderness. he could always find a path for himself, where there was no trail to follow. and but few indians now ventured into the interior of the state. we have no record of the journey. he reached the mississippi safely, crossed the river into what is now the state of missouri, and found a warm greeting in the cabin of his son daniel m. boone, who had established himself upon the western banks of the river, near where the city of st. louis now stands. chapter xiii. _a new home._ colonel boone welcomed by the spanish authorities.--boone's narrative to audubon.--the midnight attack.--pursuit of the savages.--sickness in the wilderness.--honesty of colonel boone.--payment of his debts.--loss of all his property. at the time when colonel boone crossed the mississippi and entered missouri, the spanish government, then in possession of that territory, being anxious to promote the settlement of the country, gave a very cordial welcome to all emigrants. the fame of colonel boone, as one of the most bold and valuable of pioneers, had preceded him. the lieutenant governor under the spanish crown, who resided at st. louis, received him with marked attention, and gave him the assurance that ample portions of land should be given to him and his family. colonel boone took up his residence, with his son, in what is called the femme osage district. the spanish authorities appointed him commandant of the district, which was an office of both civil and military power. his commission was dated july th, . remote as was this region from the atlantic states, bold adventurers, lured by the prospect of obtaining large tracts of land, were rapidly pouring in. instead of collecting together, they scattered wildly over the vast domain. don charles, the spanish governor, gave colonel boone eight thousand acres of land on the north side of the missouri river. by the law of the province he was bound to build upon some part of this land a house within the year, and also to obtain a confirmation of the grant from the representative of the spanish crown, then residing in new orleans. both of these precautions the simple-minded man neglected to adopt. to visit new orleans required a journey through the wilderness of more than a thousand miles. though he might float down the stream in his boat he would be exposed continually to attacks from the indians on its banks, and when ready to return he could not surmount the rapid current of the river in his boat, but would be compelled to traverse the winding banks, often through almost impenetrable forests and morasses. his duties as _syndic_ or justice of the peace also occupied much of his time, and the lieutenant governor at st. louis agreed to dispense with his residence upon his lands. in addition to this, colonel boone had no doubt that the country would soon come under the power of the united states, and he could not believe the united states government would disturb his title. soon after boone's emigration to missouri, the emperor napoleon, by treaty with spain, obtained possession of the whole of the vast region west of the mississippi and missouri, then known as louisiana, and the region was transferred to france. it is a curious fact in the history of boone passing through such wonderful adventures, that he had been a subject of george ii., george iii., a citizen of the united states, of the temporary nationality of transylvania, an adopted son and citizen of the shawanese tribe of indians, a subject of charles iv. of spain, and now he found himself a subject of the first napoleon, whose empire was then filling the world with its renown. not long after this, the emperor sold the country, as we have recorded, to the united states, saying with that prophetic wisdom which characterised this extraordinary man, "i have now given england a rival upon the seas." the fulfilment of this prophecy has since then been every hour in process of development. colonel boone seems to have been very happy in his new home. he still enjoyed his favorite pursuit of hunting, for the forests around him were filled with game and with animals whose rich furs were every year becoming more valuable. the distinguished naturalist, j. j. audubon, visited him in his solitary retreat, and spent a night with him. in his ornithological biography he gives the following narrative which he received from boone, that evening as they sat at the cabin fire. we give the story in the words of the narrator: "daniel boone, or as he was usually called in the western country, colonel boone, happened to spend a night with me under the same roof, more than twenty years ago. we had returned from a shooting excursion, in the course of which his extraordinary skill in the management of the rifle had been fully displayed. on retiring to the room appropriated to that remarkable individual and myself for the night, i felt anxious to know more of his exploits and adventures than i did, and accordingly took the liberty of proposing numerous questions to him. "the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests approached the gigantic. his chest was broad and prominent, his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise and perseverance; and when he spoke the very motion of his lips brought the impression that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. i undressed while he merely took off his hunting shirt and arranged a few folds of blankets on the floor, choosing rather to lie there, as he observed, than on the softest bed. when we had both disposed of ourselves each after his own fashion, he related to me the following account of his powers of memory, which i lay before your kind reader in his own words, hoping that the simplicity of his style may prove interesting to you: "'i was once,' said he, 'on a hunting expedition on the banks of the green river, when the lower parts of kentucky were still in the hands of nature, and none but the sons of the soil were looked upon as its lawful proprietors. we virginians had for some time been waging a war of intrusion upon them, and i among the rest rambled through the woods in pursuit of their race, as i now would follow the tracks of any ravenous animal. the indians outwitted me one dark night, and i was as unexpectedly as suddenly made a prisoner by them. "'the trick had been managed with great skill; for no sooner had i extinguished the fire of my camp, and laid me down to rest in full security, as i thought, than i felt seized by an undistinguishable number of hands, and was immediately pinioned as if about to be led to the scaffold for execution. to have attempted to be refractory would have proved useless and dangerous to my life, and i suffered myself to be removed from my camp to theirs, a few miles distant, without uttering a word of complaint. you are aware, i daresay, that to act in this manner was the best policy, as you understand that by so doing, i proved to the indians at once that i was born and bred as fearless of death as any of themselves. "'when we reached the camp great rejoicings were exhibited. two squaws and a few papooses appeared particularly delighted at the sight of me, and i was assured by every unequivocal gesture and word that on the morrow the mortal enemy of the red skins would cease to live. i never opened my lips, but was busy contriving some scheme which might enable me to give the rascals a slip before dawn. the women immediately fell a searching about my hunting shirt for whatever they might think valuable, and fortunately for me soon found my flask filled with strong whiskey. "'a terrific grin was exhibited on their murderous countenances, while my heart throbbed with joy at the anticipation of their intoxication. the crew began immediately to beat their bellies and sing, as they passed the bottle from mouth to mouth. how often did i wish the flask ten times its size and filled with _aquafortis_! i observed that the squaws drank more freely than the warriors, and again my spirits were about to be depressed when the report of a gun was heard at a distance. the indians all jumped on their feet. the singing and drinking were both brought to a stand, and i saw with inexpressible joy the men walk off to some distance and talk to the squaws. i knew that they were consulting about me, and i foresaw that in a few moments the warriors would go to discover the cause of the gun having been fired so near their camp. i expected that the squaws would be left to guard me. well, sir, it was just so. they returned, the men took up their guns and walked away. the squaws sat down again and in less than five minutes had my bottle up to their dirty mouths, gurgling down their throats the remains of the whiskey. "'with pleasure did i see them becoming more and more drunk, until the liquor took such hold of them that it was quite impossible for these women to be of any service. they tumbled down, rolled about and began to snore, when i, having no other chance of freeing myself from the cords that fastened me, rolled over and over towards the fire, and after a short time burned them asunder. i rose on my feet, snatched up my rifle, and for once in my life spared that of indians. i now recollected how desirous i once or twice felt to lay open the skulls of the wretches with my tomahawk. but when i again thought upon killing beings unprepared and unable to defend themselves, it looked like murder without need, and i gave up the idea. "'but, sir, i felt determined to mark the spot, and walking to a thrifty ash sapling, i cut out of it three large chips and ran off. i soon reached the river, soon crossed it, and threw myself into the cane-brakes, imitating the tracks of an indian with my feet, so that no chance might be left for those from whom i had escaped to overtake me. "'it is now nearly twenty years since this happened, and more than five since i left the whites' settlement, which i might never probably have visited again, had i not been called upon as a witness in a law suit which was pending in kentucky, and which i really believe would never have been settled had i not come forward and established the beginning of a certain boundary line. the story is this, sir: "'mr. ---- moved from old virginia into kentucky, and having a large tract granted to him in the new state, laid claim to a certain parcel of land adjoining green river, and, as chance would have it, took for one of his corners the very ash tree on which i had made my mark, beginning, as it is expressed in the deed, 'at an ash marked by three distinct notches of the tomahawk of a white man.' "'the tree had grown much, and the bark had covered the marks. but somehow or other mr. ---- had heard from some one all that i have already said to you, and thinking that i might remember the spot alluded to in the deed, but which was no longer discoverable, wrote for me to come and try at least to find the place or the tree. his letter mentioned that all my expenses should be paid; and not caring much about once more going back to kentucky, i started and met mr. ----. after some conversation, the affair with the indians came to my recollection. i considered for a while, and began to think that, after all, i could find the very spot, as well as the tree, if it were yet standing. "mr. ---- and i mounted our horses and off we went to the green river bottoms. after some difficulty--for you must be aware, sir, that great changes have taken place in those woods--i found at last the spot where i had crossed the river, and waiting for the moon to rise, made for the course in which i thought the ash trees grew. on approaching the place i felt as if the indians were there still, and as if i were still a prisoner among them. mr. ---- and i camped near what i conceived the spot, and waited until the return of day. "'at the rising of the sun i was on foot, and after a good deal of musing thought that an ash tree, then in sight, must be the very one on which i had made my mark. i felt as if there could be no doubt about it, and mentioned my thought to mr. ----. "'well, colonel boone,' said he, 'if you think so i hope that it may prove true, but we must have some witnesses. do you stay hereabouts and i will go and bring some of the settlers whom i know.' "'i agreed. mr. ---- trotted off, and i, to pass the time, rambled about to see if a deer was still living in the land. but ah! sir, what a wonderful difference thirty years makes in a country! why, at the time when i was caught by the indians, you would not have walked out in any direction more than a mile without shooting a buck or a bear. there were then thousands of buffaloes on the hills in kentucky. the land looked as if it never would become poor; and to hunt in those days was a pleasure indeed. but when i was left to myself on the banks of green river, i daresay for the last time in my life, a few _signs_ only of the deer were seen, and as to a deer itself i saw none. "'mr. ---- returned, accompanied by three gentlemen. they looked upon me as if i had been washington himself, and walked to the ash tree, which i now called my own, as if in quest of a long lost treasure. i took an axe from one of them and cut a few chips off the bark. still no signs were to be seen. so i cut again until i thought it time to be cautious, and i scraped and worked away with my butcher knife until i _did_ come to where my tomahawk had left an impression on the wood. we now went regularly to work and scraped at the tree with care until three hacks, as plain as any three notches ever were, could be seen. mr. ---- and the other gentlemen were astonished, and i must allow that i was as much surprised as pleased myself. i made affidavit of this remarkable occurrence in presence of these gentlemen. mr. ---- gained his cause. i left green river for ever, and came to where we are now; and, sir, i wish you a good night." the life of this wonderful man was filled with similar adventures, many of which can now never be recalled. the following narrative will give the reader an idea of the scenes which were continually occurring in those bloody conflicts between the white settlers and the indians: "a widow was residing in a lonely log cabin, remote from any settlers, in what is now bourbon county, kentucky. her lonely hut consisted of but two rooms. one, the aged widow occupied herself, with two sons and a widowed daughter with an infant child; the other was tenanted by her three unmarried daughters, the oldest of whom was twenty years of age. "it was eleven o'clock at night, and the members of the industrious family in their lonely habitation had retired, with the exception of one of the daughters and one of the sons who was keeping her company. some indications of danger had alarmed the young man, though he kept his fears to himself. "the cry apparently of owls in an adjoining forest was heard, answering each other in rather an unusual way. the horses in the enclosure by the side of the house, who seemed to have an instinct informing them of the approach of the indians, seemed much excited and galloped around snorting with terror. soon steps were heard in the yard, and immediately several loud knocks were made at the door, with some one enquiring, in good english, 'who keeps this house?' the young man very imprudently was just unbarring the door when the mother sprang from the bed, exclaiming that they were indians. "the whole family was immediately aroused, and the young men seized their guns. the indians now threw off all disguise, and began to thunder at the door, endeavoring to break it down. through a loop hole prepared for such an emergency, a rifle shot, discharged at the savages, compelled a precipitate retreat. soon, however, they cautiously returned, and attacking the other end of the cabin, where they found a point not exposed to the fire from within, they succeeded at length in breaking through, and entered the room occupied by the three girls. one of them they seized and bound. her sister made desperate resistance, and stabbed one of the indians to the heart with a large knife which she was using at the loom. they immediately tomahawked her and she fell dead upon the floor. the little girl in the gloom of midnight they had overlooked. the poor little thing ran out of the door, and might have escaped had she not, in her terror, lost all self-control, and ran round the house wringing her hands and crying bitterly. "the brothers, agonized by the cries of their little sister, were just about opening the door to rush out to her rescue, when their more prudent mother declared that the child must be abandoned to its fate, that any attempt to save her would not only be unavailing, but would ensure the certain destruction of them all. just then the child uttered a most frantic scream. they heard the dull sound as of a tomahawk falling upon the brain. there were a few convulsive moans, and all again was silent. it was but too evident to all what these sounds signified. "presently the crackling of flames was heard, and through the port holes could be seen the glare of the rising conflagration, while the shouts of the savages grew more exultant. they had set fire to the end of the building occupied by the daughters. the logs were dry as tinder, and the devouring element was soon enveloping the whole building in its fatal embrace. to remain in the cabin was certain death, in its most appalling form. in rushing out there was a bare possibility that some might escape. there was no time for reflection. the hot stifling flames and smothering smoke were rolling in upon them, when they opened the door and rushed out into the outer air, endeavoring as soon as possible to reach the gloom of the forest. "the old lady, aided by her eldest son, ran in one direction towards a fence, while the other daughter, with her infant in her arms, accompanied by the younger of the brothers, ran in another direction. the fire was blazing so fiercely as to shed all around the light of day. the old lady had just reached the fence when several rifle balls pierced her body and she fell dead. her son almost miraculously escaped, and leaping the fence plunged into the forest and disappeared. the other party was pursued by the indians, with loud yells. throwing down their guns which they had discharged, the savages rushed upon the young man and his sister with their gleaming tomahawks. gallantly the brother defended his sister; firing upon the savages as they came rushing on, and then assailing them with the butt of his musket which he wielded with the fury of despair. he fought with such herculean strength as to draw the attention of all the savages upon himself, and thus gave his sister an opportunity of escaping. he soon however fell beneath their tomahawks, and was in the morning found scalped and mangled in the most shocking manner." of this family of eight persons two only escaped from this awful scene of midnight massacre. the neighborhood was immediately aroused. the second daughter was carried off a captive by the savages. the fate of the poor girl awakened the deepest sympathy, and by daylight thirty men were assembled on horseback, under the command of col. edwards, to pursue the indians. fortunately a light snow had fallen during the night. thus it was impossible for the savages to conceal their trail, and they were followed on the full gallop. the wretches knew full well that they would not be allowed to retire unmolested. they fled with the utmost precipitation, seeking to gain the mountainous region which bordered upon the licking river. a hound accompanied the pursuing party. the sagacious animal was very eager in the chase. as the trail became fresh, and the scent indicated that the foe was nearly overtaken, the hound rushing forward, began to bay very loudly. this gave the indians the alarm. finding the strength of their captive failing, so that she could no longer continue the rapid flight, they struck their tomahawks into her brain, and left her bleeding and dying upon the snow. her friends soon came up and found her in the convulsions of death. her brother sprang from his horse and tried in vain to stop the effusion of blood. she seemed to recognize him, gave him her hand, uttered a few inarticulate words, and died. the pursuit was then continued with new ardor, and in about twenty minutes the avenging white men came within sight of the savages. with considerable military sagacity, the indians had taken position upon a steep and narrow ridge, and seemed desirous of magnifying their numbers in the eyes of their pursuers by running from tree to tree and making the forest resound with their hideous yells. the pursuers were, however, too well acquainted with indian warfare to be deceived by this childish artifice. they dismounted, tied their horses, and endeavored to surround the enemy, so as to cut off his retreat. but the cunning indians, leaving two of their number behind to delay the pursuit by deceiving the white men into the conviction that they all were there, fled to the mountains. one of this heroic rear-guard--for remaining under the circumstances was the almost certain surrender of themselves to death--was instantly shot. the other, badly wounded, was tracked for a long distance by his blood upon the snow. at length his trail was lost in a running stream. night came, a dismal night of rain, long and dark. in the morning the snow had melted, every trace of the retreat of the enemy was obliterated, and the further pursuit of the foe was relinquished. colonel boone, deprived of his property by the unrelenting processes of pitiless law, had left kentucky impoverished and in debt. his rifle was almost the only property he took with him beyond the mississippi. the rich acres which had been assigned to him there were then of but little more value than so many acres of the sky. though he was so far away from his creditors that it was almost impossible that they should ever annoy him, still the honest-hearted man was oppressed by the consciousness of his debts, and was very anxious to pay them. the forests were full of game, many of the animals furnishing very valuable furs. he took his rifle, some pack-horses, and, accompanied by a single black servant boy, repaired to the banks of the osage river to spend the winter in hunting. here he was taken dangerously sick, and was apprehensive that he should die. we know not what were his religious thoughts upon this occasion, but his calmness in view of death, taken in connection with his blameless, conscientious, and reflective life, and with the fact that subsequently he became an openly avowed disciple of jesus, indicate that then he found peace in view of pardoned sin through faith in the atonement of jesus christ. he pointed out to the black boy the place where, should he die, he wished to be buried. he gave very minute directions in reference to his burial and the disposal of his rifle, blankets, and peltry. mr. peck in the following language describes this interesting incident in the life of the pioneer: "on another occasion he took pack-horses and went to the country on the osage river, taking for a camp-keeper a negro boy about twelve or fourteen years of age. soon after preparing his camp and laying in his supplies for the winter, he was taken sick and lay a long time in camp. the horses were hobbled out on the range. after a period of stormy weather, there came a pleasant and delightful day, and boone felt able to walk out. with his staff--for he was quite feeble--he took the boy to the summit of a small eminence and marked out the ground in shape and size of a grave, and then gave the following directions. "he instructed the boy, in case of his death, to wash and lay his body straight, wrapped up in one of the cleanest blankets. he was then to construct a kind of shovel, and with that instrument and the hatchet to dig a grave exactly as he had marked it out. he was then to drag the body to the place and put it in the grave, which he was directed to cover up, putting posts at the head and foot. poles were to be placed around and above the surface, the trees to be marked so that the place could be easily found by his friends; the horses were to be caught, the blankets and skins gathered up, with some special instructions about the old rifle, and various messages to his family. all these directions were given, as the boy afterwards declared, with entire calmness, and as if he were giving instructions about ordinary business. he soon recovered, broke up his camp, and returned homeward without the usual signs of a winter's hunt." one writer says colonel boone went on a trapping excursion up the grand river. this stream rises in the southern part of iowa, and flows in a southerly course into the missouri. he was entirely alone. paddling his canoe up the lonely banks of the missouri, he entered the grand river, and established his camp in a silent sheltered cove, where an experienced hunter would with difficulty find it. here he first laid in his supply of venison, turkeys, and bear's meat, and then commenced his trapping operation, where no sound of his rifle would disturb the beavers and no smell of gunpowder would excite their alarm. every morning he took the circuit of his traps, visiting them all in turn. much to his alarm, he one morning encountered a large encampment of indians in his vicinity, engaged in hunting. he immediately retreated to his camp and secreted himself. fortunately for him, quite a deep snow fell that night, which covered his traps. but this same snow prevented him from leaving his camp, lest his footprints should be discovered. for twenty days he continued thus secreted, occasionally, at midnight, venturing to cook a little food, when there was no danger that the smoke of his fire would reveal his retreat. at length the enemy departed, and he was released from his long imprisonment. he subsequently stated that never in his life had he felt so much anxiety for so long a period, lest the indians should discover his traps and search out his camp. it seems that the object of colonel boone in these long hunting excursions was to obtain furs that he might pay the debts which he still owed in kentucky. a man of less tender conscience would no longer have troubled himself about them. he was far removed from any importunity on the part of his creditors, or from any annoyance through the law. still his debts caused him much solicitude, and he could not rest in peace until they were fully paid. after two or three seasons of this energetic hunting, colonel boone succeeded in obtaining a sufficient quantity of furs to enable him, by their sale, to pay all his debts. with this object in view, he set out on his long journey of several hundred miles, through an almost trackless wilderness, to kentucky. he saw every creditor and paid every dollar. upon his return, colonel boone had just one half dollar in his pocket. but he said triumphantly to his friends who eagerly gathered around him: "now i am ready and willing to die. i am relieved from a burden which has long oppressed me. i have paid all my debts, and no one will say when i am gone, 'boone was a dishonest man.' i am perfectly willing to die." in the year , the territory west of the mississippi came into the possession of the united states. the whole region, embracing what is now missouri, was then called the territory of louisiana. soon after this a commission was appointed, consisting of three able and impartial men, to investigate the validity of the claims to land granted by the action of the spanish government. again poor boone was caught in the meshes of the law. it was found that he had not occupied the land which had been granted him, that he had not gone to new orleans to perfect his title, and that his claim was utterly worthless. "poor boone! seventy-four years old, and the second grasp you have made upon the west has been powerless. you have risked life, and lost the life next dearest your own for the west. in all its fearful forms, death has looked you in the face, and you have moved on to conquer the soil which you did but conquer, that it might be denied to you. you have been the architect of the prosperity of others, but your own crumbles each time as you are about to occupy it. when he lost his farm in boonesborough, he did not linger around in complainings, but went quietly away, returning only to fulfil the obligations he had incurred. and now this last decision came, even at old age, to leave daniel boone, the pioneer of the west, unable to give a title deed to a solitary acre."[g] [footnote g: life of boone, by w. h. bogart, p. .] the fur trade was at this time very lucrative. many who were engaged in it accumulated large fortunes. it was in this traffic that john jacob astor laid the foundations of his immense wealth. a guide of major long stated that he purchased of an indian one hundred and twenty beaver skins for two blankets, two gallons of rum, and a pocket mirror. the skins he took to montreal, where he sold them for over four hundred dollars. in the employment of the fur companies the trappers are of two kinds, called the "hired hand," and the "free trapper." the former is employed by the month, receiving regular wages, and bringing in all the furs which he can obtain. be they more or less, he receives his stipulated monthly wages. the free trapper is supplied by the company with traps and certain other conveniences with which he plunges into the forest on his own hook, engaging however to sell to the company, at a stipulated price, whatever furs he may secure. the outfit of the trapper as he penetrated the vast and trackless region of gloomy forests, treeless prairies, and solitary rivers, spreading everywhere around him, generally consisted of two or three horses, one for the saddle and the others for packs containing his equipment of traps, ammunition, blankets, cooking utensils, etc., in preparation for passing lonely months in the far away solitudes. he would endeavor to find, if possible, a region which neither the white man nor the indian had ever visited. the dress of the hunter consisted of a strong shirt of well-dressed and pliant buckskin, ornamented with long fringes. the vanity of dress, if it may be so called, followed him into regions where no eye but his own could see its beauties. his pantaloons were also made of buckskin decorated with variously-colored porcupine quills and with long fringes down the outside of the leg. moccasins, often quite gorgeously embroidered, fitted closely to his feet. a very flexible hat or cap covered his head, generally of felt, obtained from some indian trader. there was suspended over his left shoulder, so as to hang beneath his right arm, a powder horn and bullet pouch. in the latter he carried balls, flints, steel, and various odds and ends. a long heavy rifle he bore upon his shoulder. a belt of buckskin buckled tightly around the waist, held a large butcher knife in a sheath of stout buffalo hide, and also a buckskin case containing a whet-stone. a small hatchet or tomahawk was also attached to this belt. thus rigged and in a new dress the hunter of good proportions presented a very picturesque aspect. with no little pride he exhibited himself at the trading posts, where not only the squaws and the children, but veteran hunters and indian braves contemplated his person with admiration. thus provided the hunter, more frequently alone but sometimes accompanied by two or three others, set out for the mountain streams, as early in the spring as the melting ice would enable him to commence operations against the beaver. arrived on his hunting ground he carefully ascends some creek or stream, examining the banks with practiced eye to discern any sign of the presence of beaver or of any other animal whose fur would prove valuable. if a cotton-wood tree lies prostrate he examines it to see if it has been cut down by the sharp tooth of the beaver; and if so whether it has been cut down for food or to furnish material for damming a stream. if the track of a beaver is seen in the mud, he follows the track until he finds a good place to set his steel trap in the run of the animal, hiding it under water and carefully attaching it by a chain to a bush or tree, or to some picket driven into the bank. a float strip is also made fast to the trap, so that should the beaver chance to break away with the trap, this float upon the surface, at the end of a cord a few feet long, would point out the position of the trap. "when a 'lodge' is discovered the trap is set at the edge of the dam, at the point where the animal passes from deep to shoal water. early in the morning the hunter always mounts his mule and examines the traps. the captured animals are skinned, and the tails, which are a great dainty, carefully packed into camp. the skin is then stretched over a hoop or frame-work of osier twigs and is allowed to dry, the flesh and fatty substance being carefully scraped off. when dry it is folded into a square sheet, the fur turned inward, and the bundle, containing from about ten to twenty skins, lightly pressed and corded, is ready for transportation. "during the hunt, regardless of indian vicinity, the fearless trapper wanders far and near in search of 'sign.' his nerves must ever be in a state of tension and his mind ever present at his call. his eagle eye sweeps around the country, and in an instant detects any foreign appearance. a turned leaf, a blade of grass pressed down, the uneasiness of wild animals, the flight of birds, are all paragraphs to him written in nature's legible hand and plainest language. all the wits of the subtle savage are called into play to gain an advantage over the wily woodsman; but with the instinct of the primitive man, the white hunter has the advantage of a civilised mind, and thus provided seldom fails to outwit, under equal advantages, the cunning savage. "sometimes the indian following on his trail, watches him set his traps on a shrub-belted stream, and passing up the bed, like bruce of old, so that he may leave no track, he lies in wait in the bushes until the hunter comes to examine. then waiting until he approaches his ambush within a few feet, whiz flies the home-drawn arrow, never failing at such close quarters to bring the victim to the ground. for one white scalp, however, that dangles in the smoke of an indian lodge, a dozen black ones at the end of the hunt ornament the camp-fire of the rendezvous. "at a certain time when the hunt is over, or they have loaded their pack animals, the trappers proceed to their rendezvous, the locality of which has been previously agreed upon; and here the traders and agents of the fur companies await them, with such assortments of goods as their hardy customers may require, including generally a fair supply of alcohol. the trappers drop in singly and in small bands, bringing their packs of beaver to this mountain market, not unfrequently to the value of a thousand dollars each, the produce of one hunt. the dissipation of the rendezvous, however, soon turns the trapper's pocket inside out. the goods brought by the traders, although of the most inferior quality, are sold at enormous prices. coffee twenty and thirty shillings a pint cup, which is the usual measure; tobacco fetches ten and fifteen shillings a plug; alcohol from twenty to fifty shillings a pint; gunpowder sixteen shillings a pint cup, and all other articles at proportionately exhorbitant prices. "the rendezvous is one continued scene of drunkenness, gambling, brawling and fighting, so long as the money and credit of the trappers last. seated indian fashion around the fires, with a blanket spread before them, groups are seen with their 'decks' of cards playing at 'euchre,' 'poker,' and 'seven-up,' the regular mountain games. the stakes are beaver, which is here current coin; and when the fur is gone, their horses, mules, rifles and shirts, hunting packs and breeches are staked. daring gamblers make the rounds of the camp, challenging each other to play for the highest stake--his horse, his squaw if he have one, and as once happened his scalp. a trapper often squanders the produce of his hunt, amounting to hundreds of dollars, in a couple of hours; and supplied on credit with another equipment, leaves the rendezvous for another expedition which has the same result, time after time, although one tolerably successful hunt would enable him to return to the settlements and civilised life with an ample sum to purchase and stock a farm, and enjoy himself in ease and comfort for the remainder of his days. "these annual gatherings are often the scene of bloody duels, for over their cups and cards no men are more quarrelsome than your mountaineers. rifles at twenty paces settle all differences, and as may be imagined, the fall of one or other of the combatants is certain, or, as sometimes happens, both fall at the same fire."[h] [footnote h: ruxton's travels.] chapter xiv. _conclusion._ colonel boone appeals to congress--complimentary resolutions of the legislature of kentucky.--death of mrs. boone.--catholic liberality.--itinerant preachers.--grant by congress to colonel boone.--the evening of his days.--personal appearance.--death and burial.--transference of the remains of mr. and mrs. boone to frankfort, kentucky. colonel boone having lost all his property, sent in a memorial, by the advice of his friends, to the legislature of kentucky, and also another to congress. kentucky was now a wealthy and populous state, and was not at all indisposed to recognise the invaluable services she had received from colonel boone. in allusion to these services governor moorehead said: "it is not assuming too much to declare, that without colonel boone, in all probability the settlements could not have been upheld; and the conquest of kentucky might have been reserved for the emigrants of the nineteenth century." what obstacle stood in the way of a liberal grant of land by the kentucky legislature we do not know. we simply know that by a unanimous vote of that body, the following preamble and resolution were passed: "the legislature of kentucky, taking into view the many eminent services rendered by colonel boone, in exploring and settling the western country, from which great advantages have resulted, not only to this state, but to this country in general, and that from circumstances over which he had no control, he is now reduced to poverty; not having, so far as appears, an acre of land out of the vast territory he has been a great instrument in peopling; believing also that it is as unjust as it is impolitic, that useful enterprise and eminent services should go unrewarded by a government where merit confers the only distinction; and having sufficient reason to believe that a grant of ten thousand acres of land, which he claims in upper louisiana, would have been confirmed by the spanish government, had not said territory passed by cession into the hands of the general government; therefore "resolved by the general assembly of the commonwealth of kentucky: that our senators in congress be requested to make use of their exertions to procure a grant of land in said territory to said boone, either the ten thousand acres to which he appears to have an equitable claim, from the grounds set forth to this legislature, by way of confirmation, or to such quantity in such place as shall be deemed most advisable by way of donation." while this question was pending before congress, colonel boone met with the heaviest grief he had thus far encountered on his stormy pilgrimage. in the month of march, , his wife, whom he tenderly loved, died at the age of seventy-six. she had been one of the best of wives and mothers, seeking in all things to conform to the wishes of her husband, and aid him in his plans. she was a devoted wife and a loving mother. colonel boone selected upon the summit of a ridge the place for her burial, and marked out the spot for his own grave by her side. we have no means of knowing what were the religious views which sustained mrs. boone in her dying hour. her life was passed in the discharge of the humble duties of a home in the wilderness, and she had no biographer. but we do know that the religion of jesus had penetrated many of these remote cabins, and had ennobled the lives of many of these hardy pioneers. under the spanish government, the roman catholic religion was the established religion of the province, and none other was openly tolerated. still, the authorities were so anxious to encourage emigration from the united states, that they avoided any rigorous enforcement of the law. each emigrant was required to be "a good catholic," _un bon catholique_. but by connivance of the authorities, only a few general questions were asked, such as: "do you believe in almighty god? in the holy trinity? in the true apostolic church? in jesus christ our saviour? in the holy evangelists?" the ceremony was closed by the declaration that the applicant was _un bon catholique_. thus many protestant families entered the spanish territory, and remained undisturbed in their religious principles. protestant clergymen crossed over the mississippi river and, unmolested, preached the gospel in the log cabins of the settlers. the catholic priests received their salaries from the spanish crown, and no taxes for religion were imposed. the reverend john clark, a very zealous christian minister, made monthly excursions to the spanish territory. the commandant at st. louis, mr. trudeau, would take no notice of his presence till the time when he knew that mr. clark was about to leave. then he would send a threatening message ordering him to leave within three days. one of the emigrants, mr. murich, of the baptist persuasion, who knew the commandant very well, petitioned for permission to hold religious meetings at his house and to have mr. clark preach. mr. trudeau replied: "you must not put a bill upon your house, or call it a church. but if any of your friends choose to meet at your house, sing, pray, and talk about religion, you will not be molested provided you continue, as i suppose you are, _un bon catholique_." thus, in reality, there was scarcely any restraint in those remote regions, even under the spanish regime, imposed upon religious freedom. christian songs, the penitential and the triumphant, often ascended, blended with prayers and praises from these lonely and lowly homes in the wilderness. thus characters were formed for heaven, and life was ennobled, and often far more of true nobility of soul and more real and satisfying enjoyment were found in those log huts, illumined only by the blaze of the pitch pine knot, than louis xiv. and his courtiers ever experienced amidst the splendors and the luxuries of versailles and of marly. we do not know that colonel boone ever made a public profession of his faith in christ, though somewhere we have seen it stated that he died an honored member of the methodist church. it is certain that the religious element predominated in his nature. he was a thoughtful, serious, devout, good man. he walked faithfully in accordance with the light and the privileges which were conferred upon him in his singularly adventurous life. colonel boone was seventy-nine years of age when congress conferred upon him a grant of eight hundred and fifty acres of land. he had never repined at his lot, had never wasted his breath in unavailing murmurs. he contentedly took life as it came, and was ever serene and cheerful. but this grant of land, though it came so late, greatly cheered him. he was no longer dependent upon others. he had property rapidly increasing in value to leave to the children and the grand-children he so tenderly loved. his aged limbs would no longer allow him to expose himself to the vicissitudes of hunting, and he took up his abode with one of his sons, enjoying, perhaps, as serene and happy an old age as ever fell to the lot of mortals. his conversation often gathered charmed listeners around him, for he had a very retentive memory, and his mind was crowded with the incidents of his romantic career. it is said that at this period of his life an irritable expression never escaped his lips. his grand-children vied with each other in affectionate attentions to one whom they ardently loved, and of whose celebrity they were justly proud. colonel galloway, the gentleman whose two daughters were captured, with one of the daughters of colonel boone, in a boat by the indians, which event our readers will recall to mind, visited colonel boone in missouri about this time. he gives a very pleasing description of the gentle and genial old man, as he then found him. his personal appearance was venerable and attractive, very neatly clad in garments spun, woven, and made in the cabin. his own room consisted of a cabin by itself, and was in perfect order. "his countenance was pleasant, calm, and fair, his forehead high and bold, and the soft silver of his hair in unison with his length of days. he spoke feelingly and with solemnity of being a creature of providence, ordained by heaven as a pioneer in the wilderness to advance the civilization and the extension of his country. he professed the belief that the almighty had assigned to him a work to perform, and that he had only followed the pathway of duty in the work he had pursued; that he had discharged his duty to god and his country by following the direction of providence." his stormy day of life had passed away into an evening of unusual beauty and serenity. still he was continually busy, engaged in innumerable acts of kindness for his neighbors and his friends. he could repair rifles, make and carve powder horns of great beauty, and could fashion moccasins and snowshoes of the most approved patterns. his love for the solitude of the wilderness, and for the excitement of the hunter's life, continued unabated to the last. he loved to cut tender slices of venison, and to toast them upon the end of his ramrod over the glaring coals of his cabin fire, finding in that repast a treat more delicious than any gourmand ever yet experienced in the viands of the most costly restaurants of the palais royal, or the boulevard. upon one occasion he could not resist the impulse of again going hunting, though in the eighty-second year of his age. exacting from his friends the promise that should he die, his remains should be brought back and buried by the side of those of his wife, he took a boy with him and went to the mouth of the kansas river, where he remained two weeks. returning from this, his last expedition, he visited his youngest son, major nathan boone, who had reared a comfortable stone house in that remote region, to which emigrants were now rapidly moving. here he died after an illness of but three days, on the th day of september, . he was then eighty-six years of age. soon after the death of his wife, colonel boone made his own coffin, which he kept under his bed awaiting the day of his burial. in this coffin he was buried by the side of his wife. missouri, though very different from the missouri of the present day, was no longer an unpeopled wilderness. the indians had retired; thousands of emigrants had flocked to its fertile plains, and many thriving settlements had sprung up along the banks of its magnificent streams. the great respect with which colonel boone was regarded by his fellow-citizens, was manifest in the large numbers who were assembled at his burial. the legislature of missouri, which chanced then to be in session, adjourned for one day, in respect for his memory, and passed a resolve that all the members should wear a badge of mourning for twenty days. this was the first legislature of the new state. colonel boone was the father of nine children, five sons and four daughters. his two eldest sons were killed by the indians. his third son, daniel morgan boone, had preceded his father in his emigration to the upper louisiana, as it was then called, and had taken up his residence in the femme osage settlement. he became a man of influence and comparative wealth, and attained the advanced age of fourscore. jesse, the fourth son, also emigrated to upper louisiana about the year , where he died a few years after. the youngest son, nathan, whose privilege it was to close his father's eyes in death, had found a home beyond the mississippi; he became a man of considerable note, and received the commission of captain in the united states dragoons. the daughters, three of whom married, lived and died in kentucky. in the meantime kentucky, which boone had found a pathless wilderness, the hunting ground of indians who were scarcely less wild and savage than the beasts they pursued in the chase, was rapidly becoming one of the most populous, wealthy and prosperous states in the union. upon the eastern bank of the kentucky river, the beautiful city of frankfort had risen surrounded by remarkably romantic and splendid scenery. it had become the capital of the state, and was situated about sixty miles from the entrance of the kentucky into the ohio river. many of the houses were tastefully built of brick or of marble, and the place was noted for its polished, intelligent, and hospitable society. it was but a few miles above frankfort upon this same river that colonel boone had reared the log fort of boonesborough, when scarcely a white man could be found west of the alleghanies. in the year , the citizens of frankfort, having, in accordance with the refinements of modern tastes, prepared a beautiful rural cemetery in the suburbs of their town, resolved to consecrate it by the interment of the remains of daniel boone and his wife. the legislature, appreciating the immense obligations of the state to the illustrious pioneer, co-operated with the citizens of frankfort in this movement. for twenty-five years the remains of col. boone and his wife had been mouldering in the grave upon the banks of the missouri. "there seemed," said one of the writers of that day, "to be a peculiar propriety in this testimonial of the veneration borne by the commonwealth for the memory of its illustrious dead. and it was fitting that the soil of kentucky should afford the final resting place for his remains, whose blood in life had been so often shed to protect it from the fury of savage hostility. it was the beautiful and touching manifestation of filial affection shown by children to the memory of a beloved parent; and it was right that the generation which was reaping the fruits of his toils and dangers should desire to have in their midst and decorate with the tokens of their love, the sepulchre of this primeval patriarch whose stout heart watched by the cradle of this now powerful commonwealth." the honored remains of daniel boone and his wife were brought from missouri to frankfort, and the re-interment took place on the th of september, . the funeral ceremonies were very imposing. colonel richard m. johnson, who had been vice-president of the united states, and others of the most distinguished citizens of kentucky, officiated as pall-bearers. the two coffins were garlanded with flowers, and an immense procession followed them to their final resting place. the hon. john j. crittenden, who was regarded as the most eloquent man in the state, pronounced the funeral oration. and there beneath an appropriate monument, the body of daniel boone now lies, awaiting the summons of the resurrection trumpet. "life's labor done, securely laid in this his last retreat, unheeded o'er his silent dust, the storms of earth shall beat." _the end._ transcriber's notes: minor corrections have been made to ensure uniform usage of hyphenation and abbreviations, and to standardize spelling in the text. the adventures of col. daniel boon containing a narrative of the wars of kentucke from the discovery and settlement of kentucke by john filson curiosity is natural to the soul of man, and interesting objects have a powerful influence on our affections. let these influencing powers actuate, by the permission or disposal of providence, from selfish or social views, yet in time the mysterious will of heaven is unfolded, and we behold our conduct, from whatsoever motives excited, operating to answer the important designs of heaven. thus we behold kentucke, lately an howling wilderness, the habitation of savages and wild beasts, become a fruitful field; this region, so favourably distinguished by nature, now become the habitation of civilization, at a period unparalleled in history, in the midst of a raging war, and under all the disadvantages of emigration to a country so remote from the inhabited parts of the continent. here, where the hand of violence shed the blood of the innocent; where the horrid yells of savages, and the groans of the distressed, sounded in our ears, we now hear the praises and adoration of our creator; where wretched wigwams stood, the miserable abodes of savages, we behold the foundations of cities laid, that, in all probability, will rival the glory of the greatest upon earth. and we view kentucke situated on the fertile banks of the great ohio, rising from obscurity to shine with splendor, equal to any other of the stars of the american hemisphere. the settling of this region well deserves a place in history. most of the memorable events i have myself been exercised in; and, for the satisfaction of the public, will briefly relate the circumstances of my adventures, and scenes of life, from my first movement to this country until this day. it was on the first of may, in the year , that i resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the yadkin river, in north-carolina, to wander through the wilderness of america, in quest of the country of kentucke, in company with john finley, john stewart, joseph holden, james monay, and william cool. we proceeded successfully, and after a long and fatiguing journey through a mountainous wilderness, in a westward direction, on the seventh day of june following, we found ourselves on red-river, where john finley had formerly been trading with the indians, and, from the top of an eminence, saw with pleasure the beautiful level of kentucke. here let me observe, that for some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather as a prelibation of our future sufferings. at this place we encamped, and made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country. we found every where abundance of wild beasts of all sorts, through this vast forest. the buffaloes were more frequent than i have seen cattle in the settlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or croping the herbage on those extensive plains, fearless, because ignorant, of the violence of man. sometimes we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. in this forest, the habitation of beasts of every kind natural to america, we practised hunting with great success until the twenty-second day of december following. this day john stewart and i had a pleasing ramble, but fortune changed the scene in the close of it. we had passed through a great forest on which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, others rich with fruits. nature was here a series of wonders, and a fund of delight. here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully coloured, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavoured; and we were diverted with innumerable animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view.--in the decline of the day, near kentucke river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a number of indians rushed out of a thick cane-brake upon us, and made us prisoners. the time of our sorrow was now arrived, and the scene fully opened. the indians plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with common savage usage. during this time we discovered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious of us; but in the dead of night, as we lay in a thick cane-brake by a large fire, when sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing me for rest, i touched my companion and gently awoke him. we improved this favourable opportunity, and departed, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily directed our course towards our old camp, but found it plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home. about this time my brother, squire boon, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was wandering through the forest, determined to find me, if possible, and accidentally found our camp. notwithstanding the unfortunate circumstances of our company, and our dangerous situation, as surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting so fortunately in the wilderness made us reciprocally sensible of the utmost satisfaction. so much does friendship triumph over misfortune, that sorrows and sufferings vanish at the meeting not only of real friends, but of the most distant acquaintances, and substitutes happiness in their room. soon after this, my companion in captivity, john stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. we were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death amongst savages and wild beasts, not a white man in the country but ourselves. thus situated, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, i believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. i often observed to my brother, you see now how little nature requires to be satisfied. felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things; and i firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. this consists in a full resignation to the will of providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briars and thorns. we continued not in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter storms. we remained there undisturbed during the winter; and on the first day of may, , my brother returned home to the settlement by himself, for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself, without bread, salt or sugar, without company of my fellow creatures, or even a horse or dog. i confess i never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. a few days i passed uncomfortably. the idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety upon the account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. a thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly disposed me to melancholy, if further indulged. one day i undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature i met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. just at the close of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. i had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains, the beauteous tracts below. on the other hand, i surveyed the famous river ohio that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of kentucke with inconceivable grandeur. at a vast distance i beheld the mountains lift their venerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. all things were still. i kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck, which a few hours before i had killed. the sullen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the hovering moisture. my roving excursion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted my imagination. i laid me down to sleep, and i awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. i continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. i returned again to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. i did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to avoid the savages, who, i believe, often visited my camp, but fortunately for me, in my absence. in this situation i was constantly exposed to danger, and death. how unhappy such a situation for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes, and if it does, only augments the pain. it was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which i had the greatest reason to be affected. the prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings; and the various species of animals in this vast forest, in the daytime, were continually in my view. thus i was surrounded with plenty in the midst of want. i was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. in such a diversity it was impossible i should be disposed to melancholy. no populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind, as the beauties of nature i found here. thus, through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, i spent the time until the th day of july following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. shortly after, we left this place, not thinking it safe to stay there longer, and proceeded to cumberland river, reconnoitring that part of the country until march, , and giving names to the different waters. soon after, i returned home to my family with a determination to bring them as soon as possible to live in kentucke, which i esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune. i returned safe to my old habitation, and found my family in happy circumstances. i sold my farm on the yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the twenty-fifth day of september, , bade a farewel to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to kentucke, in company with five families more, and forty men that joined us in powel's valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the now settled parts of kentucke. this promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity; for upon the tenth day of october, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. of these my eldest son was one that fell in the action. though we defended ourselves, and repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to the settlement on clench river. we had passed over two mountains, viz. powel's and walden's, and were approaching cumberland mountain when this adverse fortune overtook us. these mountains are in the wilderness, as we pass from the old settlements in virginia to kentucke, are ranged in a s. west and n. east direction, are of a great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. over these, nature hath formed passes, that are less difficult than might be expected from a view of such huge piles. the aspect of these cliffs is so wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror. the spectator is apt to imagine that nature had formerly suffered some violent convulsion; and that these are the dismembered remains of the dreadful shock; the ruins, not of persepolis or palmyra, but of the world! i remained with my family on clench until the sixth of june, , when i and one michael stoner were solicited by governor dunmore, of virginia, to go to the falls of the ohio, to conduct into the settlement a number of surveyors that had been sent thither by him some months before; this country having about this time drawn the attention of many adventurers. we immediately complied with the governor's request, and conducted in the surveyors, compleating a tour of eight hundred miles, through many difficulties, in sixty-two days. soon after i returned home, i was ordered to take the command of three garrisons during the campaign, which governor dunmore carried on against the shawanese indians: after the conclusion of which, the militia was discharged from each garrrison, and i being relieved from my post, was solicited by a number of north-carolina gentlemen, that were about purchasing the lands lying on the s. side of kentucke river, from the cherokee indians, to attend their treaty at wataga, in march, , to negotiate with them, and, mention the boundaries of the purchase. this i accepted, and at the request of the same gentlemen, undertook to mark out a road in the best passage from the settlement through the wilderness to kentucke, with such assistance as i thought necessary to employ for such an important undertaking. i soon began this work, having collected a number of enterprising men, well armed. we proceeded with all possible expedition until we came within fifteen miles of where boonsborough now stands, and where we were fired upon by a party of indians that killed two, and wounded two of our number; yet, although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we stood our ground. this was on the twentieth of march, . three days after, we were fired upon again, and had two men killed, and three wounded. afterwards we proceeded on to kentucke river without opposition; and on the first day of april began to erect the fort of boonsborough at a salt lick, about sixty yards from the river, on the s. side. on the fourth day, the indians killed one of our men.--we were busily employed in building this fort, until the fourteenth day of june following, without any farther opposition from the indians; and having finished the works, i returned to my family, on clench. in a short time, i proceeded to remove my family from clench to this garrison; where we arrived safe without any other difficulties than such as are common to this passage, my wife and daughter being the first white women that ever stood on the banks of kentucke river. on the twenty-fourth day of december following we had one man killed, and one wounded, by the indians, who seemed determined to persecute us for erecting this fortification. on the fourteenth day of july, , two of col. calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were taken prisoners near the fort. i immediately pursued the indians, with only eight men, and on the sixteenth overtook them, killed two of the party, and recovered the girls. the same day on which this attempt was made, the indians divided themselves into different parties, and attacked several forts, which were shortly before this time erected, doing a great deal of mischief. this was extremely distressing to the new settlers. the innocent husbandman was shot down, while busy cultivating the soil for his family's supply. most of the cattle around the stations were destroyed. they continued their hostilities in this manner until the fifteenth of april, , when they attacked boonsborough with a party of above one hundred in number, killed one man, and wounded four--their loss in this attack was not certainly known to us. on the fourth day of july following, a party of about two hundred indians attacked boonsborough, killed one man, and wounded two. they besieged us forty-eight hours; during which time seven of them were killed, and at last, finding themselves not likely to prevail, they raised the siege, and departed. the indians had disposed their warriors in different parties at this time, and attacked the different garrisons to prevent their assisting each other, and did much injury to the distressed inhabitants. on the nineteenth day of this month, col. logan's fort was besieged by a party of about two hundred indians. during this dreadful siege they did a great deal of mischief, distressed the garrison, in which were only fifteen men, killed two, and wounded one. the enemies loss was uncertain, from the common practice which the indians have of carrying off their dead in time of battle. col. harrod's fort was then defended by only sixty-five men, and boonsborough by twenty-two, there being no more forts or white men in the country, except at the falls, a considerable distance from these, and all taken collectively, were but a handful to the numerous warriors that were every where dispersed through the country, intent upon doing all the mischief that savage barbarity could invent. thus we passed through a scene of sufferings that exceeds description. on the twenty-fifth of this month a reinforcement of forty-five men arrived from north-carolina, and about the twentieth of august following, col. bowman arrived with one hundred men from virginia. now we began to strengthen, and from hence, for the space of six weeks, we had skirmishes with indians, in one quarter or other, almost every day. the savages now learned the superiority of the long knife, as they call the virginians, by experience; being out-generalled in almost every battle. our affairs began to wear a new aspect, and the enemy, not daring to venture on open war, practised secret mischief at times. on the first day of january, , i went with a party of thirty men to the blue licks, on licking river, to make salt for the different garrisons in the country. on the seventh day of february, as i was hunting, to procure meat for the company, i met with a party of one hundred and two indians, and two frenchmen, on their march against boonsborough, that place being particularly the object of the enemy. they pursued, and took me; and brought me on the eighth day to the licks, where twenty-seven of my party were, three of them having previously returned home with the salt. i knowing it was impossible for them to escape, capitulated with the enemy, and, at a distance in their view, gave notice to my men of their situation, with orders not to resist, but surrender themselves captives. the generous usage the indians had promised before in my capitulation, was afterwards fully complied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners to old chelicothe, the principal indian town, on little miami, where we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey, in very severe weather, on the eighteenth day of february, and received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages.--on the tenth day of march following, i, and ten of my men, were conducted by forty indians to detroit, where we arrived the thirtieth day, and were treated by governor hamilton, the british commander at that post, with great humanity. during our travels, the indians entertained me well; and their affection for me was so great, that they utterly refused to leave me there with the others, although the governor offered them one hundred pounds sterling for me, on purpose to give me a parole to go home. several english gentlemen there, being sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly supply for my wants, which i refused, with many thanks for their kindness; adding, that i never expected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity. the indians left my men in captivity with the british at detroit, and on the tenth day of april brought me towards old chelicothe, where we arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the same month. this was a long and fatiguing march, through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable for fine springs and streams of water. at chelicothe i spent my time as comfortably as i could expect; was adopted, accordin to their custom, into a family where i became a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. i was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as chearful and satisfied as possible, and they put great confidence in me. i often went a hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. i was careful not to exceed many of them in shooting; for no people are more envious than they in this sport. i could observe, in their countenances and gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me; and, when the reverse happened, of envy. the shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with profound respect, and entire friendship, often entrusting me to hunt at my liberty. i frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what i had taken to him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. my food and lodging was, in common, with them, not so good indeed as i could desire, but necessity made every thing acceptable. i now began to meditate an escape, and carefully avoided their suspicions, continuing with them at old chelicothe until the first day of june following, and then was taken by them to the salt springs on sciotha, and kept there, making salt, ten days. during this time i hunted some for them, and found the land, for a great extent about this river, to exceed the soil of kentucke, if possible, and remarkably well watered. when i returned to chelicothe, alarmed to see four hundred and fifty indians, of their choicest warriors, painted and armed in a fearful manner, ready to march against boonsborough, i determined to escape the first opportunity. on the sixteenth, before sun-rise, i departed in the most secret manner, and arrived at boonsborough on the twentieth, after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles; during which, i had but one meal. i found our fortress in a bad state of defence, but we proceeded immediately to repair our flanks, strengthen our gates and posterns, and form double bastions, which we compleated in ten days. in this time we daily expected the arrival of the indian army; and at length, one of my fellow prisoners, escaping from them, arrived, informing us that the enemy had an account of my departure, and postponed their expedition three weeks.--the indians had spies out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed with our increase in number and fortifications. the grand councils of the nations were held frequently, and with more deliberation than usual. they evidently saw the approaching hour when the long knife would disposess them of their desirable habitations; and anxiously concerned for futurity, determined utterly to extirpate the whites out of kentucke. we were not intimidated by their movements, but frequently gave them proofs of our courage. about the first of august, i made an incursion into the indian country, with a party of nineteen men, in order to surprise a small town up sciotha, called paint-creek-town. we advanced within four miles thereof, where we met a party of thirty indians, on their march against boonsborough, intending to join the others from chelicothe. a smart fight ensued betwixt us for some time: at length the savages gave way, and fled. we had no loss on our side: the enemy had one killed, and two wounded. we took from them three horses, and all their baggage; and being informed, by two of our number that went to their town, that the indians had entirely evacuated it, we proceeded no further, and returned with all possible expedition to assist our garrison against the other party. we passed by them on the sixth day, and on the seventh, we arrived safe at boonsborough. on the eighth, the indian army arrived, being four hundred and forty-four in number, commanded by capt. duquesne, eleven other frenchmen, and some of their own chiefs, and marched up within view of our fort, with british and french colours flying; and having sent a summons to me, in his britannick majesty's name, to surrender the fort, i requested two days consideration, which was granted. it was now a critical period with us.--we were a small number in the garrison.--a powerful army before our walls, whose appearance proclaimed inevitable death, fearfully painted, and marking their footsteps with desolation. death was preferable to captivity; and if taken by storm, we must inevitably be devoted to destruction. in this situation we concluded to maintain our garrison, if possible. we immediately proceeded to collect what we could of our horses, and other cattle, and bring them through the posterns into the fort: and in the evening of the ninth, i returned answer, that we were determined to defend our fort while a man was living--now, said i to their commander, who stood attentively hearing my sentiments, we laugh at all your formidable preparations: but thank you for giving us notice and time to provide for our defence. your efforts will not prevail; for our gates shall for ever deny you admittance.--whether this answer affected their courage, or not, i cannot tell; but, contrary to our expectations, they formed a scheme to deceive us, declaring it was their orders, from governor hamilton, to take us captives, and not to destroy us; but if nine of us would come out, and treat with them, they would immediatly withdraw their forces from our walls, and return home peaceably. this sounded grateful in our ears; and we agreed to the proposal. we held the treaty within sixty yards of the garrison, on purpose to divert them from a breach of honour, as we could not avoid suspicions of the savages. in this situation the articles were formally agreed to, and signed; and the indians told us it was customary with them, on such occasions, for two indians to shake hands with every white-man in the treaty, as an evidence of entire friendship. we agreed to this also, but were soon convinced their policy was to take us prisoners.--they immediately grappled us; but, although surrounded by hundreds of savages, we extricated ourselves from them, and escaped all safe into the garrison, except one that was wounded, through a heavy fire from their army. they immediately attacked us on every side, and a constant heavy fire ensued between us day and night for the space of nine days. in this time the enemy began to undermine our fort, which was situated sixty yards from kentucke river. they began at the water-mark and proceeded in the bank some distance, which we understood by their making the water muddy with the clay; and we immediately proceeded to disappoint their design, by cutting a trench across their subterranean passage. the enemy discovering our counter-mine, by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted from that stratagem: and experience now fully convincing them that neither their power nor policy could effect their purpose, on the twentieth day of august they raised the siege, and departed. during this dreadful siege, which threatened death in every form, we had two men killed, and four wounded, besides a number of cattle. we killed of the enemy thirty-seven, and wounded a great number. after they were gone, we picked up one hundred and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of our fort; which certainly is a great proof of their industry. soon after this, i went into the settlement, and nothing worthy of a place in this account passed in my affairs for some time. during my absence from kentucke, col. bowman carried on an expedition against the shawanese, at old chelicothe, with one hundred and sixty men, in july, . here they arrived undiscovered, and a battle ensued, which lasted until ten o'clock, a. m. when col. bowman, finding he could not succeed at this time, retreated about thirty miles. the indians, in the meantime, collecting all their forces, pursued and overtook him, when a smart fight continued near two hours, not to the advantage of col. bowman's party. col. harrod proposed to mount a number of horse, and furiously to rush upon the savages, who at this time fought with remarkable fury. this desperate step had a happy effect, broke their line of battle, and the savages fled on all sides. in these two battles we had nine killed, and one wounded. the enemy's loss uncertain, only two scalps being taken. on the twenty-second day of june, , a large party of indians and canadians, about six hundred in number, commanded by col. bird, attacked riddle's and martin's stations, at the forks of licking river, with six pieces of artillery. they carried this expedition so secretly, that the unwary inhabitants did not discover them, until they fired upon the forts; and, not being prepared to oppose them, were obliged to surrender themselves miserable captives to barbarous savages, who immediately after tomahawked one man and two women, and loaded all the others with heavy baggage, forcing them along toward their towns, able or unable to march. such as were weak and faint by the way, they tomahawked. the tender women, and helpless children, fell victims to their cruelty. this, and the savage treatment they received afterwards, is shocking to humanity, and too barbarous to relate. the hostile disposition of the savages, and their allies, caused general clark, the commandant at the falls of the ohio, immediately to begin an expedition with his own regiment, and the armed force of the country, against pecaway, the principal town of the shawanese, on a branch of great miami, which he finished with great success, took seventeen scalps, and burnt the town to ashes, with the loss of seventeen men. about this time i returned to kentucke with my family; and here, to avoid an enquiry into my conduct, the reader being before informed of my bringing my family to kentucke, i am under the necessity of informing him that, during my captivity with the indians, my wife, who despaired of ever seeing me again, expecting the indians had put a period to my life, oppressed with the distresses of the country, and bereaved of me, her only happiness, had, before i returned, transported my family and goods, on horses, through the wilderness, amidst a multitude of dangers, to her father's house, in north-carolina. shortly after the troubles at boonsborough, i went to them, and lived peaceably there until this time. the history of my going home, and returning with my family, forms a series of difficulties, an account of which would swell a volume, and being foreign to my purpose, i shall purposely omit them. i settled my family in boonsborough once more; and shortly after, on the sixth day of october, , i went in company with my brother to the blue licks; and, on our return home, we were fired upon by a party of indians. they shot him, and pursued me, by the scent of their dog, three miles; but i killed the dog, and escaped. the winter soon came on, and was very severe, which confined the indians to their wigwams. the severity of this winter caused great difficulties in kentucke. the enemy had destroyed most of the corn, the summer before. this necessary article was scarce, and dear; and the inhabitants lived chiefly on the flesh of buffaloes. the circumstances of many were very lamentable: however, being a hardy race of people, and accustomed to difficulties and necessities, they were wonderfully supported through all their sufferings, until the ensuing fall, when we received abundance from the fertile soil. towards spring, we were frequently harassed by indians; and, in may, , a party assaulted ashton's station, killed one man, and took a negro prisoner. capt. ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued, and overtook the savages, and a smart fight ensued, which lasted two hours; but they being superior in number, obliged captain ashton's party to retreat, with the loss of eight killed, and four mortally wounded; their brave commander himself being numbered among the dead. the indians continued their hostilities; and, about the tenth of august following, two boys were taken from major hoy's station. this party was pursued by capt. holder and seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss of four men killed, and one wounded. our affairs became more and more alarming. several stations which had lately been erected in the country were continually infested with savages, stealing their horses and killing the men at every opportunity. in a field, near lexington, an indian shot a man, and running to scalp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon his enemy. every day we experienced recent mischiefs. the barbarous savage nations of shawanese, cherokees, wyandots, tawas, delawares, and several others near detroit, united in a war against us, and assembled their choicest warriors at old chelicothe, to go on the expedition, in order to destroy us, and entirely depopulate the country. their savage minds were inflamed to mischief by two abandoned men, captains mckee and girty. these led them to execute every diabolical scheme; and, on the fifteenth day of august, commanded a party of indians and canadians, of about five hundred in number, against briant's station, five miles from lexington. without demanding a surrender, they furiously assaulted the garrison, which was happily prepared to oppose them; and, after they had expended much ammunition in vain, and killed the cattle round the fort, not being likely to make themselves masters of this place, they raised the siege, and departed in the morning of the third day after they came, with the loss of about thirty killed, and the number of wounded uncertain.--of the garrison four were killed, and three wounded. on the eighteenth day col. todd, col. trigg, major harland, and myself, speedily collected one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages. they had marched beyond the blue licks to a remarkable bend of the main fork of licking river, about forty-three miles from lexington, as it is particularly represented in the map, where we overtook them on the nineteenth day. the savages observing us, gave way; and we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. when the enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage of us in situation, they formed the line of battle, represented in the map, from one bend of licking to the other, about a mile from the blue licks. an exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when we, being over-powered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men; seven of whom were taken prisoners. the brave and much lamented colonels todd and trigg, major harland and my second son, were among the dead. we were informed that the indians, numbering their dead, found they had four killed more than we; and therefore, four of the prisoners they had taken, were, by general consent, ordered to be killed, in a most barbarous manner, by the young warriors, in order to train them up to cruelty; and then they proceeded to their towns. on our retreat we were met by col. logan, hastening to join us, with a number of well armed men: this powerful assistance we unfortunately wanted in the battle; for, notwithstanding the enemy's superiority of numbers, they acknowledged that, if they had received one more fire from us, they should undoubtedly have given way. so valiantly did our small party fight, that, to the memory of those who unfortunately fell in the battle, enough of honour cannot be paid. had col. logan and his party been with us, it is highly probable we should have given the savages a total defeat. i cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sorrow fills my heart. a zeal for the defence of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a few men to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. when we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. the river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight, some just entering the river, some in the water, others after crossing in ascending the cliffs. some escaped on horse-back, a few on foot; and, being dispersed every where, in a few hours, brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle to lexington. many widows were now made. the reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that i am able to describe. being reinforced, we returned to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed every where, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner. this mournful scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled: some torn and eaten by wild beasts; those in the river eaten by fishes; all in such a putrified condition, that no one could be distinguished from another. as soon as general clark, then at the falls of the ohio, who was ever our ready friend, and merits the love and gratitude of all his country-men, understood the circumstances of this unfortunate action, he ordered an expedition, with all possible haste, to pursue the savages, which was so expeditiously effected, that we overtook them within two miles of their towns, and probably might have obtained a great victory, had not two of their number met us about two hundred poles before we come up. these returned quick as lightening to their camp with the alarming news of a mighty army in view. the savages fled in the utmost disorder, evacuated their towns, and reluctantly left their territory to our mercy. we immediately took possession of old chelicothe without opposition, being deserted by its inhabitants. we continued our pursuit through five towns on the miami rivers, old chelicothe, pecaway, new chelicothe, will's towns, and chelicothe, burnt them all to ashes, entirely destroyed their corn, and other fruits, and every where spread a scene of desolation in the country. in this expedition we took seven prisoners and five scalps, with the loss of only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by our own army. this campaign in some measure damped the spirits of the indians, and made them sensible of our superiority. their connections were dissolved, their armies scattered, and a future invasion put entirely out of their power; yet they continued to practise mischief secretly upon the inhabitants, in the exposed parts of the country. in october following, a party made an excursion into that district called the crab orchard, and one of them, being advanced some distance before the others, boldly entered the house of a poor defenceless family, in which was only a negro man, a woman and her children, terrified with the apprehensions of immediate death. the savage, perceiving their defenceless situation, without offering violence to the family attempted to captivate the negro, who, happily proved an over-match for him, threw him on the ground, and, in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an ax from a corner of the cottage, and cut his head off, while her little daughter shut the door. the savages instantly appeared, and applied their tomahawks to the door. an old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in a corner, which the mother put through a small crevice, and the savages, perceiving it, fled. in the mean time, the alarm spread through the neighbourhood; the armed men collected immediately, and pursued the ravagers into the wilderness. thus providence, by the means of this negro, saved the whole of the poor family from destruction. from that time, until the happy return of peace between the united states and great-britain, the indians did us no mischief. finding the great king beyond the water disappointed in his expectations, and conscious of the importance of the long knife, and their own wretchedness, some of the nations immediately desired peace; to which, at present, they seem universally disposed, and are sending ambassadors to general clark, at the falls of the ohio, with the minutes of their councils, a specimen of which, in the minutes of the piankashaw council, is subjoined. to conclude, i can now say that i have verified the saying of an old indian who signed col. henderson's deed. taking me by the hand, at the delivery thereof, brother, says he, we have given you a fine land, but i believe you will have much trouble in settling it.--my footsteps have often been marked with blood, and therefore i can truly subscribe to its original name. two darling sons, and a brother, have i lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses, and abundance of cattle. many dark and sleepless nights have i been a companion for owls, separated from the chearful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. but now the scene is changed: peace crowns the sylvan shade. what thanks, what ardent and ceaseless thanks are due to that all-superintending providence which has turned a cruel war into peace, brought order out of confusion, made the fierce savages placid, and turned away their hostile weapons from our country! may the same almighty goodness banish the accursed monster, war, from all lands, with her hated associates, rapine and insatiable ambition. let peace, descending from her native heaven, bid her olives spring amidst the joyful nations; and plenty, in league with commerce, scatter blessings from her copious hand. this account of my adventures will inform the reader of the most remarkable events of this country.--i now live in peace and safety, enjoying the sweets of liberty, and the bounties of providence, with my once fellow-sufferers, in this delightful country, which i have seen purchased with a vast expence of blood and treasure, delighting in the prospect of its being, in a short time, one of the most opulent and powerful states on the continent of north america; which, with the love and gratitude of my country-men, i esteem a sufficient reward for all my toil and dangers. fayette county, kentucke. daniel boon akman, doris ringbloom, david widger, and robert j. homa pioneers of the old southwest by constance lindsay skinner a chronicle of the dark and bloody ground volume of the chronicles of america series allen johnson, editor assistant editors gerhard r. lomer charles w. jefferys _textbook edition_ new haven: yale university press toronto: glasgow, brook & co. london: humphrey milford oxford university press copyright, by yale university press printed in the u.s.a. vii acknowledgment this narrative is founded largely on original sources--on the writings and journals of pioneers and contemporary observers, such as doddridge and adair, and on the public documents of the period as printed in the colonial records and in the american archives. but the author is, nevertheless, greatly indebted to the researches of other writers, whose works are cited in the bibliographical note. the author's thanks are due, also, to dr. archibald henderson, of the university of north carolina, for his kindness in reading the proofs of this book for comparison with his own extended collection of unpublished manuscripts relating to the period. c. l. s. april, . ix contents chapter i. the tread of pioneers chapter ii. folkways chapter iii. the trader chapter iv. the passing of the french peril chapter v. boone, the wanderer chapter vi. the fight for kentucky chapter vii. the dark and bloody ground chapter viii. tennessee chapter ix. king's mountain chapter x. sevier, the statemaker chapter xi. boone's last days bibliographical note pioneers of the old southwest chapter i the tread of pioneers the ulster presbyterians, or scotch-irish, to whom history has ascribed the dominant rôle among the pioneer folk of the old southwest, began their migrations to america in the latter years of the seventeenth century. it is not known with certainty precisely when or where the first immigrants of their race arrived in this country, but soon after they were to be found in several of the colonies. it was not long, indeed, before they were entering in numbers at the port of philadelphia and were making pennsylvania the chief center of their activities in the new world. by they had established settlements in several counties behind philadelphia. ten years later they had begun their great trek southward through the shenandoah valley of virginia and on to the yadkin valley of north carolina. there they met others of their own race--bold men like themselves, hungry after land--who were coming in through charleston and pushing their way up the rivers from the seacoast to the back country, in search of homes. these ulstermen did not come to the new world as novices in the shaping of society; they had already made history. their ostensible object in america was to obtain land, but, like most external aims, it was secondary to a deeper purpose. what had sent the ulstermen to america was a passion for a whole freedom. they were lusty men, shrewd and courageous, zealous to the death for an ideal and withal so practical to the moment in business that it soon came to be commonly reported of them that they kept the sabbath and everything else they could lay their hands on, though it is but fair to them to add that this phrase is current wherever scots dwell. they had contested in parliament and with arms for their own form of worship and for their civil rights. they were already frontiersmen, trained in the hardihood and craft of border warfare through years of guerrilla fighting with the irish celts. they had pitted and proved their strength against a wilderness; they had reclaimed the north of ireland from desolation. for the time, many of them were educated men; under the regulations of the presbyterian church every child was taught to read at an early age, since no person could be admitted to the privileges of the church who did not both understand and approve the presbyterian constitution and discipline. they were brought up on the bible and on the writings of their famous pastors, one of whom, as early as , had given utterance to the democratic doctrine that "men are called to the magistracy by the suffrage of the people whom they govern, and for men to assume unto themselves power is mere tyranny and unjust usurpation." in subscribing to this doctrine and in resisting to the hilt all efforts of successive english kings to interfere in the election of their pastors, the scots of ulster had already declared for democracy. it was shortly after james vi of scotland became james i of england and while the english were founding jamestown that the scots had first occupied ulster; but the true origin of the ulster plantation lies further back, in the reign of henry viii, in the days of the english reformation. in henry's irish realm the reformation, though proclaimed by royal authority, had never been accomplished; and henry's more famous daughter, elizabeth, had conceived the plan, later to be carried out by james, of planting colonies of protestants in ireland to promote loyalty in that rebellious land. six counties, comprising half a million acres, formed the ulster plantation. the great majority of the colonists sent thither by james were scotch lowlanders, but among them were many english and a smaller number of highlanders. these three peoples from the island of britain brought forth, through intermarriage, the ulster scots. the reign of charles i had inaugurated for the ulstermen an era of persecution. charles practically suppressed the presbyterian religion in ireland. his son, charles ii, struck at ireland in through its cattle trade, by prohibiting the exportation of beef to england and scotland. the navigation acts, excluding ireland from direct trade with the colonies, ruined irish commerce, while corporation acts and test acts requiring conformity with the practices of the church of england bore heavily on the ulster presbyterians. it was largely by refugees from religious persecution that america in the beginning was colonized. but religious persecution was only one of the influences which shaped the course and formed the character of the ulster scots. in ulster, whither they had originally been transplanted by james to found a loyal province in the midst of the king's enemies, they had done their work too well and had waxed too powerful for the comfort of later monarchs. the first attacks upon them struck at their religion; but the subsequent legislative acts which successively ruined the woolen trade, barred nonconformists from public office, stifled irish commerce, pronounced non-episcopal marriages irregular, and instituted heavy taxation and high rentals for the land their fathers had made productive--these were blows dealt chiefly for the political and commercial ends of favored classes in england. these attacks, aimed through his religious conscience at the sources of his livelihood, made the ulster scot perforce what he was--a zealot as a citizen and a zealot as a merchant no less than as a presbyterian. thanks to his persecutors, he made a religion of everything he undertook and regarded his civil rights as divine rights. thus out of persecution emerged a type of man who was high-principled and narrow, strong and violent, as tenacious of his own rights as he was blind often to the rights of others, acquisitive yet self-sacrificing, but most of all fearless, confident of his own power, determined to have and to hold. twenty thousand ulstermen, it is estimated, left ireland for america in the first three decades of the eighteenth century. more than six thousand of them are known to have entered pennsylvania in alone, and twenty years later they numbered one-quarter of that colony's population. during the five years preceding the revolutionary war more than thirty thousand ulstermen crossed the ocean and arrived in america just in time and in just the right frame of mind to return king george's compliment in kind, by helping to deprive him of his american estates, a domain very much larger than the acres of ulster. they fully justified the fears of the good bishop who wrote lord dartmouth, secretary for the colonies, that he trembled for the peace of the king's overseas realm, since these thousands of phanatical and hungry republicans had sailed for america. the ulstermen who entered by charleston were known to the inhabitants of the tidewater regions as the scotch-irish. those who came from the north, lured southward by the offer of cheap lands, were called the pennsylvania irish. both were, however, of the same race--a race twice expatriated, first from scotland and then from ireland, and stripped of all that it had won throughout more than a century of persecution. to these exiles the back country of north carolina, with its cheap and even free tracts lying far from the seat of government, must have seemed not only the land of promise but the land of last chance. here they must strike their roots into the sod with such interlocking strength that no cataclysm of tyranny should ever dislodge them--or they must accept the fate dealt out to them by their former persecutors and become a tribe of nomads and serfs. but to these ulster immigrants such a choice was no choice at all. they knew themselves strong men, who had made the most of opportunity despite almost superhuman obstacles. the drumming of their feet along the banks of the shenandoah, or up the rivers from charleston, and on through the broad sweep of the yadkin valley, was a conquering people's challenge to the wilderness which lay sleeping like an unready sentinel at the gates of their future. it is maintained still by many, however often disputed, that the ulstermen were the first to declare for american independence, as in the old country they were the first to demand the separation of church and state. a declaration of independence is said to have been drawn up and signed in mecklenburg county, north carolina, on may , .¹ however that may be, it is certain that these mecklenburg protestants had received special schooling in the doctrine of independence. they had in their midst for eight years ( - ) the reverend alexander craighead, a presbyterian minister who, for his republican doctrines expressed in a pamphlet, had been disowned by the pennsylvania synod acting on the governor's protest, and so persecuted in virginia that he had at last fled to the north carolina back country. there, during the remaining years of his life, as the sole preacher and teacher in the settlements between the yadkin and the catawba rivers he found willing soil in which to sow the seeds of liberty. ¹ see hoyt, _the mecklenburg declaration of independence_; and _american archives,_ fourth series. vol. ii, p. . there was another branch of the scottish race which helped to people the back country. the highlanders, whose loyalty to their oath made them fight on the king's side in the revolutionary war, have been somewhat overlooked in history. tradition, handed down among the transplanted clans--who, for the most part, spoke only gaelic for a generation and wrote nothing--and latterly recorded by one or two of their descendants, supplies us with all we are now able to learn of the early coming of the gaels to carolina. it would seem that their first immigration to america in small bands took place after the suppression of the jacobite rising in --when highlanders fled in numbers also to france--for by there was a settlement of them on the cape fear river. we know, too, that in it was charged against gabriel johnston, governor of north carolina from to , that he had shown no joy over the king's glorious victory of culloden and that he had appointed one william mcgregor, who had been in the rebellion in the year a justice of the peace during the last rebellion [ ] and was not himself without suspicion of disaffection to his majesty's government. it is indeed possible that gabriel johnston, formerly a professor at st. andrew's university, had himself not always been a stranger to the kilt. he induced large numbers of highlanders to come to america and probably influenced the second george to moderate his treatment of the vanquished gaels in the old country and permit their emigration to the new world. in contrast with the ulstermen, whose secular ideals were dictated by the forms of their church, these scots adhered still to the tribal or clan system, although they, too, in the majority, were presbyterians, with a minority of roman catholics and episcopalians. in the scotch highlands they had occupied small holdings on the land under the sway of their chief, or head of the clan, to whom they were bound by blood and fealty but to whom they paid no rentals. the position of the head of the clan was hereditary, but no heir was bold enough to step forward into that position until he had performed some deed of worth. they were principally herders, their chief stock being the famous small black cattle of the highlands. their wars with each other were cattle raids. only in war, however, did the gael lay hands on his neighbor's goods. there were no highwaymen and housebreakers in the highlands. no highland mansion, cot, or barn was ever locked. theft and the breaking of an oath, sins against man's honor, were held in such abhorrence that no one guilty of them could remain among his clansmen in the beloved glens. these highlanders were a race of tall, robust men, who lived simply and frugally and slept on the heath among their flocks in all weathers, with no other covering from rain and snow than their plaidies. it is reported of the laird of keppoch, who was leading his clan to war in winter time, that his men were divided as to the propriety of following him further because he rolled a snowball to rest his head upon when he lay down. now we despair of victory, they said, since our leader has become so effeminate he cannot sleep without a pillow!¹ ¹ maclean, _an historical account of the settlement of scotch highlanders in america._ the king's glorious victory of culloden was followed by a policy of extermination carried on by the orders and under the personal direction of the duke of cumberland. when king george at last restrained his son from his orgy of blood, he offered the gaels their lives and exile to america on condition of their taking the full oath of allegiance. the majority accepted his terms, for not only were their lives forfeit but their crops and cattle had been destroyed and the holdings on which their ancestors had lived for many centuries taken from them. the descriptions of the scenes attending their leave-taking of the hills and glens they loved with such passionate fervor are among the most pathetic in history. strong men who had met the ravage of a brutal sword without weakening abandoned themselves to the agony of sorrow. they kissed the walls of their houses. they flung themselves on the ground and embraced the sod upon which they had walked in freedom. they called their broken farewells to the peaks and lochs of the land they were never again to see; and, as they turned their backs and filed down through the passes, their pipers played the dirge for the dead. such was the character, such the deep feeling, of the race which entered north carolina from the coast and pushed up into the wilderness about the headwaters of cape fear river. tradition indicates that these hillsmen sought the interior because the grass and pea vine which overgrew the inner country stretching towards the mountains provided excellent fodder for the cattle which some of the chiefs are said to have brought with them. these gaelic herders, perhaps in negligible numbers, were in the yadkin valley before , possibly even ten years earlier. in neil macneill of kintyre brought over a shipload of gaels to rejoin his kinsman, hector macneill, called bluff hector from his residence near the bluffs at cross creek, now fayetteville. some of these immigrants went on to the yadkin, we are told, to unite with others of their clan who had been for some time in that district. the exact time of the first highlander on the yadkin cannot be ascertained, as there were no court records and the offices of the land companies were not then open for the sale of these remote regions. but by there were not less than four thousand gaels in cumberland county, where they occupied the chief magisterial posts; and they were already spreading over the lands now comprised within moore, anson, richmond, robeson, bladen, and sampson counties. in these counties gaelic was as commonly heard as english. in the years immediately preceding the revolution and even in itself they came in increasing numbers. they knew nothing of the smoldering fire just about to break into flames in the country of their choice, but the royal governor, josiah martin, knew that highland arms would soon be needed by his majesty. he knew something of highland honor, too; for he would not let the gaels proceed after their landing until they had bound themselves by oath to support the government of king george. so it was that the unfortunate highlanders found themselves, according to their strict code of honor, forced to wield arms against the very americans who had received and befriended them--and for the crowned brother of a prince whose name is execrated to this day in highland song and story! they were led by allan macdonald of kingsborough; and tradition gives us a stirring picture of allan's wife--the famous flora macdonald, who in scotland had protected the young pretender in his flight--making an impassioned address in gaelic to the highland soldiers and urging them on to die for honor's sake. when this highland force was conquered by the americans, the large majority willingly bound themselves not to fight further against the american cause and were set at liberty. many of them felt that, by offering their lives to the swords of the americans, they had canceled their obligation to king george and were now free to draw their swords again and, this time, in accordance with their sympathies; so they went over to the american side and fought gallantly for independence. although the brave glory of this pioneer age shines so brightly on the lion rampant of caledonia, not to scots alone does that whole glory belong. the second largest racial stream which flowed into the back country of virginia and north carolina was german. most of these germans went down from pennsylvania and were generally called pennsylvania dutch, an incorrect rendering of _pennsylvänische deutsche_. the upper shenandoah valley was settled almost entirely by germans. they were members of the lutheran, german reformed, and moravian churches. the cause which sent vast numbers of this sturdy people across the ocean, during the first years of the eighteenth century, was religious persecution. by statute and by sword the roman catholic powers of austria sought to wipe out the salzburg lutherans and the moravian followers of john huss. in that region of the rhine country known in those days as the german palatinate, now a part of bavaria, protestants were being massacred by the troops of louis of france, then engaged in the war of the spanish succession ( - ) and in the zealous effort to extirpate heretics from the soil of europe. in , by proclamation, good queen anne offered protection to the persecuted palatines and invited them to her dominions. twelve thousand of them went to england, where they were warmly received by the english. but it was no slight task to settle twelve thousand immigrants of an alien speech in england and enable them to become independent and self-supporting. a better solution of their problem lay in the western world. the germans needed homes and the queen's overseas dominions needed colonists. they were settled at first along the hudson, and eventually many of them took up lands in the fertile valley of the mohawk. for fifty years or more german and austrian protestants poured into america. in pennsylvania their influx averaged about fifteen hundred a year, and that colony became the distributing center for the german race in america. by , adam müller and his little company had established the first white settlement in the valley of virginia. in joist heydt went south from york, pennsylvania, and settled on the opequan creek at or near the site of the present city of winchester. the life of count zinzendorf, called the apostle, one of the leaders of the moravian immigrants, glows like a star out of those dark and troublous times. of high birth and gentle nurture, he forsook whatever of ease his station promised him and fitted himself for evangelical work. in he visited the wyoming valley to bring his religion to the delawares and shawanoes. he was not of those picturesque captains of the lord who bore their muskets on their shoulders when they went forth to preach. armored only with the shield of faith, the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the spirit, his feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, he went out into the country of these bloodthirsty tribes and told them that he had come to them in their darkness to teach the love of the christ which lighteth the world. the indians received him suspiciously. one day while he sat in his tent writing, some delawares drew near to slay him and were about to strike when they saw two deadly snakes crawl in from the opposite side of the tent, move directly towards the apostle, and pass harmlessly over his body. thereafter they regarded him as under spiritual protection. indeed so widespread was his good fame among the tribes that for some years all moravian settlements along the borders were unmolested. painted savages passed through on their way to war with enemy bands or to raid the border, but for the sake of one consecrated spirit, whom they had seen death avoid, they spared the lives and goods of his fellow believers. when zinzendorf departed a year later, his mantle fell on david zeisberger, who lived the love he taught for over fifty years and converted many savages. zeisberger was taken before the governor and army heads at philadelphia, who had only too good reason to be suspicious of priestly counsels in the tents of shem: but he was able to impress white men no less than simple savages with the nobility of the doctrine he had learned from the apostle. in the moravian brotherhood purchased one hundred thousand acres in north carolina from lord granville. bishop spangenburg was commissioned to survey this large acreage, which was situated in the present county of forsyth east of the yadkin, and which is historically listed as the wachovia tract. in , twelve brethren left the moravian settlements of bethlehem and nazareth, in pennsylvania, and journeyed southward to begin the founding of a colony on their new land. brother adam grube, one of the twelve, kept a diary of the events of this expedition.¹ ¹ this diary is printed in full in _travels in the american colonies_ edited by n. d. mereness. honor to whom honor is due. we have paid it, in some measure, to the primitive gaels of the highlands for their warrior strength and their fealty, and to the enlightened scots of ulster for their enterprise and for their sacrifice unto blood that free conscience and just laws might promote the progress and safeguard the intercourse of their kind. now let us take up for a moment brother grube's _journal_ even as we welcome, perhaps the more gratefully, the mild light of evening after the flooding sun, or as our hearts, when too strongly stirred by the deeds of men, turn for rest to the serene faith and the naïve speech of little children. the twelve, we learn, were under the leadership of one of their number, brother gottlob. their earliest alarms on the march were not caused, as we might expect, by anticipations of the painted cherokee, but by encounters with the strenuous irish. one of these came and laid himself to sleep beside the brethren's camp fire on their first night out, after they had sung their evening hymn and eleven had stretched themselves on the earth for slumber, while brother gottlob, their leader, hanging his hammock between two trees, ascended--not only in spirit--a little higher than his charges, and rested well in it. though the alarming irishman did not disturb them, the brethren's doubts of that race continued, for brother grube wrote on the th of october: about four in the morning we set up our tent, going four miles beyond carl isles [carlisle, seventeen miles southwest of harrisburg] so as not to be too near the irish presbyterians. after breakfast the brethren shaved and then we rested under our tent.… people who were staying at the tavern came to see what kind of folk we were.… br gottlob held the evening service and then we lay down around our cheerful fire, and br gottlob in his hammock. two other jottings give us a racial kaleidoscope of the settlers and wayfarers of that time. on one day the brethren bought some hay from a swiss, later some kraut from a german which tasted very good to us; and presently an englishman came by and drank a cup of tea with us and was very grateful for it. frequently the little band paused while some of the brethren went off to the farms along the route to help cut hay. these kindly acts were usually repaid with gifts of food or produce. one day while on the march they halted at a tavern and farm in shenandoah valley kept by a man whose name brother grube wrote down as severe. since we know that brother grube's spelling of names other than german requires editing, we venture to hazard a guess that the name he attempted to set down as it sounded to him was sevier. and we wonder if, in his brief sojourn, he saw a lad of eight years, slim, tall, and blond, with daring and mischievous blue eyes, and a certain curve of the lips that threatened havoc in the hearts of both sexes when he should be a man and reach out with swift hands and reckless will for his desires. if he saw this lad, he beheld john sevier, later to become one of the most picturesque and beloved heroes of the old southwest. hardships abounded on the brethren's journey, but faith and the christian's joy, which no man taketh from him, met and surmounted them. three and a half miles beyond, the road forked.… we took the right hand road but found no water for ten miles. it grew late and we had to drive five miles into the night to find a stoppingplace. two of the brethren went ahead to seek out the road through the darkened wilderness. there were rough hills in the way; and, the horses being exhausted, brethren had to help push. but, in due season, br nathanael held evening prayer and then we slept in the care of jesus, with brother gottlob as usual in his hammock. three days later the record runs: toward evening we saw jeams river, the road to it ran down so very steep a hill that we fastened a small tree to the back of our wagon, locked the wheels, and the brethren held back by the tree with all their might. even then the wagon went down so fast that most of the brethren lost their footing and rolled and tumbled pell-mell. but faith makes little of such mishaps: no harm was done and we thanked the lord that he had so graciously protected us, for it looked dangerous and we thought at times that it could not possibly be done without accident but we got down safely… we were all very tired and sleepy and let the angels be our guard during the night. rains fell in torrents, making streams almost impassable and drenching the little band to the skin. the hammock was empty one night, for they had to spend the dark hours trench-digging about their tent to keep it from being washed away. two days later (the th of november) the weather cleared and we spent most of the day drying our blankets and mending and darning our stockings. they also bought supplies from settlers who, as brother grube observed without irony, are glad we have to remain here so long and that it means money for them. in the afternoon we held a little lovefeast and rested our souls in the loving sacrifice of jesus, wishing for beloved brethren in bethlehem and that they and we might live ever close to him.… nov. . we rose early to ford the river. the bank was so steep that we hung a tree behind the wagon, fastening it in such a way that we could quickly release it when the wagon reached the water. the current was very swift and the lead horses were carried down a bit with it. the water just missed running into the wagon but we came safely to the other bank, which however we could not climb but had to take half the things out of the wagon, tie ropes to the axle on which we could pull, help our horses which were quite stiff, and so we brought our ark again to dry land. on the evening of the th of november the twelve arrived safely on their land on the etkin (yadkin), having been six weeks on the march. they found with joy that, as ever, the lord had provided for them. this time the gift was a deserted cabin, large enough that we could all lie down around the walls. we at once made preparation for a little lovefeast and rejoiced heartily with one another. in the deserted log cabin, which, to their faith, seemed as one of those mansions not built with hands and descended miraculously from the heavens, they held their lovefeast, while wolves padded and howled about the walls; and in that pentacostal hour the tongue of fire descended upon brother gottlob, so that he made a new song unto the lord. who shall venture to say it is not better worth preserving than many a classic? we hold arrival lovefeast here in carolina land, a company of brethren true, a little pilgrim-band, called by the lord to be of those who through the whole world go, to bear him witness everywhere and nought but jesus know. then, we are told, the brethren lay down to rest and br gottlob hung his hammock above our heads--as was most fitting on this of all nights; for is not the poet's place always just a little nearer to the stars? the pioneers did not always travel in groups. there were families who set off alone. one of these now claims our attention, for there was a lad in this family whose name and deeds were to sound like a ballad of romance from out the dusty pages of history. this family's name was boone. neither scots nor germans can claim daniel boone; he was in blood a blend of english and welsh; in character wholly english. his grandfather george boone was born in in the hamlet of stoak, near exeter in devonshire. george boone was a weaver by trade and a quaker by religion. in england in his time the quakers were oppressed, and george boone therefore sought information of william penn, his coreligionist, regarding the colony which penn had established in america. in he sent his three elder children, george, sarah, and squire, to spy out the land. sarah and squire remained in pennsylvania, while their brother returned to england with glowing reports. on august , , george boone, his wife, and the rest of his children journeyed to bristol and sailed for philadelphia, arriving there on the th of october. the boones went first to abingdon, the quaker farmers' community. later they moved to the northwestern frontier hamlet of north wales, a welsh community which, a few years previously, had turned quaker. sarah boone married a german named jacob stover, who had settled in oley township, berks county. in george boone took up four hundred acres in oley, or, to be exact, in the subdivision later called exeter, and there he lived in his log cabin until , when he died at the age of seventy-eight. he left eight children, fifty-two grandchildren, and ten great-grandchildren, seventy descendants in all--english, german, welsh, and scotch-irish blended into one family of americans.¹ ¹ r. g. thwaites, _daniel boone_, p. . among the welsh quakers was a family of morgans. in squire boone married sarah morgan. ten years later he obtained acres in oley on owatin creek, eight miles southeast of the present city of reading; and here, in , daniel boone was born, the fourth son and sixth child of squire and sarah morgan boone. daniel boone therefore was a son of the frontier. in his childhood he became familiar with hunters and with indians, for even the red men came often in friendly fashion to his grandfather's house. squire boone enlarged his farm by thrift. he continued at his trade of weaving and kept five or six looms going, making homespun cloth for the market and his neighbors. daniel's father owned grazing grounds several miles north of the homestead and each season he sent his stock to the range. sarah boone and her little daniel drove the cows. from early spring till late autumn, mother and son lived in a rustic cabin alone on the frontier. a rude dairy house stood over a cool spring, and here sarah boone made her butter and cheese. daniel, aged ten at this time, watched the herds; at sunset he drove them to the cabin for milking, and locked them in the cowpens at night. he was not allowed firearms at that age, so he shaped for himself a weapon that served him well. this was a slender smoothly shaved sapling with a small bunch of gnarled roots at one end. so expert was he in the launching of this primitive spear that he easily brought down birds and small game. when he reached his twelfth year, his father bought him a rifle; and he soon became a crack shot. a year later we find him setting off on the autumn hunt--after driving the cattle in for the winter--with all the keenness and courage of a man twice his thirteen years. his rifle enabled him to return with meat for the family and skins to be traded in philadelphia. when he was fourteen his brother sam married sarah day, an intelligent young quakeress who took a special interest in her young brother-in-law and taught him the rudiments of three r's. the boones were prosperous and happy in oley and it may be wondered why they left their farms and their looms, both of which were profitable, and set their faces towards the unknown. it is recorded that, though the boones were quakers, they were of a high mettle and were not infrequently dealt with by the meeting. two of squire boone's children married worldlings--non-quakers--and were in consequence disowned by the society. in defiance of his sect, which strove to make him sever all connection with his unruly offspring, squire boone refused to shut his doors on the son and the daughter who had scandalized local quakerdom. the society of friends thereupon expelled him. this occurred apparently during the winter of - . in the spring of we see the whole boone family (save two sons) with their wives and children, their household goods and their stock, on the great highway, bound for a land where the hot heart and the belligerent spirit shall not be held amiss. southward through the shenandoah goes the boone caravan. the women and children usually sit in the wagons. the men march ahead or alongside, keeping a keen eye open for indian or other enemy in the wild, their rifles under arm or over the shoulder. squire boone, who has done with quakerdom and is leading all that he holds dear out to larger horizons, is ahead of the line, as we picture him, ready to meet first whatever danger may assail his tribe. he is a strong wiry man of rather small stature, with ruddy complexion, red hair, and gray eyes. somewhere in the line, together, we think, are the mother and son who have herded cattle and companioned each other through long months in the cabin on the frontier. we do not think of this woman as riding in the wagon, though she may have done so, but prefer to picture her, with her tall robust body, her black hair, and her black eyes--with the sudden welsh snap in them--walking as sturdily as any of her sons. if daniel be beside her, what does she see when she looks at him? a lad well set up but not overtall for his sixteen years, perhaps--for eye-witnesses differ in their estimates of daniel boone's height--or possibly taller than he looks, because his figure has the forest hunter's natural slant forward and the droop of the neck of one who must watch his path sometimes in order to tread silently. it is squire boone's blood which shows in his ruddy face--which would be fair but for its tan--and in the english cut of feature, the straw-colored eyebrows, and the blue eyes. but his welsh mother's legacy is seen in the black hair that hangs long and loose in the hunter's fashion to his shoulders. we can think of daniel boone only as exhilarated by this plunge into the wild. he sees ahead--the days of his great explorations and warfare, the discovery of kentucky? not at all. this is a boy of sixteen in love with his rifle. he looks ahead to vistas of forest filled with deer and to skies clouded with flocks of wild turkeys. in that dream there is happiness enough for daniel boone. indeed, for himself, even in later life, he asked little, if any more. he trudges on blithely, whistling. chapter ii folkways these migrations into the inland valleys of the old south mark the first great westward thrust of the american frontier. thus the beginnings of the westward movement disclose to us a feature characteristic also of the later migrations which flung the frontier over the appalachians, across the mississippi, and finally to the shores of the pacific. the pioneers, instead of moving westward by slow degrees, subduing the wilderness as they went, overleaped great spaces and planted themselves beyond, out of contact with the life they had left behind. thus separated by hundreds of miles of intervening wilderness from the more civilized communities, the conquerors of the first american west, prototypes of the conquerors of succeeding wests, inevitably struck out their own ways of life and developed their own customs. it would be difficult, indeed, to find anywhere a more remarkable contrast in contemporary folkways than that presented by the two great community groups of the south--the inland or piedmont settlements, called the back country, and the lowland towns and plantations along the seaboard. the older society of the seaboard towns, as events were soon to prove, was not less independent in its ideals than the frontier society of the back country; but it was aristocratic in tone and feeling. its leaders were the landed gentry--men of elegance, and not far behind their european contemporaries in the culture of the day. they were rich, without effort, both from their plantations, where black slaves and indentured servants labored, and from their coastwise and overseas trade. their battles with forest and red man were long past. they had leisure for diversions such as the chase, the breeding and racing of thoroughbred horses, the dance, high play with dice and card, cockfighting, the gallantry of love, and the skill of the rapier. law and politics drew their soberer minds. very different were the conditions which confronted the pioneers in the first american west. there every jewel of promise was ringed round with hostility. the cheap land the pioneer had purchased at a nominal price, or the free land he had taken by tomahawk claim--that is by cutting his name into the bark of a deadened tree, usually beside a spring--supported a forest of tall trunks and interlacing leafage. the long grass and weeds which covered the ground in a wealth of natural pasturage harbored the poisonous copperhead and the rattlesnake and, being shaded by the overhead foliage, they held the heavy dews and bred swarms of mosquitoes, gnats, and big flies which tortured both men and cattle. to protect the cattle and horses from the attacks of these pests the settlers were obliged to build large "smudges"--fires of green timber--against the wind. the animals soon learned to back up into the dense smoke and to move from one grazing spot to another as the wind changed. but useful as were the green timber fires that rolled their smoke on the wind to save the stock, they were at the same time a menace to the pioneer, for they proclaimed to roving bands of cherokees that a further encroachment on their territory had been made by their most hated enemies--the men who felled the hunter's forest. many an outpost pioneer who had made the long hard journey by sea and land from the old world of persecution to this new country of freedom, dropped from the red man's shot ere he had hewn the threshold of his home, leaving his wife and children to the unrecorded mercy of his slayer. those more fortunate pioneers who settled in groups won the first heat in the battle with the wilderness through massed effort under wariness. they made their clearings in the forest, built their cabins and stockades, and planted their cornfields, while lookouts kept watch and rifles were stacked within easy reach. every special task, such as a raising, as cabin building was called, was undertaken by the community chiefly because the indian danger necessitated swift building and made group action imperative. but the stanch heart is ever the glad heart. nothing in this frontier history impresses us more than the joy of the pioneer at his labors. his determined optimism turned danger's dictation into an occasion for jollity. on the appointed day for the raising, the neighbors would come, riding or afoot, to the newcomer's holding--the men with their rifles and axes, the women with their pots and kettles. every child toddled along, too, helping to carry the wooden dishes and spoons. these free givers of labor had something of the oriental's notion of the sacred ratification of friendship by a feast. the usual dimensions of a cabin were sixteen by twenty feet. the timber for the building, having been already cut, lay at hand--logs of hickory, oak, young pine, walnut, or persimmon. to make the foundations, the men seized four of the thickest logs, laid them in place, and notched and grooved and hammered them into as close a clinch as if they had grown so. the wood must grip by its own substance alone to hold up the pioneer's dwelling, for there was not an iron nail to be had in the whole of the back country. logs laid upon the foundation logs and notched into each other at the four corners formed the walls; and, when these stood at seven feet, the builders laid parallel timbers and puncheons to make both flooring and ceiling. the ridgepole of the roof was supported by two crotched trees and the roofing was made of logs and wooden slabs. the crevices of the walls were packed close with red clay and moss. lastly, spaces for a door and windows were cut out. the door was made thick and heavy to withstand the indian's rush. and the windowpanes? they were of paper treated with hog's fat or bear's grease. when the sun stood overhead, the women would give the welcome call of dinner! their morning had not been less busy than the men's. they had baked corn cakes on hot stones, roasted bear or pork, or broiled venison steaks; and--above all and first of all--they had concocted the great stew pie without which a raising could hardly take place. this was a disputatious mixture of deer, hog, and bear--animals which, in life, would surely have companioned each other as ill! it was made in sufficient quantity to last over for supper when the day's labor was done. at supper the men took their ease on the ground, but with their rifles always in reach. if the cabin just raised by their efforts stood in the yadkin, within sight of the great mountains the pioneers were one day to cross, perhaps a sudden bird note warning from the lookout, hidden in the brush, would bring the builders with a leap to their feet. it might be only a hunting band of friendly catawbas that passed, or a lone cherokee who knew that this was not his hour. if the latter, we can, in imagination, see him look once at the new house on his hunting pasture, slacken rein for a moment in front of the group of families, lift his hand in sign of peace, and silently go his way hillward. as he vanishes into the shadows, the crimson sun, sinking into the unknown wilderness beyond the mountains, pours its last glow on the roof of the cabin and on the group near its walls. with unfelt fingers, subtly, it puts the red touch of the west in the faces of the men--who have just declared, through the building of a cabin, that here is journey's end and their abiding place. there were community holidays among these pioneers as well as labor days, especially in the fruit season; and there were flower-picking excursions in the warm spring days. early in april the service berry bush gleamed starrily along the watercourses, its hardy white blooms defying winter's lingering look. this bush--or tree, indeed, since it is not afraid to rear its slender trunk as high as cherry or crab apple--might well be considered emblematic of the frontier spirit in those regions where the white silence covers the earth for several months and shuts the lonely homesteader in upon himself. from the pioneer time of the old southwest to the last frontier of the far north today, the service berry is cherished alike by white men and indians; and the red men have woven about it some of their prettiest legends. when june had ripened the tree's blue-black berries, the back country folk went out in parties to gather them. though the service berry was a food staple on the frontier and its gathering a matter of household economy, the folk made their berry-picking jaunt a gala occasion. the women and children with pots and baskets--the young girls vying with each other, under the eyes of the youths, as to who could strip boughs the fastest--plucked gayly while the men, rifles in hand, kept guard. for these happy summer days were also the red man's scalping days and, at any moment, the chatter of the picnickers might be interrupted by the chilling war whoop. when that sound was heard, the berry pickers raced for the fort. the wild fruits--strawberries, service berries, cherries, plums, crab apples--were, however, too necessary a part of the pioneer's meager diet to be left unplucked out of fear of an indian attack. another day would see the same group out again. the children would keep closer to their mothers, no doubt; and the laughter of the young girls would be more subdued, even if their coquetry lacked nothing of its former effectiveness. early marriages were the rule in the back country and betrothals were frequently plighted at these berry pickings. as we consider the descriptions of the frontiersman left for us by travelers of his own day, we are not more interested in his battles with wilderness and indian than in the visible effects of both wilderness and indian upon him. his countenance and bearing still show the european, but the european greatly altered by savage contact. the red peril, indeed, influenced every side of frontier life. the bands of women and children at the harvestings, the log rollings, and the house raisings, were not there merely to lighten the men's work by their laughter and love-making. it was not safe for them to remain in the cabins, for, to the indian, the cabin thus boldly thrust upon his immemorial hunting grounds was only a secondary evil; the greater evil was the white man's family, bespeaking the increase of the dreaded palefaces. the indian peril trained the pioneers to alertness, shaped them as warriors and hunters, suggested the fashion of their dress, knit their families into clans and the clans into a tribe wherein all were of one spirit in the protection of each and all and a unit of hate against their common enemy. too often the fields which the pioneer planted with corn were harvested by the indian with fire. the hardest privations suffered by farmers and stock were due to the settlers having to flee to the forts, leaving to indian devastation the crops on which their sustenance mainly depended. sometimes, fortunately, the warning came in time for the frontiersman to collect his goods and chattels in his wagon and to round up his live stock and drive them safely into the common fortified enclosure. at others, the tap of the express--as the herald of indian danger was called--at night on the windowpane and the low word whispered hastily, ere the express ran on to the next abode, meant that the indians had surprised the outlying cabins of the settlement. the forts were built as centrally as possible in the scattered settlements. they consisted of cabins, blockhouses, and stockades. a range of cabins often formed one side of a fort. the walls on the outside were ten or twelve feet high with roofs sloping inward. the blockhouses built at the angles of the fort projected two feet or so beyond the outer walls of the cabins and stockades, and were fitted with portholes for the watchers and the marksmen. the entrance to the fort was a large folding gate of thick slabs. it was always on the side nearest the spring. the whole structure of the fort was bullet-proof and was erected without an iron nail or spike. in the border wars these forts withstood all attacks. the savages, having proved that they could not storm them, generally laid siege and waited for thirst to compel a sortie. but the crafty besieger was as often outwitted by the equally cunning defender. some daring soul, with silent feet and perhaps with naked body painted in indian fashion, would drop from the wall under cover of the night, pass among the foemen to the spring, and return to the fort with water. into the pioneer's phrase-making the indian influence penetrated so that he named seasons for his foe. so thoroughly has the term indian summer, now to us redolent of charm, become disassociated from its origins that it gives us a shock to be reminded that to these back country folk the balmy days following on the cold snap meant the season when the red men would come back for a last murderous raid on the settlements before winter should seal up the land. the powwowing days were the mellow days in the latter part of february, when the red men in council made their medicine and learned of their redder gods whether or no they should take the warpath when the sap pulsed the trees into leaf. even the children at their play acknowledged the red-skinned schoolmaster, for their chief games were a training in his woodcraft and in the use of his weapons. tomahawk-throwing was a favorite sport because of its gruesome practical purposes. the boys must learn to gauge the tomahawk's revolutions by the distance of the throw so as to bury the blade in its objective. swift running and high jumping through the brush and fallen timber were sports that taught agility in escape. the boys learned to shoot accurately the long rifles of their time, with a log or a forked stick for a rest, and a moss pad under the barrel to keep it from jerking and spoiling the aim. they wrestled with each other, mastered the tricks of throwing an opponent, and learned the scalp hold instead of the toe hold. it was part of their education to imitate the noises of every bird and beast of the forest. so they learned to lure the turkey within range, or by the bleat of a fawn to bring her dam to the rifle. a well-simulated wolf's howl would call forth a response and so inform the lone hunter of the vicinity of the pack. this forest speech was not only the language of diplomacy in the hunting season; it was the borderer's secret code in war. stray indians put themselves in touch again with the band by turkey calls in the daytime and by owl or wolf notes at night. the frontiersmen used the same means to trick the indian band into betraying the place of its ambuscade, or to lure the strays, unwitting, within reach of the knife. in that age, before the forests had given place to farms and cities and when the sun had but slight acquaintance with the sod, the summers were cool and the winters long and cold in the back country. sometimes in september severe frosts destroyed the corn. the first light powdering called hunting snows fell in october, and then the men of the back country set out on the chase. their object was meat--buffalo, deer, elk, bear--for the winter larder, and skins to send out in the spring by pack-horses to the coast in trade for iron, steel, and salt. the rainfall in north carolina was much heavier than in virginia and, from autumn into early winter, the yadkin forests were sheeted with rain; but wet weather, so far from deterring the hunter, aided him to the kill. in blowing rain, he knew he would find the deer herding in the sheltered places on the hillsides. in windless rain, he knew that his quarry ranged the open woods and the high places. the fair play of the pioneer held it a great disgrace to kill a deer in winter when the heavy frost had crusted the deep snow. on the crust men and wolves could travel with ease, but the deer's sharp hoofs pierced through and made him defenseless. wolves and dogs destroyed great quantities of deer caught in this way; and men who shot deer under these conditions were considered no huntsmen. there was, indeed, a practical side to this chivalry of the chase, for meat and pelt were both poor at this season; but the true hunter also obeyed the finer tenet of his code, for he would go to the rescue of deer caught in the crusts--and he killed many a wolf sliding over the ice to an easy meal. the community moral code of the frontier was brief and rigorous. what it lacked of the whereas and inasmuch of legal ink it made up in sound hickory. in fact, when we review the activities of this solid yet elastic wood in the moral, social, and economic phases of back country life, we are moved to wonder if the pioneers would have been the same race of men had they been nurtured beneath a less strenuous and adaptable vegetation! the hickory gave the frontiersman wood for all implements and furnishings where the demand was equally for lightness, strength, and elasticity. it provided his straight logs for building, his block mortars--hollowed by fire and stone--for corn-grinding, his solid plain furniture, his axles, rifle butts, ax handles, and so forth. it supplied his magic wand for the searching out of iniquity in the junior members of his household, and his most cogent argument, as a citizen, in convincing the slothful, the blasphemous, or the dishonest adult whose errors disturbed communal harmony. its nuts fed his hogs. before he raised stock, the unripe hickory nuts, crushed for their white liquid, supplied him with butter for his corn bread and helped out his store of bear's fat. both the name and the knowledge of the uses of this tree came to the earliest pioneers through contact with the red man, whose hunting bow and fishing spear and the hobbles for his horses were fashioned of the pohickory tree. the indian women first made pohickory butter, and the wise old men of the cherokee towns, so we are told, first applied the pohickory rod to the vanity of youth! a glance at the interior of a log cabin in the back country of virginia or north carolina would show, in primitive design, what is, perhaps, after all the perfect home--a place where the personal life and the work life are united and where nothing futile finds space. every object in the cabin was practical and had been made by hand on the spot to answer a need. besides the chairs hewn from hickory blocks, there were others made of slabs set on three legs. a large slab or two with four legs served as a movable table; the permanent table was built against the wall, its outer edge held up by two sticks. the low bed was built into the wall in the same way and softened for slumber by a mattress of pine needles, chaff, or dried moss. in the best light from the greased paper windowpanes stood the spinning wheel and loom, on which the housewife made cloth for the family's garments. over the fireplace or beside the doorway, and suspended usually on stags' antlers, hung the firearms and the yellow powderhorns, the latter often carved in indian fashion with scenes of the hunt or war. on a shelf or on pegs were the wooden spoons, plates, bowls, and noggins. also near the fireplace, which was made of large flat stones with a mud-plastered log chimney, stood the grinding block for making hominy. if it were an evening in early spring, the men of the household would be tanning and dressing deerskins to be sent out with the trade caravan, while the women sewed, made moccasins or mended them, in the light of pine knots or candles of bear's grease. the larger children might be weaving cradles for the babies, indian fashion, out of hickory twigs; and there would surely be a sound of whetting steel, for scalping knives and tomahawks must be kept keen-tempered now that the days have come when the red gods whisper their chant of war through the young leafage. the back country folk, as they came from several countries, generally settled in national groups, each preserving its own speech and its own religion, each approaching frontier life through its own native temperament. and the frontier met each and all alike, with the same need and the same menace, and molded them after one general pattern. if the cabin stood in a typical virginian settlement where the folk were of english stock, it may be that the dulcimer and some old love song of the homeland enlivened the work--or perhaps chairs were pushed back and young people danced the country dances of the homeland and the virginia reel, for these virginian english were merry folk, and their religion did not frown upon the dance. in a cabin on the shenandoah or the upper yadkin the german tongue clicked away over the evening dish of kraut or sounded more sedately in a lutheran hymn; while from some herder's hut on the lower yadkin the wild note of the bagpipes or of the ancient four-stringed harp mingled with the gaelic speech. among the homes in the shenandoah where old england's ways prevailed, none was gayer than the tavern kept by the man whom the good moravian brother called severe. there perhaps the feasting celebrated the nuptials of john sevier, who was barely past his seventeenth birthday when he took to himself a wife. or perhaps the dancing, in moccasined feet on the puncheon flooring, was a ceremonial to usher into back country life the new municipality john had just organized, for john at nineteen had taken his earliest step towards his larger career, which we shall follow later on, as the architect of the first little governments beyond the mountains. in the boone home on the yadkin, we may guess that the talk was solely of the hunt, unless young daniel had already become possessed of his first compass and was studying its ways. on such an evening, while the red afterglow lingered, he might be mending a passing trader's firearms by the fires of the primitive forge his father had set up near the trading path running from hillsborough to the catawba towns. it was said by the local nimrods that none could doctor a sick rifle better than young daniel boone, already the master huntsman of them all. and perhaps some trader's tale, told when the caravan halted for the night, kindled the youth's first desire to penetrate the mountain-guarded wilderness, for the tales of these romanies of commerce were as the very badge of their free-masonry, and entry money at the doors of strangers. out on the border's edge, heedless of the shadow of the mountains looming between the newly built cabin and that western land where they and their kind were to write the fame of the ulster scot in a shining script that time cannot dull, there might sit a group of stern-faced men, all deep in discussion of some point of spiritual doctrine or of the temporal rights of men. yet, in every cabin, whatever the national differences, the setting was the same. the spirit of the frontier was modeling out of old clay a new adam to answer the needs of a new earth. it would be far less than just to leave the back country folk without further reference to the devoted labors of their clergy. in the earliest days the settlers were cut off from their church systems; the pious had to maintain their piety unaided, except in the rare cases where a pastor accompanied a group of settlers of his denomination into the wilds. one of the first ministers who fared into the back country to remind the ulster presbyterians of their spiritual duties was the reverend hugh mcaden of philadelphia. he made long itineraries under the greatest hardships, in constant danger from indians and wild beasts, carrying the counsel of godliness to the far scattered flock. among the highland settlements the reverend james campbell for thirty years traveled about, preaching each sunday at some gathering point a sermon in both english and gaelic. a little later, in the yadkin valley, after craighead's day there arose a small school of presbyterian ministers whose zeal and fearlessness in the cause of religion and of just government had an influence on the frontiersmen that can hardly be overestimated. but, in the beginning, the pioneer encountered the savagery of border life, grappled with it, and reacted to it without guidance from other mentor than his own instincts. his need was still the primal threefold need--family, sustenance, and safe sleep when the day's work was done. we who look back with thoughtful eyes upon the frontiersman--all links of contact with his racial past severed, at grips with destruction in the contenting of his needs--see something more, something larger, than he saw in the log cabin raised by his hands, its structure held together solely by his close grooving and fitting of its own strength. though the walls he built for himself have gone with his own dust back to the earth, the symbol he erected for us stands. chapter iii the trader the trader was the first pathfinder. his caravans began the change of purpose that was to come to the indian warrior's route, turning it slowly into the beaten track of communication and commerce. the settlers, the rangers, the surveyors, went westward over the trails which he had blazed for them years before. their enduring works are commemorated in the cities and farms which today lie along every ancient border line; but of their forerunner's hazardous indian trade nothing remains. let us therefore pay a moment's homage here to the trader, who first--to borrow a phrase from indian speech--made white for peace the red trails of war. he was the first cattleman of the old southwest. fifty years before john findlay¹, one of this class of pioneers, led daniel boone through cumberland gap, the trader's bands of horses roamed the western slopes of the appalachian mountains and his cattle grazed among the deer on the green banks of the old cherokee (tennessee) river. he was the pioneer settler beyond the high hills; for he built, in the center of the indian towns, the first white man's cabin--with its larger annex, the trading house--and dwelt there during the greater part of the year. he was america's first magnate of international commerce. his furs--for which he paid in guns, knives, ammunition, vermilion paint, mirrors, and cloth--lined kings' mantles, and hatted the lords of trade as they strode to their council chamber in london to discuss his business and to pass those regulations which might have seriously hampered him but for his resourcefulness in circumventing them! ¹ the name is spelled in various ways: findlay, finlay, findley. he was the first frontier warrior, for he either fought off or fell before small parties of hostile indians who, in the interest of the spanish or french, raided his pack-horse caravans on the march. often, too, side by side with the red brothers of his adoption, he fought in the intertribal wars. his was the first educative and civilizing influence in the indian towns. he endeavored to cure the indians of their favorite midsummer madness, war, by inducing them to raise stock and poultry and improve their corn, squash, and pea gardens. it is not necessary to impute to him philanthropic motives. he was a practical man and he saw that war hurt his trade: it endangered his summer caravans and hampered the autumn hunt for deerskins. in the earliest days of the eighteenth century, when the colonists of virginia and the carolinas were only a handful, it was the trader who defeated each successive attempt of french and spanish agents to weld the tribes into a confederacy for the annihilation of the english settlements. the english trader did his share to prevent what is now the united states from becoming a part of a latin empire and to save it for a race having the anglo-saxon ideal and speaking the english tongue. the colonial records of the period contain items which, taken singly, make small impression on the casual reader but which, listed together, throw a strong light on the past and bring that mercenary figure, the trader, into so bold a relief that the design verges on the heroic. if we wonder, for instance, why the scotch highlanders who settled in the wilds at the headwaters of the cape fear river, about , and were later followed by welsh and huguenots, met with no opposition from the indians, the mystery is solved when we discover, almost by accident, a few printed lines which record that, in , the hostile natives on the cape fear were subdued to the english and brought into friendly alliance with them by colonel william bull, a trader. we read further and learn that the spaniards in florida had long endeavored to unite the tribes in spanish and french territory against the english and that the influence of traders prevented the consummation. the spaniards, in , had prepared to invade english territory with nine hundred indians. the plot was discovered by creek indians and disclosed to their friends, the traders, who immediately gathered together five hundred warriors, marched swiftly to meet the invaders, and utterly routed them. again, when the indians, incited by the spanish at st. augustine, rose against the english in , and the yamasi massacre occurred in south carolina, it was due to the traders that some of the settlements at least were not wholly unprepared to defend themselves. the early english trader was generally an intelligent man; sometimes educated, nearly always fearless and resourceful. he knew the one sure basis on which men of alien blood and far separated stages of moral and intellectual development can meet in understanding--namely, the truth of the spoken word. he recognized honor as the bond of trade and the warp and woof of human intercourse. the uncorrupted savage also had his plain interpretation of the true word in the mouths of men, and a name for it. he called it the old beloved speech; and he gave his confidence to the man who spoke this speech even in the close barter for furs. we shall find it worth while to refer to the map of america as it was in the early days of the colonial fur trade, about the beginning of the eighteenth century. a narrow strip of loosely strung english settlements stretched from the north border of new england to the florida line. north florida was spanish territory. on the far distant southwestern borders of the english colonies were the southern possessions of france. the french sphere of influence extended up the mississippi, and thence by way of rivers and the great lakes to its base in canada on the borders of new england and new york. in south carolina dwelt the yamasi tribe of about three thousand warriors, their chief towns only sixty or eighty miles distant from the spanish town of st. augustine. on the west, about the same distance northeast of new orleans, in what is now alabama and georgia, lay the creek nation. there french garrisons held mobile and fort alabama. the creeks at this time numbered over four thousand warriors. the lands of the choctaws, a tribe of even larger fighting strength, began two hundred miles north of new orleans and extended along the mississippi. a hundred and sixty miles northeast of the choctaw towns were the chickasaws, the bravest and most successful warriors of all the tribes south of the iroquois. the cherokees, in part seated within the carolinas, on the upper courses of the savannah river, mustered over six thousand men at arms. east of them were the catawba towns. north of them were the shawanoes and delawares, in easy communication with the tribes of canada. still farther north, along the mohawk and other rivers joining with the hudson and lake ontario stood the long houses of the fiercest and most warlike of all the savages, the iroquois or six nations. the indians along the english borders outnumbered the colonists perhaps ten to one. if the spanish and the french had succeeded in the conspiracy to unite on their side all the tribes, a red billow of tomahawk wielders would have engulfed and extinguished the english settlements. the french, it is true, made allies of the shawanoes, the delawares, the choctaws, and a strong faction of the creeks; and they finally won over the cherokees after courting them for more than twenty years. but the creeks in part, the powerful chickasaws, and the iroquois confederacy, or six nations, remained loyal to the english. in both north and south it was the influence of the traders that kept these red tribes on the english side. the iroquois were held loyal by sir william johnson and his deputy, george croghan, the king of traders. the chickasaws followed their best-beloved trader, james adair; and among the creeks another trader, lachlan mcgillivray, wielded a potent influence. lachlan mcgillivray was a highlander. he landed in charleston in at the age of sixteen and presently joined a trader's caravan as pack-horse boy. a few years later he married a woman of the creeks. on many occasions he defeated french and spanish plots with the creeks for the extermination of the colonists in georgia and south carolina. his action in the final war with the french ( ), when the indian terror was raging, is typical. news came that four thousand creek warriors, reinforced by french choctaws, were about to fall on the southern settlements. at the risk of their lives, mcgillivray and another trader named galphin hurried from charleston to their trading house on the georgia frontier. thither they invited several hundred creek warriors, feasted and housed them for several days, and finally won them from their purpose. mcgillivray had a brilliant son, alexander, who about this time became a chief in his mother's nation--perhaps on this very occasion, as it was an indian custom, in making a brotherhood pact, to send a son to dwell in the brother's house. we shall meet that son again as the chief of the creeks and the terrible scourge of georgia and tennessee in the dark days of the revolutionary war. the bold deeds of the early traders, if all were to be told, would require a book as long as the huge volume written by james adair, the english chickasaw. adair was an englishman who entered the indian trade in and launched upon the long and dangerous trail from charleston to the upper towns of the cherokees, situated in the present monroe county, tennessee. thus he was one of the earliest pioneers of the old southwest; and he was tennessee's first author. i am well acquainted, he says, with near two thousand miles of the american continent--a statement which gives one some idea of an early trader's enterprise, hardihood, and peril. adair's two thousand miles were twisting indian trails and paths he slashed out for himself through uninhabited wilds, for when not engaged in trade, hunting, literature, or war, it pleased him to make solitary trips of exploration. these seem to have led him chiefly northward through the appalachians, of which he must have been one of the first white explorers. a many-sided man was james adair--cultured, for his style suffers not by comparison with other writers of his day, no stranger to latin and greek, and not ignorant of hebrew, which he studied to assist him in setting forth his ethnological theory that the american indians were the descendants of the ten lost tribes of israel. before we dismiss his theory with a smile, let us remember that he had not at his disposal the data now available which reveal points of likeness in custom, language formation, and symbolism among almost all primitive peoples. the formidable title-page of his book in itself suggests an author keenly observant, accurate as to detail, and possessed of a versatile and substantial mind. most of the pages were written in the towns of the chickasaws, with whom he lived as a friend and brother, but from whose natural jealousy and prying disposition he was obliged to conceal his papers. never, he assures us, was a literary work begun and carried on with more disadvantages! despite these disabilities the author wrote a book of absorbing interest. his intimate sympathetic pictures of indian life as it was before the tribes had been conquered are richly valuable to the lover of native lore and to the student of the history of white settlement. the author believes, as he must, in the supremacy of his own race, but he nevertheless presents the indians' side of the argument as no man could who had not made himself one of them. he thereby adds interest to those fierce struggles which took place along the border; for he shows us the red warrior not as a mere brute with a tomahawk but as a human creature with an ideal of his own, albeit an ideal that must give place to a better. even in view of the red man's hideous methods of battle and inhuman treatment of captives, we cannot ponder unmoved adair's description of his preparations for war--the fasting, the abstention from all family intercourse, and the purification rites and prayers for three days in the house set apart, while the women, who might not come close to their men in this fateful hour, stood throughout the night till dawn chanting before the door. another poetic touch the author gives us, from the cherokee--or cheerake as he spells it--explaining that the root, chee-ra, means fire. a cherokee never extinguished fire save on the occasion of a death, when he thrust a burning torch into the water and said, _neetah intahah_--the days appointed him were finished. the warrior slain in battle was held to have been balanced by death and it was said of him that he was weighed on the path and made light. adair writes that the cherokees, until corrupted by french agents and by the later class of traders who poured rum among them like water, were honest, industrious, and friendly. they were ready to meet the white man with their customary phrase of good will: i shall firmly shake hands with your speech. he was intimately associated with this tribe from to , when he diverted his activities to the chickasaws. it was from the cherokees' chief town, great telliko, in the appalachians, that adair explored the mountains. he describes the pass through the chain which was used by the indians and which, from his outline of it, was probably the cumberland gap. he relates many incidents of the struggle with the french--manifestations even in this remote wilderness of the vast conflict that was being waged for the new world by two imperial nations of the old. adair undertook, at the solicitation of governor glen of south carolina, the dangerous task of opening up trade with the choctaws, a tribe mustering upwards of five thousand warriors who were wholly in the french interest. their country lay in what is now the state of mississippi along the great river, some seven hundred miles west and southwest of charleston. after passing the friendly creek towns the trail led on for miles through what was practically the enemy's country. adair, owing to what he likes to term his usual good fortune, reached the choctaw country safely and by his adroitness and substantial presents won the friendship of the influential chief, red shoe, whom he found in a receptive mood, owing to a french agent's breach of hospitality involving red shoe's favorite wife. adair thus created a large pro-english faction among the choctaws, and his success seriously impaired french prestige with all the southwestern tribes. several times french choctaws bribed to murder him, waylaid adair on the trail--twice when he was alone--only to be baffled by the imperturbable self-possession and alert wit which never failed him in emergencies. winning a choctaw trade cost adair, besides attacks on his life, £ , for which he was never reimbursed, notwithstanding governor glen's agreement with him. and, on his return to charleston, while the governor was detaining him on one pretext or another, he found that a new expedition, which the governor was favoring for reasons of his own, had set out to capture his chickasaw trade and gather in the expected great crop of deerskins and beaver… before i could possibly return to the chikkasah country. nothing daunted, however, the hardy trader set out alone. in the severity of winter, frost, snow, hail and heavy rains succeed each other in these climes, so that i partly rode and partly swam to the chikkasah country; for not expecting to stay long below [in charleston] i took no leathern canoe. many of the broad, deep creeks… had now overflowed their banks, ran at a rapid rate and were unpassable to any but desperate people:… the rivers and swamps were dreadful by rafts of timber driving down the former and the great fallen trees floating in the latter.… being forced to wade deep through cane swamps or woody thickets, it proved very troublesome to keep my firearms dry on which, as a second means, my life depended. nevertheless adair defeated the governor's attempt to steal his trade, and later on published the whole story in the charleston press and sent in a statement of his claims to the assembly, with frank observations on his excellency himself. we gather that his bold disregard of high personages set all charleston in an uproar! adair is tantalizingly modest about his own deeds. he devotes pages to prove that an indian rite agrees with the book of leviticus but only a paragraph to an exploit of courage and endurance such as that ride and swim for the indian trade. we have to read between the lines to find the man; but he well repays the search. briefly, incidentally, he mentions that on one trip he was captured by the french, who were so, well acquainted with the great damages i had done to them and feared others i might occasion, as to confine me a close prisoner… in the alebahma garrison. they were fully resolved to have sent me down to mobile or new orleans as a capital criminal to be hanged… but i doubted not of being able to extricate myself some way or other. they appointed double centries over me for some days before i was to be sent down in the french king's large boat. they were strongly charged against laying down their weapons or suffering any hostile thing to be in the place where i was kept, as they deemed me capable of any mischief.… about an hour before we were to set off by water i escaped from them by land.… i took through the middle of the low land covered with briers at full speed. i heard the french clattering on horseback along the path… and the howling savages pursuing…, but my usual good fortune enabled me to leave them far enough behind.… one feels that a few of the pages given up to leviticus might well have been devoted to a detailed account of this escape from double centries and a fortified garrison, and the plunge through the tangled wilds, by a man without gun or knife or supplies, and who for days dared not show himself upon the trail. there is too much of my usual good fortune in adair's narrative; such luck as his argues for extraordinary resources in the man. sometimes we discover only through one phrase on a page that he must himself have been the hero of an event he relates in the third person. this seems to be the case in the affair of priber, which was the worst of those damages adair did to the french. priber was a gentleman of curious and speculative temper sent by the french in to great telliko to win the cherokees to their interest. at this time adair was trading with the cherokees. he relates that priber, more effectually to answer the design of his commission… ate, drank, slept, danced, dressed, and painted himself with the indians, so that it was not easy to distinguish him from the natives,--he married also with them, and being endued with a strong understanding and retentive memory he soon learned their dialect, and by gradual advances impressed them with a very ill opinion of the english, representing them as fraudulent, avaritious and encroaching people; he at the same time inflated the artless savages with a prodigious high opinion of their own importance in the american scale of power.… having thus infected them… he easily formed them into a nominal republican government--crowned their old archi-magus emperor after a pleasing new savage form, and invented a variety of high-sounding titles for all the members of his imperial majesty's red court. priber cemented the cherokee empire by slow but sure degrees to the very great danger of our southern colonies. his position was that of secretary of state and as such, with a studiedly provocative arrogance, he carried on correspondence with the british authorities. the colonial government seems, on this occasion, to have listened to the traders and to have realized that priber was a danger, for soldiers were sent to take him prisoner. the cherokees, however, had so firmly shaked hands with their secretary's admired discourse that they threatened to take the warpath if their beloved man were annoyed, and the soldiers went home without him--to the great hurt of english prestige. the cherokee empire had now endured for five years and was about to rise into a far greater state of puissance by the acquisition of the muskohge, chocktaw and the western mississippi indians, when fortunately for the history of british colonization in america, an accident befell the secretary. it is in connection with this accident that the reader suspects the modest but resourceful adair of conniving with fate. since the military had failed and the government dared not again employ force, other means must be found; the trader provided them. the secretary with his cherokee bodyguard journeyed south on his mission to the creeks. secure, as he supposed, he lodged overnight in an indian town. but there a company of english traders took him into custody, along with his bundle of manuscripts presumably intended for the french commandant at fort alabama, and handed him over to the governor of georgia, who imprisoned him and kept him out of mischief till he died. as a briton, adair contributed to priber's fate; and as such he approves it. as a scholar with philosophical and ethnological leanings, however, he deplores it, and hopes that priber's valuable manuscripts may escape the despoiling hands of military power. priber had spent his leisure in compiling a cherokee dictionary; adair's occupation, while domiciled in his winter house in great telliko, was the writing of his indian appendix to the pentateuch. as became brothers in science, they had exchanged notes, so we gather from adair's references to conversations and correspondence. adair's difficulties as an author, however, had been increased by a treacherous lapse from professional etiquette on the part of the secretary: he told them [the indians] that in the very same manner as he was their great secretary, i was the devil's clerk, or an accursed one who marked on paper the bad speech of the evil ones of darkness. on his own part adair admits that his object in this correspondence was to trap the secretary into something more serious than literary errata. that is, he admits it by implication; he says the secretary feared it. during the years of their duel, adair apparently knew that the scholarly compiler of the cherokee dictionary was secretly inciting members of this particular lost tribe to tomahawk the discoverer of their biblical origin; and priber, it would seem, knew that he knew! adair shows, inferentially, that land encroachment was not the sole cause of those indian wars with which we shall deal in a later chapter. the earliest causes were the instigations of the french and the rewards which they offered for english scalps. but equally provocative of indian rancor were the acts of sometimes merely stupid, sometimes dishonest, officials; the worst of these, adair considered, was the cheapening of the trade through the granting of general licenses. formerly each trader had a license for two [indian] towns.… at my first setting out among them, a number of traders… journeyed through our various nations in different companies and were generally men of worth; of course they would have a living price for their goods, which they carried on horseback to the remote indian countries at very great expences.… [the indians] were kept under proper restraint, were easy in their minds and peaceable on account of the plain, honest lessons daily inculcated on them… but according to the present unwise plan, two and even three arablike peddlars sculk about in one of those villages… who are generally the dregs and offs-courings of our climes… by inebriating the indians with their nominally prohibited and poisoning spirits, they purchase the necessaries of life at four and five hundred per cent cheaper than the orderly traders.… instead of showing good examples of moral conduct, beside the other part of life, they instruct the unknowing and imitating savages in many diabolical lessons of obscenity and blasphemy. in these statements, contemporary records bear him out. there is no sadder reading than the many pleas addressed by the indian chiefs to various officials to stop the importation of liquor into their country, alleging the debauchment of their young men and warning the white man, with whom they desired to be friends, that in an indian drink and blood lust quickly combined. adair's book was published in london in . he wrote it to be read by englishmen as well as americans; and some of his reflections on liberty, justice, and anglo-saxon unity would not sound unworthily today. his sympathies were with the principles of our magna charta americana; but he thought the threatened division of the english-speaking peoples the greatest evil that could befall civilization. his voluminous work discloses a man not only of wide mental outlook but a practical man with a sense of commercial values. yet, instead of making a career for himself among his own caste, he made his home for over thirty years in the chickasaw towns; and it is plain that, with the exception of some of his older brother traders, he preferred the chickasaw to any other society. the complete explanation of such men as adair we need not expect to find stated anywhere--not even in and between the lines of his book. the conventionalist would seek it in moral obliquity; the radical, in a temperament that is irked by the superficialities that comprise so large a part of conventional standards. the reason for his being what he was is almost the only thing adair did not analyze in his book. perhaps, to him, it was self evident. we may let it be so to us, and see it most clearly presented in a picture composed from some of his brief sketches: a land of grass and green shade inset with bright waters, where deer and domestic cattle herded together along the banks; a circling group of houses, their white-clayed walls sparkling under the sun's rays, and, within and without, the movement of a friendly and sagacious people, who kindly treated and watchfully guarded their white brother in peace and war, and who conversed daily with him in the old beloved speech learned first of nature. like towers in cities beyond the common size of those of the indians rose the winter and summer houses and the huge trading house which the tribe had built for their best beloved friend in the town's center, because there he would be safest from attack. on the rafters hung the smoked and barbecued delicacies taken in the hunt and prepared for him by his red servants, who were also his comrades at home and on the dangerous trail. beloved old women kept an eye on his small sons, put to drowse on panther skins so that they might grow up brave warriors. nothing was there of artifice or pretense, only the needful things to make a reasonable life happy. all was as primitive, naive, and contented as the woman whose outline is given once in a few strokes, proudly and gayly penciled: i have the pleasure of writing this by the side of a chikkasah female, as great a princess as ever lived among the ancient peruvians or mexicans, and she bids me be sure not to mark the paper wrong after the manner of most of the traders; otherwise it will spoil the making good bread or homony! his final chapter is the last news of james adair, type of the earliest trader. did his bold attacks on corrupt officials and rum peddlers--made publicly before assemblies and in print--raise for him a dense cloud of enmity that dropped oblivion on his memory? perhaps. but, in truth, his own book is all the history of him we need. it is the record of a man. he lived a full life and served his day; and it matters not that a mist envelops the place where unafraid he met the last enemy, was weighed on the path and made light. chapter iv the passing of the french peril the great pile of the appalachian peaks was not the only barrier which held back the settler with his plough and his rifle from following the trader's tinkling caravans into the valleys beyond. over the hills the french were lords of the land. the frontiersman had already felt their enmity through the torch and tomahawk of their savage allies. by his own strength alone he could not cope with the power entrenched beyond the hills; so he halted. but that power, by its unachievable desire to be overlord of two hemispheres, was itself to precipitate events which would open the westward road. the recurring hour in the cycle of history, when the issue of autocracy against democracy cleaves the world, struck for the men of the eighteenth century as the second half of that century dawned. in our own day, happily, that issue has been perceived by the rank and file of the people. in those darker days, as france and england grappled in that conflict of systems which culminated in the seven years' war, the fundamental principles at stake were clear to only a handful of thinking men. but abstractions, whether clear or obscure, do not cause ambassadors to demand their passports. the declaration of war awaits the overt act. behold, then, how great a matter is kindled by a little fire! the _casus belli_ between france and england in the seven years' war--the war which humbled france in europe and lost her india and canada--had to do with a small log fort built by a few virginians in at the forks of the ohio river and wrested from them in the same year by a company of frenchmen from canada. the french claimed the valley of the ohio as their territory; the english claimed it as theirs. the dispute was of long standing. the french claim was based on discovery; the english claim, on the sea-to-sea charters of virginia and other colonies and on treaties with the six nations. the french refused to admit the right of the six nations to dispose of the territory. the english were inclined to maintain the validity of their treaties with the indians. especially was virginia so inclined, for a large share of the ohio lay within her chartered domain. the quarrel had entered its acute phase in , when both the rival claimants took action to assert their sovereignty. the governor of canada sent an envoy, céloron de blainville, with soldiers, to take formal possession of the ohio for the king of france. in the same year the english organized in virginia the ohio company for the colonization of the same country; and summoned christopher gist, explorer, trader, and guide, from his home on the yadkin and dispatched him to survey the land. then appeared on the scene that extraordinary man, robert dinwiddie, lieutenant governor of virginia, erstwhile citizen of glasgow. his correspondence from virginia during his seven years' tenure of office ( - ) depicts the man with a vividness surpassing paint. he was as honest as the day--as honest as he was fearless and fussy. but he had no patience; he wanted things done and done at once, and his way was the way to do them. people who did not think as he thought didn't think at all. on this drastic premise he went to work. there was of course continuous friction between him and the house of burgesses. dinwiddie had all a scot's native talent for sarcasm. his letters, his addresses, perhaps in particular his addresses to the house, bristled with satirical thrusts at his opponents. if he had spelled out in full all the words he was so eager to write, he would have been obliged to lessen his output; so he used a shorthand system of his own, peculiar enough to be remarkable even though abbreviations were the rule in that day. even the dignity of kings he sacrificed to speed, and we find his majesty abbreviated to h m'y; yet a smaller luminary known as his honor fares better, losing only the last letter--his hono. ho. stands for house and yt for that, what, it, and anything else, as convenient. many of his letters wind up with i am ve'y much fatig'd. we know that he must have been! it was a formidable task that confronted dinwiddie--to possess and defend the ohio. christopher gist returned in , having surveyed the valley for the ohio company as far as the scioto and miami rivers, and in the following year the survey was ratified by the indians. the company's men were busy blazing trails through the territory and building fortified posts. but the french dominated the territory. they had built and occupied with troops fort le bœuf on french creek, a stream flowing into the allegheny. we may imagine dinwiddie's rage at this violation of british soil by french soldiers and how he must have sputtered to the young george washington, when he summoned that officer and made him the bearer of a letter to the french commander at fort le bœuf, to demand that french troops be at once withdrawn from the ohio. washington made the journey to fort le bœuf in december, , but the mission of course proved fruitless. dinwiddie then wrote to london urging that a force be sent over to help the colonies maintain their rights and, under orders from the crown, suggested by himself, he wrote to the governors of all the other colonies to join with virginia in raising troops to settle the ownership of the disputed territory. from governor dobbs of north carolina he received an immediate response. by means of logic, sarcasm, and the entire force of his prerogatives, dinwiddie secured from his own balking assembly £ , with which to raise troops. from maryland he obtained nothing. there were three prominent marylanders in the ohio company, but--or because of this--the maryland assembly voted down the measure for a military appropriation. on june , , dinwiddie wrote, with unusually full spelling for him: i am perswaded had his majesty's com'ds to the other colonies been duely obey'd, and the necessary assistance given by them, the fr. wou'd have long ago have been oblig'd entirely to have evacuated their usurp'd possession of the king's lands, instead of w'ch they are daily becoming more formidable, whilst every gov't except no. caro. has amus'd me with expectations that have proved fruitless, and at length refuse to give any supply, unless in such a manner as must render it ineffectual. this saddened mood with its deliberate penmanship did not last long. presently dinwiddie was making a round robin of himself in another series of letters to governors, councilors, and assemblymen, frantically beseeching them for h. m'y's hono. and their own, and, if not, for post'r'ty, to rise against the cruel french whose indians were harrying the borders again and basely, like virmin, stealing and carrying off the helpless infant--as nice a simile, by the way, as any sheridan ever put into the mouth of mrs. malaprop. dinwiddie saw his desires thwarted on every hand by the selfish spirit of localism and jealousy which was more rife in america in those days than it is today. though the phrase capitalistic war had not yet been coined, the great issues of english civilization on this continent were befogged, for the majority in the colonies, by the trivial fact that the shareholders in the ohio company stood to win by a vigorous prosecution of the war and to lose if it were not prosecuted at all. the irascible governor, however, proceeded with such men and means as he could obtain. and now in the summer of came the overt act which precipitated the inevitable war. the key to the valley of the ohio was the tongue of land at the forks, where the allegheny and the monongahela join their waters in the beautiful river. this site--today pittsburgh--if occupied and held by either nation would give that nation the command of the ohio. occupied it was for a brief hour by a small party of virginians, under captain william trent; but no sooner had they erected on the spot a crude fort than the french descended upon them. what happened then all the world knows: how the french built on the captured site their great fort duquesne; how george washington with an armed force, sent by dinwiddie to recapture the place, encountered french and indians at great meadows and built fort necessity, which he was compelled to surrender; how in the next year ( ) general braddock arrived from across the sea and set out to take fort duquesne, only to meet on the way the disaster called braddock's defeat; and how, before another year had passed, the seven years' war was raging in europe, and england was allied with the enemies of france. from the midst of the debacle of braddock's defeat rises the figure of the young washington. twenty-three he was then, tall and spare and hardbodied from a life spent largely in the open. when braddock fell, this washington appeared. reckless of the enemy's bullets, which spanged about him and pierced his clothes, he dashed up and down the lines in an effort to rally the panic-stricken redcoats. he was too late to save the day, but not to save a remnant of the army and bring out his own virginians in good order. whether among the stay-at-homes and voters of credits there were some who would have ascribed washington's conduct on that day to the fact that his brothers were large shareholders in the ohio company and that fort duquesne was their personal property or "private interest," history does not say. we may suppose so. north carolina, the one colony which had not amus'd the governor of virginia with expectations that proved fruitless, had voted £ , for the war and had raised two companies of troops. one of these, under edward brice dobbs, son of governor dobbs, marched with braddock; and in that company as wagoner went daniel boone, then in his twenty-second year. of boone's part in braddock's campaign nothing more is recorded save that on the march he made friends with john findlay, the trader, his future guide into kentucky; and that, on the day of the defeat, when his wagons were surrounded, he escaped by slashing the harness, leaping on the back of one of his horses, and dashing into the forest. meanwhile the southern tribes along the border were comparatively quiet. that they well knew a colossal struggle between the two white races was pending and were predisposed to ally themselves with the stronger is not to be doubted. french influence had long been sifting through the formidable cherokee nation, which still, however, held true in the main to its treaties with the english. it was the policy of the governors of virginia and north carolina to induce the cherokees to enter strongly into the war as allies of the english. their efforts came to nothing chiefly because of the purely local and suicidal indian policy of governor glen of south carolina. there had been some dispute between glen and dinwiddie as to the right of virginia to trade with the cherokees; and glen had sent to the tribes letters calculated to sow distrust of all other aspirants for indian favor, even promising that certain settlers in the back country of north carolina should be removed and their holdings restored to the indians. these letters caused great indignation in north carolina, when they came to light, and had the worst possible effect upon indian relations. the indians now inclined their ear to the french who, though fewer than the english, were at least united in purpose. governor glen took this inauspicious moment to hold high festival with the cherokees. it was the last year of his administration and apparently he hoped to win promotion to some higher post by showing his achievements for the fur trade and in the matter of new land acquired. he plied the cherokees with drink and induced them to make formal submission and to cede all their lands to the crown. when the chiefs recovered their sobriety, they were filled with rage at what had been done, and they remembered how the french had told them that the english intended to make slaves of all the indians and to steal their lands. the situation was complicated by another incident. several cherokee warriors returning from the ohio, whither they had gone to fight for the british, were slain by frontiersmen. the tribe, in accordance with existing agreements, applied to virginia for redress--but received none. there was thus plenty of powder for an explosion. governor lyttleton, glen's successor, at last flung the torch into the magazine. he seized, as hostages, a number of friendly chiefs who were coming to charleston to offer tokens of good will and forced them to march under guard on a military tour which the governor was making ( ) with intent to overawe the savages. when this expedition reached prince george, on the upper waters of the savannah, the indian hostages were confined within the fort; and the governor, satisfied with the result of his maneuver departed south for charleston. then followed a tragedy. some indian friends of the imprisoned chiefs attacked the fort, and the commander, a popular young officer, was treacherously killed during a parley. the infuriated frontiersmen within the fort fell upon the hostages and slew them all--twenty-six chiefs--and the indian war was on. if all were to be told of the struggle which followed in the back country, the story could not be contained in this book. many brave and resourceful men went out against the savages. we can afford only a passing glance at one of them. hugh waddell of north carolina was the most brilliant of all the frontier fighters in that war. he was a young ulsterman from county down, a born soldier, with a special genius for fighting indians, although he did not grow up on the border, for he arrived in north carolina in , at the age of nineteen. he was appointed by governor dobbs to command the second company which north carolina had raised for the war, a force of rangers to protect the border counties; and he presently became the most conspicuous military figure in the colony. as to his personality, we have only a few meager details, with a portrait that suggests plainly enough those qualities of boldness and craft which characterized his tactics. governor dobbs appears to have had a special love towards hugh, whose family he had known in ireland, for an undercurrent of almost fatherly pride is to be found in the old governor's reports to the assembly concerning waddell's exploits. the terror raged for nearly three years. cabins and fields were burned, and women and children were slaughtered or dragged away captives. not only did immigration cease but many hardy settlers fled from the country. at length, after horrors indescribable and great toll of life, the cherokees gave up the struggle. their towns were invaded and laid waste by imperial and colonial troops, and they could do nothing but make peace. in they signed a treaty with the english to hold while rivers flow and grasses grow and sun and moon endure. in the previous year ( ) the imperial war had run its course in america. new france lay prostrate, and the english were supreme not only on the ohio but on the st. lawrence and the great lakes. louisbourg, quebec, montreal, oswego, niagara, duquesne, detroit--all were in english hands. hugh waddell and his rangers, besides serving with distinction in the indian war, had taken part in the capture of fort duquesne. this feat had been accomplished in by an expedition under general forbes. the troops made a terrible march over a new route, cutting a road as they went. it was november when they approached their objective. the wastes of snow and their diminished supplies caused such depression among the men that the officers called a halt to discuss whether or not to proceed toward fort duquesne, where they believed the french to be concentrated in force. extravagant sums in guineas were named as suitable reward for any man who would stalk and catch a french indian and learn from him the real conditions inside the fort. the honor, if not the guineas, fell to john rogers, one of waddell's rangers. from the indian it was learned that the french had already gone, leaving behind only a few of their number. as the english drew near, they found that the garrison had blown up the magazine, set fire to the fort, and made off. thus, while new france was already tottering, but nearly two years before the final capitulation at montreal, the english again became masters of the ohio company's land--masters of the forks of the ohio. this time they were there to stay. where the walls of fort duquesne had crumbled in the fire fort pitt was to rise, proudly bearing the name of england's great commoner who had directed english arms to victory on three continents. with france expelled and the indians deprived of their white allies, the westward path lay open to the pioneers, even though the red man himself would rise again and again in vain endeavor to bar the way. so a new era begins, the era of exploration for definite purpose, the era of commonwealth building. in entering on it, we part with the earliest pioneer--the trader, who first opened the road for both the lone home seeker and the great land company. he dwindles now to the mere barterer and so--save for a few chance glimpses--slips out of sight, for his brave days as imperial scout are done. chapter v boone, the wanderer what thoughts filled daniel boone's mind as he was returning from braddock's disastrous campaign in we may only conjecture. perhaps he was planning a career of soldiering, for in later years he was to distinguish himself as a frontier commander in both defense and attack. or it may be that his heart was full of the wondrous tales told him by the trader, john findlay, of that hunter's canaan, kentucky, where buffalo and deer roamed in thousands. perhaps he meant to set out ere long in search of the great adventure of his dreams, despite the terrible dangers of trail making across the zones of war into the unknown. however that may be, boone straightway followed neither of these possible plans on his return to the yadkin but halted for a different adventure. there, a rifle shot's distance from his threshold, was offered him the oldest and sweetest of all hazards to the daring. he was twenty-two, strong and comely and a whole man; and therefore he was in no mind to refuse what life held out to him in the person of rebecca bryan. rebecca was the daughter of joseph bryan, who had come to the yadkin from pennsylvania some time before the boones; and she was in her seventeenth year. writers of an earlier and more sentimental period than ours have endeavored to supply, from the saccharine stores of their fancy, the romantic episodes connected with boone's wooing which history has omitted to record. hence the tale that the young hunter, walking abroad in the spring gloaming, saw mistress rebecca's large dark eyes shining in the dusk of the forest, mistook them for a deer's eyes and shot--his aim on this occasion fortunately being bad! but if boone's rifle was missing its mark at ten paces, cupid's dart was speeding home. so runs the story concocted a hundred years later by some gentle scribe ignorant alike of game seasons, the habits of hunters, and the way of a man with a maid in a primitive world. daniel and rebecca were married in the spring of . squire boone, in his capacity as justice of the peace, tied the knot; and in a small cabin built upon his spacious lands the young couple set up housekeeping. here daniel's first two sons were born. in the third year of his marriage, when the second child was a babe in arms, daniel removed with his wife and their young and precious family to culpeper county in eastern virginia, for the border was going through its darkest days of the french and indian war. during the next two or three years we find him in virginia engaged as a wagoner, hauling tobacco in season; but back on the border with his rifle, after the harvest, aiding in defense against the indians. in he purchased from his father a lot on sugar tree creek, a tributary of dutchman's creek (davie county, north carolina) and built thereon a cabin for himself. the date when he brought his wife and children to live in their new abode on the border is not recorded. it was probably some time after the close of the indian war. of boone himself during these years we have but scant information. we hear of him again in virginia and also as a member of the pack-horse caravan which brought into the back country the various necessaries for the settlers. we know, too, that in the fall of he was on a lone hunting trip in the mountains west of the yadkin; for until a few years ago there might be seen, still standing on the banks of boone's creek (a small tributary of the watauga) in eastern tennessee, a tree bearing the legend, d boon cilled a bar on this tree . boone was always fond of carving his exploits on trees, and his wanderings have been traced largely by his arboreal publications. in the next year ( ) he went with waddell's rangers when they marched with the army to the final subjugation of the cherokee. that boone and his family were back on the border in the new cabin shortly after the end of the war, we gather from the fact that in he took his little son james, aged seven, on one of his long hunting excursions. from this time dates the intimate comradeship of father and son through all the perils of the wilderness, a comradeship to come to its tragic end ten years later when, as we shall see, the seventeen-year-old lad fell under the red man's tomahawk as his father was leading the first settlers towards kentucky. in the cold nights of the open camp, as daniel and james lay under the frosty stars, the father kept the boy warm snuggled to his breast under the broad flap of his hunting shirt. sometimes the two were away from home for months together, and daniel declared little james to be as good a woodsman as his father. meanwhile fascinating accounts of the new land of florida, ceded to britain by the treaty of paris in , had leaked into the back country; and in the winter of boone set off southward on horseback with seven companions. colonel james grant, with whose army boone had fought in , had been appointed governor of the new colony and was offering generous inducements to settlers. the party traveled along the borders of south carolina and georgia. no doubt they made the greater part of their way over the old traders' trace, the whitened warpath; and they suffered severe hardships. game became scarcer as they proceeded. once they were nigh to perishing of starvation and were saved from that fate only through chance meeting with a band of indians who, seeing their plight, made camp and shared their food with them--according to the indian code in time of peace. boone's party explored florida from st. augustine to pensacola, and daniel became sufficiently enamored of the tropical south to purchase there land and a house. his wife, however, was unwilling to go to florida, and she was not long in convincing the hunter that he would soon tire of a gameless country. a gameless country! perhaps this was the very thought which turned the wanderer's desires again towards the land of kentucky.¹ the silencing of the enemy's whisper in the cherokee camps had opened the border forests once more to the nomadic rifleman. boone was not alone in the desire to seek out what lay beyond. his brother-in-law, john stewart, and a nephew by marriage, benjamin cutbirth, or cutbird, with two other young men, john baker and james ward, in crossed the appalachian mountains, probably by stumbling upon the indian trail winding from base to summit and from peak to base again over this part of the great hill barrier. they eventually reached the mississippi river and, having taken a good quantity of peltry on the way, they launched upon the stream and came in time to new orleans, where they made a satisfactory trade of their furs. ¹ kentucky, from ken-ta-ke, an iroquois word meaning the place of old fields. adair calls the territory the old fields. the indians apparently used the word old, as we do, in a sense of endearment and possession as well as relative to age. boone was fired anew by descriptions of this successful feat, in which two of his kinsmen had participated. he could no longer be held back. he must find the magic door that led through the vast mountain wall into kentucky--kentucky, with its green prairies where the buffalo and deer were as ten thousand thousand cattle feeding in the wilds, and where the balmy air vibrated with the music of innumerable wings. accordingly, in the autumn of , boone began his quest of the delectable country in the company of his friend, william hill, who had been with him in florida. autumn was the season of departure on all forest excursions, because by that time the summer crops had been gathered in and the day of the deer had come. by hunting, the explorers must feed themselves on their travels and with deerskins and furs they must on their return recompense those who had supplied their outfit. boone, the incessant but not always lucky wanderer, was in these years ever in debt for an outfit. boone and hill made their way over the blue ridge and the alleghanies and crossed the holston and clinch rivers. then they came upon the west fork of the big sandy and, believing that it would lead them to the ohio, they continued for at least a hundred miles to the westward. here they found a buffalo trace, one of the many beaten out by the herds in their passage to the salt springs, and they followed it into what is now floyd county in eastern kentucky. but this was not the prairie land described by findlay; it was rough and hilly and so overgrown with laurel as to be almost impenetrable. they therefore wended their way back towards the river, doubtless erected the usual hunter's camp of skins or blankets and branches, and spent the winter in hunting and trapping. spring found them returning to their homes on the yadkin with a fair winter's haul. such urgent desire as boone's, however, was not to be defeated. the next year brought him his great opportunity. john findlay came to the yadkin with a horse pack of needles and linen and peddler's wares to tempt the slim purses of the back country folk. the two erstwhile comrades in arms were overjoyed to encounter each other again, and findlay spent the winter of - in boone's cabin. while the snow lay deep outside and good-smelling logs crackled on the hearth, they planned an expedition into kentucky through the gap where virginia, tennessee, and kentucky touch one another, which findlay felt confident he could find. findlay had learned of this route from cross-mountain traders in , when he had descended the ohio to the site of louisville, whence he had gone with some shawanoes as a prisoner to their town of es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki or blue licks.¹ ¹ hanna, _the wilderness trail,_ vol. ii, pp. - . on the first day of may, , boone and findlay, accompanied by john stewart and three other venturesome spirits, joseph holden, james mooney, and william cooley, took horse for the fabled land. passing through the cumberland gap, they built their first camp in kentucky on the red lick fork of station camp creek. this camp was their base of operations. from it, usually in couples, we infer, the explorers branched out to hunt and to take their observations of the country. here also they prepared the deer and buffalo meat for the winter, dried or smoked the geese they shot in superabundance, made the tallow and oil needed to keep their weapons in trim, their leather soft, and their kits waterproof. their first ill luck befell them in december when boone and stewart were captured by a band of shawanoes who were returning from their autumn hunt on green river. the indians compelled the two white men to show them the location of their camp, took possession of all it contained in skins and furs and also helped themselves to the horses. they left the explorers with just enough meat and ammunition to provide for their journey homeward, and told them to depart and not to intrude again on the red men's hunting grounds. having given this pointed warning, the shawanoes rode on northward towards their towns beyond the ohio. on foot, swiftly and craftily, boone and his brother-in-law trailed the band for two days. they came upon the camp in dead of night, recaptured their horses, and fled. but this was a game in which the indians themselves excelled, and at this date the shawanoes had an advantage over boone in their thorough knowledge of the territory; so that within forty-eight hours the white men were once more prisoners. after they had amused themselves by making boone caper about with a horse bell on his neck, while they jeered at him in broken english, steal horse, eh? the shawanoes turned north again, this time taking the two unfortunate hunters with them. boone and stewart escaped, one day on the march, by a plunge into the thick tall canebrake. though the indians did not attempt to follow them through the mazes of the cane, the situation of the two hunters, without weapons or food, was serious enough. when they found station camp deserted and realized that their four companions had given them up for dead or lost and had set off on the trail for home, even such intrepid souls as theirs may have felt fear. they raced on in pursuit and fortunately fell in not only with their party but with squire boone, daniel's brother, and alexander neely, who had brought in fresh supplies of rifles, ammunition, flour, and horses. after this lucky encounter the group separated. findlay was ill, and holden, mooney, and cooley had had their fill of kentucky; but squire, neely, stewart, and daniel were ready for more adventures. daniel, too, felt under the positive necessity of putting in another year at hunting and trapping in order to discharge his debts and provide for his family. near the mouth of red river the new party built their station camp. here, in idle hours, neely read aloud from a copy of _gulliver's travels_ to entertain the hunters while they dressed their deerskins or tinkered their weapons. in honor of the lorbrulgrud of the book, though with a pronunciation all their own, they christened the nearest creek; and as lulbegrud creek it is still known. before the end of the winter the two boones were alone in the wilderness. their brother-in-law, stewart, had disappeared; and neely, discouraged by this tragic event, had returned to the yadkin. in may, squire boone fared forth, taking with him the season's catch of beaver, otter, and deerskins to exchange in the north carolinian trading houses for more supplies; and daniel was left solitary in kentucky. now followed those lonely explorations which gave daniel boone his special fame above all kentucky's pioneers. he was by no means the first white man to enter kentucky; and when he did enter, it was as one of a party, under another man's guidance--if we except his former disappointing journey into the laurel thickets of floyd county. but these others, barring stewart, who fell there, turned back when they met with loss and hardship and measured the certain risks against the possible gains. boone, the man of imagination, turned to wild earth as to his kin. his genius lay in the sense of oneness he felt with his wilderness environment. an instinct he had which these other men, as courageous perhaps as he, did not possess. never in all the times when he was alone in the woods and had no other man's safety or counsel to consider, did he suffer ill fortune. the nearest approach to trouble that befell him when alone occurred one day during this summer when some indians emerged from their green shelter and found him, off guard for the moment, standing on a cliff gazing with rapture over the vast rolling stretches of kentucky. he was apparently cut off from escape, for the savages were on three sides, advancing without haste to take him, meanwhile greeting him with mock amity. over the cliff leaped boone and into the outspread arms of a friendly maple, whose top bloomed green about sixty feet below the cliff's rim, and left his would-be captors on the height above, grunting their amazement. during this summer boone journeyed through the valleys of the kentucky and the licking. he followed the buffalo traces to the two blue licks and saw the enormous herds licking up the salt earth, a darkly ruddy moving mass of beasts whose numbers could not be counted. for many miles he wound along the ohio, as far as the falls. he also found the big bone lick with its mammoth fossils. in july, , daniel returned to the red river camp and there met squire boone with another pack of supplies. the two brothers continued their hunting and exploration together for some months, chiefly in jessamine county, where two caves still bear boone's name. in that winter they even braved the green river ground, whence had come the hunting shawanoes who had taken daniel's first fruits a year before. in the same year ( ) there had come into kentucky from the yadkin another party of hunters, called, from their lengthy sojourn in the twilight zone, the long hunters. one of these, gasper mansker, afterwards related how the long hunters were startled one day by hearing sounds such as no buffalo or turkey ever made, and how mansker himself stole silently under cover of the trees towards the place whence the strange noises came, and descried daniel boone prone on his back with a deerskin under him, his famous tall black hat beside him and his mouth opened wide in joyous but apparently none too tuneful song. this incident gives a true character touch. it is not recorded of any of the men who turned back that they sang alone in the wilderness. in march, , the two boones started homeward, their horses bearing the rich harvest of furs and deerskins which was to clear daniel of debt and to insure the comfort of the family he had not seen for two years. but again evil fortune met them, this time in the very gates--for in the cumberland gap they were suddenly surrounded by indians who took everything from them, leaving them neither guns nor horses. chapter vi the fight for kentucky when boone returned home he found the back country of north carolina in the throes of the regulation movement. this movement, which had arisen first from the colonists' need to police their settlements, had more recently assumed a political character. the regulators were now in conflict with the authorities, because the frontier folk were suffering through excessive taxes, extortionate fees, dishonest land titles, and the corruption of the courts. in may, , the conflict lost its quasi-civil nature. the regulators resorted to arms and were defeated by the forces under governor tryon in the battle of the alamance. the regulation movement, which we shall follow in more detail further on, was a culmination of those causes of unrest which turned men westward. to escape from oppression and to acquire land beyond the bounds of tyranny became the earnest desire of independent spirits throughout the back country. but there was another and more potent reason why the country east of the mountains no longer contented boone. hunting and trapping were boone's chief means of livelihood. in those days, deerskins sold for a dollar a skin to the traders at the forks or in hillsborough; beaver at about two dollars and a half, and otter at from three to five dollars. a pack-horse could carry a load of one hundred dressed deerskins, and, as currency was scarce, a hundred dollars was wealth. game was fast disappearing from the yadkin. to boone above all men, then, kentucky beckoned. when he returned in the spring of from his explorations, it was with the resolve to take his family at once into the great game country and to persuade some of his friends to join in this hazard of new fortunes. the perils of such a venture, only conjectural to us at this distance, he knew well; but in him there was nothing that shrank from danger, though he did not court it after the rash manner of many of his compeers. neither reckless nor riotous, boone was never found among those who opposed violence to authority, even unjust authority; nor was he ever guilty of the savagery which characterized much of the retaliatory warfare of that period when frenzied white men bettered the red man's instruction. in him, courage was illumined with tenderness and made equable by self-control. yet, though he was no fiery zealot like the ulstermen who were to follow him along the path he had made and who loved and revered him perhaps because he was so different from themselves, boone nevertheless had his own religion. it was a simple faith best summed up perhaps by himself in his old age when he said that he had been only an instrument in the hand of god to open the wilderness to settlement. two years passed before boone could muster a company of colonists for the dangerous and delectable land. the dishonesty practiced by lord granville's agents in the matter of deeds had made it difficult for daniel and his friends to dispose of their acreage. when at last in the spring of the wanderer was prepared to depart, he was again delayed; this time by the arrival of a little son to whom was given the name of john. by september, however, even this latest addition to the party was ready for travel; and that month saw the boones with a small caravan of families journeying towards powell's valley, whence the warrior's path took its way through cumberland gap. at this point on the march they were to be joined by william russell, a famous pioneer, from the clinch river, with his family and a few neighbors, and by some of rebecca boone's kinsmen, the bryans, from the lower yadkin, with a company of forty men. of rebecca boone history tells us too little--only that she was born a bryan, was of low stature and dark eyed, that she bore her husband ten children, and lived beside him to old age. except on his hunts and explorations, she went with him from one cabined home to another, always deeper into the wilds. there are no portraits of her. we can see her only as a shadowy figure moving along the wilderness trails beside the man who accepted his destiny of god to be a way-shower for those of lesser faith. he tires not forever on his leagues of march because her feet are set to his footprints, and the gleam of her bare hand slants across his shoulder. boone halted his company on walden mountain over powell's valley to await the bryan contingent and dispatched two young men under the leadership of his son james, then in his seventeenth year, to notify russell of the party's arrival. as the boys were returning with russell's son, also a stripling, two of his slaves, and some white laborers, they missed the path and went into camp for the night. when dawn broke, disclosing the sleepers, a small war band of shawanoes, who had been spying on boone and his party, fell upon them and slaughtered them. only one of russell's slaves and a laborer escaped. the tragedy seems augmented by the fact that the point where the boys lost the trail and made their night quarters was hardly three miles from the main camp--to which an hour later came the two survivors with their gloomy tidings. terror now took hold of the little band of emigrants, and there were loud outcries for turning back. the bryans, who had arrived meanwhile, also advised retreat, saying that the signs about the scene of blood indicated an indian uprising. daniel carried the scalped body of his son, the boy-comrade of his happy hunts, to the camp and buried it there at the beginning of the trail. his voice alone urged that they go on. fortunately indeed, as events turned out, boone was overruled, and the expedition was abandoned. the bryan party and the others from north carolina went back to the yadkin. boone himself with his family accompanied russell to the clinch settlement, where he erected a temporary cabin on the farm of one of the settlers, and then set out alone on the chase to earn provision for his wife and children through the winter. those who prophesied an indian war were not mistaken. when the snowy hunting season had passed and the powwowing days were come, the indian war drum rattled in the medicine house from the borders of pennsylvania to those of carolina. the causes of the strife for which the red men were making ready must be briefly noted to help us form a just opinion of the deeds that followed. early writers have usually represented the frontiersmen as saints in buckskin and the indians as fiends without the shadow of a claim on either the land or humanity. many later writers have merely reversed the shield. the truth is that the indians and the borderers reacted upon each other to the hurt of both. paradoxically, they grew like enough to hate one another with a savage hatred--and both wanted the land. land! land! was the slogan of all sorts and conditions of men. tidewater officials held solemn powwows with the chiefs, gave wampum strings, and forthwith incorporated.¹ chiefs blessed their white brothers who had forever brightened the chain of friendship, departed home, and proceeded to brighten the blades of their tomahawks and to await, not long, the opportunity to use them on casual hunters who carried in their kits the compass, the land-stealer. usually the surveying hunter was a borderer; and on him the tomahawk descended with an accelerated gusto. private citizens also formed land companies and sent out surveyors, regardless of treaties. bold frontiersmen went into no man's land and staked out their claims. in the very year when disaster turned the boone party back, james harrod had entered kentucky from pennsylvania and had marked the site of a settlement. ¹ the activities of the great land companies are described in alvord's exhaustive work, _the mississippi valley in british politics._ ten years earlier ( ), the king had issued the famous and much misunderstood proclamation restricting his loving subjects from the lands west of the mountains. the colonists interpreted this document as a tyrannous curtailment of their liberties for the benefit of the fur trade. we know now that the portion of this proclamation relating to western settlement was a wise provision designed to protect the settlers on the frontier by allaying the suspicions of the indians, who viewed with apprehension the triumphal occupation of that vast territory from canada to the gulf of mexico by the colonizing english. by seeking to compel all land purchase to be made through the crown, it was designed likewise to protect the indians from whisky purchase, and to make impossible the transfer of their lands except with consent of the indian council, or full quota of headmen, whose joint action alone conveyed what the tribes considered to be legal title. sales made according to this form, sir william johnson declared to the lords of trade, he had never known to be repudiated by the indians. this paragraph of the proclamation was in substance an embodiment of johnson's suggestions to the lords of trade. its purpose was square dealing and pacification; and shrewd men such as washington recognized that it was not intended as a final check to expansion. a temporary expedient to quiet the minds of the indians, washington called it, and then himself went out along the great kanawha and into kentucky, surveying land. it will be asked what had become of the ohio company of virginia and that fort at the forks of the ohio, once a bone of contention between france and england. fort pitt, as it was now called, had fallen foul of another dispute, this time between virginia and pennsylvania. virginia claimed that the far western corner of her boundary ascended just far enough north to take in fort pitt. pennsylvania asserted that it did nothing of the sort. the ohio company had meanwhile been merged into the walpole company. george croghan, at fort pitt, was the company's agent and as such was accused by pennsylvania of favoring from ulterior motives the claims of virginia. hotheads in both colonies asseverated that the indians were secretly being stirred up in connection with the boundary disputes. if it does not very clearly appear how an indian rising would have settled the ownership of fort pitt, it is evident enough where the interests of virginia and pennsylvania clashed. virginia wanted land for settlement and speculation; pennsylvania wanted the indians left in possession for the benefit of the fur trade. so far from stirring up the indians, as his enemies declared, croghan was as usual giving away all his substance to keep them quiet.¹ indeed, during this summer of , eleven hundred indians were encamped about fort pitt visiting him. ¹ the suspicion that croghan and lord dunmore, the governor of virginia, were instigating the war appears to have arisen out of the conduct of dr. john connolly, dunmore's agent and croghan's nephew. croghan had induced the shawanoes to bring under escort to fort pitt certain english traders resident in the indian towns. the escort was fired on by militiamen under command of connolly, who also issued a proclamation declaring a state of war to exist. connolly, however, probably acted on his own initiative. he was interested in land on his own behalf and was by no means the only man at that time who was ready to commit outrages on indians in order to obtain it. as croghan lamented, there was too great a spirit in the frontier people for killing indians. two hundred thousand acres in the west--kentucky and west virginia--had been promised to the colonial officers and soldiers who fought in the seven years' war. but after making the proclamation the british government had delayed issuing the patents. washington interested himself in trying to secure them; and lord dunmore, who also had caught the land-fever,² prodded the british authorities but won only rebuke for his inconvenient activities. insistent, however, dunmore sent out parties of surveyors to fix the bounds of the soldiers' claims. james harrod, captain thomas bullitt, hancock taylor, and three mcafee brothers entered kentucky, by the ohio, under dunmore's orders. john floyd went in by the kanawha as washington's agent. a bird's-eye view of that period would disclose to us very few indeed of his majesty's loving subjects who were paying any attention to his proclamation. early in , harrod began the building of cabins and a fort, and planted corn on the site of harrodsburg. thus to him and not to boone fell the honor of founding the first permanent white settlement in kentucky. ² see alvord, _the mississippi valley in british politics,_ vol. ii, pp. - . when summer came, its thick verdure proffering ambuscade, the air hung tense along the border. traders had sent in word that shawanoes, delawares, mingos, wyandots, and cherokees were refusing all other exchange than rifles, ammunition, knives, and hatchets. white men were shot down in their fields from ambush. dead indians lay among their own young corn, their scalp locks taken. there were men of both races who wanted war and meant to have it--and with it the land. lord dunmore, the governor, resolved that, if war were inevitable, it should be fought out in the indian country. with this intent, he wrote to colonel andrew lewis of botetourt county, commander of the southwest militia, instructing him to raise a respectable body of troops and join me either at the mouth of the great kanawha or wheeling, or such other part of the ohio as may be most convenient for you to meet me. the governor himself with a force of twelve hundred proceeded to fort pitt, where croghan, as we have seen, was extending his hospitality to eleven hundred warriors from the disaffected tribes. on receipt of the governor's letter, andrew lewis sent out expresses to his brother colonel charles lewis, county lieutenant of augusta, and to colonel william preston, county lieutenant of fincastle, to raise men and bring them with all speed to the rendezvous at camp union (lewisburg) on the big levels of the greenbrier (west virginia). andrew lewis summoned these officers to an expedition for reducing our inveterate enemies to reason. preston called for volunteers to take advantage of the opportunity we have so long wished for… this useless people may now at last be oblidged to abandon their country. these men were among not only the bravest but the best of their time; but this was their view of the indian and his alleged rights. to eliminate this useless people, inveterate enemies of the white race, was, as they saw it, a political necessity and a religious duty. and we today who profit by their deeds dare not condemn them. fervor less solemn was aroused in other quarters by dunmore's call to arms. at wheeling, some eighty or ninety young adventurers, in charge of captain michael cresap of maryland, were waiting for the freshets to sweep them down the ohio into kentucky. when the news reached them, they greeted it with the wild monotone chant and the ceremonies preliminary to indian warfare. they planted the war pole, stripped and painted themselves, and starting the war dance called on cresap to be their white leader. the captain, however, declined; but in that wild circling line was one who was a white leader indeed. he was a sandy-haired boy of twenty--one of the bold race of english virginians, rugged and of fiery countenance, with blue eyes intense of glance and deep set under a high brow that, while modeled for power, seemed threatened in its promise by the too sensitive chiseling of his lips. with every nerve straining for the fray, with thudding of feet and crooning of the blood song, he wheeled with those other mad spirits round the war pole till the set of sun closed the rites. that evening two scalps were brought into camp, so a letter of his reads. does the bold savage color of this picture affright us? would we veil it? then we should lose something of the true lineaments of george rogers clark, who, within four short years, was to lead a tiny army of tattered and starving backwoodsmen, ashamed to quail where he never flinched, through barrens and icy floods to the conquest of illinois for the united states. though cresap had rejected the rôle of white leader, he did not escape the touch of infamy. cresap's war was the name the indians gave to the bloody encounters between small parties of whites and indians, which followed on that war dance and scalping, during the summer months. one of these encounters must be detailed here because history has assigned it as the immediate cause of dunmore's war. greathouse, sapperton, and king, three traders who had a post on yellow creek, a tributary of the ohio fifty miles below pittsburgh, invited several indians from across the stream to come and drink with them and their friends. among the indians were two or three men of importance in the mingo tribe. there were also some women, one of whom was the indian wife of colonel john gibson, an educated man who had distinguished himself as a soldier with forbes in . that the indians came in amity and apprehended no treachery was proved by the presence of the women. gibson's wife carried her half-caste baby in her shawl. the disreputable traders plied their guests with drink to the point of intoxication and then murdered them. king shot the first man and, when he fell, cut his throat, saying that he had served many a deer in that fashion. gibson's indian wife fled and was shot down in the clearing. a man followed to dispatch her and her baby. she held the child up to him pleading, with her last breath, that he would spare it because it was not indian but one of yours. the mother dead, the child was later sent to gibson. twelve indians in all were killed. meanwhile croghan had persuaded the iroquois to peace. with the help of david zeisberger, the moravian missionary, and white eyes, a delaware chief, he and dunmore had won over the delaware warriors. in the cherokee councils, oconostota demanded that the treaty of peace signed in be kept. the shawanoes, however, led by cornstalk, were implacable; and they had as allies the ottawas and mingos, who had entered the council with them. a famous chief of the day and one of great influence over the indians, and also among the white officials who dealt with indian affairs, was tach-nech-dor-us, or branching oak of the forest, a mingo who had taken the name of logan out of compliment to james logan of pennsylvania. chief logan had recently met with so much reproach from his red brothers for his loyalty to the whites that he had departed from the mingo town at yellow creek. but, learning that his tribe had determined to assist the shawanoes and had already taken some white scalps, he repaired to the place where the mingos were holding their war council to exert his powers for peace. there, in presence of the warriors, after swaying them from their purpose by those oratorical gifts which gave him his influence and his renown, he took the war hatchet that had already killed, and buried it in proof that vengeance was appeased. upon this scene there entered a mingo from yellow creek with the news of the murders committed there by the three traders. the indian whose throat had been slit as king had served deer was logan's brother. another man slain was his kinsman. the woman with the baby was his sister. logan tore up from the earth the bloody tomahawk and, raising it above his head, swore that he would not rest till he had taken ten white lives to pay for each one of his kin. again the mingo warriors declared for war and this time were not dissuaded. but logan did not join this red army. he went out alone to wreak his vengeance, slaying and scalping. meanwhile dunmore prepared to push the war with the utmost vigor. his first concern was to recall the surveying parties from kentucky, and for so hazardous an errand he needed the services of a man whose endurance, speed, and woodcraft were equal to those of any indian scout afoot. through colonel preston, his orders were conveyed to daniel boone, for boone's fame had now spread from the border to the tidewater regions. it was stated that boone would lose no time, and if they are alive, it is indisputable but boone must find them. so boone set out in company with michael stoner, another expert woodsman. his general instructions were to go down the kentucky river to preston's salt lick and across country to the falls of the ohio, and thence home by gaspar's lick on the cumberland river. indian war parties were moving under cover across the dark and bloody ground to surround the various groups of surveyors still at large and to exterminate them. boone made his journey successfully. he found john floyd, who was surveying for washington; he sped up to where harrod and his band were building cabins and sent them out, just in time as it happened; he reached all the outposts of thomas bullitt's party, only one of whom fell a victim to the foe¹; and, undetected by the indians, he brought himself and stoner home in safety, after covering eight hundred miles in sixty-one days. ¹ hancock taylor, who delayed in getting out of the country and was cut off. harrod and his homesteaders immediately enlisted in the army. how eager boone was to go with the forces under lewis is seen in the official correspondence relative to dunmore's war. floyd wanted boone's help in raising a company: captain bledsoe says that boone has more [influence] than any man now disengaged; and you know what boone has done for me… for which reason i love the man. even the border, it would seem, had its species of pacifists who were willing to let others take risks for them, for men hung back from recruiting, and desertions were the order of the day. major arthur campbell hit upon a solution of the difficulties in west fincastle. he was convinced that boone could raise a company and hold the men loyal. and boone did. for some reason, however, daniel's desire to march with the army was denied. perhaps it was because just such a man as he--and, indeed, there was no other--was needed to guard the settlement. presently he was put in command of moore's fort in clinch valley, and his diligence received official approbation. a little later the inhabitants of the valley sent out a petition to have boone made a captain and given supreme command of the lower forts. the settlers demanded boone's promotion for their own security. the land it is good, it is just to our mind, each will have his part if his lordship be kind, the ohio once ours, we'll live at our ease, with a bottle and glass to drink when we please. so sang the army poet, thus giving voice, as bards should ever do, to the theme nearest the hearts of his hearers--in this case, land! presumably his ditty was composed on the eve of the march from lewisburg, for it is found in a soldier's diary. on the evening of october , , andrew lewis with his force of eleven hundred frontiersmen was encamped on point pleasant at the junction of the great kanawha with the ohio. dunmore in the meantime had led his forces into ohio and had erected fort gower at the mouth of the hockhocking river, where he waited for word from andrew lewis.¹ ¹ it has been customary to ascribe to lord dunmore motives of treachery in failing to make connections with lewis; but no real evidence has been advanced to support any of the charges made against him by local historians. the charges were, as theodore roosevelt says, an afterthought. dunmore was a king's man in the revolution; and yet in march, , the convention of the colony of virginia, assembled in opposition to the royal party, resolved: the most cordial thanks of the people of this colony are a tribute justly due to our worthy governor, lord dunmore, for his truly noble, wise, and spirited conduct which at once evinces his excellency's attention to the true interests of this colony, and a zeal in the executive department which no dangers can divert, or difficulties hinder, from achieving the most important services to the people who have the happiness to live under his administration. (see _american archives,_ fourth series, vol. ii, p. .) similar resolutions were passed by his officers on the march home from ohio; at the same time, the officers passed resolutions in sympathy with the american cause. yet it was andrew lewis who later drove dunmore from virginia. well might dunmore exclaim, that it should ever come to this! the movements of the two armies were being observed by scouts from the force of red warriors gathered in ohio under the great leader of the shawanoes. cornstalk purposed to isolate the two armies of his enemy and to crush them in turn before they could come together. his first move was to launch an attack on lewis at point pleasant. in the dark of night, cornstalk's indians crossed the ohio on rafts, intending to surprise the white man's camp at dawn. they would have succeeded but for the chance that three or four of the frontiersmen, who had risen before daybreak to hunt, came upon the indians creeping towards the camp. shots were exchanged. an indian and a white man dropped. the firing roused the camp. three hundred men in two lines under charles lewis and william fleming sallied forth expecting to engage the vanguard of the enemy but encountered almost the whole force of from eight hundred to a thousand indians before the rest of the army could come into action. both officers were wounded, charles lewis fatally. the battle, which continued from dawn until an hour before sunset, was the bloodiest in virginia's long series of indian wars. the frontiersmen fought as such men ever fought--with the daring, bravery, swiftness of attack, and skill in taking cover which were the tactics of their day, even as at a later time many of these same men fought at king's mountain and in illinois the battles that did so much to turn the tide in the revolution.² ² with andrew lewis on this day were isaac shelby and william campbell, the victorious leaders at king's mountain, james robertson, the father of tennessee, valentine sevier, daniel morgan, hero of the cowpens, major arthur campbell, benjamin logan, anthony bledsoe, and simon kenton. with dunmore's force were adam stephen, who distinguished himself at the brandywine, george rogers clark, john stuart, already noted through the cherokee wars, and john montgomery, later one of clark's four captains in illinois. the two last mentioned were highlanders. clark's illinois force was largely recruited from the troops who fought at point pleasant. colonel preston wrote to patrick henry that the enemy behaved with inconceivable bravery, the head men walking about in the time of action exhorting their men to lie close, shoot well, be strong, and fight. the shawanoes ran up to the muzzles of the english guns, disputing every foot of ground. both sides knew well what they were fighting for--the rich land held in a semicircle by the beautiful river. shortly before sundown the indians, mistaking a flank movement by shelby's contingent for the arrival of reinforcements, retreated across the ohio. many of their most noted warriors had fallen and among them the shawano chief, puck-e-shin-wa, father of a famous son, tecumseh.¹ yet they were unwilling to accept defeat. when they heard that dunmore was now marching overland to cut them off from their towns, their fury blazed anew. shall we first kill all our women and children and then fight till we ourselves are slain? cornstalk, in irony, demanded of them; no? then i will go and make peace. ¹ thwaites, _documentary history of dunmore's war._ by the treaty compacted between the chiefs and lord dunmore, the indians gave up all claim to the lands south of the ohio, even for hunting, and agreed to allow boats to pass unmolested. in this treaty the mingos refused to join, and a detachment of dunmore's troops made a punitive expedition to their towns. some discord arose between dunmore and lewis's frontier forces because, since the shawanoes had made peace, the governor would not allow the frontiersmen to destroy the shawano towns. of all the chiefs, logan alone still held aloof. major gibson undertook to fetch him, but logan refused to come to the treaty grounds. he sent by gibson the short speech which has lived as an example of the best indian oratory: i appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat: if ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not. during the course of the last long and bloody war, logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed as they passed and said, logan is the friend of the white men. i had even thought to have lived with you but for the injuries of one man. colonel cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of logan, not even sparing my women and children. there remains not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. this called on me for revenge. i have sought it; i have killed many; i have fully glutted my vengeance: for my country i rejoice at the beams of peace. but do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. logan never felt fear. he will not turn on his heel to save his life. who is there to mourn for logan? not one.¹ ¹ some writers have questioned the authenticity of logan's speech, inclining to think that gibson himself composed it, partly because of the biblical suggestion in the first few lines. that gibson gave biblical phraseology to these lines is apparent, though, as adair points out there are many examples of similitude in indian and biblical expression. but the thought is indian and relates to the first article of the indian's creed, namely, to share his food with the needy. there remains not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature is a truly indian lament. evidently the final four lines of the speech are the most literally translated, for they have the form and the primitive rhythmic beat which a student of indian poetry quickly recognizes. the authenticity of the speech, as well as the innocence of cresap, whom logan mistakenly accused, was vouched for by george rogers clark in a letter to dr. samuel brown dated june , . see jefferson papers, series , quoted by english, _conquest of the country northwest of the river ohio,_ vol. ii. p. . by rivers and trails, in large and small companies, started home the army that had won the land. the west fincastle troops, from the lower settlements of the clinch and holston valleys, were to return by the kentucky river, while those from the upper valley would take the shorter way up sandy creek. to keep them in provisions during the journey it was ordered that hunters be sent out along these routes to kill and barbecue meat and place it on scaffolds at appropriate spots. the way home by the kentucky was a long road for weary and wounded men with hunger gnawing under their belts. we know who swung out along the trail to provide for that little band, dressed in deerskins colored black, and his hair plaited and bobbed up. it was daniel boone--now, by popular demand, captain boone--just discharged from service, since the valley forts needed him no longer. once more only a hunter, he went his way over walden mountain--past his son's grave marking the place where he had been turned back--to serve the men who had opened the gates. chapter vii the dark and bloody ground with the coming of spring daniel boone's desire, so long cherished and deferred, to make a way for his neighbors through the wilderness was to be fulfilled at last. but ere his ax could slash the thickets from the homeseekers' path, more than two hundred settlers had entered kentucky by the northern waterways. eighty or more of these settled at harrodsburg, where harrod was laying out his town on a generous plan, with in-lots of half an acre and out-lots of larger size. among those associated with harrod was george rogers clark, who had surveyed claims for himself during the year before the war. while over two hundred colonists were picking out home sites wherever their pleasure or prudence dictated, a gigantic land promotion scheme--involving the very tracts where they were sowing their first corn--was being set afoot in north carolina by a body of men who figure in the early history of kentucky as the transylvania company. the leader of this organization was judge richard henderson.¹ judge henderson dreamed a big dream. his castle in the air had imperial proportions. he resolved, in short, to purchase from the cherokee indians the larger part of kentucky and to establish there a colony after the manner and the economic form of the english lords proprietors, whose day in america was so nearly done. though in the light of history the plan loses none of its dramatic features, it shows the practical defects that must surely have prevented its realization. like many another cæsar hungering for empire and staking all to win it, the prospective lord of kentucky, as we shall see, had left the human equation out of his calculations. ¹ richard henderson ( - ) was the son of the high sheriff of granville county. at first an assistant to his father, he studied law and soon achieved a reputation by the brilliance of his mind and the magnetism of his personality. as presiding judge at hillsborough he had come into conflict with the violent element among the regulators, who had driven him from the court and burned his house and barns. for some time prior to his elevation to the bench, he had been engaged in land speculations. one of boone's biographers suggests that boone may have been secretly acting as henderson's agent during his first lonely explorations of kentucky. however this may be, it does not appear that boone and his yadkin neighbors were acting with henderson when in september, , they made their first attempt to enter kentucky as settlers. richard henderson had known daniel boone on the yadkin; and it was boone's detailed reports of the marvelous richness and beauty of kentucky which had inspired him to formulate his gigantic scheme and had enabled him also to win to his support several men of prominence in the back country. to sound the cherokees regarding the purchase and to arrange, if possible, for a conference, henderson dispatched boone to the indian towns in the early days of . since we have just learned that dunmore's war compelled the shawanoes and their allies to relinquish their right to kentucky, that, both before and after that event, government surveyors were in the territory surveying for the soldiers' claims, and that private individuals had already laid out town sites and staked holdings, it may be asked what right of ownership the cherokees possessed in kentucky, that henderson desired to purchase it of them. the indian title to kentucky seems to have been hardly less vague to the red men than it was to the whites. several of the nations had laid claim to the territory. as late as , it will be remembered, the shawanoes had occupied a town at blue licks, for john findlay had been taken there by some of them. but, before findlay guided boone through the gap in , the shawanoes had been driven out by the iroquois, who claimed suzerainty over them as well as over the cherokees. in , the iroquois had ceded kentucky to the british crown by the treaty of fort stanwix; whereupon the cherokees had protested so vociferously that the crown's indian agent, to quiet them, had signed a collateral agreement with them. though claimed by many, kentucky was by common consent not inhabited by any of the tribes. it was the great middle ground where the indians hunted. it was the warriors' path over which they rode from north and south to slaughter and where many of their fiercest encounters took place. however shadowy the title which henderson purposed to buy, there was one all-sufficing reason why he must come to terms with the cherokees: their northernmost towns in tennessee lay only fifty or sixty miles below cumberland gap and hence commanded the route over which he must lead colonists into his empire beyond the hills. the conference took place early in march, , at the sycamore shoals of the watauga river. twelve hundred indians, led by their town chiefs--among whom were the old warrior and the old statesman of their nation, oconostota and attakullakulla--came to the treaty grounds and were received by henderson and his associates and several hundred white men who were eager for a chance to settle on new lands. though boone was now on his way into kentucky for the transylvania company, other border leaders of renown or with their fame still to win were present, and among them james robertson, of serious mien, and that blond gay knight in buckskin, john sevier. it is a dramatic picture we evolve for ourselves from the meager narratives of this event--a mass of painted indians moving through the sycamores by the bright water, to come presently into a tense, immobile semicircle before the large group of armed frontiersmen seated or standing about richard henderson, the man with the imperial dream, the ready speaker whose flashing eyes and glowing oratory won the hearts of all who came under their sway. what though the cherokee title be a flimsy one at best and the price offered for it a bagatelle! the spirit of forward march! is there in that great canvas framed by forest and sky. the somber note that tones its lustrous color, as by a sweep of the brush, is the figure of the chickamaugan chief, dragging canoe, warrior and seer and hater of white men, who urges his tribesmen against the sale and, when they will not hearken, springs from their midst into the clear space before henderson and his band of pioneers and, pointing with uplifted arm, warns them that a dark cloud hangs over the land the white man covets which to the red man has long been a bloody ground.¹ ¹ this utterance of dragging canoe's is generally supposed to be the origin of the descriptive phrase applied to kentucky--the dark and bloody ground. see roosevelt, _the winning of the west,_ vol. i, p. . the purchase, finally consummated, included the country lying between the kentucky and cumberland rivers--almost all the present state of kentucky, with the adjacent land watered by the cumberland river and its tributaries, except certain lands previously leased by the indians to the watauga colony. the tract comprised about twenty million acres and extended into tennessee. daniel boone's work was to cut out a road for the wagons of the transylvania company's colonists to pass over. this was to be done by slashing away the briers and underbrush hedging the narrow warriors' path that made a direct northward line from cumberland gap to the ohio bank, opposite the mouth of the scioto river. just prior to the conference boone and thirty guns had set forth from the holston to prepare the road and to build a fort on whatever site he should select. by april, henderson and his first group of tenants were on the trail. in powell's valley they came up with a party of virginians kentucky bound, led by benjamin logan; and the two bands joined together for the march. they had not gone far when they heard disquieting news. after leaving martin's station, at the gates of his new domain, henderson received a letter from boone telling of an attack by indians, in which two of his men had been killed, but we stood on the ground and guarded our baggage till the day and lost nothing.¹ these tidings, indicating that despite treaties and sales, the savages were again on the warpath, might well alarm henderson's colonists. while they halted, some indecisive, others frankly for retreat, there appeared a company of men making all haste out of kentucky because of indian unrest. six of these henderson persuaded to turn again and go in with him; but this addition hardly offset the loss of those members of his party who thought it too perilous to proceed. henderson's own courage did not falter. he had staked his all on this stupendous venture and for him it was forward to wealth and glory or retreat into poverty and eclipse. boone, in the heart of the danger, was making the same stand. if we give way to them [the indians] now, he wrote, it will ever be the case. ¹ bogart, _daniel boone and the hunters of kentucky, p. ._ signs of discord other than indian opposition met henderson as he resolutely pushed on. his conversations with some of the fugitives from kentucky disclosed the first indications of the storm that was to blow away the empire he was going in to found. he told them that the claims they had staked in kentucky would not hold good with the transylvania company. whereupon james mcafee, who was leading a group of returning men, stated his opinion that the transylvania company's claim would not hold good with virginia. after the parley, three of mcafee's brothers turned back and went with henderson's party, but whether with intent to join his colony or to make good their own claims is not apparent. benjamin logan continued amicably with henderson on the march but did not recognize him as lord proprietor of kentucky. he left the transylvania caravan shortly after entering the territory, branched off in the direction of harrodsburg, and founded st. asaph's station, in the present lincoln county, independently of henderson though the site lay within henderson's purchase. notwithstanding delays and apprehensions, henderson and his colonists finally reached boone's fort, which daniel and his thirty guns--lacking two since the indian encounter--had erected at the mouth of otter creek. an attractive buoyancy of temperament is revealed in henderson's description in his journal of a giant elm with tall straight trunk and even foliage that shaded a space of one hundred feet. instantly he chose this "divine elm" as the council chamber of transylvania. under its leafage he read the constitution of the new colony. it would be too great a stretch of fancy to call it a democratic document, for it was not that, except in deft phrases. power was certainly declared to be vested in the people; but the substance of power remained in the hands of the proprietors. terms for land grants were generous enough in the beginning, although henderson made the fatal mistake of demanding quitrents--one of the causes of dissatisfaction which had led to the regulators' rising in north carolina. in september he augmented this error by more than doubling the price of land, adding a fee of eight shillings for surveying, and reserving to the proprietors one-half of all gold, silver, lead, and sulphur found on the land. no land near sulphur springs or showing evidences of metals was to be granted to settlers. moreover, at the company's store the prices charged for lead were said to be too high--lead being necessary for hunting, and hunting being the only means of procuring food--while the wages of labor, as fixed by the company, were too low. these terms bore too heavily on poor men who were risking their lives in the colony. hence newcomers passed by boonesborough, as the transylvania settlement was presently called, and went elsewhere. they settled on henderson's land but refused his terms. they joined in their sympathies with james harrod, who, having established harrodsburg in the previous year at the invitation of virginia, was not in the humor to acknowledge henderson's claim or to pay him tribute. all were willing to combine with the transylvania company for defense, and to enforce law they would unite in bonds of brotherhood in kentucky, even as they had been one with each other on the earlier frontier now left behind them. but they would call no man master; they had done with feudalism. that henderson should not have foreseen this, especially after the upheaval in north carolina, proves him, in spite of all his brilliant gifts, to have been a man out of touch with the spirit of the time. the war of the revolution broke forth and the indians descended upon the kentucky stations. defense was the one problem in all minds, and defense required powder and lead in plenty. the transylvania company was not able to provide the means of defense against the hordes of savages whom henry hamilton, the british governor at detroit, was sending to make war on the frontiers. practical men like harrod and george rogers clark--who, if not a practical man in his own interests, was a most practical soldier--saw that unification of interests within the territory with the backing of either virginia or congress was necessary. clark personally would have preferred to see the settlers combine as a freemen's state. it was plain that they would not combine and stake their lives as a unit to hold kentucky for the benefit of the transylvania company, whose authority some of the most prominent men in the territory had refused to recognize. the proprietary of transylvania could continue to exist only to the danger of every life in kentucky. while the proprietors sent a delegate to the continental congress to win official recognition for transylvania, eighty-four men at harrodsburg drew up a petition addressed to virginia stating their doubts of the legality of henderson's title and requesting virginia to assert her authority according to the stipulations of her charter. that defense was the primary and essential motive of the harrodsburg remonstrance seems plain, for when george rogers clark set off on foot with one companion to lay the document before the virginian authorities, he also went to plead for a load of powder. in his account of that hazardous journey, as a matter of fact, he makes scant reference to transylvania, except to say that the greed of the proprietors would soon bring the colony to its end, but shows that his mind was seldom off the powder. it is a detail of history that the continental congress refused to seat the delegate from transylvania. henderson himself went to virginia to make the fight for his land before the assembly.¹ ¹ in virginia disallowed henderson's title but granted him two hundred thousand acres between the green and kentucky rivers for his trouble and expense in opening up the country. the magnetic center of boonesborough's life was the lovable and unassuming daniel boone. soon after the building of the fort daniel had brought in his wife and family. he used often to state with a mild pride that his wife and daughters were the first white women to stand on the banks of the kentucky river. that pride had not been unmixed with anxiety; his daughter jemima and two daughters of his friend, richard galloway, while boating on the river had been captured by shawanoes and carried off. boone, accompanied by the girls' lovers and by john floyd (eager to repay his debt of life-saving to boone) had pursued them, tracing the way the captors had taken by broken twigs and scraps of dress goods which one of the girls had contrived to leave in their path, had come on the indians unawares, killed them, and recovered the three girls unhurt. in the summer of , virginia took official note of captain boone of boonesborough, for she sent him a small supply of powder. the men of the little colony, which had begun so pretentiously with its constitution and assembly, were now obliged to put all other plans aside and to concentrate on the question of food and defense. there was a dangerous scarcity of powder and lead. the nearest points at which these necessaries could be procured were the watauga and holston river settlements, which were themselves none too well stocked. harrod and logan, some time in , reached the watauga fort with three or four pack-horses and filled their packs from sevier's store; but, as they neared home, they were detected by red scouts and logan was badly wounded before he and harrod were able to drive their precious load safely through the gates at harrodsburg. in the autumn of , clark, with a boatload of ammunition, reached maysville on the ohio, having successfully run the gauntlet between banks in possession of the foe. he had wrested the powder and lead from the virginia council by threats to the effect that if virginia was so willing to lose kentucky--for of course a country not worth defending is not worth claiming--he and his fellows were quite ready to take kentucky for themselves and to hold it with their swords against all comers, virginia included. by even such cogent reasoning had he convinced the council--which had tried to hedge by expressing doubts that virginia would receive the kentucky settlers as citizens of the state--that it would be cheaper to give him the powder. because so many settlers had fled and the others had come closer together for their common good, harrodsburg and boonesborough were now the only occupied posts in kentucky. other settlements, once thriving, were abandoned; and, under the terror, the wild reclaimed them. in april, , boonesborough underwent its first siege. boone, leading a sortie, was shot and he fell with a shattered ankle. an indian rushed upon him and was swinging the tomahawk over him when simon kenton, giant frontiersman and hero of many daring deeds, rushed forward, shot the indian, threw boone across his back, and fought his way desperately to safety. it was some months ere boone was his nimble self again. but though he could not stand up to the guns, he directed all operations from his cabin. the next year boone was ready for new ventures growing from the settlers' needs. salt was necessary to preserve meat through the summer. accordingly boone and twenty-seven men went up to the blue licks in february, , to replenish their supply by the simple process of boiling the salt water of the licks till the saline particles adhered to the kettles. boone was returning alone, with a pack-horse load of salt and game, when a blinding snowstorm overtook him and hid from view four stealthy shawanoes on his trail. he was seized and carried to a camp of warriors led by the french canadian, dequindre, and james and george girty, two white renegades. among the indians were some of those who had captured him on his first exploring trip through kentucky and whom he had twice given the slip. their hilarity was unbounded. boone quickly learned that this band was on its way to surprise boonesborough. it was a season when indian attacks were not expected; nearly threescore of the men were at the salt spring and, to make matters worse, the walls of the new fort where the settlers and their families had gathered were as yet completed on only three sides. boonesborough was, in short, well-nigh defenseless. to turn the indians from their purpose, boone conceived the desperate scheme of offering to lead them to the salt makers' camp with the assurance that he and his companions were willing to join the tribe. he understood indians well enough to feel sure that once possessed of nearly thirty prisoners, the shawanoes would not trouble further about boonesborough but would hasten to make a triumphal entry into their own towns. that some, perhaps all, of the white men would assuredly die, he knew well; but it was the only way to save the women and children in boonesborough. in spite of dequindre and the girtys, who were leading a military expedition for the reduction of a fort, the shawanoes fell in with the suggestion. when they had taken their prisoners, the more bloodthirsty warriors in the band wanted to tomahawk them all on the spot. by his diplomatic discourse, however, boone dissuaded them, for the time being at least, and the whole company set off for the towns on the little miami. the weather became severe, very little game crossed their route, and for days they subsisted on slippery elm bark. the lovers of blood did not hold back their scalping knives and several of the prisoners perished; but black fish, the chief then of most power in shawanoe councils, adopted boone as his son, and gave him the name of sheltowee, or big turtle. though watched zealously to prevent escape, big turtle was treated with every consideration and honor; and, as we would say today, he played the game. he entered into the indian life with apparent zest, took part in hunts and sports and the races and shooting matches in which the indians delighted, but he was always careful not to outrun or outshoot his opponents. black fish took him to detroit when some of the tribe escorted the remainder of the prisoners to the british post. there he met governor hamilton and, in the hope of obtaining his liberty, he led that dignitary to believe that he and the other people of boonesborough were eager to move to detroit and take refuge under the british flag.¹ it is said that boone always carried in a wallet round his neck the king's commission given him in dunmore's war; and that he exhibited it to hamilton to bear out his story. hamilton sought to ransom him from the indians, but black fish would not surrender his new son. the governor gave boone a pony, with saddle and trappings, and other presents, including trinkets to be used in procuring his needs and possibly his liberty from the shawanoes. ¹ so well did boone play his part that he aroused suspicion even in those who knew him best. after his return to boonesborough his old friend, calloway, formally accused him of treachery on two counts: that boone had betrayed the salt makers to the indians and had planned to betray boonesborough to the british. boone was tried and acquitted. his simple explanation of his acts satisfied the court-martial and made him a greater hero than ever among the frontier folk. black fish then took his son home to chillicothe. here boone found delawares and mingos assembling with the main body of the shawanoe warriors. the war belt was being carried through the ohio country. again boonesborough and harrodsburg were to be the first settlements attacked. to escape and give warning was now the one purpose that obsessed boone. he redoubled his efforts to throw the indians off their guard. he sang and whistled blithely about the camp at the mouth of the scioto river, whither he had accompanied his indian father to help in the salt boiling. in short, he seemed so very happy that one day black fish took his eye off him for a few moments to watch the passing of a flock of turkeys. big turtle passed with the flock, leaving no trace. to his lamenting parent it must have seemed as though he had vanished into the air. daniel crossed the ohio and ran the miles to boonesborough in four days, during which time he had only one meal, from a buffalo he shot at the blue licks. when he reached the fort after an absence of nearly five months, he found that his wife had given him up for dead and had returned to the yadkin. boone now began with all speed to direct preparations to withstand a siege. owing to the indian's leisurely system of councils and ceremonies before taking the warpath, it was not until the first week in september that black fish's painted warriors, with some frenchmen under dequindre, appeared before boonesborough. nine days the siege lasted and was the longest in border history. dequindre, seeing that the fort might not be taken, resorted to trickery. he requested boone and a few of his men to come out for a parley, saying that his orders from hamilton were to protect the lives of the americans as far as possible. boone's friend, calloway, urged against acceptance of the apparently benign proposal which was made, so dequindre averred, for bienfaisance et humanité. but the words were the words of a white man, and boone hearkened to them. with eight of the garrison he went out to the parley. after a long talk in which good will was expressed on both sides, it was suggested by black fish that they all shake hands and, as there were so many more indians than white men, two indians should, of course, shake hands with one white man, each grasping one of his hands. the moment that their hands gripped, the trick was clear, for the indians exerted their strength to drag off the white men. desperate scuffling ensued in which the whites with difficulty freed themselves and ran for the fort. calloway had prepared for emergencies. the pursuing indians were met with a deadly fire. after a defeated attempt to mine the fort the enemy withdrew. the successful defense of boonesborough was an achievement of national importance, for had boonesborough fallen, harrodsburg alone could not have stood. the indians under the british would have overrun kentucky; and george rogers clark--whose base for his illinois operations was the kentucky forts--could not have made the campaigns which wrested the northwest from the control of great britain. again virginia took official note of captain boone when in the legislature established boonesborough a town for the reception of traders and appointed boone himself one of the trustees to attend to the sale and registration of lots. an odd office that was for daniel, who never learned to attend to the registration of his own; he declined it. his name appears again, however, a little later when virginia made the whole of kentucky one of her counties with the following officers: colonel david robinson, county lieutenant; george rogers clark, anthony bledsoe, and john bowman, majors; daniel boone, james harrod, benjamin logan, and john todd, captains. boonesborough's successful resistance caused land speculators as well as prospective settlers to take heart of grace. parties made their way to boonesborough, harrodsburg, and even to the falls of the ohio, where clark's fort and blockhouses now stood. in the summer of clark had erected on the kentucky side of the river a large fort which became the nucleus of the town of louisville. here, while he was eating his heart out with impatience for money and men to enable him to march to the attack of detroit, as he had planned, he amused himself by drawing up plans for a city. he laid out private sections and public parks and contemplated the bringing in of families only to inhabit his city, for, oddly enough, he who never married was going to make short shift of mere bachelors in his city beautiful. between pen scratches, no doubt, he looked out frequently upon the river to descry if possible a boatload of ammunition or the banners of the troops he had been promised. when neither appeared, he gave up the idea of detroit and set about erecting defenses on the southern border, for the choctaws and cherokees, united under a white leader named colbert, were threatening kentucky by way of the mississippi. he built in fort jefferson in what is now ballard county, and had barely completed the new post and garrisoned it with about thirty men when it was besieged by colbert and his savages. the indians, assaulting by night, were lured into a +position directly before a cannon which poured lead into a mass of them. the remainder fled in terror from the vicinity of the fort; but colbert succeeded in rallying them and was returning to the attack when he suddenly encountered clark with a company of men and was forced to abandon his enterprise. clark knew that the ohio indians would come down on the settlements again during the summer and that to meet their onslaughts every man in kentucky would be required. he learned that there was a new influx of land seekers over the wilderness road and that speculators were doing a thriving business in harrodsburg; so, leaving his company to protect fort jefferson, he took two men with him and started across the wilds on foot for harrodsburg. to evade the notice of the indian bands which were moving about the country the three stripped and painted themselves as warriors and donned the feathered headdress. so successful was their disguise that they were fired on by a party of surveyors near the outskirts of harrodsburg. the records do not state what were the sensations of certain speculators in a land office in harrodsburg when a blue-eyed savage in a war bonnet sprang through the doorway and, with uplifted weapon, declared the office closed; but we get a hint of the power of clark's personality and of his genius for dominating men from the terse report that he enrolled the speculators. he was informed that another party of men, more nervous than these, was now on its way out of kentucky. in haste he dispatched a dozen frontiersmen to cut the party off at crab orchard and take away the gun of every man who refused to turn back and do his bit for kentucky. to clark a man was a gun, and he meant that every gun should do its duty. the leaders and pioneers of the dark and bloody ground were now warriors, all under clark's command, while for two years longer the red terror ranged kentucky, falling with savage force now here, now there. in the first battle of , at the blue licks, daniel's brother, edward boone, was killed and scalped. later on in the war his second son, israel, suffered a like fate. the toll of life among the settlers was heavy. many of the best-known border leaders were slain. food and powder often ran short. corn might be planted, but whether it would be harvested or not the planters never knew; and the hunter's rifle shot, necessary though it was, proved only too often an invitation to the lurking foe. but sometimes, through all the dangers of forest and trail, daniel boone slipped away silently to harrodsburg to confer with clark; or clark himself, in the indian guise that suited the wild man in him not ill, made his way to and from the garrisons which looked to him for everything. twice clark gathered together the guns of kentucky and, marching north into the enemy's country, swept down upon the indian towns of piqua and chillicothe and razed them. in , in the second of these enterprises, his cousin, joseph rogers, who had been taken prisoner and adopted by the indians and then wore indian garb, was shot down by one of clark's men. on this expedition boone and harrod are said to have accompanied clark. the ever present terror and horror of those days, especially of the two years preceding this expedition, are vividly suggested by the quaint remark of an old woman who had lived through them, as recorded for us by a traveler. the most beautiful sight she had seen in kentucky, she said, was a young man dying a natural death in his bed. dead but unmarred by hatchet or scalping knife, he was so rare and comely a picture that the women of the post sat up all night looking at him. but, we ask, what golden emoluments were showered by a grateful country on the men who thus held the land through those years of want and war, and saved an empire for the union? what practical recognition was there of these brave and unselfish men who daily risked their lives and faced the stealth and cruelty lurking in the wilderness ways? there is meager eloquence in the records. here, for instance, is a letter from george rogers clark to the governor of virginia, dated may , : sir. nothing but necessity could induce me to make the following request to your excellency, which is to grant me a small sum of money on account; as i can assure you, sir, that i am exceedingly distressed for the want of necessary clothing etc and don't know any channel through which i could procure any except of the executive. the state i believe will fall considerably in my debt. any supplies which your excellency favors me with might be deducted out of my accounts.¹ ¹ _calendar of virginia state papers,_ vol. iii, p. . clark had spent all his own substance and all else he could beg, borrow--or appropriate--in the conquest of illinois and the defense of kentucky. his only reward from virginia was a grant of land from which he realized nothing, and dismissal from her service when she needed him no longer. all that clark had asked for himself was a commission in the continental army. this was denied him, as it appears now, not through his own errors, which had not at that time taken hold on him, but through the influence of powerful enemies. it is said that both spain and england, seeing a great soldier without service for his sword, made him offers, which he refused. as long as any acreage remained to him on which to raise money, he continued to pay the debts he had contracted to finance his expeditions, and in this course he had the assistance of his youngest brother, william, to whom he assigned his indiana grant. his health impaired by hardship and exposure and his heart broken by his country's indifference, clark sank into alcoholic excesses. in his sixtieth year, just six years before his death, and when he was a helpless paralytic, he was granted a pension of four hundred dollars. there is a ring of bitter irony in the words with which he accepted the sword sent him by virginia in his crippled old age: when virginia needed a sword i gave her one. he died near louisville on february , . kentucky was admitted to the union in . but even before kentucky became a state her affairs, particularly as to land, were arranged, let us say, on a practical business basis. then it was discovered that daniel boone had no legal claim to any foot of ground in kentucky. daniel owned nothing but the clothes he wore; and for those--as well as for much powder, lead, food, and such trifles--he was heavily in debt. so, in , daniel boone put the list of his debts in his wallet, gathered his wife and his younger sons about him, and, shouldering his hunter's rifle, once more turned towards the wilds. the country of the great kanawha in west virginia was still a wilderness, and a hunter and trapper might, in some years, earn enough to pay his debts. for others, now, the paths he had hewn and made safe; for boone once more the wilderness road. chapter viii tennessee indian law, tradition, and even superstition had shaped the conditions which the pioneers faced when they crossed the mountains. this savage inheritance had decreed that kentucky should be a dark and bloody ground, fostering no life but that of four-footed beasts, its fertile sod never to stir with the green push of the corn. and so the white men who went into kentucky to build and to plant went as warriors go, and for every cabin they erected they battled as warriors to hold a fort. in the first years they planted little corn and reaped less, for it may be said that their rifles were never out of their hands. we have seen how stations were built and abandoned until but two stood. untiring vigilance and ceaseless warfare were the price paid by the first kentuckians ere they turned the indian's place of desolation and death into a land productive and a living habitation. herein lies the difference, slight apparently, yet significant, between the first kentucky and the first tennessee¹ colonies. within the memory of the indians only one tribe had ever attempted to make their home in kentucky--a tribe of the fighting shawanoes--and they had been terribly chastised for their temerity. but tennessee was the home of the cherokees, and at chickasaw bluffs (memphis) began the southward trail to the principal towns of the chickasaws. by the red man's fiat, then, human life might abide in tennessee, though not in kentucky, and it followed that in seasons of peace the frontiersmen might settle in tennessee. so it was that as early as , before the great cherokee war, a company of virginians under andrew lewis had, on an invitation from the indians, erected fort loudon near great telliko, the cherokees' principal town, and that, after the treaty of peace in , waddell and his rangers of north carolina had erected a fort on the holston. ¹ tennessee. the name, ten-as-se, appears on adair's map as one of the old cherokee towns. apparently neither the meaning nor the reason why the colonists called both state and river by this name has been handed down to us. though fort loudon had fallen tragically during the war, and though waddell's fort had been abandoned, neither was without influence in the colonization of tennessee, for some of the men who built these forts drifted back a year or two later and set up the first cabins on the holston. these earliest settlements, thin and scattered, did not survive; but in the same settlers or others of their kind--discharged militiamen from back country regiments--once more made homes on the holston. they were joined by a few families from near the present raleigh, north carolina, who had despaired of seeing justice done to the tenants on the mismanaged estates of lord granville. about the same time there was erected the first cabin on the watauga river, as is generally believed, by a man of the name of william bean (or been), hunter and frontier soldier from pittsylvania county, virginia. this man, who had hunted on the watauga with daniel boone in , chose as the site of his dwelling the place of the old hunting camp near the mouth of boone's creek. he soon began to have neighbors. meanwhile the regulation movement stirred the back country of both the carolinas. in , the year in which william bean built his cabin on the bank of the watauga, five hundred armed regulators in north carolina, aroused by irregularities in the conduct of public office, gathered to assert their displeasure, but dispersed peaceably on receipt of word from governor tryon that he had ordered the prosecution of any officer found guilty of extortion. edmund fanning, the most hated of lord granville's agents, though convicted, escaped punishment. enraged at this miscarriage of justice, the regulators began a system of terrorization by taking possession of the court, presided over by richard henderson. the judge himself was obliged to slip out by a back way to avoid personal injury. the regulators burned his house and stable. they meted out mob treatment likewise to william hooper, later one of the signers of the declaration of independence. two elements, with antithetical aims, had been at work in the regulation; and the unfortunate failure of justice in the case of fanning had given the corrupt element its opportunity to seize control. in the petitions addressed to governor tryon by the leaders of the movement in its earlier stages the aims of liberty-loving thinkers are traceable. it is worthy of note that they included in their demands articles which are now constitutional. they desired that "suffrage be given by ticket and ballot"; that the mode of taxation be altered, and each person be taxed in proportion to the profits arising from his estate; that judges and clerks be given salaries instead of perquisites and fees. they likewise petitioned for repeal of the act prohibiting dissenting ministers from celebrating the rites of matrimony. the establishment of these reforms, the petitioners of the regulation concluded, would conciliate their minds to every just measure of government, and would make the laws what the constitution ever designed they should be, their protection and not their bane. herein clearly enough we can discern the thought and the phraseology of the ulster presbyterians. but a change took place in both leaders and methods. during the regulators' career of violence they were under the sway of an agitator named hermon husband. this demagogue was reported to have been expelled from the quaker society for cause; it is on record that he was expelled from the north carolina assembly because a vicious anonymous letter was traced to him. he deserted his dupes just before the shots cracked at alamance creek and fled from the colony. he was afterwards apprehended in pennsylvania for complicity in the whisky insurrection. four of the leading presbyterian ministers of the back country issued a letter in condemnation of the regulators. one of these ministers was the famous david caldwell, son-in-law of the reverend alexander craighead, and a man who knew the difference between liberty and license and who proved himself the bravest of patriots in the war of independence. the records of the time contain sworn testimony against the regulators by waightstill avery, a signer of the mecklenburg resolves, who later presided honorably over courts in the western circuit of tennessee; and there is evidence indicating jacobite and french intrigue. that governor tryon recognized a hidden hand at work seems clearly revealed in his proclamation addressed to those whose understandings have been run away with and whose passions have been led in captivity by some evil designing men who, actuated by cowardice and a sense of that publick justice which is due to their crimes, have obscured themselves from publick view. what the assembly thought of the regulators was expressed in in a drastic bill which so shocked the authorities in england that instructions were sent forbidding any governor to approve such a bill in future, declaring it a disgrace to the british statute books. on may , , some two thousand regulators were precipitated by husband into the battle of alamance, which took place in a district settled largely by a rough and ignorant type of germans, many of whom husband had lured to swell his mob. opposed to him were eleven hundred of governor tryon's troops, officered by such patriots as griffith rutherford, hugh waddell, and francis nash. during an hour's engagement about twenty regulators were killed, while the governor's troops had nine killed and sixty-one wounded. six of the leaders were hanged. the rest took the oath of allegiance which tryon administered. it has been said about the regulators that they were not cast down by their defeat at alamance but like the mammoth, they shook the bolt from their brow and crossed the mountains, but such flowery phrases do not seem to have been inspired by facts. nor do the records show that fifteen hundred regulators arrived at watauga in , as has also been stated. nor are the names of the leaders of the regulation to be found in the list of signatures affixed to the one state paper of watauga which was preserved and written into historic annals. nor yet do those names appear on the roster of the watauga and holston men who, in , fought with shelby under andrew lewis in the battle of point pleasant. the boones and the bryans, the robertsons, the seviers, the shelbys, the men who opened up the west and shaped the destiny of its inhabitants, were genuine freemen, with a sense of law and order as inseparable from liberty. they would follow a washington but not a hermon husband. james hunter, whose signature leads on all regulation manifestoes just prior to the battle of alamance, was a sycophant of husband, to whom he addressed fulsome letters; and in the real battle for democracy--the war of independence--he was a tory. the colonial records show that those who, like the mammoth, shook from them the ethical restraints which make man superior to the giant beast, and who later bolted into the mountains, contributed chiefly the lawlessness that harassed the new settlements. they were the banditti and, in , the tories of the western hills; they pillaged the homes of the men who were fighting for the democratic ideal. it was not the regulation movement which turned westward the makers of the old southwest, but the free and enterprising spirit of the age. it was emphatically an age of doers; and if men who felt the constructive urge in them might not lay hold on conditions where they were and reshape them, then they must go forward seeking that environment which would give their genius its opportunity. of such adventurous spirits was james robertson, a virginian born of ulster scot parentage, and a resident of (the present) wake county, north carolina, since his boyhood. robertson was twenty-eight years old when, in , he rode over the hills to watauga. we can imagine him as he was then, for the portrait taken much later in life shows the type of face that does not change. it is a high type combining the best qualities of his race. intelligence, strength of purpose, fortitude, and moral power are there; they impress us at the first glance. at twenty-eight he must have been a serious young man, little given to laughter; indeed, spontaneity is perhaps the only good trait we miss in studying his face. he was a thinker who had not yet found his purpose--a thinker in leash, for at this time james robertson could neither read nor write. at watauga, robertson lived for a while in the cabin of a man named honeycut. he chose land for himself and, in accordance with the custom of the time, sealed his right to it by planting corn. he remained to harvest his first crop and then set off to gather his family and some of his friends together and escort them to the new country. but on the way he missed the trail and wandered for a fortnight in the mountains. the heavy rains ruined his powder so that he could not hunt; for food he had only berries and nuts. at one place, where steep bluffs opposed him, he was obliged to abandon his horse and scale the mountain side on foot. he was in extremity when he chanced upon two huntsmen who gave him food and set him on the trail. if this experience proves his lack of the hunter's instinct and the woodsman's resourcefulness which boone possessed, it proves also his special qualities of perseverance and endurance which were to reach their zenith in his successful struggle to colonize and hold western tennessee. he returned to watauga in the following spring ( ) with his family and a small group of colonists. robertson's wife was an educated woman and under her instruction he now began to study. next year a young virginian from the shenandoah valley rode on down holston valley on a hunting and exploring trip and loitered at watauga. here he found not only a new settlement but an independent government in the making; and forthwith he determined to have a part in both. this young virginian had already shown the inclination of a political colonist, for in the shenandoah valley he had, at the age of nineteen, laid out the town of new market (which exists to this day) and had directed its municipal affairs and invited and fostered its clergy. this young virginian--born on september , , and so in twenty-seven years of age--was john sevier, that john sevier whose monument now towers from its site in knoxville to testify of both the wild and the great deeds of old tennessee's beloved knight. like robertson, sevier hastened home and removed his whole family, including his wife and children, his parents and his brothers and sisters, to this new haven of freedom at watauga. the friendship formed between robertson and sevier in these first years of their work together was never broken, yet two more opposite types could hardly have been brought together. robertson was a man of humble origin, unlettered, not a dour scot but a solemn one. sevier was cavalier as well as frontiersman. on his father's side he was of the patrician family of xavier in france. his progenitors, having become huguenots, had taken refuge in england, where the name xavier was finally changed to sevier. john sevier's mother was an englishwoman. some years before his birth his parents had emigrated to the shenandoah valley. thus it happened that john sevier, who mingled good english blood with the blue blood of old france, was born an american and grew up a frontier hunter and soldier. he stood about five feet nine from his moccasins to his crown of light brown hair. he was well-proportioned and as graceful of body as he was hard-muscled and swift. his chin was firm, his nose of a roman cast, his mouth well-shaped, its slightly full lips slanting in a smile that would not be repressed. under the high, finely modeled brow, small keen dark blue eyes sparkled with health, with intelligence, and with the man's joy in life. john sevier indeed cannot be listed as a type; he was individual. there is no other character like him in border annals. he was cavalier and prince in his leadership of men; he had their homage. yet he knew how to be comrade and brother to the lowliest. he won and held the confidence and friendship of the serious-minded robertson no less than the idolatry of the wildest spirits on the frontier throughout the forty-three years of the spectacular career which began for him on the day he brought his tribe to watauga. in his time he wore the governor's purple; and a portrait painted of him shows how well this descendant of the noble xaviers could fit himself to the dignity and formal habiliments of state; yet in the fringed deerskin of frontier garb, he was fleeter on the warpath than the indians who fled before him; and he could outride and outshoot--and, it is said, outswear--the best and the worst of the men who followed him. perhaps the lurking smile on john sevier's face was a flicker of mirth that there should be found any man, red or white, with temerity enough to try conclusions with him. none ever did, successfully. the historians of tennessee state that the wataugans formed their government in and that sevier was one of its five commissioners. yet, as sevier did not settle in tennessee before , it is possible that the watauga association was not formed until then. unhappily the written constitution of the little commonwealth was not preserved; but it is known that, following the ulsterman's ideal, manhood suffrage and religious independence were two of its provisions. the commissioners enlisted a militia and they recorded deeds for land, issued marriage licenses, and tried offenders against the law. they believed themselves to be within the boundaries of virginia and therefore adopted the laws of that state for their guidance. they had numerous offenders to deal with, for men fleeing from debt or from the consequence of crime sought the new settlements just across the mountains as a safe and adjacent harbor. the attempt of these men to pursue their lawlessness in watauga was one reason why the wataugans organized a government. when the line was run between virginia and north carolina beyond the mountains, watauga was discovered to be south of virginia's limits and hence on indian lands. this was in conflict with the king's proclamation, and alexander cameron, british agent to the cherokees, accordingly ordered the encroaching settlers to depart. the indians, however, desired them to remain. but since it was illegal to purchase indian lands, robertson negotiated a lease for ten years. in , when henderson made his purchase from the cherokees, at sycamore shoals on the watauga, robertson and sevier, who were present at the sale with other watauga commissioners, followed henderson's example and bought outright the lands they desired to include in watauga's domain. in they petitioned north carolina for annexation. as they were already within north carolina's bounds, it was recognition rather than annexation which they sought. this petition, which is the only wataugan document to survive, is undated but marked as received in august, . it is in sevier's handwriting and its style suggests that it was composed by him, for in its manner of expression it has much in common with many later papers from his pen. that wataugans were a law-loving community and had formed their government for the purpose of making law respected is reiterated throughout the document. as showing the quality of these first western statemakers, two paragraphs are quoted: finding ourselves on the frontiers, and being apprehensive that for want of proper legislature we might become a shelter for such as endeavored to defraud their creditors; considering also the necessity of recording deeds, wills, and doing other public business; we, by consent of the people, formed a court for the purposes above mentioned, taking, by desire of our constituents, the virginia laws for our guide, so near as the situation of affairs would permit. this was intended for ourselves, and was done by consent of every individual. the petition goes on to state that, among their measures for upholding law, the wataugans had enlisted a company of fine riflemen and put them under command of captain james robertson. we… thought proper to station them on our frontiers in defense of the common cause, at the expense and risque of our own private fortunes, till farther public orders, which we flatter ourselves will give no offense.… we pray your mature and deliberate consideration in our behalf, that you may annex us to your province (whether as county, district, or other division) in such manner as may enable us to share in the glorious cause of liberty: enforce our laws under authority and in every respect become the best members of society; and for ourselves and our constituents we hope we may venture to assure you that we shall adhere strictly to your determinations, and that nothing will be lacking or anything neglected that may add weight (in the civil or military establishments) to the glorious cause in which we are now struggling, or contribute to the welfare of our own or ages yet to come. one hundred and thirteen names are signed to the document. in the following year ( ) north carolina erected her overhill territory into washington county. the governor appointed justices of the peace and militia officers who in the following year organized the new county and its courts. and so watauga's independent government, begun in the spirit of true liberty, came as lawfully to its end. but for nearly three years before their political status was thus determined, the wataugans were sharing in the glorious cause of liberty by defending their settlements against indian attacks. while the majority of the young cherokee warriors were among their enemies, their chief battles were fought with those from the chickamaugan towns on the tennessee river, under the leadership of dragging canoe. the chickamaugans embraced the more vicious and bloodthirsty cherokees, with a mixture of creeks and bad whites, who, driven from every law-abiding community, had cast in their lot with this tribe. the exact number of white thieves and murderers who had found harbor in the indian towns during a score or more of years is not known; but the letters of the indian agents, preserved in the records, would indicate that there were a good many of them. they were fit allies for dragging canoe; their hatred of those from whom their own degeneracy had separated them was not less than his. in july, , john sevier wrote to the virginia committee as follows: dear gentlemen: isaac thomas, william falling, jaret williams and one more have this moment come in by making their escape from the indians and say six hundred indians and whites were to start for this fort and intend to drive the country up to new river before they return. thus was heralded the beginning of a savage warfare which kept the borderers engaged for years. it has been a tradition of the chroniclers that isaac thomas received a timely warning from nancy ward, a half-caste cherokee prophetess who often showed her good will towards the whites; and that the indians were roused to battle by alexander cameron and john stuart, the british agents or superintendents among the overhill tribes. there was a letter bearing cameron's name stating that fifteen hundred savages from the cherokee and creek nations were to join with british troops landed at pensacola in an expedition against the southern frontier colonies. this letter was brought to watauga at dead of night by a masked man who slipped it through a window and rode away. apparently john sevier did not believe the military information contained in the mysterious missive, for he communicated nothing of it to the virginia committee. in recent years the facts have come to light. this mysterious letter and others of a similar tenor bearing forged signatures are cited in a report by the british agent, john stuart, to his government. it appears that such inflammatory missives had been industriously scattered through the back settlements of both carolinas. there are also letters from stuart to lord dartmouth, dated a year earlier, urging that something be done immediately to counteract rumors set afloat that the british were endeavoring to instigate both the indians and the negroes to attack the americans. now it is, of course, an established fact that both the british and the american armies used indians in the war of independence, even as both together had used them against the french and the spanish and their allied indians. it was inevitable that the indians should participate in any severe conflict between the whites. they were a numerous and a warlike people and, from their point of view, they had more at stake than the alien whites who were contesting for control of the red man's continent. both british and americans have been blamed for half-hearted attempts to keep the indians neutral. the truth is that each side strove to enlist the indians--to be used, if needed later, as warriors. massacre was no part of this policy, though it may have been countenanced by individual officers in both camps. but it is obvious that, once the indians took the warpath, they were to be restrained by no power and, no matter under whose nominal command, they would carry on warfare by their own methods.¹ ¹ there is little doubt that either side, british or americans, stood ready to enlist the indians. already before boston the americans had had the help of the stockbridge tribe. washington found the service committed to the practise when he arrived at cambridge early in july. dunmore had taken the initiative in securing such allies, at least is purpose; but the insurgent virginians had had of late more direct contact with the tribes and were now striving to secure them but with little success. _the westward movement,_ by justin winsor, p. . general ethan allen of vermont, as his letters show, sent emissaries into canada in an endeavor to enlist the french canadians and the canadian indians against the british in canada. see _american archives,_ fourth series, vol. ii, p. . the british general gage wrote to lord dartmouth from boston, june , : we need not be tender of calling on the savages as the rebels have shown us the example, by bringing as many indians down against us as they could collect. _american archives,_ fourth series, vol. ii, p. . in a letter to lord germain, dated august , , john stuart wrote: although mr. cameron was in constant danger of assassination and the indians were threatened with invasion should they dare to protect him, yet he still found means to prevent their falling on the settlement. see north carolina _colonial records,_ vol. x, pp. and . proof that the british agents had succeeded in keeping the cherokee neutral till the summer of is found in the instructions, dated the th of july, to major winston from president rutledge of south carolina, regarding the cherokees, that they must be forced to give up the british agents and instead of remaining in a state of neutrality with respect to british forces they must take part with us against them. see north carolina _colonial records,_ vol. x, p. . whatever may have been the case elsewhere, the attacks on the watauga and holston settlements were not instigated by british agents. it was not nancy ward but henry stuart, john stuart's deputy, who sent isaac thomas to warn the settlers. in their efforts to keep the friendship of the red men, the british and the americans were providing them with powder and lead. the indians had run short of ammunition and, since hunting was their only means of livelihood, they must shoot or starve. south carolina sent the cherokees a large supply of powder and lead which was captured en route by tories. about the same time henry stuart set out from pensacola with another consignment from the british. his report to lord germain of his arrival in the chickamaugan towns and of what took place there just prior to the raids on the tennessee settlements is one of the most illuminating as well as one of the most dramatic papers in the collected records of that time.¹ ¹ north carolina _colonial records,_ vol. x, pp. - . stuart's first act was secretly to send out thomas, the trader, to warn the settlers of their peril, for a small war party of braves was even then concluding the preliminary war ceremonies. the reason for this indian alarm and projected excursion was the fact that the settlers had built one fort at least on the indian lands. stuart finally persuaded the indians to remain at peace until he could write to the settlers stating the grievances and asking for negotiations. the letters were to be carried by thomas on his return. but no sooner was thomas on his way again with the letters than there arrived a deputation of warriors from the northern tribes--from the confederate nations, the mohawks, ottawas, nantucas, shawanoes and delawares--fourteen men in all, who entered the council hall of the old beloved town of chota with their faces painted black and the war belt carried before them. they said that they had been seventy days on their journey. everywhere along their way they had seen houses and forts springing up like weeds across the green sod of their hunting lands. where once were great herds of deer and buffalo, they had watched thousands of men at arms preparing for war. so many now were the white warriors and their women and children that the red men had been obliged to travel a great way on the other side of the ohio and to make a detour of nearly three hundred miles to avoid being seen. even on this outlying route they had crossed the fresh tracks of a great body of people with horses and cattle going still further towards the setting sun. but their cries were not to be in vain; for their fathers, the french had heard them and had promised to aid them if they would now strike as one for their lands. after this preamble the deputy of the mohawks rose. he said that some american people had made war on one of their towns and had seized the son of their great beloved man, sir william johnson, imprisoned him, and put him to a cruel death; this crime demanded a great vengeance and they would not cease until they had taken it. one after another the fourteen delegates rose and made their talks and presented their wampum strings to dragging canoe. the last to speak was a chief of the shawanoes. he also declared that their fathers, the french, who had been so long dead, were alive again, that they had supplied them plentifully with arms and ammunition and had promised to assist them in driving out the americans and in reclaiming their country. now all the northern tribes were joined in one for this great purpose; and they themselves were on their way to all the southern tribes and had resolved that, if any tribe refused to join, they would fall upon and extirpate that tribe, after having overcome the whites. at the conclusion of his oration the shawanoe presented the war belt--nine feet of six-inch wide purple wampum spattered with vermilion--to dragging canoe, who held it extended between his two hands, in silence, and waited. presently rose a headman whose wife had been a member of sir william johnson's household. he laid his hand on the belt and sang the war song. one by one, then, chiefs and warriors rose, laid hold of the great belt and chanted the war song. only the older men, made wise by many defeats, sat still in their places, mute and dejected. after that day every young fellow's face in the overhills towns appeared blackened and nothing was now talked of but war. stuart reports that all the white men in the tribe also laid hands on the belt. dragging canoe then demanded that cameron and stuart come forward and take hold of the war belt--which we refused. despite the offense their refusal gave--and it would seem a dangerous time to give such offense--cameron delivered a strong talk for peace, warning the cherokees of what must surely be the end of the rashness they contemplated. stuart informed the chief that if the indians persisted in attacking the settlements with out waiting for answers to his letters, he would not remain with them any longer or bring them any more ammunition. he went to his house and made ready to leave on the following day. early the next morning dragging canoe appeared at his door and told him that the indians were now very angry about the letters he had written, which could only have put the settlers on their guard; and that if any white man attempted to leave the nation they had determined to follow him but not to bring him back. dragging canoe had painted his face black to carry this message. thomas now returned with an answer from the west fincastle men, which was so unsatisfactory to the tribe that war ceremonies were immediately begun. stuart and cameron could no longer influence the indians. all that could now be done was to give them strict charge not to pass the boundary line, not to injure any of the king's faithful subjects, not to kill any women and children; and to threaten to stop all ammunition if they did not obey these orders. the major part of the watauga militia went out to meet the indians and defeated a large advance force at long island flats on the holston. the watauga fort, where many of the settlers had taken refuge, contained forty fighting men under robertson and sevier. as indians usually retreated and waited for a while after a defeat, those within the fort took it for granted that no immediate attack was to be expected; and the women went out at daybreak into the fields to milk the cows. suddenly the war whoop shrilled from the edge of the clearing. red warriors leaped from the green skirting of the forest. the women ran for the fort. quickly the heavy gates swung to and the dropped bar secured them. only then did the watchmen discover that one woman had been shut out. she was a young woman nearing her twenties and, if legend has reported her truly, bonnie kate sherrill was a beauty. through a porthole sevier saw her running towards the shut gates, dodging and darting, her brown hair blowing from the wind of her race for life--and offering far too rich a prize to the yelling fiends who dashed after her. sevier coolly shot the foremost of her pursuers, then sprang upon the wall, caught up bonnie kate, and tossed her inside to safety. and legend says further that when, after sevier's brief widowerhood, she became his wife, four years later, bonnie kate was wont to say that she would be willing to run another such race any day to have another such introduction! there were no casualties within the fort and, after three hours, the foe withdrew, leaving several of their warriors slain. in the excursions against the indians which followed this opening of hostilities sevier won his first fame as an indian fighter--the fame later crystallized in the phrase thirty-five battles, thirty-five victories. his method was to take a very small company of the hardiest and swiftest horsemen--men who could keep their seat and endurance, and horses that could keep their feet and their speed, on any steep of the mountains no matter how tangled and rough the going might be--swoop down upon war camp, or town, and go through it with rifle and hatchet and fire, then dash homeward at the same pace before the enemy had begun to consider whether to follow him or not. in all his thirty-five battles it is said he lost not more than fifty men. the cherokees made peace in , after about a year of almost continuous warfare, the treaty being concluded on their side by the old chiefs who had never countenanced the war. dragging canoe refused to take part, but he was rendered innocuous for the time being by the destruction of several of the chickamaugan villages. james robertson now went to chota as indian agent for north carolina. so fast was population growing, owing to the opening of a wagon road into burke county, north carolina, that washington county was divided. john sevier became colonel of washington and isaac shelby colonel of the newly erected sullivan county. jonesborough, the oldest town in tennessee, was laid out as the county seat of washington; and in the same year ( ) sevier moved to the bank of the nolichucky river, so-called after the indian name of this dashing sparkling stream, meaning rapid or precipitous. thus the nickname given john sevier by his devotees had a dual application. he was well called nolichucky jack. when virginia annulled richard henderson's immense purchase but allowed him a large tract on the cumberland, she by no means discouraged that intrepid pioneer. henderson's tenure of kentucky had been brief, but not unprofitable in experience. he had learned that colonies must be treated with less commercial pressure and with more regard to individual liberty, if they were to be held loyal either to a king beyond the water or to an uncrowned leader nearer at hand. he had been making his plans for colonization of that portion of the transylvania purchase which lay within the bounds of north carolina along the cumberland and choosing his men to lay the foundations of his projected settlement in what was then a wholly uninhabited country; and he had decided on generous terms, such as ten dollars a thousand acres for land, the certificate of purchase to entitle the holder to further proceedings in the land office without extra fees. to head an enterprise of such danger and hardship henderson required a man of more than mere courage; a man of resource, of stability, of proven powers, one whom other men would follow and obey with confidence. so it was that james robertson was chosen to lead the first white settlers into middle tennessee. he set out in february, , accompanied by his brother, mark robertson, several other white men, and a negro, to select a site for settlement and to plant corn. meanwhile another small party led by gaspar mansker had arrived. as the boundary line between virginia and north carolina had not been run to this point, robertson believed that the site he had chosen lay within virginia and was in the disposal of general clark. to protect the settlers, therefore, he journeyed into the illinois country to purchase cabin rights from clark, but there he was evidently convinced that the site on the cumberland would be found to lie within north carolina. he returned to watauga to lead a party of settlers into the new territory, towards which they set out in october. after crossing the mountain chain through cumberland gap, the party followed boone's road--the warriors' path--for some distance and then made their own trail southwestward through the wilderness to the bluffs on the cumberland, where they built cabins to house them against one of the coldest winters ever experienced in that county. so were laid the first foundations of the present city of nashville, at first named nashborough by robertson.¹ on the way, robertson had fallen in with a party of men and families bound for kentucky and had persuaded them to accompany his little band to the cumberland. robertson's own wife and children, as well as the families of his party, had been left to follow in the second expedition, which was to be made by water under the command of captain john donelson. ¹ in honor of general francis nash, of north carolina, who was mortally wounded at germantown, . the little fleet of boats containing the settlers, their families, and all their household goods, was to start from fort patrick henry, near long island in the holston river, to float down into the tennessee and along the miles of that widely wandering stream to the ohio, and then to proceed up the ohio to the mouth of the cumberland and up the cumberland until robertson's station should appear--a journey, as it turned out, of some nine hundred miles through unknown country and on waters at any rate for the greater part never before navigated by white men. _journal of a voyage, intended by god's permission, in the good boat adventure_ is the title of the log book in which captain donelson entered the events of the four months' journey. only a few pages endured to be put into print: but those few tell a tale of hazard and courage that seems complete. could a lengthier narrative, even if enriched with literary art and fancy, bring before us more vividly than do the simple entries of donelson's log the spirit of the men and the women who won the west? if so little personal detail is recorded of the pioneer men of that day that we must deduce what they were from what they did, what do we know of their unfailing comrades, the pioneer women? only that they were there and that they shared in every test of courage and endurance, save the march of troops and the hunt. donelson's _journal_ therefore has a special value, because in its terse account of mrs. jennings and mrs. peyton it depicts unforgettably the quality of pioneer womanhood.¹ ¹ this journal is printed in ramsey's _annals of tennessee._ _december nd, ._ took our departure from the fort and fell down the river to the mouth of reedy creek where we were stopped by the fall of water and most excessive hard frost. perhaps part of the _journal_ was lost, or perhaps the excessive hard frost of that severe winter, when it is said even droves of wild game perished, prevented the boats from going on, for the next entry is dated the th of february. on this date the _adventure_ and two other boats grounded and lay on the shoals all that afternoon and the succeeding night in much distress. _march nd._ rain about half the day.… mr. henry's boat being driven on the point of an island by the force of the current was sunk, the whole cargo much damaged and the crew's lives much endangered, which occasioned the whole fleet to put on shore and go to their assistance.… _monday th._ got under way before sunrise; the morning proving very foggy, many of the fleet were much bogged--about o'clock lay by for them; when collected, proceeded down. camped on the north shore, where captain hutching's negro man died, being much frosted in his feet and legs, of which he died. _tuesday, th._ got under way very early; the day proving very windy, a s.s.w., and the river being wide occasioned a high sea, insomuch that some of the smaller crafts were in danger; therefore came to at the uppermost chiccamauga town, which was then evacuated, where we lay by that afternoon and camped that night. the wife of ephraim peyton was here delivered of a child. mr. peyton has gone through by land with captain robertson. _wednesday th_… proceed down to an indian village which was inhabited… they insisted on us to come ashore, called us brothers, and showed other signs of friendship.… and here we must regret the unfortunate death of young mr. payne, on board captain blakemore's boat, who was mortally wounded by reason of the boat running too near the northern shore opposite the town, where some of the enemy lay concealed; and the more tragical misfortune of poor stuart, his family and friends, to the number of twenty-eight persons. this man had embarked with us for the western country, but his family being diseased with the small pox, it was agreed upon between him and the company that he should keep at some distance in the rear, for fear of the infection spreading, and he was warned each night when the encampment should take place by the sound of a horn.… the indians having now collected to a considerable number, observing his helpless situation singled off from the rest of the fleet, intercepted him and killed and took prisoners the whole crew…; their cries were distinctly heard.… after describing a running fight with indians stationed on the bluffs on both shores where the river narrowed to half its width and boiled through a canyon, the entry for the day concludes: jennings's boat is missing. _friday th._ this morning about o'clock we were surprised by the cries of help poor jennings at some distance in the rear. he had discovered us by our fires and came up in the most wretched condition. he states that as soon as the indians discovered his situation [his boat had run on a rock] they turned their whole attention to him and kept up a most galling fire at his boat. he ordered his wife, a son nearly grown, a young man who accompanies them and his negro man and woman, to throw all his goods into the river to lighten their boat for the purpose of getting her off; himself returning their fire as well as he could, being a good soldier and an excellent marksman. but before they had accomplished their object, his son, the young man and the negro, jumped out of the boat and left.… mrs. jennings, however, and the negro woman, succeeded in unloading the boat, but chiefly by the exertions of mrs. jennings who got out of the boat and shoved her off, but was near falling a victim to her own intrepidity on account of the boat starting so suddenly as soon as loosened from the rock. upon examination he appears to have made a wonderful escape for his boat is pierced in numberless places with bullets. it is to be remarked that mrs. peyton, who was the night before delivered of an infant, which was unfortunately killed upon the hurry and confusion consequent upon such a disaster, assisted them, being frequently exposed to wet and cold.… their clothes were very much cut with bullets, especially mrs. jennings's. of the three men who deserted, while the women stood by under fire, the negro was drowned and jennings's son and the other young man were captured by the chickamaugans. the latter was burned at the stake. young jennings was to have shared the same fate; but a trader in the village, learning that the boy was known to john sevier, ransomed him by a large payment of goods, as a return for an act of kindness sevier had once done to him. _sunday th_.… after running until about o'clock came in sight of the muscle shoals. halted on the northern shore at the appearance of the shoals, in order to search for the signs captain james robertson was to make for us at that place… that it was practicable for us to go across by land… we can find none--from which we conclude that it would not be prudent to make the attempt and are determined, knowing ourselves in such imminent danger, to pursue our journey down the river.… when we approached them [the shoals] they had a dreadful appearance.… the water being high made a terrible roaring, which could be heard at some distance, among the driftwood heaped frightfully upon the points of the islands, the current running in every possible direction. here we did not know how soon we should be dashed to pieces and all our troubles ended at once. our boats frequently dragged on the bottom and appeared constantly in danger of striking. they warped as much as in a rough sea. but by the hand of providence we are now preserved from this danger also. i know not the length of this wonderful shoal; it had been represented to me to be twenty-five or thirty miles. if so, we must have descended very rapidly, as indeed we did, for we passed it in about three hours. on the twentieth the little fleet arrived at the mouth of the tennessee and the voyagers landed on the bank of the ohio. our situation here is truly disagreeable. the river is very high and the current rapid, our boats not constructed for the purpose of stemming a rapid stream, our provisions exhausted, the crews almost worn down with hunger and fatigue, and know not what distance we have to go or what time it will take us to our place of destination. the scene is rendered still more melancholy as several boats will not attempt to ascend the rapid current. some intend to descend the mississippi to natchez; others are bound for the illinois--among the rest my son-in-law and daughter. we now part, perhaps to meet no more, for i am determined to pursue my course, happen what will. _tuesday st._ set out and on this day labored very hard and got but little way.… passed the two following days as the former, suffering much from hunger and fatigue. _friday th._ about three o'clock came to the mouth of a river which i thought was the cumberland. some of the company declared it could not be--it was so much smaller than was expected.… we determined however to make the trial, pushed up some distance and encamped for the night. _saturday th._ today we are much encouraged; the river grows wider;… we are now convinced it is the cumberland.… _sunday th_… procured some buffalo meat; though poor it was palatable. _friday st_… met with colonel richard henderson, who is running the line between virginia and north carolina. at this meeting we were much rejoiced. he gave us every information we wished, and further informed us that he had purchased a quantity of corn in kentucky, to be shipped at the falls of ohio for the use of the cumberland settlement. we are now without bread and are compelled to hunt the buffalo to preserve life.… _monday, april th_. this day we arrived at our journey's end at the big salt lick, where we have the pleasure of finding captain robertson and his company. it is a source of satisfaction to us to be enabled to restore to him and others their families and friends, who were entrusted to our care, and who, sometime since, perhaps, despaired of ever meeting again.… past the camps of the chickamaugans--who were retreating farther and farther down the twisting flood, seeking a last standing ground in the giant caves by the tennessee--these white voyagers had steered their pirogues. near robertson's station, where they landed after having traversed the triangle of the three great rivers which enclose the larger part of western tennessee, stood a crumbling trading house marking the defeat of a frenchman who had, one time, sailed in from the ohio to establish an outpost of his nation there. at a little distance were the ruins of a rude fort cast up by the cherokees in the days when the redoubtable chickasaws had driven them from the pleasant shores of the western waters. under the towering forest growth lay vast burial mounds and the sunken foundations of walled towns, telling of a departed race which had once flashed its rude paddles and had its dream of permanence along the courses of these great waterways. now another tribe had come to dream that dream anew. already its primitive keels had traced the opening lines of its history on the face of the immemorial rivers. chapter ix king's mountain about the time when james robertson went from watauga to fling out the frontier line three hundred miles farther westward, the british took savannah. in they took charleston and augusta, and overran georgia. augusta was the point where the old trading path forked north and west, and it was the key to the back country and the overhill domain. in georgia and the back country of south carolina there were many tories ready to rally to the king's standard whenever a king's officer should carry it through their midst. a large number of these tories were scotch, chiefly from the highlands. in fact, as we have seen, scotch blood predominated among the racial streams in the back country from georgia to pennsylvania. now, to insure a triumphant march northward for cornwallis and his royal troops, these sons of scotland must be gathered together, the loyal encouraged and those of rebellious tendencies converted, and they must be drilled and turned to account. this task, if it were to be accomplished successfully, must be entrusted to an officer with positive qualifications, one who would command respect, whose personal address would attract men and disarm opposition, and especially one who could go as a scot among his own clan. cornwallis found his man in major patrick ferguson. ferguson was a highlander, a son of lord pitfour of aberdeen, and thirty-six years of age. he was of short stature for a highlander--about five feet eight--lean and dark, with straight black hair. he had a serious unhandsome countenance which, at casual glance, might not arrest attention; but when he spoke he became magnetic, by reason of the intelligence and innate force that gleamed in his eyes and the convincing sincerity of his manner. he was admired and respected by his brother officers and by the commanders under whom he had served, and he was loved by his men. he had seen his first service in the seven years' war, having joined the british army in flanders at the age of fifteen; and he had early distinguished himself for courage and coolness. in , as a captain of infantry, he quelled an insurrection of the natives on the island of st. vincent in the west indies. later, at woolwich, he took up the scientific study of his profession of arms. he not only became a crack shot, but he invented a new type of rifle which he could load at the breach without ramrod and so quickly as to fire seven times in a minute. generals and statesmen attended his exhibitions of shooting; and even the king rode over at the head of his guards to watch ferguson rapidly loading and firing. in america under cornwallis, ferguson had the reputation of being the best shot in the army; and it was soon said that, in his quickness at loading and firing, he excelled the most expert american frontiersman. eyewitnesses have left their testimony that, seeing a bird alight on a bough or rail, he would drop his bridle rein, draw his pistol, toss it in the air, catch and aim it as it fell, and shoot the bird's head off. he was given command of a corps of picked riflemen; and in the battle of the brandywine in he rendered services which won acclaim from the whole army. for the honor of that day's service to his king, ferguson paid what from him, with his passion for the rifle, must have been the dearest price that could have been demanded. his right arm was shattered, and for the remaining three years of his short life it hung useless at his side. yet he took up swordplay and attained a remarkable degree of skill as a left-handed swordsman. such was ferguson, the soldier. what of the man? for he has been pictured as a wolf and a fiend and a coward by early chroniclers, who evidently felt that they were adding to the virtue of those who fought in defense of liberty by representing all their foes as personally odious. we can read his quality of manhood in a few lines of the letter he sent to his kinsman, the noted dr. adam ferguson, about an incident that occurred at chads ford. as he was lying with his men in the woods, in front of knyphausen's army, so he relates, he saw two american officers ride out. he describes their dress minutely. one was in hussar uniform. the other was in a dark green and blue uniform with a high cocked hat and was mounted on a bay horse: i ordered three good shots to steal near to and fire at them; but the idea disgusting me, i recalled the order. the hussar in retiring made a circuit, but the other passed within a hundred yards of us, upon which i advanced from the wood towards him. upon my calling he stopped; but after looking at me he proceeded. i again drew his attention and made signs to him to stop, levelling my piece at him; but he slowly cantered away. as i was within that distance, at which, in the quickest firing, i could have lodged half a dozen balls in or about him before he was out of my reach, i had only to determine. but it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending individual who was acquitting himself very coolly of his duty--so i let him alone. the day after, i had been telling this story to some wounded officers, who lay in the same room with me, when one of the surgeons who had been dressing the wounded rebel officers came in and told us that they had been informing him that general washington was all the morning with the light troops, and only attended by a french officer in hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted in every point as above described. i am not sorry that i did not know at the time who it was.¹ ¹ doubt that the officer in question was washington was expressed by james fenimore cooper. cooper stated that major de lancey his father-in-law, was binding ferguson's arm at the time when the two officers were seen and ferguson recalled the order to fire, and that de lancey said he believed the officer was count pulaski. but, as ferguson, according to his own account, leveled his piece at the officer, his arm evidently was not wounded until later in the day. the probability is that ferguson's version, written in a private letter to his relative, is correct as to the facts, whatever may be conjectured as to the identity of the officer. see draper's _king's mountain and its heroes,_ pp. - . ferguson had his code towards the foe's women also. on one occasion when he was assisting in an action carried out by hessians and dragoons, he learned that some american women had been shamefully maltreated. he went in a white fury to the colonel in command, and demanded that the men who had so disgraced their uniforms instantly be put to death. in rallying the loyalists of the back country of georgia and the carolinas, ferguson was very successful. he was presently in command of a thousand or more men, including small detachments of loyalists from new york and new jersey, under american-born officers such as de peyster and allaire. there were good honest men among the loyalists and there were also rough and vicious men out for spoils--which was true as well of the whigs or patriots from the same counties. among the rough element were tory banditti from the overmountain region. it is to be gathered from ferguson's records that he did not think any too highly of some of his new recruits, but he set to work with all energy to make them useful. the american patriots hastily prepared to oppose him. colonel charles mcdowell of burke county, north carolina, with a small force of militia was just south of the line at a point on the broad river when he heard that ferguson was sweeping on northward. in haste he sent a call for help across the mountains to sevier and shelby. sevier had his hands full at watauga, but he dispatched two hundred of his troops; and isaac shelby, with a similar force from sullivan county crossed the mountains to mcdowell's assistance. these overmountain men or backwater men, as they were called east of the hills, were trained in sevier's method of indian warfare--the secret approach through the dark, the swift dash, and the swifter flight. fight strong and run away fast was the indian motto, as their women had often been heard to call it after the red men as they ran yelling to fall on the whites. the frontiersmen had adapted the motto to fit their case, as they had also made their own the indian tactics of ambuscade and surprise attacks at dawn. to sleep, or ride if needs must, by night, and to fight by day and make off, was to them a reasonable soldier's life. but ferguson was a night marauder. the terror of his name, which grew among the whigs of the back country until the wildest legends about his ferocity were current, was due chiefly to a habit he had of pouncing on his foes in the middle of the night and pulling them out of bed to give fight or die. it was generally both fight and die, for these dark adventures of his were particularly successful. ferguson knew no neutrals or conscientious objectors; any man who would not carry arms for the king was a traitor, and his life and goods were forfeit. a report of his reads: the attack being made at night, no quarter could be given. hence his wolfish fame. werewolf would have been a fit name for him for, though he was a wolf at night, in the daylight he was a man and, as we have seen, a chivalrous one. in the guerrilla fighting that went on for a brief time between the overmountain men and various detachments of ferguson's forces, sometimes one side, sometimes the other, won the heat. but the field remained open. neither side could claim the mastery. in a minor engagement fought at musgrove's mill on the enoree, shelby's command came off victor and was about to pursue the enemy towards ninety-six when a messenger from mcdowell galloped madly into camp with word of general gates's crushing defeat at camden. this was a warning for shelby's guerrillas to flee as birds to their mountains, or ferguson would cut them off from the north and wedge them in between his own force and the victorious cornwallis. mcdowell's men, also on the run for safety, joined them. for forty-eight hours without food or rest they rode a race with ferguson, who kept hard on their trail until they disappeared into the mystery of the winding mountain paths they alone knew. ferguson reached the gap where they had swerved into the towering hills only half an hour after their horses' hoofs had pounded across it. here he turned back. his troops were exhausted from the all-night ride and, in any case, there were not enough of them to enable him to cross the mountains and give the watauga men battle on their own ground with a fair promise of victory. so keeping east of the hills but still close to them, ferguson turned into burke county, north carolina. he sat him down in gilbert town (present lincolnton, lincoln county) at the foot of the blue ridge and indited a letter to the back water men, telling them that if they did not lay down their arms and return to their rightful allegiance, he would come over their hills and raze their settlements and hang their leaders. he paroled a kinsman of shelby's, whom he had taken prisoner in the chase, and sent him home with the letter. then he set about his usual business of gathering up tories and making soldiers of them, and of hunting down rebels. one of the rebels was a certain captain lytle. when ferguson drew up at lytle's door, lytle had already made his escape; but mrs. lytle was there. she was a very handsome woman and she had dressed herself in her best to receive ferguson, who was reported a gallant as well as a wolf. after a few spirited passages between the lady in the doorway and the officer on the white horse before it, the latter advised mrs. lytle to use her influence to bring her husband back to his duty. she became grave then and answered that her husband would never turn traitor to his country. ferguson frowned at the word traitor, but presently he said: madam, i admire you as the handsomest woman i have seen in north carolina. i even half way admire your zeal in a bad cause. but take my word for it, the rebellion has had its day and is now virtually put down. give my regards to captain lytle and tell him to come in. he will not be asked to compromise his honor. his verbal pledge not again to take up arms against the king is all that will be asked of him.¹ ¹ draper, _king's mountain and its heroes,_ pp. - . this was another phase of the character of the one-armed highlander whose final challenge to the back water men was now being considered in every log cabin beyond the hills. a man who would not shoot an enemy in the back, who was ready to put the same faith in another soldier's honor which he knew was due to his own, yet in battle a wolfish fighter who leaped through the dark to give no quarter and to take none--he was fit challenger to those other mountaineers who also had a chivalry of their own, albeit they too were wolves of war. when shelby on the holston received ferguson's pungent letter, he flung himself on his horse and rode posthaste to watauga to consult with sevier. he found the bank of the nolichucky teeming with merrymakers. nolichucky jack was giving an immense barbecue and a horse race. without letting the festival crowd have an inkling of the serious nature of shelby's errand, the two men drew apart to confer. it is said to have been sevier's idea that they should muster the forces of the western country and go in search of ferguson ere the latter should be able to get sufficient reinforcements to cross the mountains. sevier, like ferguson, always preferred to seek his foe, knowing well the advantage of the offensive. messengers were sent to colonel william campbell of the virginia settlements on the clinch, asking his aid. campbell at first refused, thinking it better to fortify the positions they held and let ferguson come and put the mountains between himself and cornwallis. on receipt of a second message, however, he concurred. the call to arms was heard up and down the valleys, and the frontiersmen poured into watauga. the overhill men were augmented by mcdowell's troops from burke county, who had dashed over the mountains a few weeks before in their escape from ferguson. at daybreak on the th of september they mustered at the sycamore shoals on the watauga, over a thousand strong. it was a different picture they made from that other great gathering at the same spot when henderson had made his purchase in money of the dark and bloody ground, and sevier and robertson had bought for the wataugans this strip of tennessee. there were no indians in this picture. dragging canoe, who had uttered his bloody prophecy, had by these very men been driven far south into the caves of the tennessee river. but the indian prophecy still hung over them, and in this day with a heavier menace. not with money, now, were they to seal their purchase of the free land by the western waters. there had been no women in that other picture, only the white men who were going forward to open the way and the red men who were retreating. but in this picture there were women--wives and children, mothers, sisters, and sweethearts. all the women of the settlement were there at this daybreak muster to cheer on their way the men who were going out to battle that they might keep the way of liberty open not for men only but for women and children also. and the battle to which the men were now going forth must be fought against back country men of their own stripe under a leader who, in other circumstances, might well have been one of themselves--a primitive spirit of hardy mountain stock, who, having once taken his stand, would not barter and would not retreat. with the sword of the lord and of gideon! cried their pastor, the reverend samuel doak, with upraised hands, as the mountaineers swung into their saddles. and it is said that all the women took up his words and cried again and again, with the sword of the lord and of our gideons! to the shouts of their women, as bugles on the wind of dawn, the buckskin-shirted army dashed out upon the mountain trail. the warriors' equipment included rifles and ammunition, tomahawks, knives, shot pouches, a knapsack, and a blanket for each man. their uniforms were leggings, breeches, and long loose shirts of gayly fringed deerskin, or of the linsey-woolsey spun by their women. their hunting shirts were bound in at the waist by bright-colored linsey sashes tied behind in a bow. they wore moccasins for footgear, and on their heads high fur or deerskin caps trimmed with colored bands of raveled cloth. around their necks hung their powder-horns ornamented with their own rude carvings. on the first day they drove along with them a number of beeves but, finding that the cattle impeded the march, they left them behind on the mountain side. their provisions thereafter were wild game and the small supply each man carried of mixed corn meal and maple sugar. for drink, they had the hill streams. they passed upward between roan and yellow mountains to the top of the range. here, on the bald summit, where the loose snow lay to their ankles, they halted for drill and rifle practice. when sevier called up his men, he discovered that two were missing. he suspected at once that they had slipped away to carry warning to ferguson, for watauga was known to be infested with tories. two problems now confronted the mountaineers. they must increase the speed of their march, so that ferguson should not have time to get reinforcements from cornwallis; and they must make that extra speed by another trail than they had intended taking so that they themselves could not be intercepted before they had picked up the back country militia under colonels cleveland, hampbright, chronicle, and williams, who were moving to join them. we are not told who took the lead when they left the known trail, but we may suppose it was sevier and his wataugans, for the making of new warpaths and wild riding were two of the things which distinguished nolichucky jack's leadership. down the steep side of the mountain, finding their way as they plunged, went the overhill men. they crossed the blue ridge at gillespie's gap and pushed on to quaker meadows, where colonel cleveland with men swung into their column. along their route, the back country patriots with their rifles came out from the little hamlets and the farms and joined them. they now had an army of perhaps fifteen hundred men but no commanding officer. thus far, on the march, the four colonels had conferred together and agreed as to procedure; or, in reality, the influence of sevier and shelby, who had planned the enterprise and who seem always to have acted in unison, had swayed the others. it would be, however, manifestly improper to go into battle without a real general. something must be done. mcdowell volunteered to carry a letter explaining their need to general gates, who had escaped with some of his staff into north carolina and was not far off. it then occurred to sevier and shelby, evidently for the first time, that gates, on receiving such a request, might well ask why the governor of north carolina, as the military head of the state, had not provided a commander. the truth is that sevier and shelby had been so busy drumming up the militia and planning their campaign that they had found no time to consult the governor. moreover, the means whereby the expedition had been financed might not have appealed to the chief executive. after finding it impossible to raise sufficient funds on his personal credit, sevier had appropriated the entry money in the government land office to the business in hand--with the good will of the entry taker, who was a patriotic man, although, as he had pointed out, he could not, officially, hand over the money. things being as they were, no doubt nolichucky jack felt that an interview with the governor had better be deferred until after the capture of ferguson. hence the tenor of this communication to general gates: as we have at this time called out our militia without any orders from the executive of our different states and with the view of expelling the enemy out of this part of the country, we think such a body of men worthy of your attention and would request you to send a general officer immediately to take the command.… all our troops being militia and but little acquainted with discipline, we could wish him to be a gentleman of address, and able to keep up a proper discipline without disgusting the soldiery. for some unknown reason--unless it might be the wording of this letter!--no officer was sent in reply. shelby then suggested that, since all the officers but campbell were north carolinians and, therefore, no one of them could be promoted without arousing the jealousy of the others, campbell, as the only virginian, was the appropriate choice. the sweet reasonableness of selecting a commander from such a motive appealed to all, and campbell became a general in fact if not in name! shelby's principal aim, however, had been to get rid of mcdowell, who, as their senior, would naturally expect to command and whom he considered too far advanced in life and too inactive for such an enterprise. at this time mcdowell must have been nearly thirty-nine; and shelby, who was just thirty, wisely refused to risk the campaign under a general who was in his dotage! news of the frontiersmen's approach, with their augmented force, now numbering between sixteen and eighteen hundred, had reached ferguson by the two tories who had deserted from sevier's troops. ferguson thereupon had made all haste out of gilbert town and was marching southward to get in touch with cornwallis. his force was much reduced, as some of his men were in pursuit of elijah clarke towards augusta and a number of his other tories were on furlough. as he passed through the back country he posted a notice calling on the loyalists to join him. if the overmountain men felt that they were out on a wolf hunt, ferguson's proclamation shows what the wolf thought of his hunters. to the inhabitants of north carolina. gentlemen: unless you wish to be eat up by an innundation of barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before the aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who by their shocking cruelties and irregularities give the best proof of their cowardice and want of discipline: i say if you wish to be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters in four days, abused by the dregs of mankind--in short if you wish to deserve to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp. the back water men have crossed the mountains: mcdowell, hampton, shelby, and cleveland are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend upon. if you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you, and look out for real men to protect them. pat. ferguson, major st regiment.¹ ¹ draper, _king's mountain and its heroes,_ p. . ferguson's force has been estimated at about eleven hundred men, but it is likely that this estimate does not take the absentees into consideration. in the diary of lieutenant allaire, one of his officers, the number is given as only eight hundred. because of the state of his army, chroniclers have found ferguson's movements, after leaving gilbert town, difficult to explain. it has been pointed out that he could easily have escaped, for he had plenty of time, and charlotte, cornwallis's headquarters, was only sixty miles distant. we have seen something of ferguson's quality, however, and we may simply take it that he did not want to escape. he had been planning to cross the high hills--to him, the highlander, no barrier but a challenge--to fight these men. now that they had taken the initiative he would not show them his back. he craved the battle. so he sent out runners to the main army and rode on along the eastern base of the mountains, seeking a favorable site to go into camp and wait for cornwallis's aid. on the th of october he reached the southern end of the king's mountain ridge, in south carolina, about half a mile south of the northern boundary. here a rocky, semi-isolated spur juts out from the ridge, its summit--a table-land about six hundred yards long and one hundred and twenty wide at its northern end--rising not more than sixty feet above the surrounding country. on the summit ferguson pitched his camp. the hill was a natural fortress, its sides forested, its bald top protected by rocks and bowlders. all the approaches led through dense forest. an enemy force, passing through the immediate, wooded territory, might easily fail to discover a small army nesting sixty feet above the shrouding leafage. word was evidently brought to ferguson here, telling him the now augmented number of his foe, for he dispatched another emissary to cornwallis with a letter stating the number of his own troops and urging full and immediate assistance. meanwhile the frontiersmen had halted at the cowpens. there they feasted royally off roasted cattle and corn belonging to the loyalist who owned the cowpens. it is said that they mowed his fifty acres of corn in an hour. and here one of their spies, in the assumed rôle of a tory, learned ferguson's plans, his approximate force, his route, and his system of communication with cornwallis. the officers now held council and determined to take a detachment of the hardiest and fleetest horsemen and sweep down on the enemy before aid could reach him. about nine o'clock that evening, according to shelby's report, mounted men set off at full speed, leaving the main body of horse and foot to follow after at their best pace. rain poured down on them all that night as they rode. at daybreak they crossed the broad at cherokee ford and dashed on in the drenching rain all the forenoon. they kept their firearms and powder dry by wrapping them in their knapsacks, blankets, and hunting shirts. the downpour had so churned up the soil that many of the horses mired, but they were pulled out and whipped forward again. the wild horsemen made no halt for food or rest. within two miles of king's mountain they captured ferguson's messenger with the letter that told of his desperate situation. they asked this man how they should know ferguson. he told them that ferguson was in full uniform but wore a checkered shirt or dust cloak over it. this was not the only messenger of ferguson's who failed to carry through. the men he had sent out previously had been followed and, to escape capture or death, they had been obliged to lie in hiding, so that they did not reach cornwallis until the day of the battle. at three o'clock on the afternoon of the th of october, the overmountain men were in the forest at the base of the hill. the rain had ceased and the sun was shining. they dismounted and tethered their steaming horses. orders were given that every man was to throw the priming out of his pan, pick his touchhole, prime anew, examine bullets and see that everything was in readiness for battle. the plan of battle agreed on was to surround the hill, hold the enemy on the top and, themselves screened by the trees, keep pouring in their fire. there was a good chance that most of the answering fire would go over their heads. as shelby's men crossed a gap in the woods, the outposts on the hill discovered their presence and sounded the alarm. ferguson sprang to horse, blowing his silver whistle to call his men to attack. his riflemen poured fire into shelby's contingent, but meanwhile the frontiersmen on the other sides were creeping up, and presently a circle of fire burst upon the hill. with fixed bayonets, some of ferguson's men charged down the face of the slope, against the advancing foe, only to be shot in the back as they charged. still time and time again they charged; the overhill men reeled and retreated; but always their comrades took toll with their rifles; ferguson's men, preparing for a mounted charge, were shot even as they swung to their saddles. ferguson, with his customary indifference to danger, rode up and down in front of his line blowing his whistle to encourage his men. huzza, brave boys! the day is our own! thus he was heard to shout above the triumphant war whoops of the circling foe, surging higher and higher about the hill. but there were others in his band who knew the fight was lost. the overmountain men saw two white handkerchiefs, affixed to bayonets, raised above the rocks; and then they saw ferguson dash by and slash them down with his sword. two horses were shot under ferguson in the latter part of the action; but he mounted a third and rode again into the thick of the fray. suddenly the cry spread among the attacking troops that the british officer, tarleton, had come to ferguson's rescue; and the mountaineers began to give way. but it was only the galloping horses of their own comrades; tarleton had not come. nolichucky jack spurred out in front of his men and rode along the line. fired by his courage they sounded the war whoop again and renewed the attack with fury. these are the same yelling devils that were at musgrove's mill, said captain de peyster to ferguson. now shelby and sevier, leading his wataugans, had reached the summit. the firing circle pressed in. the buckskin-shirted warriors leaped the rocky barriers, swinging their tomahawks and long knives. again the white handkerchiefs fluttered. ferguson saw that the morale of his troops was shattered. surrender, de peyster, his second in command, begged of him. surrender to those damned banditti? never! ferguson turned his horse's head downhill and charged into the wataugans, hacking right and left with his sword till it was broken at the hilt. a dozen rifles were leveled at him. an iron muzzle pushed at his breast, but the powder flashed in the pan. he swerved and struck at the rifleman with his broken hilt. but the other guns aimed at him spoke; and ferguson's body jerked from the saddle pierced by eight bullets. men seized the bridle of the frenzied horse, plunging on with his dead master dragging from the stirrup. the battle had lasted less than an hour. after ferguson fell, de peyster advanced with a white flag and surrendered his sword to campbell. other white flags waved along the hilltop. but the killing did not yet cease. it is said that many of the mountaineers did not know the significance of the white flag. sevier's sixteen-year-old son, having heard that his father had fallen, kept on furiously loading and firing until presently he saw sevier ride in among the troops and command them to stop shooting men who had surrendered and thrown down their arms. the victors made a bonfire of the enemy's baggage wagons and supplies. then they killed some of his beeves and cooked them; they had had neither food nor sleep for eighteen hours. they dug shallow trenches for the dead and scattered the loose earth over them. ferguson's body, stripped of its uniform and boots and wrapped in a beef hide, was thrown into one of these ditches by the men detailed to the burial work, while the officers divided his personal effects among themselves. the triumphant army turned homeward as the dusk descended. the uninjured prisoners and the wounded who were able to walk were marched off carrying their empty firearms. the badly wounded were left lying where they had fallen. at bickerstaff's old fields in rutherford county the frontiersmen halted; and here they selected thirty of their prisoners to be hanged. they swung them aloft, by torchlight, three at a time, until nine had gone to their last account. then sevier interposed; and, with shelby's added authority, saved the other twenty-one. among those who thus weighted the gallows tree were some of the tory brigands from watauga; but not all the victims were of this character. some of the troops would have wreaked vengeance on the two tories from sevier's command who had betrayed their army plans to ferguson; but sevier claimed them as under his jurisdiction and refused consent. nolichucky jack dealt humanely by his foes. to the coarse and brutish cleveland, now astride of ferguson's horse and wearing his sash, and to the three hundred who followed him, may no doubt be laid the worst excesses of the battle's afterpiece. victors and vanquished drove on in the dark, close to the great flank of hills. from where king's mountain, strewn with dead and dying, reared its black shape like some rudely hewn tomb of a primordial age when titans strove together, perhaps to the ears of the marching men came faintly through the night's stillness the howl of a wolf and the answering chorus of the pack. for the wolves came down to king's mountain from all the surrounding hills, following the scent of blood, and made their lair where the werewolf had fallen. the scene of the mountaineers' victory, which marked the turn of the tide for the revolution, became for years the chief resort of wolf hunters from both the carolinas. the importance of the overmountain men's victory lay in what it achieved for the cause of independence. king's mountain was the prelude to cornwallis's defeat. it heartened the southern patriots, until then cast down by gates's disaster. to the british the death of ferguson was an irreparable loss because of its depressing effect on the back country tories. king's mountain, indeed, broke the tory spirit. seven days after the battle general nathanael greene succeeded to the command of the southern patriot army which gates had led to defeat. greene's genius met the rising tide of the patriots' courage and hope and took it at the flood. his strategy, in dividing his army and thereby compelling the division of cornwallis's force, led to daniel morgan's victory at the cowpens, in the back country of south carolina, on january , --another frontiersmen's triumph. though the british won the next engagement between greene and cornwallis--the battle of guilford court house in the north carolina back country, on the th of march--greene made them pay so dearly for their victory that tarleton called it the pledge of ultimate defeat; and, three days later, cornwallis was retreating towards wilmington. in a sense, then, king's mountain was the pivot of the war's revolving stage, which swung the british from their succession of victories towards the surrender at yorktown. shelby, campbell, and cleveland escorted the prisoners to virginia. sevier, with his men, rode home to watauga. when the prisoners had been delivered to the authorities in virginia, the holston men also turned homeward through the hills. their route lay down through the clinch and holston valleys to the settlement at the base of the mountains. sevier and his wataugans had gone by gillespie's gap, over the pathway that hung like a narrow ribbon about the breast of roan mountain, lifting its crest in dignified isolation sixty-three hundred feet above the levels. the unakas was the name the cherokees had given to those white men who first invaded their hills; and the unakas is the name that white men at last gave to the mountain. great companies of men were to come over the mountain paths on their way to the mississippi country and beyond; and with them, as we know, were to go many of these mountain men, to pass away with their customs in the transformations that come with progress. but there were others who clung to these hills. they were of several stocks--english, scotch, highlanders, ulstermen, who mingled by marriage and sometimes took their mates from among the handsome maids of the cherokees. they spread from the unakas of tennessee into the cumberland mountains of kentucky; and they have remained to this day what they were then, a primitive folk of strong and fiery men and brave women living as their forefathers of watauga and holston lived. in the log cabins in those mountains today are heard the same ballads, sung still to the dulcimer, that entertained the earliest settlers. the women still turn the old-fashioned spinning wheels. the code of the men is still the code learned perhaps from the gaels--the code of the oath and the feud and the open door to the stranger. or were these, the ethical tenets of almost all uncorrupted primitive tribes, transmitted from the indian strain and association? their young people marry at boy and girl ages, as the pioneers did, and their wedding festivities are the same as those which made rejoicing at the first marriage in watauga. their common speech today contains words that have been obsolete in england for a hundred years. thrice have the mountain men come down again from their fastnesses to war for america since the day of king's mountain and thrice they have acquitted themselves so that their deeds are noted in history. a souvenir of their part in the war of at the battle of the thames is kept in one of the favorite names for mountain girls--lake erie. in the civil war many volunteers from the free, non-slaveholding mountain regions of kentucky and tennessee joined the union army, and it is said that they exceeded all others in stature and physical development. and in our own day their sons again came down from the mountains to carry the torch of liberty overseas, and to show the white stars in their flag side by side with the ancient cross in the flag of england against which their forefathers fought. chapter x sevier, the statemaker after king's mountain, sevier reached home just in time to fend off a cherokee attack on watauga. again warning had come to the settlements that the indians were about to descend upon them. sevier set out at once to meet the red invaders. learning from his scouts that the indians were near he went into ambush with his troops disposed in the figure of a half-moon, the favorite indian formation. he then sent out a small body of men to fire on the indians and make a scampering retreat, to lure the enemy on. the maneuver was so well planned and the ground so well chosen that the indian war party would probably have been annihilated but for the delay of an officer at one horn of the half-moon in bringing his troops into play. through the gap thus made the indians escaped, with a loss of seventeen of their number. the delinquent officer was jonathan tipton, younger brother of colonel john tipton, of whom we shall hear later. it is possible that from this event dates the tiptons' feud with sevier, which supplies one of the breeziest pages in the story of early tennessee. not content with putting the marauders to flight, sevier pressed on after them, burned several of the upper towns, and took prisoner a number of women and children, thus putting the red warriors to the depth of shame, for the indians never deserted their women in battle. the chiefs at once sued for peace. but they had made peace often before. sevier drove down upon the hiwassee towns, meanwhile proclaiming that those among the tribe who were friendly might send their families to the white settlement, where they would be fed and cared for until a sound peace should be assured. he also threatened to continue to make war until his enemies were wiped out, their town sites a heap of blackened ruins, and their whole country in possession of the whites, unless they bound themselves to an enduring peace. having compelled the submission of the otari and hiwassee towns, yet finding that depredations still continued, sevier determined to invade the group of towns hidden in the mountain fastnesses near the headwaters of the little tennessee where, deeming themselves inaccessible except by their own trail, the cherokees freely plotted mischief and sent out raiding parties. these hill towns lay in the high gorges of the great smoky mountains, miles distant. no one in watauga had ever been in them except thomas, the trader, who, however, had reached them from the eastern side of the mountains. with no knowledge of the indians' path and without a guide, yet nothing daunted, sevier, late in the summer of headed his force into the mountains. so steep were some of the slopes they scaled that the men were obliged to dismount and help their horses up. unexpectedly to themselves perhaps, as well as to the indians, they descended one morning on a group of villages and destroyed them. before the fleeing savages could rally, the mountaineers had plunged up the steeps again. sevier then turned southward into georgia and inflicted a severe castigation on the tribes along the coosa river. when, after thirty days of warfare and mad riding, sevier arrived at his bonnie kate's door on the nolichucky, he found a messenger from general greene calling on him for immediate assistance to cut off cornwallis from his expected retreat through north carolina. again he set out, and with two hundred men crossed the mountains and made all speed to charlotte, in mecklenburg county, where he learned that cornwallis had surrendered at yorktown on october , . under greene's orders he turned south to the santee to assist a fellow scion of the huguenots, general francis marion, in the pursuit of stuart's britishers. having driven stuart into charleston, sevier and his active wataugans returned home, now perhaps looking forward to a rest, which they had surely earned. once more, however, they were hailed with alarming news. dragging canoe had come to life again and was emerging from the caves of the tennessee with a substantial force of chickamaugan warriors. again the wataugans, augmented by a detachment from sullivan county, galloped forth, met the red warriors, chastised them heavily, put them to rout, burned their dwellings and provender, and drove them back into their hiding places. for some time after this, the indians dipped not into the black paint pots of war but were content to streak their humbled countenances with the vermilion of beauty and innocence. it should be chronicled that sevier, assisted possibly by other wataugans, eventually returned to the state of north carolina the money which he had forcibly borrowed to finance the king's mountain expedition; and that neither he nor shelby received any pay for their services, nor asked it. before shelby left the holston in and moved to kentucky, of which state he was to become the first governor, the assembly of north carolina passed a resolution of gratitude to the overmountain men in general, and to sevier and shelby in particular, for their very generous and patriotic services with which the general assembly of this state are feelingly impressed. the resolution concluded by urging the recipients of the assembly's acknowledgments to continue in their noble course. in view of what followed, this resolution is interesting! for some time the overhill pioneers had been growing dissatisfied with the treatment they were receiving from the state, which on the plea of poverty had refused to establish a superior court for them and to appoint a prosecutor. as a result, crime was on the increase, and the law-abiding were deprived of the proper legal means to check the lawless. in when the western soldiers' claims began to reach the assembly, there to be scrutinized by unkindly eyes, the dissatisfaction increased. the breasts of the mountain men--the men who had made that spectacular ride to bring ferguson to his end--were kindled with hot indignation when they heard that they had been publicly assailed as grasping persons who seized on every pretense to fabricate demands against the government. nor were those fiery breasts cooled by further plaints to the effect that the "industry and property" of those east of the hills were becoming the funds appropriated to discharge the debts of the westerners. they might with justice have asked what the industry and property of the easterners were worth on that day when the overhill men drilled in the snows on the high peak of yellow mountain and looked down on burke county overrun by ferguson's tories, and beyond, to charlotte, where lay cornwallis. the north carolina assembly did not confine itself to impolite remarks. it proceeded to get rid of what it deemed western rapacity by ceding the whole overmountain territory to the united states, with the proviso that congress must accept the gift within twelve months. and after passing the cession act, north carolina closed the land office in the undesired domain and nullified all entries made after may , . the cession act also enabled the state to evade its obligations to the cherokees in the matter of an expensive consignment of goods to pay for new lands. this clever stroke of the assembly's brought about immediate consequences in the region beyond the hills. the cherokees, who knew nothing about the assembly's system of political economy but who found their own provokingly upset by the non-arrival of the promised goods, began again to darken the mixture in their paint pots; and they dug up the war hatchet, never indeed so deeply patted down under the dust that it could not be unearthed by a stub of the toe. needless to say, it was not the thrifty and distant easterners who felt their anger, but the nearby settlements. as for the white overhill dwellers, the last straw had been laid on their backs; and it felt like a hickory log. no sooner had the assembly adjourned than the men of washington, sullivan, and greene counties, which comprised the settled portion of what is now east tennessee, elected delegates to convene for the purpose of discussing the formation of a new state. they could assert that they were not acting illegally, for in her first constitution north carolina had made provision for a state beyond the mountains. and necessity compelled them to take steps for their protection. some of them, and sevier was of the number, doubted if congress would accept the costly gift; and the majority realized that during the twelve months which were allowed for the decision they would have no protection from either north carolina or congress and would not be able to command their own resources. in august, , the delegates met at jonesborough and passed preliminary resolutions, and then adjourned to meet later in the year. the news was soon disseminated through north carolina and the assembly convened in october and hastily repealed the cession act, voted to establish the district of washington out of the four counties, and sent word of the altered policy to sevier, with a commission for himself as brigadier general. from the steps of the improvised convention hall, before which the delegates had gathered, sevier read the assembly's message and advised his neighbors to proceed no further, since north carolina had of her own accord redressed all their grievances. but for once nolichucky jack's followers refused to follow. the adventure too greatly appealed. obliged to choose between north carolina and his own people, sevier's hesitation was short. the state of frankland, or land of the free, was formed; and nolichucky jack was elevated to the office of governor--with a yearly salary of two hundred mink skins. perhaps john tipton had hoped to head the new state, for he had been one of its prime movers and was a delegate to this convention. but when the man whom he hated--apparently for no reason except that other men loved him--assented to the people's will and was appointed to the highest post within their gift, tipton withdrew, disavowing all connection with frankland and affirming his loyalty to north carolina. from this time on, the feud was an open one. that brief and now forgotten state, frankland, the land of the free, which bequeathed its name as an appellation for america, was founded as watauga had been founded--to meet the practical needs and aspirations of its people. it will be remembered that one of the things written by sevier into the only watauga document extant was that they desired to become in every way the best members of society. frankland's aims, as recorded, included the intent to improve agriculture, perfect manufacturing, encourage literature and every thing truly laudable. the constitution of frankland, agreed to on the th of november, , appeals to us today rather by its spirit than by its practical provisions. this state shall be called the commonwealth of frankland and shall be governed by a general assembly of the representatives of the freemen of the same, a governor and council, and proper courts of justice.… the supreme legislative power shall be vested in a single house of representatives of the freemen of the commonwealth of frankland. the house of representatives of the freemen of the state shall consist of persons most noted for wisdom and virtue. in these exalted desires of the primitive men who held by their rifles and hatchets the land by the western waters, we see the influence of the reverend samuel doak, their pastor, who founded the first church and the first school beyond the great hills. early in the life of watauga he had come thither from princeton, a zealous and broadminded young man, and a sturdy one, too, for he came on foot driving before him a mule laden with books. legend credits another minister, the reverend samuel houston, with suggesting the name of frankland, after he had opened the convention with prayer. it is not surprising to learn that this glorified constitution was presently put aside in favor of one modeled on that of north carolina. sevier persuaded the more radical members of the community to abandon their extreme views and to adopt the laws of north carolina. however lawless his acts as governor of a bolting colony may appear, sevier was essentially a constructive force. his purposes were right, and small motives are not discernible in his record. he might reasonably urge that the franklanders had only followed the example of north carolina and the other american states in seceding from the parent body, and for similar causes, for the state's system of taxation had long borne heavily on the overhill men. the whole transmontane populace welcomed frankland with enthusiasm. major arthur campbell, of the virginian settlements, on the holston, was eager to join. sevier and his assembly took the necessary steps to receive the overhill virginians, provided that the transfer of allegiance could be made with virginia's consent. meanwhile he replied in a dignified manner to the pained and menacing expostulations of north carolina's governor. north carolina was bidden to remember the epithets her assemblymen had hurled at the westerners, which they themselves had by no means forgotten. and was it any wonder that they now doubted the love the parent state professed to feel for them? as for the puerile threat of blood, had their quality really so soon become obliterated from the memory of north carolina? at this sort of writing, sevier, who always pulsed hot with emotion and who had a pretty knack in turning a phrase, was more than a match for the governor of north carolina, whose prerogatives he had usurped. the overmountain men no longer needed to complain bitterly of the lack of legal machinery to keep them the best members of society. they now had courts to spare. frankland had its courts, its judges, its legislative body, its land office--in fact, a full governmental equipment. north carolina also performed all the natural functions of political organism, within the western territory. sevier appointed one david campbell a judge. campbell held court in jonesborough. ten miles away, in buffalo, colonel john tipton presided for north carolina. it happened frequently that officers and attendants of the rival law courts met, as they pursued their duties, and whenever they met they fought. the post of sheriff--or sheriffs, for of course there were two--was filled by the biggest and heaviest man and the hardest hitter in the ranks of the warring factions. a favorite game was raiding each other's courts and carrying off the records. frankland sent william cocke, later the first senator from tennessee, to congress with a memorial, asking congress to accept the territory north carolina had offered and to receive it into the union as a separate state. congress ignored the plea. it began to appear that north carolina would be victor in the end; and so there were defections among the franklanders. sevier wrote to benjamin franklin asking his aid in establishing the status of frankland; and, with a graceful flourish of his ready pen, changed the new state's name to franklin by way of reinforcing his arguments. but the old philosopher, more expert than sevier in diplomatic calligraphy, only acknowledged the compliment and advised the state of franklin to make peace with north carolina. sevier then appealed for aid and recognition to the governor of georgia, who had previously appointed him brigadier general of militia. but the governor of georgia also avoided giving the recognition requested, though he earnestly besought sevier to come down and settle the creeks for him. there were others who sent pleas to sevier, the warrior, to save them from the savages. one of the writers who addressed him did not fear to say your excellency, nor to accord nolichucky jack the whole dignity of the purple in appealing to him as the only man possessing the will and the power to prevent the isolated settlements on the cumberland from being wiped out. that writer was his old friend, james robertson. in , while sevier was on the frontier of greene county, defending it from indians, the legal forces of north carolina swooped down on his estate and took possession of his negroes. it was tipton who represented the law; and tipton carried off the governor's slaves to his own estate. when nolichucky jack came home and found that his enemy had stripped him, he was in a towering rage. with a body of his troops and one small cannon, he marched to tipton's house and besieged it, threatening a bombardment. he did not, however, fire into the dwelling, though he placed some shots about it and in the extreme corners. this _opéra bouffe_ siege endured for several days, until tipton was reinforced by some of his own clique. then tipton sallied forth and attacked the besiegers, who hastily scattered rather than engage in a sanguinary fight with their neighbors. tipton captured sevier's two elder sons and was only strained from hanging them on being informed that two of his own sons were at that moment in sevier's hands. in march, , the state of franklin went into eclipse. sevier was overthrown by the authorities of north carolina. most of the officials who had served under him were soothed by being reappointed to their old positions. tipton's star was now in the ascendant, for his enemy was to be made the vicarious sacrifice for the sins of all whom he had led astray. presently david campbell, still graciously permitted to preside over the superior court, received from the governor of north carolina the following letter: sir: it has been represented to the executive that john sevier, who style's himself captain-general of the state of franklin, has been guilty of high treason in levying troops to oppose the laws and government of the state.… you will issue your warrant to apprehend the said john sevier, and in case he cannot be sufficiently secured for trial in the district of washington, order him to be committed to the public gaol. the judge's authority was to be exercised after he had examined the affidavits of credible persons. campbell's judicial opinion seems to have been that any affidavit against the said john sevier could not be made by a credible person. he refused to issue the warrant. tipton's friend, spencer, who had been north carolina's judge of the superior court in the west and who was sharing that honor now with campbell, issued the warrant and sent tipton to make the arrest. sevier was at the widow brown's inn with some of his men when tipton at last came up with him. it was early morning. tipton and his posse were about to enter when the portly and dauntless widow, surmising their errand, drew her chair into the doorway, plumped herself down in it, and refused to budge for all the writs in north carolina. tipton blustered and the widow rocked. the altercation awakened sevier. he dressed hurriedly and came down. as soon as he presented himself on the porch, tipton thrust his pistol against his body, evidently with intent to fire if sevier made signs of resistance. sevier's furious followers were not disposed to let him be taken without a fight, but he admonished them to respect the law, and requested that they would inform bonnie kate of his predicament. then, debonair as ever, with perhaps a tinge of contempt at the corners of his mouth, he held out his wrists for the manacles which tipton insisted on fastening upon them. it was not likely that any jail in the western country could hold nolichucky jack overnight. tipton feared a riot; and it was decided to send the prisoner for incarceration and trial to morgantown in north carolina, just over the hills. tipton did not accompany the guards he sent with sevier. it was stated and commonly believed that he had given instructions of which the honorable men among his friends were ignorant. when the party entered the mountains, two of the guards were to lag behind with the prisoner, till the others were out of sight on the twisting trail. then one of the two was to kill sevier and assert that he had done it because sevier had attempted to escape. it fell out almost as planned, except that the other guard warned sevier of the fate in store for him and gave him a chance to flee. in plunging down the mountain, sevier's horse was entangled in a thicket. the would-be murderer overtook him and fired; but here again fate had interposed for her favorite. the ball had dropped out of the assassin's pistol. so sevier reached morgantown in safety and was deposited in care of the sheriff, who was doubtless cautioned to take a good look at the prisoner and know him for a dangerous and a daring man. there is a story to the effect that, when sevier was arraigned in the courthouse at morgantown and presently dashed through the door and away on a racer that had been brought up by some of his friends, among those who witnessed the proceedings was a young ulster scot named andrew jackson; and that on this occasion these two men, later to become foes, first saw each other. jackson may have been in morgantown at the time, though this is disputed; but the rest of the tale is pure legend invented by some one whose love of the spectacular led him far from the facts. the facts are less theatrical but much more dramatic. sevier was not arraigned at all, for no court was sitting in morgantown at the time.¹ the sheriff to whom he was delivered did not need to look twice at him to know him for a daring man. he had served with him at king's mountain. he struck off his handcuffs and set him at liberty at once. perhaps he also notified general charles mcdowell at his home in quaker meadows of the presence of a distinguished guest in burke county, for mcdowell and his brother joseph, another officer of militia, quickly appeared and went on sevier's bond. nolichucky jack was presently holding a court of his own in the tavern, with north carolina's men at arms--as many as were within call--drinking his health. so his sons and a company of his wataugans found him, when they rode into morgantown to give evidence in his behalf--with their rifles. since none now disputed the way with him, sevier turned homeward with his cavalcade, mcdowell and his men accompanying him as far as the pass in the hills. ¹ statement by john sevier, junior, in the draper mss., quoted by turner, _life of general john sevier,_ p. . no further attempt was made to try john sevier for treason, either west or east of the mountains. in november, however, the assembly passed the pardon act, and thereby granted absolution to every one who had been associated with the state of franklin, except john sevier. in a clause said to have been introduced by tipton, now a senator, or suggested by him, john sevier was debarred forever from the enjoyment of any office of profit or honor or trust in the state of north carolina. the overhill men in greene county took due note of the assembly's fiat and at the next election sent sevier to the north carolina senate. nolichucky jack, whose demeanor was never so decorous as when the ill-considered actions of those in authority had made him appear to have circumvented the law, considerately waited outside until the house had lifted the ban--which it did perforce and by a large majority, despite tipton's opposition--and then took his seat on the senatorial bench beside his enemy. the records show that he was reinstated as brigadier general of the western counties and also appointed at the head of the committee on indian affairs. not only in the region about watauga did the pioneers of tennessee endure the throes of danger and strife during these years. the little settlements on the cumberland, which were scattered over a short distance of about twenty-five or thirty miles and had a frontier line of two hundred miles, were terribly afflicted. their nearest white neighbors among the kentucky settlers were one hundred and fifty miles away; and through the cruelest years these could render no aid--could not, indeed, hold their own stations. the kentuckians, as we have seen, were bottled up in harrodsburg and boonesborough; and, while the northern indians led by girty and dequindre darkened the bloody ground anew, the cumberlanders were making a desperate stand against the chickasaws and the creeks. so terrible was their situation that panic took hold on them, and they would have fled but for the influence of robertson. he may have put the question to them in the biblical words, whither shall i flee? for they were surrounded, and those who did attempt to escape were weighed on the path and made light. robertson knew that their only chance of survival was to stand their ground. the greater risks he was willing to take in person, for it was he who made trips to boonesborough and harrodsburg for a share of the powder and lead which john sevier was sending into kentucky from time to time. in the stress of conflict robertson bore his full share of grief, for his two elder sons and his brother fell. he himself was often near to death. one day he was cut off in the fields and was shot in the foot as he ran, yet he managed to reach shelter. there is a story that, in an attack during one of his absences, the indians forced the outer gate of the fort and mrs. robertson went out of her cabin, firing, and let loose a band of the savage dogs which the settlers kept for their protection, and so drove out the invaders. the chickasaws were loyal to the treaty they had made with the british in the early days of james adair's association with them. they were friends to england's friends and foes to her foes. while they resented the new settlements made on land they considered theirs, they signed a peace with robertson at the conclusion of the war of independence. they kept their word with him as they had kept it with the british. furthermore, their chief, opimingo or the mountain leader, gave robertson his assistance against the creeks and the choctaws and, in so far as he understood its workings, informed him of the new spanish and french conspiracy, which we now come to consider. so once again the chickasaws were servants of destiny to the english-speaking race, for again they drove the wedge of their honor into an indian solidarity welded with european gold. since it was generally believed at that date that the tribes were instigated to war by the british and supplied by them with their ammunition, savage inroads were expected to cease with the signing of peace. but indian warfare not only continued; it increased. in the last two years of the revolution, when the british were driven from the back country of the carolinas and could no longer reach the tribes with consignments of firearms and powder, it should have been evident that the indians had other sources of supply and other allies, for they lacked nothing which could aid them in their efforts to exterminate the settlers of tennessee. neither france nor spain wished to see an english-speaking republic based on ideals of democracy successfully established in america. though in the revolutionary war, france was a close ally of the americans and spain something more than a nominal one, the secret diplomacy of the courts of the bourbon cousins ill matched with their open professions. both cousins hated england. the american colonies, smarting under injustice, had offered a field for their revenge. but hatred of england was not the only reason why activities had been set afoot to increase the discord which should finally separate the colonies from great britain and leave the destiny of the colonies to be decided by the house of bourbon. spain saw in the americans, with their english modes of thought, a menace to her authority in her own colonies on both the northern and southern continents. this menace would not be stilled but augmented if the colonies should be established as a republic. such an example might be too readily followed. though france had, by a secret treaty in , made over to spain the province of louisiana, she was not unmindful of the bourbon motto, he who attacks the crown of one attacks the other. and she saw her chance to deal a crippling blow at england's prestige and commerce. in , the french minister, choiseul, had sent a secret agent, named pontleroy, to america to assist in making trouble and to watch for any signs that might be turned to the advantage of _les duex couronnes_. evidently pontleroy's reports were encouraging for, in , johann kalb--the same kalb who fell at camden in --arrived in philadelphia to enlarge the good work. he was not only, like several of the foreign officers in the war of independence, a spy for his government, but he was also the special emissary of one comte de broglie who, after the colonies had broken with the mother country, was to put himself at the head of american affairs. this broglie had been for years one of louis xv's chief agents in subterranean diplomacy, and it is not to be supposed that he was going to attempt the stupendous task of controlling america's destiny without substantial backing. spain had been advised meanwhile to rule her new louisiana territory with great liberality--in fact, to let it shine as a republic before the yearning eyes of the oppressed americans, so that the english colonists would arise and cast off their fetters. once the colonies had freed themselves from england's protecting arm, it would be a simple matter for the bourbons to gather them in like so many little lost chicks from a rainy yard. the intrigants of autocratic systems have never been able to understand that the urge of the spirit of independence in men is not primarily to break shackles but to stand alone and that the breaking of bonds is incidental to the true demonstration of freedom. the bourbons and their agents were no more nor less blind to the great principle stirring the hearts of men in their day than were the prussianized hosts over a hundred years later who, having themselves no acquaintance with the law of liberty, could not foresee that half a world would rise in arms to maintain that law. when the war of independence had ended, the french minister, vergennes, and the spanish minister, floridablanca, secretly worked in unison to prevent england's recognition of the new republic; and floridablanca in even offered to assist england if she would make further efforts to subdue her rebel subjects. both latin powers had their own axes to grind, and america was to tend the grindstone. france looked for recovery of her old prestige in europe and expected to supersede england in commerce. she would do this, in the beginning, chiefly through control of america and of america's commerce. vergennes therefore sought not only to dictate the final terms of peace but also to say what the american commissioners should and should not demand. of the latter gentlemen he said that they possessed _caractères peu maniables!_ in writing to luzerne, the french ambassador in philadelphia, on october , , vergennes said: it behooves us to leave them [the american commissioners] to their illusions, to do everything that can make them fancy that we share them, and undertake only to defeat any attempts to which those illusions might carry them if our coöperation is required. among these illusions were america's desires in regard to the fisheries and to the western territory. concerning the west, vergennes had written to luzerne, as early as july , : at the moment when the revolution broke out, the limits of the thirteen states did not reach the river [mississippi] and it would be absurd for them to claim the rights of england, a power whose rule they had abjured. by the secret treaty with spain, furthermore, france had agreed to continue the war until gibraltar should be taken, and--if the british should be driven from newfoundland--to share the fisheries only with spain, and to support spain in demanding that the thirteen states renounce all territory west of the alleghanies. the american states must by no means achieve a genuine independence but must feel the need of sureties, allies, and protection.¹ ¹ see john jay, _on the peace negotiations of - as illustrated by the secret correspondence of france and england,_ new york, . so intent was vergennes on these aims that he sent a secret emissary to england to further them there. this act of his perhaps gave the first inkling to the english statesmen² that american and french desires were not identical and hastened england's recognition of american independence and her agreement to american demands in regard to the western territory. when, to his amazement, vergennes learned that england had acceded to all america's demands, he said that england had bought the peace rather than made it. the policy of vergennes in regard to america was not unjustly pronounced by a later french statesman a vile speculation ² your lordship was well founded in your suspicion that the granting of independence to america as a previous measure is a point which the french have by no means at heart and perhaps are entirely averse from. letter from fitzherbert to grantham, september , . through england's unexpected action, then, the bourbon cousins had forever lost their opportunity to dominate the young but spent and war-weakened republic, or to use america as a catspaw to snatch english commerce for france. it was plain, too, that any frank move of the sort would range the english alongside of their american kinsmen. since american independence was an accomplished fact and therefore could no longer be prevented, the present object of the bourbon cousins was to restrict it. the appalachian mountains should be the western limits of the new nation. therefore the settlements in kentucky and tennessee must be broken up, or the settlers must be induced to secede from the union and raise the spanish banner. the latter alternative was held to be preferable. to bring it about the same methods were to be continued which had been used prior to and during the war--namely, the use of _agents provocateurs_ to corrupt the ignorant and incite the lawless, the instigation of indian massacres to daunt the brave, and the distribution of gold to buy the avaricious. as her final and supreme means of coercion, spain refused to america the right of navigation on the mississippi and so deprived the westerners of a market for their produce. the northern states, having no immediate use for the mississippi, were willing to placate spain by acknowledging her monopoly of the great waterway. but virginia and north carolina were determined that america should not, by congressional enactment, surrender her natural right; and they cited the proposed legislation as their reason for refusing to ratify the constitution. the act which abandons it [the right of navigation] is an act of separation between the eastern and western country, jefferson realized at last. an act of separation--that point had long been very clear to the latin sachems of the mississippi valley! bounded as they were on one side by the precipitous mountains and on the other by the southward flow of the mississippi and its tributary, the ohio, the trappers and growers of corn in kentucky and western tennessee regarded new orleans as their logical market, as the wide waters were their natural route. if market and route were to be closed to them, their commercial advancement was something less than a dream. in , don estevan miró, a gentleman of artful and winning address, became governor of louisiana and fountainhead of the propaganda. he wrote benign and brotherly epistles to james robertson of the cumberland and to his excellency of franklin, suggesting that to be of service to them was his dearest aim in life; and at the same time he kept the southern indians continually on the warpath. when robertson wrote to him of the creek and cherokee depredations, with a hint that the spanish might have some responsibility in the matter, miró replied by offering the cumberlander a safe home on spanish territory with freedom of religion and no taxes. he disclaimed stirring up the indians. he had, in fact, advised mr. mcgillivray, chief of the creeks, to make peace. he would try again what he could do with mr. mcgillivray. as to the cherokees, they resided in a very distant territory and he was not acquainted with them; he might have added that he did not need to be: his friend mcgillivray was the potent personality among the southern tribes. in alexander mcgillivray, miró found a weapon fashioned to his hand. if the creek chieftain's figure might stand as the symbol of treachery, it is none the less one of the most picturesque and pathetic in our early annals. mcgillivray, it will be remembered, was the son of adair's friend lachlan mcgillivray, the trader, and a creek woman whose sire had been a french officer. a brilliant and beautiful youth, he had given his father a pride in him which is generally denied to the fathers of sons with indian blood in them. the highland trader had spared nothing in his son's education and had placed him, after his school days, in the business office of the large trading establishment of which he himself was a member. at about the age of seventeen alexander had become a chieftain in his mother's nation; and doubtless it is he who appears shortly afterwards in the colonial records as the white leader whose influence is seen to have been at work for friendship between the colonists and the tribes. when the revolutionary war broke out, lachlan mcgillivray, like many of the old traders who had served british interests so long and so faithfully, held to the british cause. georgia confiscated all his property and lachlan fled to scotland. for this, his son hated the people of georgia with a perfect hatred. he remembered how often his father's courage alone had stood between those same people and the warlike creeks. he could recall the few days in when lachlan and his fellow trader, galphin, at the risk of their lives had braved the creek warriors--already painted for war and on the march--and so had saved the settlements of the back country from extermination. he looked upon the men of georgia as an indian regards those who forget either a blood gift or a blood vengeance. and he embraced the whole american nation in his hatred for their sakes. in alexander mcgillivray was in his early thirties--the exact date of his birth is uncertain.¹ he had, we are told, the tall, sturdy, but spare physique of the gael, with a countenance of indian color though not of indian cast. his overhanging brows made more striking his very large and luminous dark eyes. he bore himself with great dignity; his voice was soft, his manner gentle. he might have been supposed to be some latin courtier but for the barbaric display of his dress and his ornaments. he possessed extraordinary personal magnetism, and his power extended beyond the creek nation to the choctaws and chickasaws and the southern cherokees. he had long been wooed by the louisiana authorities, but there is no evidence that he had made alliance with them prior to the revolution. ¹ probably about or . some writers give and others . his father landed in charleston, pickett (_history of alabama_) says, in , and was then only sixteen. early in the war he joined the british, received a colonel's commission, and led his formidable creeks against the people of georgia. when the british were driven from the back countries, mcgillivray, in his british uniform, went on with the war. when the british made peace, mcgillivray exchanged his british uniform for a spanish one and went on with the war. in later days, when he had forced congress to pay him for his father's confiscated property and had made peace, he wore the uniform of an american brigadier general; but he did not keep the peace, never having intended to keep it. it was not until he had seen the spanish plots collapse and had realized that the americans were to dominate the land, that the white leader ceased from war and urged the youths of his tribe to adopt american civilization. spent from hate and wasted with dissipation, he retired at last to the spot where lachlan had set up his first creek home. here he lived his few remaining days in a house which he built on the site of the old ruined cabin about which still stood the little grove of apple trees his father had planted. he died at the age of fifty of a fever contracted while he was on a business errand in pensacola. among those who visited him in his last years, one has left this description of him: dissipation has sapped a constitution originally delicate and feeble. he possesses an atticism of diction aided by a liberal education, a great fund of wit and humor meliorated by a perfect good nature and politeness. set beside that kindly picture this rough etching by james robertson: the biggest devil among them [the spaniards] is the half spaniard, half frenchman, half scotchman and altogether creek scoundrel, mcgillivray. how indefatigably mcgillivray did his work we know from the bloody annals of the years which followed the british-american peace, when the men of the cumberland and of franklin were on the defensive continually. how cleverly miró played his personal rôle we discover in the letters addressed to him by sevier and robertson. these letters show that, as far as words go at any rate, the founders of tennessee were willing to negotiate with spain. in a letter dated september , , sevier offered himself and his tottering state of franklin to the spanish king. this offer may have been made to gain a respite, or it may have been genuine. the situation in the tennessee settlements was truly desperate, for neither north carolina nor congress apparently cared in the least what befell them or how soon. north carolina indeed was in an anomalous position, as she had not yet ratified the federal constitution. if franklin went out of existence and the territory which it included became again part of north carolina, sevier knew that a large part of the newly settled country would, under north carolina's treaties, revert to the indians. that meant ruin to large numbers of those who had put their faith in his star, or else it meant renewed conflict either with the indians or with the parent state. the probabilities aria that sevier hoped to play the spaniards against the easterners who, even while denying the westerners' contention that the mountains were a natural barrier between them, were making of them a barrier of indifference. it would seem so, because, although this was the very aim of all miró's activities so that, had he been assured of the sincerity of the offer, he must have grasped at it, yet nothing definite was done. and sevier was presently informing shelby, now in kentucky, that there was a spanish plot afoot to seize the western country. miró had other agents besides mcgillivray--who, by the way, was costing spain, for his own services and those of four tribes aggregating over six thousand warriors, a sum of fifty-five thousand dollars a year. mcgillivray did very well as superintendent of massacres; but the spaniard required a different type of man, an american who enjoyed his country's trust, to bring the larger plan to fruition. miró found that man in general james wilkinson, lately of the continental army and now a resident of kentucky, which territory wilkinson undertook to deliver to spain, for a price. in wilkinson secretly took the oath of allegiance to spain and is listed in the files of the spanish secret service, appropriately, as number thirteen. he was indeed the thirteenth at table, the judas at the feast. somewhat under middle height, wilkinson was handsome, graceful, and remarkably magnetic. of a good, if rather impoverished, maryland family, he was well educated and widely read for the times. with a brilliant and versatile intellectuality and ready gifts as a speaker, he swayed men easily. he was a bold soldier and was endowed with physical courage, though when engaged in personal contests he seldom exerted it--preferring the red tongue of slander or the hired assassin's shot from behind cover. his record fails to disclose one commendable trait. he was inordinately avaricious, but love of money was not his whole motive force: he had a spirit so jealous and malignant that he hated to the death another man's good. he seemed to divine instantly wherein other men were weak and to understand the speediest and best means of suborning them to his own interests--or of destroying them. wilkinson was able to lure a number of kentuckians into the separatist movement. george rogers clark seriously disturbed the arch plotter by seizing a spanish trader's store wherewith to pay his soldiers, whom virginia had omitted to recompense. this act aroused the suspicions of the spanish, either as to number thirteen's perfect loyalty or as to his ability to deliver the western country. in , when clark led two thousand men against the ohio indians in his last and his only unsuccessful campaign, wilkinson had already settled himself near the falls (louisville) and had looked about for mischief which he might do for profit. whether his influence had anything to do with what amounted virtually to a mutiny among clark's forces is not ascertainable; but, for a disinterested onlooker, he was overswift to spread the news of clark's debacle and to declare gleefully that clark's sun of military glory had now forever set. it is also known that he later served other generals treacherously in indian expeditions and that he intrigued with mad anthony wayne's kentucky troops against their commander. spain did not wish to see the indians crushed; and wilkinson himself both hated and feared any other officer's prestige. how long he had been in foreign pay we can only conjecture, for, several years before he transplanted his activities to kentucky, he had been one of a cabal against washington. not only his ambitions but his nature must inevitably have brought him to the death-battle with george rogers clark. as a military leader, clark had genius, and soldiering was his passion. in nature, he was open, frank, and bold to make foes if he scorned a man's way as ignoble or dishonest. wilkinson suavely set about scheming for clark's ruin. his communication or memorial to the virginia assembly--signed by himself and a number of his friends--villifying clark, ended clark's chances for the commission in the continental army which he craved. it was wilkinson who made public an incriminating letter which had clark's signature attached and which clark said he had never seen. it is to be supposed that number thirteen was responsible also for the malevolent anonymous letter accusing clark of drunkenness and scheming which, so strangely, found its way into the calendar of state papers of virginia.¹ as a result, clark was censured by virginia. thereupon he petitioned for a court of inquiry, but this was not granted. wilkinson had to get rid of clark; for if clark, with his military gifts and his power over men, had been elevated to a position of command under the smile of the government, there would have been small opportunity for james wilkinson to lead the kentuckians and to gather in spanish gold. so the machinations of one of the vilest traitors who ever sold his country were employed to bring about the stultification and hence the downfall of a great servant. ¹ see thomas m. greene's _the spanish conspiracy,_ p. , footnote. it is possible that wilkinson's intrigues provide data for a new biography of clark which may recast in some measure the accepted view of clark at this period. wilkinson's chief aids were the irishmen, o'fallon, nolan, and powers. through nolan, he also vended spanish secrets. he sold, indeed, whatever and whomever he could get his price for. so clever was he that he escaped detection, though he was obliged to remove some suspicions. he succeeded wayne as commander of the regular army in . he was one of the commissioners to receive louisiana when the purchase was arranged in . he was still on the spanish pay roll at that time. wilkinson's true record came to light only when the spanish archives were opened to investigators. there were british agents also in the old southwest, for the dissatisfaction of the western men inspired in englishmen the hope of recovering the mississippi basin. lord dorchester, governor of canada, wrote to the british government that he had been approached by important westerners; but he received advice from england to move slowly. for complicity in the british schemes, william blount, who was first territorial governor of tennessee and later a senator from that state, was expelled from the senate. surely there was never a more elaborate network of plots that came to nothing! the concession to americans in of the right of navigation on the mississippi brought an end to the scheming. in the same year tennessee was admitted to the union, and john sevier was elected governor. sevier's popularity was undiminished, though there were at this time some sixty thousand souls in tennessee, many of whom were late comers who had not known him in his heyday. his old power to win men to him must have been as strong as ever, for it is recorded that he had only to enter a political meeting--no matter whose--for the crowd to cheer him and shout for him to give them a talk. this adulation of sevier still annoyed a few men who had ambitions of their own. among these was andrew jackson, who had come to jonesborough in , just after the collapse of the state of franklin. he was twenty-one at that time, and he is said to have entered jonesborough riding a fine racer and leading another, with a pack of hunting dogs baying or nosing along after him. a court record dated may , , avers that andrew jackson, esq. came into court and produced a licence as an attorney with a certificate sufficiently attested of his taking the oath necessary to said office and was admitted to practiss as an attorney in the county courts. jackson made no history in old watauga during that year. next year he moved to nashville, and one year later, when the superior court was established ( ), he became prosecuting attorney. the feud between jackson and sevier began about the time that tennessee entered the union. jackson, then twenty-nine, was defeated for the post of major general of the militia through the influence which sevier exercised against him, and it seems that jackson never forgave this opposition to his ambitions. by the close of sevier's third term, however, in , when archibald roane became governor, the post of major general was again vacant. both sevier and jackson offered themselves for it, and jackson was elected by the deciding vote of the governor, the military vote having resulted in a tie. a strong current of influence had now set in against sevier and involved charges against his honor. his old enemy tipton was still active. the basis of the charges was a file of papers from the entry-taker's office which a friend of tipton's had laid before the governor, with an affidavit to the effect that the papers were fraudulent. both the governor and jackson believed the charges. when we consider what system or lack of system of land laws and land entries obtained in watauga and such primitive communities--when a patch of corn sealed a right and claims were made by notching trees with tomahawks--we may imagine that a file from the land office might appear easily enough to smirch a landholder's integrity. the scandal was, of course, used in an attempt to ruin sevier's candidacy for a fourth term as governor and to make certain roane's reëlection. to this end jackson bent all his energies but without success. nolichucky jack was elected, for the fourth time, as governor of tennessee. not long after his inauguration, sevier met jackson in knoxville, where jackson was holding court. the charges against sevier were then being made the subject of legislative investigation instituted by tipton, and jackson had published a letter in the knoxville _gazette_ supporting them. at the sight of jackson, sevier flew into a rage, and a fiery altercation ensued. the two men were only restrained from leaping on each other by the intervention of friends. the next day jackson sent sevier a challenge which sevier accepted, but with the stipulation that the duel take place outside the state. jackson insisted on fighting in knoxville, where the insult had been offered. sevier refused. i have some respect, he wrote, for the laws of the state over which i have the honor to preside, although you, a judge, appear to have none. no duel followed; but, after some further _billets-doux_, jackson published sevier as a base coward and poltroon. he will basely insult but has not the courage to repair the wound. again they met, by accident, and jackson rushed upon sevier with his cane. sevier dismounted and drew his pistol but made no move to fire. jackson, thereupon, also drew his weapon. once more friends interfered. it is presumable that neither really desired the duel. by killing nolichucky jack, jackson would have ended his own career in tennessee--if sevier's tribe of sons had not, by a swifter means, ended it for him. at this date jackson was thirty-six. sevier was fifty-eight; and he had seventeen children. the charges against sevier, though pressed with all the force that his enemies could bring to bear, came to nothing. he remained the governor of tennessee for another six years--the three terms in eight years allowed by the constitution. in he was sent to congress for the second time, as he had represented the territory there twenty years earlier. he was returned again in . at the conclusion of his term in he went into the creek country as commissioner to determine the creek boundaries, and here, far from his bonnie kate and his tribe, he died of fever at the age of seventy. his body was buried with full military honors at tuckabatchee, one of the creek towns. in , sevier's remains were removed to knoxville and a high marble spire was raised above them. his indian enemies forgave the chastisement he had inflicted on them and honored him. in times of peace they would come to him frequently for advice. and in his latter days, the chiefs would make state visits to his home on the nolichucky river. john sevier is a good man--so declared the cherokee, old tassel, making himself the spokesman of history. sevier had survived his old friend, co-founder with him of watauga, by one year. james robertson had died in at the age of seventy-two, among the chickasaws, and his body, like that of his fellow pioneer, was buried in an indian town and lay there until , when it was removed to nashville. what of the red tribes who had fought these great pioneers for the wide land of the old southwest and who in the end had received their dust and treasured it with honor in the little soil remaining to them? always the new boundary lines drew closer in, and the red men's foothold narrowed before the pushing tread of the whites. the day came soon when there was no longer room for them in the land of their fathers. but far off across the great river there was a land the white men did not covet yet. thither at last the tribes--cherokee, choctaw, chickasaw, and creek--took their way. with wives and children, maids and youths, the old and the young, with all their goods, their cattle and horses, in the company of a regiment of american troops, they--like the white men who had superseded them--turned westward. in their faces also was the red color of the west, but not newly there. from the beginning of their race, destiny had painted them with the hue of the brief hour of the dying sun. chapter xi boone's last days one spring day in , there might have been observed a great stir through the valley of the kanawha. with the dawn, men were ahorse, and women, too. wagons crowded with human freight wheeled over the rough country, and boats, large and small, were afloat on the streams which pour into the great kanawha and at length mingle with the ohio at point pleasant, where the battle was fought which opened the gates of kentucky. some of the travelers poured into the little settlement at the junction of the elk and the kanawha, where charleston now lies. others, who had been later in starting or had come from a greater distance, gathered along the banks of the kanawha. at last shouts from those stationed farthest up the stream echoed down the valley and told the rest that what they had come out to see was at hand. several pirogues drifted into view on the river, now brightening in the sunshine. in the vessels were men and their families; bales and bundles and pieces of household furnishings, heaped to the gunwale; a few cattle and horses standing patiently. but it was for one man above all that the eager eyes of the settlers were watching, and him they saw clearly as his boat swung by--a tall figure, erect and powerful, his keen friendly blue eyes undimmed and his ruddy face unlined by time, though sixty-five winters had frosted his black hair. for a decade these settlers had known daniel boone, as storekeeper, as surveyor, as guide and soldier. they had eaten of the game he killed and lavishly distributed. and they too--like the folk of clinch valley in the year of dunmore's war--had petitioned virginia to bestow military rank upon their protector. lieutenant colonel had been his title among them, by their demand. once indeed he had represented them in the virginia assembly and, for that purpose, trudged to richmond with rifle and hunting dog. not interested in the legislature's proceedings, he left early in the session and tramped home again. but not even the esteem of friends and neighbors could hold the great hunter when the deer had fled. so daniel boone was now on his way westward to missouri, to a new land of fabled herds and wide spaces, where the hunter's gun might speak its one word with authority and where the soul of a silent and fearless man might find its true abode in nature's solitude. waving his last farewells, he floated past the little groups--till their shouts of good will were long silenced, and his fleet swung out upon the ohio. as boone sailed on down the beautiful river which forms the northern boundary of kentucky, old friends and newcomers who had only heard his fame rode from far and near to greet and godspeed him on his way. sometimes he paused for a day with them. once at least--this was in cincinnati where he was taking on supplies--some one asked him why, at his age, he was leaving the settled country to dare the frontier once more. too crowded, he answered; i want more elbow-room! boone settled at the femme osage creek on the missouri river, twenty-five miles above st. charles, where the missouri flows into the mississippi. there were four other kentucky families at la charette, as the french inhabitants called the post, but these were the only americans. the spanish authorities granted boone acres of land, and here daniel built the last cabin home he was to erect for himself and his rebecca. the region pleased him immensely. the governmental system, for instance, was wholly to his mind. taxes were infinitesimal. there were no elections, assemblies, or the like. a single magistrate, or syndic, decided all disputes and made the few regulations and enforced them. there were no land speculators, no dry-mouthed sons of the commercial tantalus, athirst for profits. boone used to say that his first years in missouri were the happiest of his life, with the exception of his first long hunt in kentucky. in he was appointed syndic of the district of femme osage, which office he filled for four years, until louisiana became american territory. he was held in high esteem as a magistrate because of his just and wise treatment of his flock, who brought him all their small bickerings to settle. he had no use for legal procedure, would not listen to any nice subtleties, saying that he did not care anything at all about the evidence, what he wanted was the truth. his favorite penalty for offenders was the hickory rod well laid on. often he decided that both parties in a suit were equally to blame and chastised them both alike. when in march, , the american commissioner received louisiana for the united states, delassus, lieutenant governor of upper louisiana, reporting on the various officials in the territory, wrote of the femme osage syndic: mr. boone, a respectable old man, just and impartial, he has already, since i appointed him, offered his resignation owing to his infirmities. believing i know his probity, i have induced him to remain, in view of my confidence in him, for the public good.¹ * thwaites, _daniel boone._ to this and other biographies of boone, cited in the bibliographical note at the end of this volume, the author is indebted for the material contained in this chapter. daniel, no doubt supposing that a syndic's rights were inviolable, had neglected to apply to the governor at new orleans for a ratification of his grant. he was therefore dispossessed. not until , and after he had enlisted the kentucky legislature in his behalf, did he succeed in inducing congress to restore his land. the kentucky legislature's resolution was adopted because of the many eminent services rendered by colonel boone in exploring and settling the western country, from which great advantages have resulted not only to the state but to the country in general, and that from circumstances over which he had no control he is now reduced to poverty; not having so far as appears an acre of land out of the vast territory he has been a great instrument in peopling. daniel was seventy-six then; so it was late in the day for him to have his first experience of justice in the matter of land. perhaps it pleased him, however, to hear that, in confirming his grant, congress had designated him as the man who has opened the way for millions of his fellow-men. the infirmities which had caused the good syndic to seek relief from political cares must have been purely magisterial. the hunter could have been very little affected by them, for as soon as he was freed from his duties boone took up again the silent challenge of the forest. usually one or two of his sons or his son-in-law, flanders calloway, accompanied him, but sometimes his only companions were an old indian and his hunting dog. on one of his hunting trips he explored a part of kansas; and in , when he was eighty, he hunted big game in the yellowstone where again his heart rejoiced over great herds as in the days of his first lone wanderings in the blue grass country. at last, with the proceeds of these expeditions he was able to pay the debts he had left behind in kentucky thirty years before. the story runs that daniel had only fifty cents remaining when all the claims had been settled, but so contented was he to be able to look an honest man in the face that he was in no disposition to murmur over his poverty. when after a long and happy life his wife died in , boone lived with one or other of his sons¹ and sometimes with flanders calloway. nathan boone, with whom daniel chiefly made his home, built what is said to have been the first stone house in missouri. evidently the old pioneer disapproved of stone houses and of the luxuries in furnishings which were then becoming possible to the new generation, for one of his biographers speaks of visiting him in a log addition to his son's house; and when chester harding, the painter, visited him in for the purpose of doing his portrait, he found boone dwelling in a small log cabin in nathan's yard. when harding entered, boone was broiling a venison steak on the end of his ramrod. during the sitting, one day, harding asked boone if he had ever been lost in the woods when on his long hunts in the wilderness. ¹ boone's son nathan won distinction in the war of and entered the regular army, rising to the rank of lieutenant colonel. daniel morgan boone is said to have been the first settler in kansas ( ). one of daniel's grandsons, bearing the name of albert gallatin boone, was a pioneer of colorado and was to the forefront in rocky mountain exploration. another grandson was the scout, kit carson, who led frémont to california. no, i never got lost, boone replied reflectively, but i was bewildered once for three days. though now having reached the age of eighty-five, daniel was intensely interested in california and was enthusiastic to make the journey thither next spring and so to flee once more from the civilization which had crept westward along his path. the resolute opposition of his sons, however, prevented the attempt. a few men who sought out boone in his old age have left us brief accounts of their impressions. among these was audubon. the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests, the naturalist wrote, approached the gigantic. his chest was broad, and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise and perseverance; and, when he spoke, the very motion of his lips brought the impression that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. audubon spent a night under boone's roof. he related afterwards that the old hunter, having removed his hunting shirt, spread his blankets on the floor and lay down there to sleep, saying that he found it more comfortable than a bed. a striking sketch of boone is contained in a few lines penned by one of his earliest biographers: he had what phrenologists would have considered a model head--with a forehead peculiarly high, noble and bold, thin compressed lips, a mild clear blue eye, a large and prominent chin and a general expression of countenance in which fearlessness and courage sat enthroned and which told the beholder at a glance what he had been and was formed to be. in criticizing the various portraits of daniel, the same writer says: they want the high port and noble daring of his countenance.… never was old age more green, or gray hairs more graceful. his high, calm, bold forehead seemed converted by years into iron. although we are indebted to these and other early chroniclers for many details of boone's life, there was one event which none of his biographers has related; yet we know that it must have taken place. even the bare indication of it is found only in the narrative of the adventures of two other explorers. it was in the winter of that these two men came to boone's settlement, as la charette was now generally called. they had planned to make their winter camp there, for in the spring, when the missouri rose to the flood, they and their company of frontiersmen were to take their way up that uncharted stream and over plains and mountains in quest of the pacific ocean. they were refused permission by the spanish authorities to camp at boone's settlement; so they lay through the winter some forty miles distant on the illinois side of the mississippi, across from the mouth of the missouri. since the records are silent, we are free to picture as we choose their coming to the settlement during the winter and again in the spring, for we know that they came. we can imagine, for instance, the stir they made in la charette on some sparkling day when the frost bit and the crusty snow sent up a dancing haze of diamond points. we can see the friendly french _habitants_ staring after the two young leaders and their men--all mere boys, though they were also husky, seasoned frontiersmen--with their bronzed faces of english cast, as in their gayly fringed deerskins they swaggered through the hamlet to pay their respects to the syndic. we may think of that dignitary as smoking his pipe before his fireplace, perhaps; or making out, in his fantastic spelling, a record of his primitive court--for instance, that he had on that day given pierre a dozen hickory thwacks, well laid on, for starting a brawl with antoine, and had bestowed the same upon antoine for continuing the brawl with pierre. a knock at the door would bring the amiable invitation to enter, and the two young men would step across his threshold, while their followers crowded about the open door and hailed the old pathfinder. one of the two leaders--the dark slender man with a subtle touch of the dreamer in his resolute face--was a stranger; but the other, with the more practical mien and the shock of hair that gave him the name of red head among the tribes, boone had known as a lad in kentucky. to daniel and this young visitor the encounter would be a simple meeting of friends, heightened in pleasure and interest somewhat, naturally, by the adventure in prospect. but to us there is something vast in the thought of daniel boone, on his last frontier, grasping the hands of william clark and meriwether lewis. as for the rough and hearty mob at the door, daniel must have known not a few of them well; though they had been children in the days when he and william clark's brother strove for kentucky. it seems fitting that the soldiers with this expedition should have come from the garrison at kaskaskia; since the taking of that fort in by george rogers clark had opened the western way from the boundaries of kentucky to the mississippi. and among the young kentuckians enlisted by william clark were sons of the sturdy fighters of still an earlier border line, clinch and holston valley men who had adventured under another lewis at point pleasant. daniel would recognize in these--such as charles floyd--the young kinsmen of his old-time comrades whom he had preserved from starvation in the kentucky wilderness by the kill from his rifle as they made their long march home after dunmore's war. in may, lewis and clark's pirogues ascended the missouri and the leaders and men of the expedition spent another day in la charette. once again, at least, daniel was to watch the westward departure of pioneers. in , when the astorians passed, one of their number pointed to the immobile figure of an old man on the bank, who, he said, was daniel boone. sometimes the aged pioneer's mind cast forward to his last journey, for which his advancing years were preparing him. he wrote on the subject to a sister, in , revealing in a few simple lines that the faith whereby he had crossed, if not more literally removed, mountains was a fixed star, and that he looked ahead fearlessly to the dark trail he must tread by its single gleam. autumn was tinting the forest and the tang he loved was in the air when the great hunter passed. the date of boone's death is given as september , . he was in his eighty-sixth year. unburdened by the pangs of disease he went out serenely, by the gentle marches of sleep, into the new country. the convention for drafting the constitution of missouri, in session at st. louis, adjourned for the day, and for twenty days thereafter the members wore crape on their arms as a further mark of respect for the great pioneer. daniel was laid by rebecca's side, on the bank of teugue creek, about a mile from the missouri river. in , the missouri legislators hearkened to oft-repeated pleas from kentucky and surrendered the remains of the pioneer couple. their bones lie now in frankfort, the capital of the once dark and bloody ground, and in a monument was raised over them. to us it seems rather that kentucky itself is boone's monument; even as those other great corn states, illinois and indiana, are clark's. there, these two servants unafraid, who sacrificed without measure in the wintry winds of man's ingratitude, are each year memorialized anew; when the earth in summer--the season when the red man slaughtered--lifts up the full grain in the ear, the life-giving corn; and when autumn smiles in golden peace over the stubble fields, where the reaping and binding machines have hummed a nation's harvest song. bibliographical note the races and their migration c. a. hanna, _the scotch-irish,_ vols. new york, . a very full if somewhat over-enthusiastic study. h. j. ford, _the scotch-irish in america._ princeton, . excellent. a. g. spangenberg, extracts from his journal of travels in north carolina, . publication of the southern history association. vol. i, . a. b. faust, _the german element in the united states,_ vols. ( ). j. p. maclean, _an historical account of the settlements of scotch highlanders in america_ ( ). s. h. cobb, _the story of the palatines_ ( ). n. d. mereness (editor), _travels in the american colonies._ new york, . this collection contains the diary of the moravian brethren cited in the first chapter of the present volume. life in the back country joseph doddridge, _notes on the settlements and indian wars of the western parts of virginia and pennsylvania,_ from to . albany, . an intimate description of the daily life of the early settlers in the back country by one of themselves. j. f. d. smyth, _tour in the united states of america,_ vols. london, . minute descriptions of the back country and interesting pictures of the life of the settlers; biased as to political views by royalist sympathies. william h. foote, _sketches of north carolina,_ new york, . see foote also for history of the first presbyterian ministers in the back country. as to political history, inaccurate. early history and exploration j. s. bassett (editor), _the writings of colonel william byrd of westover._ new york, . a contemporary record of early virginia. thomas walker, _journal of an exploration in the spring of the year ._ boston, . the record of his travels by the discoverer of cumberland gap. william m. darlington (editor), _christopher gist's journals._ pittsburgh, . contains gist's account of his surveys for the ohio company, . c. a. hanna, _the wilderness trail,_ vols. new york, . an exhaustive work of research, with full accounts of croghan and findlay. see also croghan's and johnson's correspondence in vol. vii, new york colonial records. james adair, _the history of the american indians,_ etc. london, . the personal record of a trader who was one of the earliest explorers of the alleghanies and of the mississippi region east of the river; a many-sided work, intensely interesting. c. w. alvord, _the genesis of the proclamation of ._ reprinted from canadian archives report, . a new and authoritative interpretation. in this connection see also the correspondence between sir william johnson and the lords of trade in vol. vii of new york colonial records. justin winsor, _the mississippi basin. the struggle in america between england and france._ cambridge, . presents the results of exhaustive research and the coördination of facts by an historian of broad intellect and vision. _colonial and state records of north carolina._ vols. the chief fountain source of the early history of north carolina and tennessee. w. h. hoyt, _the mecklenburg declaration of independence._ new york, . this book presents the view generally adopted by historians, that the alleged declaration of may , , is spurious. justin winsor (editor), _narrative and critical history of america._ vols. ( - ). also _the westward movement._ cambridge, . both works of incalculable value to the student. c. w. alvord, _the mississippi valley in british politics._ vols. cleveland, . a profound work of great value to students. kentucky r. g. thwaites and l. p. kellogg (editors), _documentary history of dunmore's war, ._ compiled from the draper manuscripts in the library of the wisconsin historical society. madison, . a collection of interesting and valuable documents with a suggestive introduction. r. g. thwaites, _daniel boone._ new york, . a short and accurate narrative of boone's life and adventures compiled from the draper manuscripts and from earlier printed biographies. john p. hale, _daniel boone, some facts and incidents not hitherto published._ a pamphlet giving an account of boone in west virginia. printed at wheeling, west virginia. undated. timothy flint, _the first white man of the west or the life and exploits of colonel dan'l boone._ cincinnati, . valuable only as regards boone's later years. john s. c. abbott, _daniel boone, the pioneer of kentucky._ new york, . fairly accurate throughout. j. m. peck, _daniel boone_ (in sparks, _library of american biography._ boston, ). william henry bogart. _daniel boone and the hunters of kentucky._ new york, . william hayden english, _conquest of the country northwest of the river ohio, - , and life of general george rogers clark,_ vols. indianapolis, . an accurate and valuable work for which the author has made painstaking research among printed and unprinted documents. contains clark's own account of his campaigns, letters he wrote on public and personal matters, and also letters from contemporaries in defense of his reputation. theodore roosevelt, _the winning of the west,_ vols. new york, - . a vigorous and spirited narrative. tennessee j. g. m. ramsey, _the annals of tennessee._ charleston, . john haywood, _the civil and political history of the state of tennessee._ nashville, . (reprint from .) these works, with the north carolina _colonial records,_ are the source books of early tennessee. in statistics, such as numbers of indians and other foes defeated by tennessee heroes, not reliable. incorrect as to causes of indian wars during the revolution. on this subject see letters and reports by john and henry stuart in north carolina _colonial records,_ vol. x; and letters by general gage and letters and proclamation by general ethan allen in american archives, fourth series, vol. ii, and by president rutledge of south carolina in north carolina _colonial records,_ vol. x. see also justin winsor, _the westward movement._ j. allison, _dropped stitches in tennessee history._ nashville, . contains interesting matter relative to andrew jackson in his younger days as well as about other striking figures of the time. f. m. turner, _the life of general john sevier._ new york, . a fairly accurate narrative of events in which sevier participated, compiled from the _draper manuscripts._ a. w. putnam, _history of middle tennessee, or life and times of general james robertson._ nashville, . a rambling lengthy narrative containing some interesting material and much that is unreliable. its worst fault is distortion through sentimentality, and indulgence in the habit of putting the author's rodomontades into the mouths of robertson and other characters. j. s. bassett, _regulators of north carolina,_ in report of the american historical association, . l. c. draper, _king's mountain and its heroes._ cincinnati, . the source book on this event. contains interesting biographical material about the men engaged in the battle. french and spanish intrigues henry doniol, _histoire de la participation de la france á l'établissement des États-unis d'amérique,_ vols. paris, - . a complete exposition of the french and spanish policy towards america during the revolutionary period. manuel serrano y sanz, _el brigadier jaime wilkinson y sus tratos con españa para la independencia del kentucky, años á ._ madrid, . a spanish view of wilkinson's intrigues with spain, based on letters and reports in the spanish archives. thomas marshall green, _the spanish conspiracy._ cincinnati, . a good local account, from american sources. the best material on this subject is found in justin winsor's _the westward movement and narrative and critical history_ because there viewed against a broad historical background. see winsor also for the latin intrigues in tennessee. for material on alexander mcgillivray see the american archives and the colonial records of georgia. edward s. corwin, _french policy and the american alliance of ._ princeton, . deals chiefly with the commercial aspects of french policy and should be read in conjunction with winsor, jay, and fitzmaurice's _life of william, earl of shelburne._ vols. london, . john jay, _on the peace negotiations of - as illustrated by the secret correspondence of france and england._ new york, . a paper read before the american historical association, may , . the chronicles of america series . the red man's continent by ellsworth huntington . the spanish conquerors by irving berdine richman . elizabethan sea-dogs by william charles henry wood . the crusaders of new france by william bennett munro . pioneers of the old south by mary johnson . the fathers of new england by charles mclean andrews . dutch and english on the hudson by maud wilder goodwin . the quaker colonies by sydney george fisher . colonial folkways by by charles mclean andrews . the conquest of new france by george mckinnon wrong . the eve of the revolution by carl lotus becker . washington and his comrades in arms by george mckinnon wrong . the fathers of the constitution by max farrand . washington and his colleagues by henry jones ford . jefferson and his colleagues by allen johnson . john marshall and the constitution by edward samuel corwin . the fight for a free sea by ralph delahaye paine . pioneers of the old southwest by constance lindsay skinner . the old northwest by frederic austin ogg . the reign of andrew jackson by frederic austin ogg . the paths of inland commerce by archer butler hulbert . adventurers of oregon by constance lindsay skinner . the spanish borderlands by herbert e. bolton . texas and the mexican war by nathaniel wright stephenson . the forty-niners by stewart edward white . the passing of the frontier by emerson hough . the cotton kingdom by william e. dodd . the anti-slavery crusade by jesse macy . abraham lincoln and the union by nathaniel wright stephenson . the day of the confederacy by nathaniel wright stephenson . captains of the civil war by william charles henry wood . the sequel of appomattox by walter lynwood fleming . the american spirit in education by edwin e. slosson . the american spirit in literature by bliss perry . our foreigners by samuel peter orth . the old merchant marine by ralph delahaye paine . the age of invention by holland thompson . the railroad builders by john moody . the age of big business by burton jesse hendrick . the armies of labor by samuel peter orth . the masters of capital by john moody . the new south by holland thompson . the boss and the machine by samuel peter orth . the cleveland era by henry jones ford . the agrarian crusade by solon justus buck . the path of empire by carl russell fish . theodore roosevelt and his times by harold howland . woodrow wilson and the world war by charles seymour . the canadian dominion by oscar d. skelton . the hispanic nations of the new world by william r. shepherd transcriber notes the author spelled powderhorns on p , but used a hyphen for powder-horns on p . the inconsistencies were retained, and were entirely a function of the author. on p and p the word pack-horse was hyphenated between two lines. since the author wrote pack-horse five times in the middle of a sentence, with the hyphen, and did not write packhorse, both words were transcribed pack-horse. p - tach-nech-dor-us was hyphenated between two lines, so the name could have been transcribed tachnech-dor-us. wikipedia has an entry on chief logan from the yellow creek massacre. the name was spelled without hyphens, tachnechdorus. the proper transcription was to place hyphens after each syllable, tach-nech-dor-us. the author referred to the back water men on p . on p , the _backwater men_ were quoted. my interpretation is that the author borrowed that spelling from another source, without necessarily approving of it. major patrick ferguson capitalized back water, separated the syllables by a space, but alternately capitalized men on p , while not doing so in his proclamation presented on p . the back water men and back water men of ferguson make it four different spellings for the same word in the same chapter. transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). the author used superscripted numbers to indicate which of several people with the same name are being referred to. the superscript notation has been replaced in the text with a number within curly brackets (e.g., george{ }, george{ }). [illustration: daniel boone. from the portrait by chester harding made in , when boone was eighty-five years old. (see pp. - .)] daniel boone by reuben gold thwaites author of "father marquette," "the colonies, - ," "down historic waterways," "afloat on the ohio," etc.; editor of "the jesuit relations and allied documents," "chronicles of border warfare," "wisconsin historical collections," etc. illustrated new york d. appleton & company copyright, by d. appleton and company published september, to the memory of the late lyman copeland draper, ll.d. whose unparalleled collection of manuscript materials for western history in the library of the wisconsin state historical society has made practicable the preparation of this little book preface poets, historians, and orators have for a hundred years sung the praises of daniel boone as the typical backwoodsman of the trans-alleghany region. despite popular belief, he was not really the founder of kentucky. other explorers and hunters had been there long before him; he himself was piloted through cumberland gap by john finley; and his was not even the first permanent settlement in kentucky, for harrodsburg preceded it by nearly a year; his services in defense of the west, during nearly a half century of border warfare, were not comparable to those of george rogers clark or benjamin logan; as a commonwealth builder he was surpassed by several. nevertheless, boone's picturesque career possesses a romantic and even pathetic interest that can never fail to charm the student of history. he was great as a hunter, explorer, surveyor, and land-pilot--probably he found few equals as a rifleman; no man on the border knew indians more thoroughly or fought them more skilfully than he; his life was filled to the brim with perilous adventures. he was not a man of affairs, he did not understand the art of money-getting, and he lost his lands because, although a surveyor, he was careless of legal forms of entry. he fled before the advance of the civilization which he had ushered in: from pennsylvania, wandering with his parents to north carolina in search of broader lands; thence into kentucky because the carolina borders were crowded; then to the kanawha valley, for the reason that kentucky was being settled too fast to suit his fancy; lastly to far-off missouri, in order, as he said, to get "elbow room." experiences similar to his have made misanthropes of many another man--like clark, for instance; but the temperament of this honest, silent, nature-loving man only mellowed with age; his closing years were radiant with the sunshine of serene content and the dimly appreciated consciousness of world-wide fame; and he died full of years, in heart a simple hunter to the last--although he had also served with credit as magistrate, soldier, and legislator. at his death the constitutional convention of missouri went into mourning for twenty days, and the state of kentucky claimed his bones, and has erected over them a suitable monument. there have been published many lives of boone, but none of them in recent years. had the late dr. lyman copeland draper, of wisconsin, ever written the huge biography for which he gathered materials throughout a lifetime of laborious collection, those volumes--there were to be several--would doubtless have uttered the last possible word concerning the famous kentucky pioneer. draper's manuscript, however, never advanced beyond a few chapters; but the raw materials which he gathered for this work, and for many others of like character, are now in the library of the wisconsin state historical society, available to all scholars. from this almost inexhaustible treasure-house the present writer has obtained the bulk of his information, and has had the advantage of being able to consult numerous critical notes made by his dear and learned friend. a book so small as this, concerning a character every phase of whose career was replete with thrilling incident, would doubtless not have won the approbation of dr. draper, whose unaccomplished biographical plans were all drawn upon a large scale; but we are living in a busy age, and life is brief--condensation is the necessary order of the day. it will always be a source of regret that draper's projected literary monument to boone was not completed for the press, although its bulk would have been forbidding to any but specialists, who would have sought its pages as a cyclopedia of western border history. through the courtesy both of colonel reuben t. durrett, of louisville, president of the filson club, and of mrs. ranck, we are permitted to include among our illustrations reproductions of some of the plates in the late george w. ranck's stately monograph upon boonesborough. aid in tracing original portraits of boone has been received from mrs. jennie c. morton and general fayette hewitt, of frankfort; miss marjory dawson and mr. w. g. lackey, of st. louis; mr. william h. king, of winnetka, ill.; and mr. j. marx etting, of philadelphia. r. g. t. madison, wis., _ _. contents chapter page preface vii i. ancestry and training ii. the nimrod of the yadkin iii. life on the border iv. red man against white man v. kentucky reached at last vi. alone in the wilderness vii. predecessors and contemporaries viii. the hero of clinch valley ix. the settlement of kentucky x. two years of darkness xi. the siege of boonesborough xii. soldier and statesman xiii. kentucky's path of thorns xiv. in the kanawha valley xv. a serene old age index list of illustrations facing page portrait of daniel boone _frontispiece_ boone's powder-horn and bake-kettle a boone tree, a survey note by boone fort boonesborough climax of the treaty site of boonesborough to-day boone's cabin in st. charles county, missouri nathan boone's house in st. charles county, missouri boone's religious views (two pages) boone's monument at frankfort, ky. daniel boone chapter i ancestry and training the grandfather of daniel boone--george by name--was born in at the peaceful little hamlet of stoak, near the city of exeter, in devonshire, england. his father had been a blacksmith; but he himself acquired the weaver's art. in due time george married mary maugridge, a young woman three years his junior, and native of the neighboring village of bradninch, whither he had gone to follow his trade. this worthy couple, professed quakers, became the parents of nine children, all born in bradninch--george, sarah, squire,[ ] mary, john, joseph, benjamin, james, and samuel. all of these, except john, married, and left numerous descendants in america. the elder boones were ambitious for the welfare of their large family. they were also fretful under the bitter intolerance encountered by quakers in those unrestful times. as the children grew to maturity, the enterprising weaver sought information regarding the colony which his coreligionist william penn had, some thirty years previous, established in america, where were promised cheap lands, religious freedom, political equality, and exact justice to all men. there were then no immigration bureaus to encourage and instruct those who proposed settling in america; no news-letters from traveling correspondents, to tell the people at home about the western world; or books or pamphlets illustrating the country. the only method which occurred to george boone, of bradninch, by which he could satisfy himself regarding the possibilities of pennsylvania as a future home for his household, was to send out some of his older children as prospectors. accordingly--somewhere about - , family tradition says--young george (aged from twenty-two to twenty-four years), sarah (a year and a half younger), and squire (born november , ) were despatched to the promised land, and spent several months in its inspection. leaving sarah and squire in pennsylvania, george returned to his parents with a favorable report. on the seventeenth of august, , the boones, parents and children, bade a sorrowful but brave farewell to their relatives and friends in old bradninch, whom they were never again to see. after journeying some eighty miles over rugged country to the port of bristol, they there entered a sailing vessel bound for philadelphia, where they safely arrived upon the tenth of october. philadelphia was then but a village. laid out like a checker-board, with architecture of severe simplicity, its best residences were surrounded by gardens and orchards. the town was substantial, neat, and had the appearance of prosperity; but the frontier was not far away--beyond outlying fields the untamed forest closed in upon the little capital. the fur trade flourished but two or three days' journey into the forest, and indians were frequently seen upon the streets. when, therefore, the boones decided to settle in what is now abingdon, twelve or fourteen miles north of the town, in a sparse neighborhood of quaker farmers, they at once became backwoodsmen, such as they remained for the rest of their lives. they were, however, not long in abingdon. soon after, we find them domiciled a few miles to the northwest in the little frontier hamlet of north wales, in gwynedd township; this was a welsh community whose members had, a few years before, turned quakers. sarah boone appears, about this time, to have married one jacob stover, a german who settled in oley township, now in berks county. the elder george boone, now that he had become accustomed to moving, after his long, quiet years as a devonshire weaver, appears to have made small ado over folding his family tent and seeking other pastures. in he took out a warrant for four hundred acres of land in oley, and near the close of the following year removed to his daughter's neighborhood. this time he settled in earnest, for here in oley--or rather the later subdivision thereof called exeter--he spent the remainder of his days, dying in his original log cabin there, in , at the age of seventy-eight. he left eight children, fifty-two grandchildren, and ten great-grandchildren--in all, seventy descendants: devonshire men, germans, welsh, and scotch-irish amalgamated into a sturdy race of american pioneers. among the early welsh quakers in the rustic neighborhood of north wales were the morgans. on the twenty-third of july, , at the gwynedd meeting-house, in accordance with the quaker ceremony, squire boone married sarah morgan, daughter of john. a descendant tells us that at this time "squire boone was a man of rather small stature, fair complexion, red hair, and gray eyes; while his wife was a woman something over the common size, strong and active, with black hair and eyes, and raised in the quaker order." for ten or eleven years squire and sarah boone lived in gwynedd township, probably on rented land, the former adding to their small income by occasional jobs of weaving, for he had learned his father's trade. they were thrifty folk, but it took ten years under these primitive conditions to accumulate even the small sum sufficient to acquire a farm of their own. toward the close of the year , squire obtained for a modest price a grant of acres of land situated in his father's township, oley--a level tract adapted to grazing purposes, on owatin creek, some eight miles southeast of the present city of reading, and a mile and a half from exeter meeting-house. here, probably early in , the boones removed with their four children. relatives and quaker neighbors assisted, after the manner of the frontier, in erecting a log cabin for the new-comers and in clearing and fencing for them a small patch of ground. in this rude backwoods home, in the valley of the schuylkill, was born, upon the second of november (new style), , daniel boone, fourth son and sixth child of squire and sarah. it is thought that the name daniel was suggested by that of daniel boone, a well-known dutch painter who had died in london in , "and who may have been known, or distantly related, to the family." the other children were: sarah (born in ), israel ( ), samuel ( ), jonathan ( ), elizabeth ( ), mary ( ), george ( ), edward ( ), squire, and hannah, all of them natives of oley.[ ] born into a frontier community, daniel boone's entire life was spent amid similar surroundings, varying only in degree. with the sight of indians he was from the first familiar. they frequently visited oley and exeter, and were cordially received by the quakers. george boone's house was the scene of many a friendly gathering of the tribesmen. when daniel was eight years of age, the celebrated moravian missionary, count zinzendorf, held a synod in a barn at oley, a party of converted delaware indians, who preached in favor of christianity, being the principal attractions at this meeting. thus young boone started in life with an accurate knowledge of the american savage, which served him well during his later years of adventurous exploration and settlement-building. squire boone appears soon to have become a leader in his community. his farm, to whose acres he from time to time added, was attended to as closely as was usual among the frontiersmen of his day; and at home the business of weaving was not neglected, for he kept in frequent employment five or six looms, making "homespun" cloths for his neighbors and the market. he had an excellent grazing range some five or six miles north of the homestead, and each season sent his stock thither, as was the custom at that time. mrs. boone and daniel accompanied the cows, and from early spring until late in autumn lived in a rustic cabin, far from any other human beings. hard by, over a cool spring, was a dairy-house, in which the stout-armed mother made and kept her butter and cheese; while her favorite boy watched the herd as, led by their bell-carriers, they roamed at will through the woods, his duty at sunset being to drive them to the cabin for milking, and later to lock them for the night within the cow-pens, secure from wild animals or prowling cattle-thieves. while tending his cattle, a work involving abundant leisure, the young herdsman was also occupied in acquiring the arts of the forest. for the first two or three years--his pastoral life having commenced at the tender age of ten--his only weapon was a slender, smoothly shaved sapling, with a small bunch of gnarled roots at the end, in throwing which he grew so expert as easily to kill birds and other small game. when reaching the dignity of a dozen years, his father bought him a rifle, with which he soon became an unerring marksman. but, although he henceforth provided wild meat enough for the family, his passion for hunting sometimes led him to neglect the cattle, which were allowed to stray far from home and pass the night in the deep forest. soon each summer of herding came to be succeeded by a winter's hunt. in this occupation the boy roved far and wide over the neversink mountain-range to the north and west of monocacy valley, killing and curing game for the family, and taking the skins to philadelphia, where he exchanged them for articles needed in the chase--long hunting-knives, and flints, lead, and powder for his gun. in those days the children of the frontier grew up with but slight store of such education as is obtainable from books. the open volume of nature, however, they carefully conned. the ways of the wilderness they knew full well--concerning the storms and floods, the trees and hills, the wild animals and the indians, they were deeply learned; well they knew how to live alone in the forest, and to thrive happily although surrounded by a thousand lurking dangers. this quiet, mild-mannered, serious-faced quaker youth, daniel boone, was an ardent lover of the wild woods and their inhabitants, which he knew as did audubon and thoreau; but of regular schooling he had none. when he was about fourteen years of age, his brother samuel, nearly seven years his senior, married sarah day, an intelligent young quakeress who had more education than was customary in this neighborhood. sarah taught daniel the elements of "the three r's." to this knowledge he added somewhat by later self-teaching, so that as a man he could read understandingly, do rough surveying, keep notes of his work, and write a sensible although badly spelled letter--for our backwoods hero was, in truth, no scholar, although as well equipped in this direction as were most of his fellows. in time squire boone, a man of enterprise and vigor, added blacksmithing to his list of occupations, and employed his young sons in this lusty work. thus daniel served, for a time, as a worker in iron as well as a hunter and herdsman; although it was noticed that his art was chiefly developed in the line of making and mending whatever pertained to traps and guns. he was a fearless rider of his father's horses; quick, though bred a quaker, to resent what he considered wrong treatment;[ ] true to his young friends; fond of long, solitary tramps through the dark forest, or of climbing hilltops for bird's-eye views of the far-stretching wilderness. effective training this, for the typical pioneer of north america. footnotes: [ ] not an abbreviation of "esquire," as has been supposed, but given because of some old family connection. this name was transmitted through several generations of boones. [ ] edward was killed by indians when thirty-six years old, and squire died at the age of seventy-six. their brothers and sisters lived to ages varying from eighty-three to ninety-one. [ ] indeed, it is a matter of record that other members also of this stout-hearted devonshire family were "sometimes rather too belligerent and self-willed," and had "occasionally to be dealt with by the meeting." daniel's oldest sister, sarah, married a man who was not a quaker, and consequently she was "disowned" by the society. his oldest brother, israel, also married a worldling and was similarly treated; and their father, who countenanced israel's disloyal act and would not retract his error, was in likewise expelled. chapter ii the nimrod of the yadkin the lofty barrier of the alleghany mountains was of itself sufficient to prevent the pioneers of pennsylvania from wandering far westward. moreover, the indians beyond these hills were fiercer than those with whom the quakers were familiar; their occasional raids to the eastward, through the mountain passes, won for them a reputation which did not incline the border farmers to cultivate their further acquaintance. to the southwest, however, there were few obstacles to the spread of settlement. for several hundred miles the appalachians run in parallel ranges from northeast to southwest--from pennsylvania, through virginia, west virginia, the carolinas, and east tennessee, until at last they degenerate into scattered foot-hills upon the georgia plain. through the long, deep troughs between these ranges--notably in the famous valley of virginia between the blue ridge and the alleghanies--pennsylvanians freely wandered into the south and southwest, whenever possessed by thirst for new and broader lands. hostile indians sometimes penetrated these great valleys and brought misery in their train; but the work of pioneering along this path was less arduous than had the western mountains been scaled at a time when the colonists were still few and weak. between the years and , numerous groups of pennsylvanians--germans and irish largely, with many quakers among them--had been wending their way through the mountain troughs, and gradually pushing forward the line of settlement, until now it had reached the upper waters of the yadkin river, in the northwest corner of north carolina. trials abundant fell to their lot; but the soil of the valleys was unusually fertile, game was abundant, the climate mild, the country beautiful, and life in general upon the new frontier, although rough, such as to appeal to the borderers as a thing desirable. the glowing reports of each new group attracted others. thus was the wilderness tamed by a steady stream of immigration from the older lands of the northern colonies, while not a few penetrated to this arcadia through the passes of the blue ridge, from eastern virginia and the carolinas. squire and sarah boone, of oley, now possessed eleven children, some of whom were married and settled within this neighborhood which consisted so largely of the boones and their relatives. the choicest lands of eastern pennsylvania had at last been located. the outlook for the younger boones, who soon would need new homesteads, did not appear encouraging. the fame of the yadkin valley, five hundred miles southwestward, had reached oley, and thither, in the spring of , the majority of the boones, after selling their lands and surplus stock, bravely took up the line of march.[ ] with the women and children stowed in canvas-covered wagons, the men and boys riding their horses at front and rear, and driving the lagging cattle, the picturesque little caravan slowly found its way to the ford at harper's ferry, thence up the beautiful valley of the shenandoah. by night they pitched their camps beside some gurgling spring, gathered the animals within the circle of the wagons, and, with sentinel posted against possible surprises by indians, sat around the blazing fire to discuss the experiences of the day--daniel, as the hunter for the party, doubtless having the most interesting adventures of them all. tradition has it that the boones tarried by the way, for a year or more, on linnville creek, six miles north of harrisonburg, in rockingham county, va. in any event, they appear to have resumed their journey by the autumn of . pushing on through the valley of virginia--an undulating, heavily forested table-land from three to ten miles in width--they forded the upper waters of numerous rivers, some of which, according to the tilt of the land, flow eastward and southeastward toward the atlantic, and others westward and southwestward toward the ohio. this is one of the fairest and most salubrious regions in america; but they did not again stop until the promised land of the yadkin was reached. the country was before them, to choose from it practically what they would. between the yadkin and the catawba there was a broad expanse of elevated prairie, yielding a luxuriant growth of grass, while the bottoms skirting the numerous streams were thick-grown to canebrake. here were abundant meadows for the cattle, fish and game and wild fruits in quantity quite exceeding young daniel's previous experience, a well-tempered climate, and to the westward a mountain-range which cast long afternoon shadows over the plain and spoke eloquently of untamed dominions beyond. out of this land of plenty squire boone chose a claim at buffalo lick, where dutchman's creek joins with the north fork of yadkin. daniel was now a lad of eighteen. nominally, he helped in the working of his father's farm and in the family smithy; actually, he was more often in the woods with his long rifle. at first, buffaloes were so plenty that a party of three or four men, with dogs, could kill from ten to twenty in a day; but soon the sluggish animals receded before the advance of white men, hiding themselves behind the mountain wall. an ordinary hunter could slaughter four or five deer in a day; in the autumn, he might from sunrise to sunset shoot enough bears to provide over a ton of bear-bacon for winter use; wild turkeys were easy prey; beavers, otters, and muskrats abounded; while wolves, panthers, and wildcats overran the country. overcome by his passion for the chase, our young nimrod soon began to spend months at a time in the woods, especially in autumn and winter. he found also more profit in this occupation than at either the forge or the plow; for at their nearest market town, salisbury, twenty miles away, good prices were paid for skins, which were regularly shipped thence to the towns upon the atlantic coast. the catawba indians lived about sixty miles distant, and the cherokees still farther. these tribesmen not infrequently visited the thinly scattered settlement on the yadkin, seeking trade with the whites, with whom they were as yet on good terms. they were, however, now and then raided by northern indians, particularly the shawnese, who, collecting in the valley of virginia, swept down upon them with fury; sometimes also committing depredations upon the whites who had befriended their tribal enemies, and who unfortunately had staked their farms in the old-time war-path of the marauders. in the year , the entire american border, from the yadkin to the st. lawrence, became deeply concerned in the indian question. france and england had long been rivals for the mastery of the north american continent lying west of the alleghanies. france had established a weak chain of posts upon the upper great lakes, and down the mississippi river to new orleans, thus connecting canada with louisiana. in the valley of the ohio, however, without which the french could not long hold the western country, there was a protracted rivalry between french and english fur-traders, each seeking to supplant the intruding foreigner. this led to the outbreak of the french and indian war, which was waged vigorously for five years, until new france fell, and the english obtained control of all canada and that portion of the continent lying between the atlantic ocean and the mississippi. as early as , backwoodsmen from pennsylvania had made a small settlement on new river, just west of the alleghanies--a settlement which the boones must have visited, as it lay upon the road to the yadkin; and in the same season several adventurous virginians hunted and made land-claims in kentucky and tennessee. in the following year there was formed for western fur trading and colonizing purposes, the ohio company, composed of wealthy virginians, among them two brothers of george washington. in french soldiers built a little log fort on french creek, a tributary of the alleghany; and, despite virginia's protest, delivered by young major washington, were planning to erect another at the forks of the ohio, where pittsburg now is. thither washington went, in the succeeding year, with a body of virginia militiamen, to construct an english stockade at the forks; but the french defeated him in the great meadows hard by and themselves erected the fort. it is thought by some writers that young boone, then twenty years of age, served in the pennsylvania militia which protected the frontier from the indian forays which succeeded this episode. a year later ( ) the inexperienced general braddock, fresh from england, set out, with washington upon his staff, to teach a lesson to these frenchmen who had intruded upon land claimed by the colony of virginia. in braddock's little army were a hundred north carolina frontiersmen, under captain hugh waddell; their wagoner and blacksmith was daniel boone. his was one of those heavily laden baggage-wagons which, history tells us, greatly impeded the progress of the english, and contributed not a little to the terrible disaster which overtook the column in the ravine of turtle creek, only a few miles from pittsburg. the baggage-train was the center of a fierce attack from indians, led by french officers, and many drivers were killed. young boone, however, cut the traces of his team, and mounting a horse, fortunately escaped by flight. behind him the indian allies of the french, now unchecked, laid waste the panic-stricken frontiers of pennsylvania and virginia. but the yadkin, which boone soon reached, was as yet unscarred; the northern tribes were busied in the tide of intercolonial warfare, and the catawbas and cherokees thus far remained steadfast to their old-time promises of peace. daniel was now a man, full-grown. he had brought home with him not only some knowledge of what war meant, but his imagination had become heated by a new passion--the desire to explore as well as to hunt. while upon the campaign he had fallen in with another adventurous soul, john finley by name, who fired his heart with strange tales of lands and game to the west of the mountains. finley was a scotch-irishman of roving tendencies, who had emigrated to pennsylvania and joined a colony of his compatriots. as early as he had become a fur-trader. in the course of his rambles many perilous adventures befell him in the kentucky wilds, into which he had penetrated as far as the falls of the ohio, where louisville is now built. hurrying, with other woodsmen, to braddock's support, he enrolled himself under george croghan, a famous trader to the indians. but the expert services of croghan and his men, who, well understanding the methods of savages upon the war-path, offered to serve as scouts, were coldly rejected by braddock, who soon had occasion to regret that he had not taken their advice. finley found in the yadkin wagoner a kindred spirit, and suggested to him with eagerness a method of reaching kentucky by following the trail of the buffaloes and the shawnese, northwestward through cumberland gap. to reach this hunter's paradise, to which finley had pointed the way, was now boone's daily dream. footnote: [ ] john and james remained, and lived and died in oley. chapter iii life on the border it was many years before daniel boone realized his dream of reaching kentucky. such an expedition into the far-off wilderness could not be lightly undertaken; its hardships and dangers were innumerable; and the way thither from the forks of the yadkin was not as easily found, through this perplexing tangle of valleys and mountains, as finley had supposed. his own route had doubtless been over the ohio company's pass from the upper waters of the potomac to a tributary of the monongahela. another reason caused daniel long to linger near his home. a half-dozen years before the boones reached the yadkin country there had located here a group of several related families, the bryans, originally from ireland. pennsylvanians at first, they had, as neighbors crowded them, drifted southwestward into the valley of virginia; and finally, keeping well ahead of other settlers, established themselves at the forks of the yadkin. they took kindly to the boones, the two groups intermarried, and both were in due course pioneers of kentucky. rebecca, the daughter of joseph bryan, was fifteen years of age when daniel first read his fate in her shining black eyes. in the spring following his return from braddock's slaughter-pen he led her to the altar, the ceremony being performed by old squire boone--farmer, weaver, blacksmith, and now justice of the peace for rowan county. an historian of the border, who had studied well the family traditions, thus describes daniel and rebecca at the time when they set forth together upon the journey of life: "behold that young man, exhibiting such unusual firmness and energy of character, five feet eight inches in height, with broad chest and shoulders, his form gradually tapering downward to his extremities; his hair moderately black; blue eyes arched with yellowish eyebrows; his lips thin, with a mouth peculiarly wide; a countenance fair and ruddy, with a nose a little bordering on the roman order. such was daniel boone, now past twenty-one, presenting altogether a noble, manly, prepossessing appearance.... rebecca bryan, whose brow had now been fanned by the breezes of seventeen summers, was, like rebecca of old, 'very fair to look upon,' with jet-black hair and eyes, complexion rather dark, and something over the common size of her sex; her whole demeanor expressive of her childlike artlessness, pleasing in her address, and unaffectedly kind in all her deportment. never was there a more gentle, affectionate, forbearing creature than this same fair youthful bride of the yadkin." in the annals of the frontier, as elsewhere, all brides are fair and grooms are manly; but, allowing for the natural enthusiasm of hero-worshipers, we may, from the abundance of testimony to that effect, at least conclude that daniel and rebecca boone were a well-favored couple, fit to rear a family of sturdy borderers. it was neither the day nor the place for expensive trousseaus and wedding journeys. after a hilarious wedding-feast, boone and his wife, with scanty equipment, immediately commenced their hard task of winning a livelihood from the soil and the forest. at first occupying a rude log cabin in his father's yard, they soon afterward acquired some level land of their own, lying upon sugar tree, a tributary of dutchman's creek, in the bryan settlement, a few miles north of squire boone's. all of this neighborhood lies within what is now davie county, still one of the richest farming districts in north carolina. save when driven out by indian alarms and forays, they here lived quietly for many years. the pioneers in the then back country, along the eastern foot-hills of the alleghanies, led a rough, primitive life, such as is hardly possible to-day, when there is no longer any frontier within the united states, and but few districts are so isolated as to be more than two or three days' journey from a railway. most of them, however, had been bred, as were the boones and the bryans, to the rude experiences of the border. with slight knowledge of books, they were accustomed to living in the simplest manner, and from childhood were inured to the hardships and privations incident to great distance from the centers of settlement; they possessed the virtues of hospitality and neighborliness, and were hardy, rugged, honest-hearted folk, admirably suited to their self-appointed task of forcing back the walls of savagery, in order that civilization might cover the land. we may well honor them for the great service that they rendered to mankind. the dress of a backwoodsman like daniel boone was a combination of indian and civilized attire. a long hunting-shirt, of coarse cloth or of dressed deerskins, sometimes with an ornamental collar, was his principal garment; drawers and leggings of like material were worn; the feet were encased in moccasins of deerskin--soft and pliant, but cold in winter, even when stuffed with deer's hair or dry leaves, and so spongy as to be no protection against wet feet, which made every hunter an early victim to rheumatism. hanging from the belt, which girt the hunting-shirt, were the powder-horn, bullet-pouch, scalping-knife, and tomahawk; while the breast of the shirt served as a generous pocket for food when the hunter or warrior was upon the trail. for head-covering, the favorite was a soft cap of coonskin, with the bushy tail dangling behind; but boone himself despised this gear, and always wore a hat. the women wore huge sunbonnets and loose gowns of home-made cloth; they generally went barefoot in summer, but wore moccasins in winter. daniel boone's cabin was a simple box of logs, reared in "cob-house" style, the chinks stuffed with moss and clay, with a door and perhaps but a single window. probably there was but one room below, with a low attic under the rafters, reached by a ladder. a great outside chimney, built either of rough stones or of small logs, coated on the inside with clay mortar and carefully chinked with the same, was built against one end of this rude house. in the fireplace, large enough for logs five or six feet in length, there was a crane from which was hung the iron pot in which the young wife cooked simple meals of corn-mush, pumpkins, squashes, beans, potatoes, and pork, or wild meat of many kinds, fresh and dried; in a bake-kettle, laid upon the live coals, she made the bread and corn pone, or fried her steaks, which added variety to the fare. dishes and other utensils were few--some pewter plates, forks, and spoons; wooden bowls and trenchers, with gourds and hard-shelled squashes for drinking-mugs. for knife, boone doubtless used his belt-weapon, and scorned the crock plates, now slowly creeping into the valley, as calculated to dull its edge. over the fireplace deer's horns served as rests for his gun. into the log wall were driven great wooden pegs, hanging from which flitches of dried and smoked bacon, venison, and bear's-meat mingled freely with the family's scanty wardrobe. with her cooking and rude mending, her moccasin-making, her distaff and loom for making cloths, her occasional plying of the hoe in the small vegetable patch, and her ever-present care of the children and dairy, rebecca boone was abundantly occupied. [illustration: boone's powder-horn and bake-kettle. in possession of wisconsin state historical society. the horn once belonged to daniel's brother israel, and bears the initials "i b".] in these early years of married life daniel proved a good husbandman, planting and garnering his crops with regularity, and pasturing a few scrawny cattle and swine upon the wild lands adjoining his farm. doubtless at times he did smithy-work for the neighbors and took a hand at the loom, as had his father and grandfather before him. sometimes he was engaged with his wagon in the caravans which each autumn found their way from the yadkin and the other mountain valleys down to the atlantic cities, carrying furs to market; it was as yet too early in the history of the back country for the cattle-raisers to send their animals to the coast. in the valley of virginia, hemmed in upon the east by the blue ridge, packhorses were alone used in this traffic, for the mountain paths were rough and narrow; but wagons could be utilized in the more southern districts. the caravans brought back to the pioneers salt, iron, cloths, and a few other manufactured goods. this annual expedition over, boone was free to go upon long hunts in the forest, where he cured great stores of meat for his family and prepared the furs for market. the backwoodsmen of the yadkin had few machines to assist them in their labor, and these were of the simplest sort. practically, every settler was his own mechanic--although some men became, in certain lines, more expert than their neighbors, and to them fell such work for the entire settlement. grinding corn into meal, or cracking it into hominy, were, as usual with primitive peoples, tasks involving the most machinery. rude mortars and pestles, some of the latter ingeniously worked by means of springy "sweeps," were commonly seen; a device something like a nutmeg-grater was often used when the corn was soft; two circular millstones, worked by hand, were effective, and there were some operated by water-power. medicine was at a crude stage, many of the so-called cures being as old as egypt, while others were borrowed from the indians. the borderers firmly believed in the existence of witches; bad dreams, eclipses of the sun, the howling of dogs, and the croaking of ravens, were sure to bring disasters in their train. their sports laid stress on physical accomplishments--great strength, dexterity with the rifle, hunting, imitating the calls of wild birds and beasts, throwing the tomahawk, running, jumping, wrestling, dancing, and horse-racing; they were also fond, as they gathered around one another's great fireplaces in the long winter evenings, of story-telling and dramatic recitation. some of the wealthier members of this primitive society owned negro slaves, to whom, sometimes, they were cruel, freely using the whip upon both women and men. indeed, in their own frequent quarrels fierce brutality was sometimes used, adversaries in a fist-fight being occasionally maimed or otherwise disfigured for life. there was, for a long time, "neither law nor gospel" upon this far-away frontier. justices of the peace had small authority. preachers were at first unknown. many of the borderers were presbyterians, and others quakers; but under such social conditions these were little else than names. nevertheless, there was a sound public sentiment among these rude, isolated people, who were a law unto themselves. they respected and honored candor, honesty, hospitality, regular habits, and good behavior generally; and very severe were the punishments with which they visited offenders. if a man acted as a coward in time of war, shirked his full measure of duty to the public, failed to care for his family, was careless about his debts, stole from his neighbors, was needlessly profane, or failed to treat women respectfully, he was either shunned by his fellows or forced to leave the settlement. amid such surroundings and of such stuff was daniel boone in the days when he was living uneventfully in the valley of the yadkin as farmer, blacksmith, wagoner, and hunter, before the indian wars and his explorations west of the long-shadowed mountain-range made of him a popular hero. chapter iv red man against white man the borderers in the valley of virginia and on the western highlands of the carolinas were largely engaged in raising horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs, which grazed at will upon the broad slopes of the eastern foot-hills of the alleghanies, most of them being in as wild a state as the great roving herds now to be seen upon the semi-arid plains of the far west. indeed, there are some strong points of resemblance between the life of the frontier herdsman of the middle of the eighteenth century and that of the "cow" ranchers of our own day, although the most primitive conditions now existing would have seemed princely to daniel boone. the annual round-up, the branding of young stock, the sometimes deadly disputes between herdsmen, and the autumnal drive to market, are features in common. with the settlement of the valleys and the steady increase in the herds, it was necessary each season to find new pastures. thus the herdsmen pushed farther and farther into the wilderness to the south and west, and actually crossed the mountains at many points. even before the arrival of the boones, the bryans had frequently, toward the end of summer, as the lower pastures thinned, driven their stock to a distance of sixty and seventy miles to green valleys lying between the western buttresses of the mountain wall. this gradual pressure upon the hunting-grounds of the cherokees and the catawbas was not unnoticed by the tribesmen. there had long been heard deep mutterings, especially by the former, who were well-disposed toward the ever-meddling french; but until the year of daniel boone's wedding the southern frontiers had not known an indian uprising. the year previous ( ) the cherokees had given reluctant permission to the whites to build two posts in their country for the protection of the frontiers against the french, who, with their indian allies, were continually active against the new york, pennsylvania, and virginia frontiers, and were known to be attempting the corruption of the southern indians. fort prince george was accordingly erected upon the savannah river, and fort loudon upon the tennessee. in fort dobbs was constructed a short distance south of the south fork of the yadkin. these three centers of refuge were upon the extreme southwestern borders of the english colonies. these "forts" of the american border would have proved slight defenses in the presence of an enemy armed with even the lightest artillery, but were generally sufficient to withstand a foe possessing only muskets and rifles. fort dobbs was an oblong space forty-three by fifty-three feet, girt by walls about twelve feet high, consisting of double rows of logs standing on end; earth dug from the ditch which surrounded the fort was piled against the feet of these palisades, inside and out, to steady them; they were fastened to one another by wooden pins, and their tops were sharpened so as to impede those who might seek to climb over. at the angles of the stockade were blockhouses three stories high, each story projecting about eighteen inches beyond the one beneath; there were openings in the floors of the two upper stories to enable the defenders to fire down upon an enemy which sought to enter below. along the inside of one, or perhaps two, of the four walls of the stockade was a range of cabins--or rather, one long cabin with log partitions--with the slope of the roof turned inward to the square; this furnished a platform for the garrison, who, protected by the rampart of pointed logs, could fire into the attacking party. other platforms were bracketed against the walls not backed by cabins. there was a large double gate made of thick slabs and so situated as to be guarded by the blockhouses on either corner; this was the main entrance, but another and smaller gate furnished a rear exit to and entrance from the spring hard by. blockhouses, cabins, and walls were all amply provided with port-holes; fort dobbs had capacity for a hundred men-at-arms to fire at one volley. destructive fusillades could be maintained from within, and everywhere the walls were bullet-proof; but good marksmen in the attacking force could work great havoc by firing through the port-holes, and thus quietly picking off those who chanced to be in range. fortunately for the whites few indians became so expert as this. upon the arrival of breathless messengers bringing news of the approach of hostile indians, the men, women, and children of a wide district would flock into such a fort as this. "i well remember," says dr. doddridge in his notes on virginia, "that when a little boy the family were sometimes waked up in the dead of night by an express with a report that the indians were at hand. the express came softly to the door or back window, and by gentle tapping waked the family; this was easily done, as an habitual fear made us ever watchful and sensible to the slightest alarm. the whole family were instantly in motion: my father seized his gun and other implements of war; my stepmother waked up and dressed the children as well as she could; and being myself the oldest of the children, i had to take my share of the burthens to be carried to the fort. there was no possibility of getting a horse in the night to aid us in removing to the fort; besides the little children, we caught up what articles of clothing and provisions we could get hold of in the dark, for we durst not light a candle or even stir the fire. all this was done with the utmost despatch and the silence of death; the greatest care was taken not to awaken the youngest child; to the rest it was enough to say _indian_, and not a whimper was heard afterwards. thus it often happened that the whole number of families belonging to a fort, who were in the evening at their homes, were all in their little fortress before the dawn of the next morning. in the course of the succeeding day their household furniture was brought in by parties of the men under arms." the large public frontier forts, such as we have described, did not house all of the backwoodsmen. there were some who, either because of great distance or other reasons, erected their own private defenses; or, in many cases, several isolated families united in such a structure. often these were but single blockhouses, with a few outlying cabins. it was difficult to induce some of the more venturesome folk to enter the forts unless indians were actually in the settlement; they took great risks in order to care for their crops and stock until the last moment; and, soon tiring of the monotony of life within the fort cabins, would often leave the refuge before the danger was really over. "such families," reports doddridge, "gave no small amount of trouble by creating frequent necessities of sending runners to warn them of their danger, and sometimes parties of our men to protect them during their removal." for the first few years fort dobbs was but little used. there was, however, much uneasiness. the year had, all along the line, been disastrous to english arms in the north, and the cherokees became increasingly insolent. the next year they committed several deadly assaults in the valley of virginia, but themselves suffered greatly in return. the french, at last driven from fort duquesne (pittsburg), had retreated down the ohio river to fort massac, in southern illinois, and sent their emissaries far and near to stir up the indians west of the mountains. the following april ( ) the yadkin and catawba valleys were raided by the cherokees, with the usual results of ruined crops, burned farm-buildings, and murdered households; not a few of the borderers being carried off as prisoners into the indian country, there generally to suffer either slavery or slow death from the most horrid forms of torture. the catawbas, meanwhile, remained faithful to their white friends. until this outbreak the carolinas had prospered greatly. hundreds of settlers had poured in from the more exposed northern valleys, and the western uplands were now rapidly being dotted over with clearings and log cabins. the indian forays at once created a general panic throughout this region, heretofore considered safe. most of the yadkin families, together with english fur-traders who hurried in from the woods, huddled within the walls either of fort dobbs or of small neighborhood forts hastily constructed; but many others, in their fright, fled with all their possessions to settlements on or near the atlantic coast. among the latter were old squire boone and his wife, daniel and rebecca, with their two sons,[ ] and several other families of bryans and boones, although some of both names preferred to remain at fort dobbs. the fugitives scattered to various parts of virginia and maryland--squire going to georgetown, now in the district of columbia, where he lived for three years and then returned to the yadkin; while daniel's family went in their two-horse wagon to culpeper county, in eastern virginia. the settlers there employed him with his wagon in hauling tobacco to fredericksburg, the nearest market-town. the april forays created almost as much consternation at charleston as on the yadkin. governor lyttleton, of south carolina, sent out fifteen hundred men to overcome the cherokees, who now pretended to be grieved at the acts of their young hot-bloods and patched up a peace. fur-traders, eager to renew their profitable barter, hastened back into the western forests. but very soon their confidence was shattered, for the indians again dug up the tomahawk. their war-parties infested every road and trail; most of the traders, with trains of packhorses to carry their goods and furs, fell an easy prey to their forest customers; and forts loudon, dobbs, and prince george were besieged. by january ( ) the entire southwest border was once more a scene of carnage. captain waddell, our old friend of braddock's campaign, commanded at fort dobbs, with several bryans and boones in his little garrison. here the cherokees were repulsed with great loss. at fort prince george the country round about was sadly harried by the enemy, who finally withdrew. fort loudon, however, had one of the saddest experiences in the thrilling annals of the frontier. in april general amherst, of the british army, sent colonel montgomery against the cherokees with a formidable column composed of twelve hundred regular troops--among them six hundred kilted highlanders--to whom were attached seven hundred carolina backwoods rangers under waddell, with some catawba allies. they laid waste with fire and sword all the cherokee villages on the keowee and tennessee rivers, including the growing crops and magazines of corn. the soldiers killed seventy indians, captured forty prisoners, and reduced the greater part of the tribe to the verge of starvation. the cherokees were good fighters, and soon had their revenge. on the morning of the twenty-seventh of june the army was proceeding along a rough road on the southern bank of the little tennessee, where on one side is a sheer descent to the stream, on the other a lofty cliff. here it was ambuscaded by over six hundred savage warriors under the noted chief silouee. in the course of an engagement lasting several hours the whites lost twenty killed and sixty wounded, and the cherokee casualties were perhaps greater. montgomery desperately beat his way to a level tract, but in the night hastily withdrew, and did not stop until he reached charleston. despite the entreaties of the assembly, he at once retired to the north with his little army, and left the frontiers of carolina open to the assaults of the merciless foe. the siege of fort loudon was now pushed by the cherokees with vigor. it had already withstood several desperate and protracted assaults. but the garrison contrived to exist for several months, almost wholly upon the active sympathy of several indian women who were married to frontiersmen shut up within the walls. the dusky wives frequently contrived to smuggle food into the fort despite the protests of the indian leaders. women, however, despite popular notions to the contrary, have a powerful influence in indian camps; and they but laughed the chiefs to scorn, saying that they would suffer death rather than refuse assistance to their white husbands. this relief, however, furnished but a precarious existence. receiving no help from the settlements, which were cut off from communication with them, and weak from irregular food, the garrison finally surrendered on promise of a safe-conduct to their fellows in the east. early in the morning of august ninth they marched out--men, women, and children to the number of several hundred--leaving behind them their cannon, ammunition, and spare arms. the next day, upon their sorry march, they were set upon by a bloodthirsty mob of seven hundred cherokees. many were killed outright, others surrendered merely to meet torture and death. finally, after several hours of horror, a friendly chief succeeded, by browbeating his people and by subterfuge, in saving the lives of about two hundred persons, who in due time and after great suffering, reached the relief party which had for several months been making its way thither from virginia; but it had been delayed by storms and high water in the mountain streams, and was now seeking needed rest in a camp at the head of the holston. it is recorded that during the heartrending mêlée several other indians risked their lives for white friends, performing deeds of heroism which deserve to be remembered. although new france was now tottering to its fall, the french officers at fort massac still continued, with their limited resources, to keep alive the cherokee war spirit. french outrages occurred throughout the autumn and early winter of . at nearly all of the forts, large and small, skirmishes took place, some of these giving occasion for exhibitions of rare enterprise and courage on the part of the garrisons, women and men alike. during the winter, the governors of virginia, north carolina, and south carolina agreed upon a joint campaign against the hostiles. the southern column, comprising twenty-six hundred men, chiefly highlanders, was under lieutenant-colonel james grant. starting early in june, they carried with them seven hundred packhorses, four hundred head of cattle, and a large train of baggage and supplies. their route from fort prince george to the lower and middle cherokee towns on the little tennessee lay through a rough, mountainous country; high water, storms, intensely warm weather, the lack of tents, and bruises from rocks and briers, caused the troops to suffer greatly. after heavy losses from ambuscades in narrow defiles, they finally reached their destination, and spent a month in burning and ravaging fifteen or more large villages and fourteen hundred acres of growing corn, and in driving five thousand men, women, and children into the hills to starve. wrote one of the pious participators in this terrible work of devastation: "heaven has blest us with the greatest success; we have finished our business as completely as the most sanguine of us could have wished." the cherokees, completely crushed, humbly begged for peace, which was granted upon liberal terms and proved to be permanent. the northern column was composed of backwoodsmen from virginia and north carolina, under colonel william byrd, an experienced campaigner. byrd was much hampered for both men and supplies, and accomplished little. he appears to have largely spent his time in making roads and building blockhouses--laborious methods ill-fitted for indian warfare, and loudly criticized by waddell, who joined him with a regiment of five hundred north carolinians, among whom was daniel boone, now returned to the yadkin. waddell and boone had experienced the folly of this sort of thing in braddock's ill-fated campaign. as a result of dissatisfaction, byrd resigned, and colonel stephen succeeded him. the force, now composed of about twelve hundred men, pushed on to the long island of holston river, where they were met by four hundred cherokees, who, brought to their knees by grant, likewise sought peace from stephen. articles were accordingly signed on the nineteenth of november. the north carolina men returned home; but a portion of the virginia regiment remained as a winter garrison for fort robinson, as the new fort at long island was called. now that the yadkin region has, after its sad experience, been blessed with a promise of peace, we may well pause, briefly to consider the ethics of border warfare. this life-history will, to its close, have much to do with indian forays and white reprisals, and it is well that we should consider them dispassionately. the cherokees were conducting a warfare in defense of their villages, fields, and hunting-grounds, which were being rapidly destroyed by the inrush of white settlers, who seemed to think that the indians had no rights worth consideration. encouraged by the french, who deemed the english intruders on lands which they had first explored, the american aborigines seriously thought that they might stem the tide of english settlement. it was impossible that they should win, for civilization has in such cases ever triumphed over savagery; but that they should make the attempt was to be expected from a high-spirited race trained to war. we can but sympathize with and honor them for making their several stout stands against the european wave which was ultimately to sweep them from their native land.[ ] king philip, opecancano, pontiac, tecumseh, red jacket, sitting bull, captain jack, were types of successive leaders who, at various stages of our growth westward, have stood as bravely as any spartan hero to contest our all-conquering advance. it is the time-honored custom of historians of the frontier to consider indians as all wrong and whites as all right; and that, of course, was the opinion of the borderers themselves--of daniel boone and all the men of his day. but we are now far enough removed from these events, and the fierce passions they engendered, to see them more clearly. the indian was a savage and fought like a savage--cruel, bloodthirsty, unrelenting, treacherous, seldom a respecter of childhood, of age, or of women. but one can not read closely the chronicles of border warfare without discovering that civilized men at times could, in fighting savages, descend quite as low in the scale as they, in bloodthirstiness and treachery. some of the most atrocious acts in the pioneer history of kentucky and the middle west were performed by whites; and some of the most christianlike deeds--there were many such on both sides--were those of painted savages. it is needless to blame either of the contending races; their conflict was inevitable. the frontiersman was generally unlettered, and used, without ceremony, to overcoming the obstacles which nature set in his path; one more patient could not have tamed the wilderness as quickly as he. his children often rose to high positions as scholars, statesmen, and diplomats. but he himself was a diamond in the rough, and not accustomed to nice ethical distinctions. to his mind the indian was an inferior being, if not a child of satan; he was not making the best use of the soil; his customs and habits of thought were such as to repel the british mind, however much they may have attracted the french. the tribesmen, whom the pioneer could not and would not understand, stood in his way, hence must be made to go or to die in his tracks. when the savage, quick to resentment, struck back, the turbulent passions of the overbearing white were aroused, and with compound interest he repaid the blow. upon the theory that the devil must be fought with fire, the borderer not seldom adopted methods of reprisal that outdid the savage in brutality. the red man fighting, after his own wild standards, for all that he held most dear, and the white man, who brooks no opposition from an inferior race, hitting back with a fury sometimes increased by fear--such, in brief, is the blood-stained history of the american border. footnotes: [ ] the children of daniel boone were as follows: james (born in ), israel ( ), susannah ( ), jemima ( ), lavinia ( ), rebecca ( ), daniel morgan ( ), john b. ( ), and nathan ( ). the four daughters all married and died in kentucky. the two eldest sons were killed by indians, the three younger emigrated to missouri. [ ] "i had rather receive the blessing of one poor cherokee, as he casts his last look back upon his country, for having, though in vain, attempted to prevent his banishment, than to sleep beneath the marble of all the cæsars."--_extract from a speech of theodore frelinghuysen, of new jersey, delivered in the united states senate, april , ._ "i am not aware that any community has a right to force another to be civilized."--_john stuart mill._ chapter v kentucky reached at last when daniel boone returned from tidewater virginia to the yadkin region is not now known. it is probable that the monotony of hauling tobacco to market at a time when his old neighbors were living in a state of panic palled upon a man who loved excitement and had had a taste of indian warfare. it has been surmised that he served with the rowan rangers upon lyttleton's campaign, alluded to in the previous chapter, and possibly aided in defending fort dobbs, or served with waddell under montgomery. that he was, some time in , in the mountains west of the yadkin upon either a hunt or a scout, or both, appears to be well established; for up to a few years ago there was still standing upon the banks of boone's creek, a small tributary of the watauga in eastern tennessee, a tree upon whose smooth bark had been rudely carved this characteristic legend, undoubtedly by the great hunter himself: "d boon cilled a bar on this tree year ."[ ] we have already seen that he accompanied waddell in , when that popular frontier leader reenforced colonel byrd's expedition against the cherokees. upon waddell's return to north carolina his leather-shirted followers dispersed to their homes, and boone was again enabled to undertake a protracted hunt, no longer disturbed by fear that in his absence indians might raid the settlement; for hunting was now his chief occupation, his wife and children conducting the farm, which held second place in his affections. thus we see how close the borderers came to the savage life wherein men are the warriors and hunters and women the crop-gatherers and housekeepers. organizing a party of kindred spirits--a goodly portion of the yadkin settlers were more hunters than farmers--boone crossed the mountains and roamed through the valleys of southwest virginia and eastern tennessee, being especially delighted with the valley of the holston, where game was found to be unusually abundant. at about the same time another party of nineteen hunters went upon a similar expedition into the hills and valleys westward of the yadkin, penetrating well into tennessee, and being absent for eighteen months. [illustration: a boone tree. tree on boone's creek, tenn., bearing daniel boone's autograph. (see pp. , .)] we must not conclude, from the passionate devotion to hunting exhibited by these backwoodsmen of the eighteenth century, that they led the same shiftless, aimless lives as are followed by the "poor whites" found in some of the river-bottom communities of our own day, who are in turn farmers, fishermen, or hunters, as fancy or the seasons dictate. it must be remembered that farming upon the virginia and carolina uplands was, in the pioneer period, crude as to methods and insignificant as to crops. the principal wealth of the well-to-do was in herds of horses and cattle which grazed in wild meadows, and in droves of long-nosed swine feeding upon the roots and acorns of the hillside forests. among the outlying settlers much of the family food came from the woods, and often months would pass without bread being seen inside the cabin walls. besides the live stock of the richer folk, whose herds were driven to market, annual caravans to tidewater towns carried furs and skins won by the real backwoodsmen, who lived on the fringe of the wilderness. for lack of money accounts were kept in pelts, and with these were purchased rifles, ammunition, iron, and salt. it was, then, to the forests that the borderers largely looked for their sustenance. hence those long hunts, from which the men of the yadkin, unerring marksmen, would come back laden with great packs of pelts for the markets, and dried venison, bear's meat, and bear's oil for their family larders. naturally, this wandering, adventurous life, spiced with excitement in many forms, strongly appealed to the rough, hardy borderers, and unfitted them for other occupations. under such conditions farming methods were not likely to improve, nor the arts of civilization to prosper; for the hunter not only best loved the wilderness, but settlement narrowed his hunting-grounds. thus it was that the frontiersman of the daniel boone type, indian hater as he was, had at heart much the same interests as the savage whom he was seeking to supplant. it was simply a question as to which hunter, red or white, should occupy the forest; to neither was settlement welcome. with the opening of the southwest border began to be reoccupied. the abandoned log cabins once more had fires lighted upon their hearths, at the base of the great outside chimneys of stones and mud-plastered boughs; the deserted clearings, which had become choked with weeds and underbrush in the five years of indian warfare, were again cultivated by their reassured owners. among the returned refugees were daniel's parents, squire and sarah boone, who had ridden on horseback overland all the way from maryland. three years later squire boone died, one of the most highly esteemed men in the valley. the yadkin country was more favored than some other portions of the backwoods of north carolina. pontiac's uprising ( ) against the english, who had now supplanted the french in canada and in the wilderness between the alleghanies and the mississippi, led some of the southern tribes again to attack the frontiers of the southwest; but they were defeated before the yadkin was affected by this fresh panic. the indian wars had lasted so long that the entire border had become demoralized. of course not all the people in the backwoods were of good character. not a few of them had been driven out from the more thickly settled parts of the country because of crimes or of bad reputation; and some of the fur-traders who lived upon the edge of the settlement were sorry rogues. when the panic-stricken people were crowded within the narrow walls of the forts they could not work. many of them found this life of enforced idleness to their liking, and fell into the habit of making secret expeditions to plunder abandoned houses and to steal uncared-for live stock. when peace came these marauders had acquired a distaste for honest labor; leaving the forts, they pillaged right and left, and horse-stealing became an especially prevalent frontier vice. justice on the border was as yet insufficiently organized. some of the virginia and carolina magistrates were themselves rascals, whose decisions could be purchased by criminals. many of the best citizens, therefore, formed associations whose members were called "regulators." they bound themselves to pursue, arrest, and try criminals, and to punish them by whipping, also by expulsion from the neighborhood. the law-breakers, on the other hand, organized in defense, and popular opinion was divided between the two elements; for there were some good people who did not like the arbitrary methods of the regulators, and insisted upon every man being given a regular trial by jury. in south carolina, particularly, the settlers were much exercised on this question, and arrayed themselves into opposing bands, armed to carry out their respective views. for a time civil war was feared; but finally, after five years of disturbance, an agreement was reached, efficient courts were established, and justice triumphed. affairs did not reach so serious a stage in north carolina. nevertheless there were several bands of vicious and indolent men, who, entrenched in the hills, long defied the regulators. one of these parties built a rude stockaded fort beneath an overhanging cliff in the mountains back of the yadkin settlements. they stole horses, cattle, farming utensils; in fact, anything that they could lay their hands upon. one day they grew so bold as to kidnap a girl. the settlers, now roused to action, organized attacking companies, one of them headed by daniel boone, and carried the log fortress of the bandits by storm. the culprits were taken to salisbury jail and the clan broken up. the rapid growth of the country soon made game scarce in boone's neighborhood. not only did the ever-widening area of cleared fields destroy the cover, but there were, of course, more hunters than before. thus our nimrod, who in his early manhood cared for nothing smaller than deer, was compelled to take extended trips in his search for less-frequented places. it was not long before he had explored all the mountains and valleys within easy reach, and become familiar with the views from every peak in the region, many of them five and six thousand feet in height. as early as - boone was in the habit of taking with him, upon these trips near home, his little son james, then seven or eight years of age. this was partly for company, but mainly for the lad's education as a hunter. frequently they would spend several days together in the woods during the autumn and early winter--the deer-hunting season--and often, when in "open" camps, were overtaken by snow-storms. on such occasions the father would keep the boy warm by clasping him to his bosom as they lay with feet toward the glowing camp-fire. as the well-taught lad grew into early manhood these two companions would be absent from home for two and three months together, always returning well laden with the spoils of the chase. hunters in boone's day had two kinds of camp--"open" when upon the move, which meant sleeping in their blankets upon the ground wherever darkness or weariness overtook them; "closed" where remaining for some time in a locality. a closed camp consisted of a rude hut of logs or poles, the front entirely open, the sides closely chinked with moss, and the roof covered with blankets, boughs, or bark, sloping down to a back-log. in times when the indians were not feared a fire was kept up throughout the night, in front, in order to warm the enclosure. upon a bed of hemlock boughs or of dried leaves the hunters lay with heads to the back-log and stockinged feet to the blaze, for their spongy moccasins were hung to dry.[ ] such a camp, often called a "half-faced cabin," was carefully placed so that it might be sheltered by neighboring hills from the cold north and west winds. it was fairly successful as a protection from rain and snow, and sometimes served a party of hunters throughout several successive seasons; but it was ill-fitted for the coldest weather. boone frequently occupied a shelter of this kind in the woods of kentucky. during the last four months of boone and seven companions went on horseback to the new colony of florida with a view to moving thither if they found it suited to their tastes. wherever possible, they stopped overnight at borderers' cabins upon the frontiers of the carolinas and georgia. but such opportunities did not always occur; they often suffered from hunger, and once they might have died from starvation but for the timely succor of a roving band of seminole indians. they explored florida all the way from st. augustine to pensacola, and appear to have had a rather wretched time of it. the trails were miry from frequent rains, the number and extent of the swamps appalled them, and there was not game enough to satisfy a man like boone, who scorned alligators. pensacola, however, so pleased him that he determined to settle there, and purchased a house and lot which he might in due time occupy. upon their return boone told his wife of his pensacola venture, but this sturdy woman of the frontier spurned the idea of moving to a gameless land. so the town lot was left to take care of itself, and henceforth the dutiful husband looked only to the west as his model of a perfect country. at the close of the french and indian war there arrived in the boone settlement a scotch-irishman named benjamin cutbirth, aged about twenty-three years. he was a man of good character and a fine hunter. marrying elizabeth wilcoxen, a niece of daniel boone, he and boone went upon long hunts together, and attained that degree of comradeship which joint life in a wilderness camp is almost certain to produce. in several families from north carolina went to louisiana, apparently by sea to new orleans, and founded an english settlement above baton rouge on the mississippi river. the news of this event gave rise to a general desire for exploring the country between the mountains and the great river. the year following, cutbirth, john stuart, john baker, and john ward, all of them young married men on the yadkin, and excellent hunters, resolved to perform this feat, and if possible to discover a region superior to their own valley. they crossed the mountain range and eventually saw the mississippi, being, so far as we know from contemporary documents, the first party of white men to succeed in this overland enterprise. possibly fur-traders may have done so before them, but they left no record to prove it. cutbirth and his friends spent a year or two upon the river. in the autumn they ascended the stream for a considerable distance, also one of its tributaries, made a stationary camp for the winter, and in the spring descended to new orleans, where they sold at good prices their skins, furs, bear-bacon, bear's oil, buffalo "jerk" (dried meat), tallow, and dried venison hams. their expedition down the river was performed at great risks, for they had many hairbreadth escapes from snags, river banks shelving in, whirlpools, wind-storms, and indians. their reward, says a chronicler of the day, was "quite a respectable property;" but while upon their return homeward, overland, they were set upon by choctaws, who robbed them of their all. meanwhile, daniel boone was slow in making up his mind to leave home and the wife and family whom he dearly loved for so long and perilous a trip as a journey into the now much-talked-of land of kentucky. perhaps, despite his longings, he might never have gone had affairs upon the yadkin remained satisfactory to him. but game, his chief reliance, was year by year becoming harder to obtain. and the rascally agents of earl granville, the principal landholder of the region, from whom the boones had purchased, were pretending to find flaws in the land-titles and insisting upon the necessity for new deeds, for which large fees were exacted. this gave rise to great popular discontent. boone's protest consisted in leaving the sugar tree settlement and moving northwest for sixty-five miles toward the head of the yadkin. his new cabin, a primitive shell of logs, could still be seen, a few years ago, at the foot of a range of hills some seven and a half miles above wilkesboro, in wilkes county. after a time, dissatisfied with this location, he moved five miles farther up the river and about half a mile up beaver creek. again he changed his mind, choosing his final home on the upper yadkin, just above the mouth of beaver. it was from this beautiful region among the alleghany foot-hills, where game and fish were plenty and his swine and cattle had good range, that boone, crowded out by advancing civilization, eventually moved to kentucky. in the spring and early summer of there were fresh outbreaks on the part of the indians. governor tryon had run a boundary-line between the back settlements of the carolinas and the cherokee hunting-grounds. but hunters and traders would persist in wandering to the west of this line, and sometimes they were killed. in the autumn of that year daniel boone and a warm friend, william hill, and possibly squire boone, determined to seek kentucky, of which finley had told him twelve years before. they crossed the mountain wall, were in the valleys of the holston and the clinch, and reached the head waters of the west fork of the big sandy. following down this river for a hundred miles, determined to find the ohio, they appear to have struck a buffalo-path, along which they traveled as far as a salt-lick ten miles west of the present town of prestonburg, on a tributary of the west (or louisa) fork of the sandy, within floyd county, in the extreme eastern part of kentucky. caught in a severe snow-storm, they were compelled to camp at this lick for the entire winter. it proved to be the most profitable station that they could have selected, for buffaloes and other animals came in large numbers to lick the brackish soil, and all the hunters had to do was to "rise, kill, and eat." although now considerably west of the cumberland mountains, the explorers were not aware that they were within the famed kentucky; and as the country was very hilly, covered with briers which annoyed them greatly, and altogether forbidding, they despaired of reaching the promised land by this path, and in the spring returned to the yadkin. footnotes: [ ] boone had a strong fancy for carving his name and hunting feats upon trees. his wanderings have very largely been traced by this means. [ ] when indians were about, moccasins were always tied to the guns so as to be ready to slip on in case of a night alarm. chapter vi alone in the wilderness in the winter of - a pedler with horse and wagon wandered into the valley of the upper yadkin, offering small wares to the settlers' wives. this was thrifty john finley, former fur-trader and indian fighter, who, thirteen years before, had, as we have seen, fraternized with boone in braddock's ill-fated army on the monongahela. finley had, in , in his trade with the indians, descended the ohio in a canoe to the site of louisville, accompanied by three or four voyageurs, and, with some of his dusky customers, traveled widely through the interior of kentucky. his glowing descriptions of this beautiful land had inspired boone to try to find it. the latter was still sorrowing over his unpromising expedition by way of the big sandy when, by the merest chance, the man who had fired his imagination knocked at his very door. throughout the winter that finley was daniel's guest, he and his brother squire were ready listeners to the pedler's stories of the over-mountain country--tales of countless water-fowl, turkeys, deer, elk, and buffaloes, which doubtless lost nothing in the telling. the two boones resolved to try finley's proposed route by way of cumberland gap, and the fur-trader promised to lead the way. after the spring crops were in, finley, daniel boone, and the latter's brother-in-law, john stuart, started from daniel's house upon the first of may. in their employ, as hunters and camp-keepers, were three neighbors--joseph holden, james mooney, and william cooley. each man was fully armed, clad in the usual deerskin costume of the frontier, and mounted upon a good horse; blanket or bearskin was strapped on behind the saddle, together with camp-kettle, a store of salt, and a small supply of provisions, although their chief food was to be game. squire remained to care for the crops of the two families, and agreed to reenforce the hunters late in the autumn. scaling the lofty blue ridge, the explorers passed over stone and iron mountains and reached holston valley, whence they proceeded through moccasin gap of clinch mountain, and crossed over intervening rivers and densely wooded hills until they came to powell's valley, then the farthest limit of white settlement. here they found a hunter's trail which led them through cumberland gap. the "warriors' path"--trodden by indian war-parties from across the mountains--was now discovered, and this they followed by easy stages until at last they reached what is now called station camp creek, a tributary of the kentucky river, in estill county, ky.--so named because here was built their principal, or "station" camp, the center of their operations for many months to come. while boone, finley, and stuart made frequent explorations, and boone in particular ascended numerous lofty hills in order to view the country, the chief occupation of the party was hunting. throughout the summer and autumn deerskins were in their best condition. other animals were occasionally killed to afford variety of food, but fur-bearers as a rule only furnish fine pelts in the winter season. even in the days of abundant game the hunter was required to exercise much skill, patience, and endurance. it was no holiday task to follow this calling. deer, especially, were difficult to obtain. the habits of this excessively cautious animal were carefully studied; the hunter must know how to imitate its various calls, to take advantage of wind and weather, and to practise all the arts of strategy. deerskins were, all things considered, the most remunerative of all. when roughly dressed and dried they were worth about a dollar each; as they were numerous, and a horse could carry for a long distance about a hundred such skins, the trade was considered profitable in those primitive times, when dollars were hard to obtain. pelts of beavers, found in good condition only in the winter, were worth about two dollars and a half each, and of otters from three to five dollars. thus, a horse-load of beaver furs, when obtainable, was worth about five times that of a load of deerskins; and if a few otters could be thrown in, the value was still greater. the skins of buffaloes, bears, and elks were too bulky to carry for long distances, and were not readily marketable. a few elk-hides were needed, however, to cut up into harness and straps, and bear- and buffalo-robes were useful for bedding. when an animal was killed the hunter skinned it on the spot, and packed on his back the hide and the best portion of the meat. at night the meat was smoked or prepared for "jerking," and the skins were scraped and cured. when collected at the camps, the bales of skins, protected from the weather by strips of bark, were placed upon high scaffolds, secure from bears and wolves. our yadkin hunters were in the habit, each day, of dividing themselves into pairs for company and mutual aid in times of danger, usually leaving one pair behind as camp-keepers. boone and stuart frequently were companions upon such trips; for the former, being a man of few words, enjoyed by contrast the talkative, happy disposition of his friend. occasionally the entire party, when the game grew timid, moved for some distance, where they would establish a new camp; but their headquarters remained at station camp, where were kept their principal skins, furs, and stores. in this way the time passed from june to december. boone used to assert, in after years, that these months were the happiest of his life. the genial climate, the beauty of the country, and the entire freedom of this wild life, strongly appealed to him. here this taciturn but good-natured man, who loved solitary adventure, was now in his element. large packs of skins had been obtained by the little company and stored at station camp and their outlying shelters; and there was now a generous supply of buffalo, bear, and elk meat, venison, and turkeys, all properly jerked for the winter which was before them, with buffalo tallow and bear's oil to serve as cooking grease. finley and boone were both aware that kentucky lay between the warring tribes of the north and the south; that through it warriors' paths crossed in several directions; and that this, probably the finest hunting-field in north america, was a debatable land, frequently fought over by contending savages--a "dark and bloody ground" indeed. yet thus far there had been no signs of indians, and the carolina hunters had almost ceased to think of them. toward the close of day on the twenty-second of december, while boone and stuart were ascending a low hill near the kentucky river, in one of the most beautiful districts they had seen, they were suddenly surrounded and captured by a large party of shawnese horsemen returning from an autumn hunt on green river to their homes north of the ohio. the two captives were forced to lead the savages to their camps, which were deliberately plundered, one after the other, of everything in them. the shawnese, releasing their prisoners, considerately left with each hunter just enough supplies to enable him to support himself on the way back to the settlements. the white men were told what was a fact under existing treaties with the tribes--treaties, however, of which boone and his companions probably knew nothing--that they were trespassing upon indian hunting-grounds, and must not come again, or "the wasps and yellow-jackets will sting you severely." the others proposed to leave for home at once; but boone and stuart, enraged at having lost their year's work and all that they had brought into the wilderness, and having no sympathy for indian treaty rights, started out to recover their property. after two days they came up with the shawnese, and secreting themselves in the bushes until dark, contrived to regain four or five horses and make off with them. but they, in turn, were overtaken in two days by the indians and again made prisoners. after a week of captivity, in which they were kindly treated, they effected their escape in the dark and returned to station camp. their companions, giving them up for lost, had departed toward home, but were overtaken by the two adventurers. boone was gratified to find with them his brother squire, who, having gathered the fall crops, had come out with a fresh supply of horses, traps, and ammunition. he had followed the trail of his predecessors, and in the new river region was joined by alexander neely. not finding daniel and stuart at station camp, and grief-stricken at the report concerning them, he was traveling homeward with the party. daniel, however, who had staked upon this venture almost all that he owned, did not relish the thought of returning empty-handed, now that reenforcements had arrived, and determined to stay and seek to regain his lost fortunes. squire, stuart, and neely concluded also to remain, and the four were now left behind in the wilderness. on reaching the holston valley, finley turned northward to seek his relatives in pennsylvania; while holden, mooney, and cooley proceeded southeastward to their yadkin homes, carrying dismal news of the events attending this notable exploration of kentucky. the quartette promptly abandoned station camp as being dangerously near the warriors' path, and, tradition says, built another on or near the northern bank of kentucky river, not far from the mouth of the red. the deer season was now over, but beavers and otters were in their prime, and soon the hunters were enjoying a profitable season. a small canoe which they built added greatly to their equipment, and they were now enabled to set their traps throughout a wide region. hunting in pairs, daniel was generally accompanied by stuart, while neely and squire were partners. in their wanderings the two pairs were sometimes several days without seeing each other; and frequently partners would be separated throughout the day, but at night met at some appointed spot. one day, toward the close of january or early in february ( ), stuart did not return to the rendezvous, much to boone's alarm. the following day the latter discovered the embers of a fire, doubtless built by the lost man; but that was all, for stuart was seen no more. five years later boone came across the bones of his light-hearted comrade in a hollow sycamore tree upon rockcastle river--he recognized them by stuart's name cut upon his powder-horn. what caused stuart's death is a mystery to the present day; possibly he was wounded and chased by indians to this distant spot, and died while in hiding. stuart's mysterious disappearance frightened neely, who at once left for home, thus leaving daniel and squire to pass the remainder of the winter in the wilderness by themselves. dejected, but not discouraged, the brothers built a comfortable hut and continued their work. with the close of the trapping season the ammunition was nearly exhausted. upon the first of may, a year after daniel had left his cabin upon the upper yadkin, squire started out upon the return, their horses well laden with furs, skins, and jerked meat. both men had, in their enterprise, contracted debts of considerable extent for frontier hunters, hence they were anxious to square themselves with the world, as well as to obtain more horses, ammunition, and miscellaneous supplies. daniel was now left alone in kentucky, "without bread, salt, or sugar, without company of his fellow-creatures, or even a horse or dog." in after years he acknowledged that he was at times homesick during the three months which followed, and felt deeply his absence from the wife and family to whom he was so warmly attached. but possessing a cheerful, hopeful nature, he forgot his loneliness in untrammeled enjoyment of the far-stretching wilderness. almost without ammunition, he could not hunt, save to obtain sufficient food, and largely spent his time in exploration. fearing indians, he frequently changed his location, sometimes living in shelters of bark and boughs, and again in caves; but seldom venturing to sleep in these temporary homes, preferring the thickets and the dense cane-brakes as less liable to be sought by savage prowlers. kentucky has a remarkably diversified landscape of densely wooded hills and valleys and broad prairie expanses. the genial climate admirably suited the philosophical wanderer. he enjoyed the exquisite beauty and stateliness of the trees--the sycamores, tulip-trees, sugar-trees, honey-locusts, coffee-trees, pawpaws, cucumber-trees, and black mulberries--and found flowers in surprising variety and loveliness. the mineral springs interested him--big lick, the blue licks, and big bone lick, with its fossil remains of mastodons which had become mired when coming to lick the brackish soil. he traveled far and wide in his search for the beautiful and curious, being chiefly in the valleys of the licking and the kentucky, and upon the banks of the ohio as far down as the site of louisville, where, at the foot of the falls, he inspected the remains of an old fur trade stockade concerning which finley had told him. once he saw some indians walking upon the northern bank of the ohio, but managed himself to keep out of sight. at another time, when on the kentucky, he saw a savage calmly fishing from the trunk of a fallen tree. in mentioning this incident to his family, in later days, he would declare with gravity: "while i was looking at the fellow he tumbled into the river, and i saw him no more." probably the man of the yadkin shot him, fearing that the fisherman might carry the news of the former's whereabouts to a possible camp near by. on another occasion, when exploring dick's river, he was suddenly surrounded by indians. having either to surrender or to leap down the precipitous height to a bank sixty feet below, he chose to leap. landing in the top of a small sugar-maple, he slid down the tree, and was able to escape by running under the overhanging bank and then swimming the stream. adventures such as this gave abundant spice to the joys of solitude. in the latter part of july squire arrived from the settlements, having paid all their debts and with the surplus purchased sufficient supplies for another summer and fall campaign against the deer. this was highly successful. they did not lack some interesting experiences, but indians were not again encountered; so that, when winter approached, squire was enabled once more to leave with well-laden horses for the markets of the east. another two months of loneliness were suffered by daniel; but in december squire rejoined him with horses, ammunition, and other necessaries, and the pair joyously settled down for still another winter together in the dark and lonely forests of kentucky. chapter vii predecessors and contemporaries the reader of this narrative has, of course, already discovered that daniel boone was neither the original white explorer of kentucky nor the first white hunter within its limits. many others had been there before him. it will be worth our while at this point to take a hasty review of some of the previous expeditions which had made the "dark and bloody ground" known to the world. probably none of the several spanish explorations of the sixteenth century along the mississippi river and through the gulf states had touched kentucky. but during the seventeenth century both the french in canada and the english on the atlantic tidewater came to have fairly accurate notions of the country lying immediately to the south of the ohio river. as early as governor berkeley, of virginia, made a vain attempt to cross the alleghany barrier in search of the mississippi, concerning which he had heard from indians; and we know that at the same time the french, especially the jesuit missionaries, were looking eagerly in that direction. a few years later colonel abraham wood, of virginia, discovered streams which poured into the ohio and the mississippi. just a century before boone's great hunt, john lederer, also of virginia, explored for a considerable distance beyond the mountains. the following year thomas batts and his party proclaimed king charles ii upon new river, the upper waters of the great kanawha--twelve months before la salle took possession of all western waters for the french king, and nineteen before marquette and joliet discovered the mississippi. there is a tradition that in , only five years after the voyage of marquette and joliet, a party of new englanders ventured into the western wilderness as far as new mexico. the later french expeditions of la salle, hennepin, and d'iberville are well known. several englishmen traded with indians upon the mississippi before the close of the seventeenth century; by the english were so numerous that governor keith, of pennsylvania, suggested that four forts be built for their protection in the wabash and illinois countries. we hear of a french expedition investigating big bone lick, in kentucky, in ; and other visits were successively made by bands of their compatriots until the downfall of new france, over a quarter of a century later. in john howard and peter salling, of virginia, were exploring in kentucky; six years after them dr. thomas walker made a notable expedition through the same country; and two years after that washington's backwoods friend, christopher gist, was on the site of louisville selecting lands for the ohio company, which had a large grant upon the ohio river. henceforward, border chronicles abound with reports of the adventures of english fur-traders, hunters, and land-viewers, all along the ohio river and tributary waters above louisville. among these early adventurers was our friend finley, whose experiences in kentucky dated from , and who piloted boone to the promised land through the gateway of cumberland gap. the subsequent indian wars, with the expeditions into the upper ohio valley by generals braddock, forbes, and bouquet, made the country still better known; and settlers were soon rushing in by scores, although as yet none of them appear to have made clearings within kentucky itself. officers and soldiers who had served in the french and indian war were given liberal grants of land in the west. washington had not only his own grant, as the principal officer upon the southwest frontier, but was agent for a number of fellow-soldiers, and in went to the ohio river to select and survey claims. at the very time when boone was engaged upon his fruitless expedition down the big sandy, washington was making the first surveys in kentucky on both the little and big sandy. again, in , when boone was exploring the kentucky wilderness, washington was surveying extensive tracts along the ohio and the great kanawha, and planning for a large colony upon his own lands. the outbreak of the revolution caused the great man to turn his attention from the over-mountain region to the defense of his country. had he been left to carry out his plans, he would doubtless have won fame as the most energetic of western pioneers. it will be remembered that when boone and his companions passed through cumberland gap in the early summer of , they found the well-worn trail of other hunters who had preceded them from the settlements. the men of the yadkin valley were not the only persons seeking game in kentucky that year. at about the time when boone was bidding farewell to his family, hancock and richard taylor, abraham hempinstall, and one barbour, frontiersmen of the same type, started from their homes in orange county, va., to explore the valleys of the ohio and mississippi. they descended from pittsburg in a boat, explored kentucky, and proceeded into arkansas, where they camped and hunted during the following winter. the next year two of them traveled eastward to florida, and thence northwardly to their homes; the others stayed in arkansas for another year, and returned by sea from new orleans to new york. simultaneously with the expeditions of boone and the taylors, a party of twenty or more adventurous hunters and explorers was formed in the new river region, in the valley of virginia. they set out in june ( ), piloted by uriah stone, who had been in kentucky three years before. entering by way of the now familiar cumberland gap, these men had experiences quite similar to those of boone and his comrades. at some of the kentucky salt-licks they found herds of buffaloes numbering up in the thousands--at one lick a hundred acres were densely massed with these bulky animals, who exhibited no fear until the wind blew from the hunters toward them, and then they would "dash wildly away in large droves and disappear." like boone's party, they also were the victims of cherokees, who plundered their camps, and after leaving them some guns and a little ammunition, ordered them out of the country. the new river party being large, however, some of their number were deputed to go to the settlements and bring back fresh supplies, so that they could finish their hunt. after further adventures with indians half of the hunters returned home; while the others wandered into tennessee and as far as the ozark mountains, finally reaching new river through georgia and the carolinas. another virginian, named john mcculloch, who courted the perils of exploration, was in kentucky in the summer of with a white man-servant and a negro. he visited the site of terre haute, ind., and went by canoe to natchez and new orleans, and at length reached philadelphia by sea. but the most famous of all the expeditions of the period was that of the "long hunters," as they have come to be known in western history. inspired by the favorable reports of stone and others, about forty of the most noted and successful hunters of new river and holston valleys formed, in the summer of , a company for hunting and trapping to the west of cumberland mountains. under the leadership of two of the best woodsmen of the region, joseph drake and henry skaggs, and including several of stone's party, they set out in early autumn fully prepared for meeting indians and living on game. each man took with him three packhorses, rifles, ammunition, traps, dogs, blankets, and salt, and was dressed in the deerskin costume of the times. pushing on through cumberland gap, the adventurers were soon in the heart of kentucky. in accordance with custom, they visited some of the best licks--a few of which were probably first seen by them--for here wild beasts were always to be found in profusion. at knob licks they beheld from an eminence which overlooked the springs "what they estimated at largely over a thousand animals, including buffaloe, elk, bear, and deer, with many wild turkies scattered among them--all quite restless, some playing, and others busily employed in licking the earth; but at length they took flight and bounded away all in one direction, so that in the brief space of a couple of minutes not an animal was to be seen." within an area of many acres, the animals had eaten the salty earth to a depth of several feet. successful in a high degree, the party ceased operations in february, and had completed preparations for sending a large shipment of skins, furs, and "jerk" to the settlements, when, in their temporary absence, roving cherokees robbed them of much of their stores and spoiled the greater part of the remainder. "fifteen hundred skins gone to ruination!" was the legend which one of them carved upon the bark of a neighboring tree, a record to which were appended the initials of each member of the party. a series of disasters followed, in the course of which two men were carried off by indians and never again seen, and others fled for home. those remaining, having still much ammunition and the horses, continued their hunt, chiefly upon the green and cumberland rivers, and in due time brought together another store of peltries, almost as extensive as that despoiled by the savages. not long after the robbery, when the long hunters were upon green river, one of the parties into which the band was divided were going into camp for the night, when a singular noise was heard proceeding from a considerable distance in the forest. the leader, caspar mausker, commanded silence on the part of his comrades, and himself crept cautiously from tree to tree in the direction of the sound. imagine his surprise and amusement to find "a man bare-headed, stretched flat upon his back on a deerskin spread on the ground, singing merrily at the top of his voice!" the singer was our hero, daniel boone, who, regardless of possible indian neighbors, was thus enjoying himself while awaiting squire's belated return to camp. like most woodsmen of his day and ours, boone was fond of singing, in his rude way, as well as of relating tales of stirring adventure. in such manner were many hours whiled away around the camp-fires of wilderness hunters. the boones at once joined and spent some time with the long hunters, no doubt delighted at this opportunity of once more mingling with men of their kind. among their amusements was that of naming rivers, creeks, and hills after members of the party; many of these names are still preserved upon the map of kentucky. at one time they discovered that some french hunters from the illinois country had recently visited a lick to kill buffaloes for their tongues and tallow, which they had loaded into a keel-boat and taken down the cumberland. in after years one of the long hunters declared that this wholesale slaughter was so great "that one could walk for several hundred yards in and around the lick on buffaloes' skulls and bones, with which the whole flat around the lick was bleached." it was not until august that the long hunters returned to their homes, after a profitable absence of eleven months. but the boone brothers left their comrades in march and headed for the yadkin, with horses now well laden with spoils of the chase. they were deeply in debt for their latest supplies, but were returning in light heart, cheered with the prospect of settling their accounts and being able to revisit kentucky in good condition. but in powell's valley, near cumberland gap, where they might well have supposed that small chance of danger remained, they were suddenly set upon by a war party of northern indians who had been raiding the white settlers as well as their southern foes, the cherokees and catawbas. roughly handled and robbed of their packs, the unfortunate hunters reached the yadkin in no happy frame of mind. daniel had been absent for two years, and was now poorer than when he left home. he used to say, however, in after years, that having at last seen kentucky, his ideal of an earthly paradise, that served as solace for his woes. chapter viii the hero of clinch valley while daniel boone had been hunting and exploring amid the deep forests and waving greenswards of kentucky, important events had been taking place in the settlements. the colonists along the atlantic tidewater had become so crowded that there were no longer any free lands in that region; and settlers' cabins in the western uplands of pennsylvania, maryland, the carolinas, and georgia had so multiplied that now much of the best land there had also been taken up. the far-outlying frontier upon which the boones and bryans had reared their rude log huts nearly a quarter of a century before, no longer abounded in game and in free pastures for roving herds; indeed, the frontier was now pushed forward to the west-flowing streams--to the head waters of the watauga, clinch, powell, french broad, holston, and nolichucky, all of them affluents of the tennessee, and to the monongahela and other tributaries of the upper ohio. the rising tide of population demanded more room to the westward. the forbidding mountain-ranges had long hemmed in the restless borderers; but the dark-skinned wilderness tribes had formed a still more serious barrier, as, with rifles and tomahawks purchased from white traders, they terrorized the slowly advancing outposts of civilization. with the french government no longer in control of canada and the region east of the mississippi--although french-canadian woodsmen were freely employed by the british indian department--with the consequent quieting of indian forays, with increased knowledge of the over-mountain passes, and with the strong push of population from behind, there had arisen a general desire to scale the hills, and beyond them to seek exemption from tax-gatherers, free lands, and the abundant game concerning which the kentucky hunters had brought glowing reports. upon the defeat of the french, the english king had issued a proclamation ( ) forbidding his "loving subjects" to settle to the west of the mountains. the home government was no doubt actuated in this by two motives: first, a desire to preserve the wilderness for the benefit of the growing fur trade, which brought wealth to many london merchants; second, a fear that borderers who pushed beyond the mountains might not only be beyond the reach of english trade, but also beyond english political control. but the frontiersmen were already too far distant to have much regard for royal proclamations. the king's command appears to have had no more effect than had he, like one of his predecessors, bade the ocean tide rise no higher. in , at fort stanwix, n.y., the iroquois of that province, whose war parties had raided much of the country between the hudson and the mississippi, surrendered what shadowy rights they might be supposed to have over all lands lying between the ohio and the tennessee. meanwhile, at the south, the cherokees had agreed to a frontier which opened to settlement eastern kentucky and tennessee. but, without waiting for these treaties, numerous schemes had been proposed in england and the atlantic coast colonies for the settlement of kentucky and the lands of the upper ohio. most of these projects failed, even the more promising of them being checked by the opening of the revolutionary war; but their existence showed how general was the desire of english colonists to occupy those fertile western lands which explorers like gist, washington, the boones, and the long hunters had now made familiar to the world. the new treaties strengthened this desire, so that when daniel and squire boone reached their homes upon the yadkin the subject of western settlement was uppermost in the minds of the people. the land excitement was, however, less intense in north carolina than in the valley of virginia and other mountain troughs to the north and northeast. at boone's home there was unrest of a more serious character. the tax-gatherers were arousing great popular discontent because of unlawful and extortionate demands, and in some cases governor tryon had come to blows with the regulators who stood for the people's rights. for two and a half years after his return boone quietly conducted his little farm, and, as of old, made long hunting trips in autumn and winter, occasionally venturing--sometimes alone, sometimes with one or two companions--far west into kentucky, once visiting french lick, on the cumberland, where he found several french hunters. there is reason to believe that in he moved to the watauga valley, but after living there for a time went back to the yadkin. early in the following year he accompanied benjamin cutbirth and others as far as the present jessamine county, ky., and from this trip returned fired with quickened zeal for making a settlement in the new country. the spring and summer were spent in active preparations. he enlisted the cooperation of captain william russell, the principal pioneer in the clinch valley; several of the bryans, whose settlement was now sixty-five miles distant, also agreed to join him; and five other families in his own neighborhood engaged to join the expedition. the bryan party, numbering forty men, some of them from the valley of virginia and powell's valley, were not to be accompanied by their families, as they preferred to go in advance and prepare homes before making a final move. but boone and the other men of the upper yadkin took with them their wives and children; most of them sold their farms, as did boone, thus burning their bridges behind them. arranging to meet the bryan contingent in powell's valley, boone's party left for the west upon the twenty-fifth of september, --fifty-six years after old george boone had departed from england for the pennsylvania frontier near philadelphia, and twenty-three after the family had set out for the new southwest frontier on the yadkin. reaching powell's, boone went into camp to await the rear party, his riding and packhorses hoppled and belled, after the custom of such caravans, and their small herd of cattle properly guarded in a meadow. his eldest son, james, now a boy of sixteen years, was sent with two men, with pack-animals, across country to notify russell and to secure some flour and farming tools. they were returning laden, in company with russell's son henry, a year older than james, two of russell's negro slaves, and two or three white workpeople, when, missing their path, they went into camp for the night only three miles from boone's quarters. at daybreak they were attacked by a shawnese war party and all killed except a white laborer and a negro. this pathetic tragedy created such consternation among the movers that, despite boone's entreaties to go forward, all of them returned to virginia and carolina. daniel and his family, no longer having a home on the yadkin, would not retreat, and took up their quarters in an empty cabin upon the farm of captain david gass, seven or eight miles from russell's, upon clinch river. throughout this sorrowful winter the boones were supported from their stock of cattle and by means of daniel's unerring rifle. it was long before the intrepid pioneers could again take up their line of march. ever since the bouquet treaty of there had been more or less disturbance upon the frontiers. during all these years, although there was no open warfare between whites and reds, many scores of lives had been lost. indians had wantonly plundered and murdered white men, and the latter had been quite as merciless toward the savages. whenever a member of one race met a man of the other the rifle was apt to be at once brought into play. meanwhile, armed parties of surveyors and land speculators were swarming into kentucky, notching the trees for landmarks, and giving evidence to apprehensive tribesmen that the hordes of civilization were upon them. in george rogers clark, afterward the most famous of border leaders, had staked a claim at the mouth of fishing creek, on the ohio; washington had, this summer, descended the river to the same point; while at the falls of the ohio, and upon interior waters of the kentucky wilderness, other parties were laying ambitious plans for the capitals of new colonies. in the following spring the cherokees and shawnese, now wrought to a high pitch of ill temper, combined for onslaughts on the advancing frontiersmen. the wanton murder by border ruffians of chief john logan's family, near mingo junction, on the ohio, was the match which, in early summer, fired the tinder. the mingos, ablaze with the fire of vengeance, carried the war-pipe through the neighboring villages; runners were sent in every direction to rouse the tribes; tomahawks were unearthed, war-posts were planted; messages of defiance were sent to the "virginians," as all frontiersmen were generally called by the western indians; and in a few days the border war to which history has given the name of lord dunmore, then governor of virginia, was in full swing from cumberland gap to fort pitt, from the alleghanies to the wabash. its isolation at first protected the valley of the clinch. the commandant of the southwest militia--which comprised every boy or man capable of bearing arms--was colonel william preston; under him was major arthur campbell; the principal man in the clinch valley was boone's friend, russell. when, in june, the border captains were notified by lord dunmore that the war was now on, forts were erected in each of the mountain valleys, and scouts sent out along the trails and streams to ascertain the whereabouts of the enemy. there were in kentucky, at this time, several surveying parties which could not obtain news by way of the ohio because of the blockade maintained by the shawnese. it became necessary to notify them overland, and advise their retreat to the settlements by way of cumberland gap. russell having been ordered by preston to employ "two faithful woodsmen" for this purpose, chose daniel boone and michael stoner. "if they are alive," wrote russell to his colonel, "it is indisputable but boone must find them." leaving the clinch on june twenty-seventh, the two envoys were at harrodsburg before july eighth. there they found james harrod and thirty-four other men laying off a large town,[ ] in which they proposed to give each inhabitant a half-acre in-lot and a ten-acre out-lot. boone, who had small capacity for business, but in land was something of a speculator, registered as a settler, and in company with a neighbor put up a cabin for his future occupancy. this done, he and stoner hurried on down the kentucky river to its mouth, and thence to the falls of the ohio (site of louisville), notifying several bands of surveyors and town-builders of their danger. after an absence of sixty-one days they were back again upon the clinch, having traveled eight hundred miles through a practically unbroken forest, experienced many dangers from indians, and overcome natural difficulties almost without number. meanwhile lord dunmore, personally unpopular but an energetic and competent military manager, had sent out an army of nearly three thousand backwoodsmen against the shawnese north of the ohio. one wing of this army, led by the governor himself, went by way of fort pitt and descended the ohio; among its members was george rogers clark. the other wing, commanded by general andrew lewis, included the men of the southwest, eleven hundred strong; they were to descend the great kanawha and rendezvous with the northern wing at point pleasant, at the junction of the kanawha and the ohio. when boone arrived upon the clinch he found that russell and most of the other militiamen of the district had departed upon the campaign. with a party of recruits, the great hunter started out to overtake the expedition, but was met by orders to return and aid in defending his own valley; for the drawing off of the militia by dunmore had left the southwest frontiers in weak condition. during september the settlers upon the clinch suffered much apprehension; the depredations of the tribesmen were not numerous, but several men were either wounded or captured. in a letter written upon the sixth of october, major campbell gives a list of forts upon the clinch: "blackmore's, sixteen men, sergeant moore commanding; moore's, twenty miles above, twenty men, lieutenant boone commanding; russell's, four miles above, twenty men, sergeant w. poage commanding; glade hollow, twelve miles above, fifteen men, sergeant john dunkin commanding; elk garden, fourteen miles above, eighteen men, sergeant john kinkead commanding; maiden spring, twenty-three miles above, five men, sergeant john crane commanding; whitton's big crab orchard, twelve miles above, three men, ensign john campbell, of rich valley, commanding." during this month boone and his little garrison made frequent sallies against the enemy, and now and then fought brief but desperate skirmishes. he appears to have been by far the most active commander in the valley, and when neighboring forts were attacked his party of well-trained riflemen generally furnished the relief necessary to raise the siege. "mr. boone," writes campbell to preston, "is very diligent at castle's-woods, and keeps up good order." his conduct is frequently alluded to in the military correspondence of that summer; campbell and other leaders exhibited in their references to our hero a respectful and even deferential tone. an eye-witness of some of these stirring scenes has left us a description of daniel boone, now forty years of age, in which it is stated that his was then a familiar figure throughout the valley as he hurried to and fro upon his military duties "dressed in deerskin colored black, and his hair plaited and clubbed up." upon the tenth of october, cornstalk, a famous shawnese chief, taking advantage of dunmore's failure to join the southern wing, led against lewis's little army encamped at point pleasant a thousand picked warriors gathered from all parts of the northwest. here, upon the wooded eminence at the junction of the two rivers, was waged from dawn until dusk one of the most bloody and stubborn hand-to-hand battles ever fought between indians and whites. it is hard to say who displayed the best generalship, cornstalk or lewis. the american savage was a splendid fighter; although weak in discipline he could competently plan a battle. the tactics of surprise were his chief resource, and these are legitimate even in civilized warfare; but he could also make a determined contest in the open, and when, as at point pleasant, the opposing numbers were nearly equal, the result was often slow of determination. desperately courageous, pertinacious, with a natural aptitude for war combined with consummate treachery, cruelty, and cunning, it is small wonder that the indian long offered a formidable barrier to the advance of civilization. in early virginia, john smith noticed that in indian warfare the whites won at the expense of losses far beyond those suffered by the tribesmen; and here at point pleasant, while the "long knives"[ ] gained the day, the number of their dead and wounded was double that of the casualties sustained by cornstalk's painted band. the victory at point pleasant practically closed the war upon the border. boone had been made a captain in response to a popular petition that the hero of clinch valley be thus honored, and was given charge of the three lower forts; but there followed only a few alarms, and upon the twentieth of november he and his brother militiamen of the region received their discharge. the war had cost virginia £ , sterling, many valuable lives had been sacrificed, and an incalculable amount of suffering and privation had been occasioned all along the three hundred and fifty miles of american frontier. but the shawnese had been humbled, the cherokees had retired behind the new border line, and a lasting peace appeared to be assured. in the following january captain boone, true son of the wilderness, was celebrating his freedom from duties incident to war's alarms by a solitary hunt upon the banks of kentucky river. footnotes: [ ] previous to this there had been built in kentucky many hunters' camps, also a few isolated cabins by "improvers"; but harrodsburg (at first called "harrodstown") was the first permanent settlement, thus having nearly a year's start of boonesborough. june , , is the date given by collins and other chroniclers for the actual settlement by harrod. [ ] the indians had called the americans "knifemen," "long knives," or "big knives," from the earliest historic times; but it was not until about the middle of the eighteenth century that the virginia colonists began to make record of the use of this epithet by the indians with whom they came in contact. it was then commonly supposed that it grew out of the use of swords by the frontier militiamen, and this is the meaning still given in dictionaries; but it has been made apparent by albert matthews, writing in the new york nation, march , , that the epithet originated in the fact that englishmen used knives as distinguished from the early stone tools of the indians. the french introduced knives into america previous to the english, but apparently the term was used only by indians within the english sphere of influence. chapter ix the settlement of kentucky kentucky had so long been spasmodically occupied and battled over by shawnese, iroquois, and cherokees, that it can not be said that any of them had well-defined rights over its soil. not until white men appeared anxious to settle there did the tribes begin to assert their respective claims, in the hope of gaining presents at the treaties whereat they were asked to make cessions. the whites, on their part, when negotiating for purchases, were well aware of the shadowy character of these claims; but, when armed with a signed deed of cession, they had something tangible upon which thenceforth to base their own claims of proprietorship. there was therefore much insincerity upon both sides. it is well to understand this situation in studying the history of kentucky settlement. colonel richard henderson was one of the principal judges in north carolina, a scholarly, talented man, eminent in the legal profession; although but thirty-nine years of age, he wielded much influence. knowing and respecting daniel boone, henderson was much impressed by the former's enthusiastic reports concerning the soil, climate, and scenery of kentucky; and, acting solely upon this information, resolved to establish a colony in that attractive country. he associated with himself three brothers, nathaniel, david, and thomas hart, the last-named of whom in later life wrote that he "had known boone of old, when poverty and distress held him fast by the hand; and in those wretched circumstances he had ever found him a noble and generous soul, despising everything mean." their proposed colony was styled transylvania, and the association of proprietors the transylvania company. it will be remembered that in the treaty of fort stanwix ( ) the iroquois of new york had ceded to the english crown their pretensions to lands lying between the ohio and the tennessee. the transylvania company, however, applied to the cherokees, because this was the tribe commanding the path from virginia and the carolinas to kentucky. in march, , a great council was held at sycamore shoals, on the watauga river, between the company and twelve hundred cherokees who had been brought in for the purpose by boone. for $ , worth of cloths, clothing, utensils, ornaments, and firearms, the indians ceded to henderson and his partners an immense grant including all the country lying between the kentucky and cumberland rivers, also a path of approach from the east, through powell's valley. at this council were some of the most prominent cherokee chiefs and southwestern frontiersmen. when the goods came to be distributed among the indians it was found that, although they filled a large cabin and looked very tempting in bulk, there was but little for each warrior, and great dissatisfaction arose. one cherokee, whose portion was a shirt, declared that in one day, upon this land, he could have killed deer enough to buy such a garment; to surrender his hunting-ground for this trifle naturally seemed to him a bad bargain. for the safety of the pioneers the chiefs could give no guarantee; they warned boone, who appears to have acted as spokesman for the company, that "a black cloud hung over this land," warpaths crossed it from north to south, and settlers would surely get killed; for such results the cherokees must not be held responsible. this was not promising. neither was the news, now received, that governors martin of north carolina, and dunmore of virginia had both of them issued proclamations against the great purchase. the former had called henderson and his partners an "infamous company of land pyrates"; and they were notified that this movement was in violation of the king's proclamation of , forbidding western settlements. the company, relying upon popular sympathy and their great distance from tidewater seats of government, proceeded without regard to these proclamations. boone, at the head of a party of about thirty enlisted men, some of them the best backwoodsmen in the country,[ ] was sent ahead to mark a path through the forest to kentucky river, and there establish a capital for the new colony. they encountered many difficulties, especially when traveling through cane-brakes and brush; and once, while asleep, were attacked by indians, who killed a negro servant and wounded two of the party. boone won hearty commendation for his skill and courage throughout the expedition, which finally arrived at its destination on the sixth of april. this was big lick, on kentucky river, just below the mouth of otter creek. here it was decided to build a town to be called boonesborough, to serve as the capital of transylvania. the site was "a plain on the south side of the river, wherein was a lick with sulphur springs strongly impregnated." to felix walker, one of the pioneers, we are indebted for the details of this notable colonizing expedition, set forth in a narrative which is still preserved. "on entering the plain," he writes, "we were permitted to view a very interesting and romantic sight. a number of buffaloes, of all sizes, supposed to be between two and three hundred, made off from the lick in every direction: some running, some walking, others loping slowly and carelessly, with young calves playing, skipping, and bounding through the plain. such a sight some of us never saw before, nor perhaps ever may again." a fort was commenced, and a few cabins "strung along the river-bank;" but it was long before the stronghold was completed, for, now that the journey was at an end, boone's men had become callous to danger. meanwhile henderson was proceeding slowly from the settlements with thirty men and several wagons loaded with goods and tools. delayed from many causes, they at last felt obliged to leave the encumbering wagons in powell's valley. pushing forward, they were almost daily met by parties of men and boys returning home from kentucky bearing vague reports of indian forays. this resulted in henderson losing many of his own followers from desertion. arriving at boonesborough on the twentieth of april, the relief party was "saluted by a running fire of about twenty-five guns." some of boone's men had, in the general uneasiness, also deserted, and others had scattered throughout the woods, hunting, exploring, or surveying on their own account. the method of surveying then in vogue upon the western frontier was of the crudest, although it must be acknowledged that any system more formal might, at that stage of our country's growth, have prevented rapid settlement. each settler or land speculator was practically his own surveyor. with a compass and a chain, a few hours' work would suffice to mark the boundaries of a thousand-acre tract. there were as yet no adequate maps of the country, and claims overlapped each other in the most bewildering manner. a speculator who "ran out" a hundred thousand acres might, without knowing it, include in his domain a half-dozen claims previously surveyed by modest settlers who wanted but a hundred acres each. a man who paid the land-office fees might "patent" any land he pleased and have it recorded, the colony, and later the state, only guaranteeing such entries as covered land not already patented. this overlapping, conscious or unconscious, at last became so perplexing that thousands of vexatious lawsuits followed, some of which are still unsettled; and even to-day in kentucky there are lands whose ownership is actually unknown, which pay no taxes and support only squatters who can not be turned out--possibly some of it, lying between patented tracts, by chance has never been entered at all. nobody can now say. thus it was that we find our friend daniel boone quickly transformed from a wilderness hunter into a frontier surveyor. before henderson's arrival he had laid off the town site into lots of two acres each. these were now drawn at a public lottery; while those who wished larger tracts within the neighborhood were able to obtain them by promising to plant a crop of corn and pay to the transylvania company a quit-rent of two english shillings for each hundred acres. [illustration: a survey note by boone. reduced facsimile from his field-books in possession of wisconsin state historical society.] there were now four settlements in the transylvania grant: boonesborough; harrodsburg, fifty miles west, with about a hundred men; boiling spring, some six or seven miles from harrodsburg; and st. asaph. the crown lands to the north and east of the kentucky, obtained by the fort stanwix treaty, contained two small settlements; forty miles north of boonesborough was hinkson's, later known as ruddell's station, where were about nineteen persons; lower down the kentucky, also on the north side, was willis lee's settlement, near the present frankfort; and ranging at will through the crown lands were several small parties of "land-jobbers," surveyors, and explorers, laying off the claims of militia officers who had fought in the indian wars, and here and there building cabins to indicate possession. henderson had no sooner arrived than he prepared for a convention, at which the people should adopt a form of government for the colony and elect officers. this was held at boonesborough, in the open air, under a gigantic elm, during the week commencing tuesday, the twenty-third of may. there were eighteen delegates, representing each of the four settlements south of the kentucky. among them were daniel and squire boone, the former of whom proposed laws for the preservation of game and for improving the breed of horses; to the latter fell the presentation of rules for preserving the cattle-ranges. the compact finally agreed upon between the colonists and the proprietors declared "the powers of the one and the liberties of the others," and was "the earliest form of government in the region west of the alleghanies." it provided for "perfect religious freedom and general toleration," militia and judicial systems, and complete liberty on the part of the settlers to conduct colonial affairs according to their needs. this liberal and well-digested plan appeared to please both henderson and the settlers. but the opposition of the governors, the objections raised by the assembly of virginia, of which kentucky was then a part,[ ] and finally, the outbreak of the revolution, which put an end to proprietary governments in america, caused the downfall of the transylvania company. the boonesborough legislative convention met but once more--in december, to elect a surveyor-general. the may meeting had no sooner adjourned than transylvania began again to lose its population. few of the pioneers who had come out with boone and henderson, or had since wandered into the district, were genuine home-seekers. many appear to have been mere adventurers, out for the excitement of the expedition and to satisfy their curiosity, who either returned home or wandered farther into the woods to seek fresh experiences of wild life; others had deliberately intended first to stake out claims in the neighborhood of the new settlements and then return home to look after their crops, and perhaps move to kentucky in the autumn; others there were who, far removed from their families, proved restless; while many became uneasy because of indian outrages, reports of which soon began to be circulated. henderson wrote cheerful letters to his partners at home, describing the country as a paradise; but by the end of june, when boone returned to the east for salt, harrodsburg and boiling spring were almost deserted, while boonesborough could muster but ten or twelve "guns," as men or boys capable of fighting indians were called in the militia rolls. the infant colony of kentucky had certainly reached a crisis in its career. game was rapidly becoming more scarce, largely because of careless, inexperienced hunters who wounded more than they killed, and killed more than was needed for food; the frightened buffaloes had now receded so far west that they were several days' journey from boonesborough. yet game was still the staff of life. captain floyd, the surveyor-general, wrote to colonel preston: "i must hunt or starve." as the summer wore away and crops in the eastern settlements were gathered, there was a considerable increase in the population. many men who, in later days, were to exert a powerful influence in kentucky now arrived--george rogers clark, the principal western hero of the revolution; simon kenton, famous throughout the border as hunter, scout, and indian fighter; benjamin logan, william whitley, the lewises, campbells, christians, prestons, macdowells, mcafees, hite, bowman, randolph, todd, mcclellan, benton, patterson--all of them names familiar in western history. in the first week of september boone arrived with his wife and family and twenty young men--"twenty-one guns," the report reads; squire and his family soon followed; four bryans, their brothers-in-law, came at the head of thirty men from the yadkin; and, at the same time, harrodsburg was reached by several other families who had, like the boones, come on horseback through cumberland gap and powell's valley. this powerful reenforcement of pioneers, most of whom proposed to stay, had largely been attracted by henderson's advertisements in virginia newspapers offering terms of settlement on transylvania lands. "any person," said the announcement, "who will settle on and inhabit the same before the first day of june, , shall have the privilege of taking up and surveying for himself five hundred acres, and for each tithable person he may carry with him and settle there, two hundred and fifty acres, on the payment of fifty shillings sterling per hundred, subject to a yearly quit-rent of two shillings, like money, to commence in the year ." toward the end of november henderson himself, who had gone on a visit to carolina, returned with forty men, one of whom was colonel arthur campbell, a prominent settler in the holston valley. this increase of population, which had been noticeable throughout the autumn and early winter, received a sudden check, however, two days before christmas, when the indians, who had been friendly for several months past, began again to annoy settlers, several being either killed or carried into captivity. this gave rise to a fresh panic, in the course of which many fled to the east of the mountains. during the year about five hundred persons from the frontiers of pennsylvania, virginia, and north carolina had visited and explored kentucky; but now, at the close of december, the population of all the settlements did not aggregate over two hundred. the recent outbreak had much to do with this situation of affairs; but there were other causes conspiring to disturb the minds of the people and postpone the growth of settlement--the clashing of interests between the transylvania company and the governors of virginia and north carolina, uncertainty as to the possibilities of a general indian war, the threatened rupture between the colonies and the english crown, and the alarming scarcity of provisions and ammunition throughout kentucky. nevertheless, over nine hundred entries had been made in the transylvania land-office at boonesborough, embracing , acres, and most of these tracts were waiting to be surveyed; two hundred and thirty acres of corn had been successfully raised; horses, hogs, and poultry had been introduced, and apple- and peach-trees had been started at several settlements. the germ of a colony was firmly planted, laws had been made, the militia had been organized, civil and military officers had been commissioned, and in the face of several slight indian attacks the savages had been repelled and the country maintained. most promising of all, there were now twelve women in the country, all of them heads of families. the principal pioneers were nearly all of sturdy scotch-irish blood, men of sterling merit, intensely devoted to the cause of american liberty, and destined to contribute powerfully to its aid in the great war which had now begun, and concerning which messengers from over the mountains had during the year brought them scanty information. footnotes: [ ] the names of this party of kentucky pioneers, as preserved by tradition, are worth presenting in our record, for many of them afterward became prominent in the annals of the west: squire boone, edward bradley, james bridges, william bush, samuel coburn, colonel richard calloway, captain crabtree, benjamin cutbirth, david gass, john hart, william hays (son-in-law of daniel boone), william hicks, edmund jennings, thomas johnson, john kennedy, john king, william miller, william moore, james nall, james peeke, bartlet searcy, reuben searcy, michael stoner, samuel tate, oswell towns, captain william twitty (wounded at rockcastle), john vardeman, and felix walker (also wounded at rockcastle). mrs. hays, boone's daughter, traveled with her husband; a negro woman accompanied calloway, and a negro man (killed at rockcastle) was with twitty. [ ] it was then within the far-stretching boundaries of fincastle county. kentucky was set apart as a county, december , . chapter x two years of darkness with the opening of the year daniel and squire boone were employed for several weeks as hunters or assistants to a party of surveyors sent by the transylvania company to the falls of the ohio, in the vicinity of which henderson and his friends had taken up seventy thousand acres of land. they met no indians and saw plenty of game; but returned to find that the settlers were indignant because of this wholesale preemption by the proprietors of the colony in a neighborhood where it was now felt the chief city in kentucky was sure to be planted. in response to this clamor henderson promised that hereafter, in that locality, only small tracts should be granted to individuals, and that a town should at once be laid out at the falls; but the scanty supply of powder and provisions, and the company's growing troubles with the virginia assembly, prevented the execution of this project. in the spring newcomers everywhere appeared. in order to please the people of harrodsburg, now the largest settlement, who were disposed to be critical, the company's land-office was moved thither, and it at once entered upon a flourishing business. not only did many virginians and carolinians come in on horseback over the "wilderness road," as the route through cumberland gap was now styled, but hundreds also descended the ohio in boats from the new settlements on the monongahela, and from those farther east in pennsylvania. while the horsemen of the wilderness road generally settled in transylvania, those journeying by boat were chiefly interested in the crown lands north of the kentucky; through these they ranged at will, building rude pens, half-faced cabins, and log huts, as convenience dictated, and planting small crops of corn in order to preempt their claims. the majority, however, after making sometimes as many as twenty such claims each, often upon land already surveyed on militia officers' warrants, returned home at the close of the season, seeking to sell their fictitious holdings to actual settlers. of course the unscrupulous conduct of these "claim-jumping" speculators led to numerous quarrels. john todd, of harrodsburg, wrote to a friend: "i am afraid to lose sight of my house lest some invader should take possession." it was difficult, even for those who came to settle, to get down to hard work during those earliest years. never was there a more beautiful region than the kentucky wilderness. both old and new settlers were fond of roaming through this wonderland of forests and glades and winding rivers, where the nights were cool and refreshing and the days filled with harmonies of sound and sight and smell. hill and valley, timberland and thicket, meadow and prairie, grasslands and cane-brake--these abounded on every hand, in happy distribution of light and shadow. the soil was extremely fertile; there were many open spots fitted for immediate cultivation; the cattle-ranges were of the best, for nowhere was cane more abundant; game was more plentiful than men's hopes had ever before conceived--of turkeys, bears, deer, and buffaloes it seemed, for a time, as if the supply must always far excelled any possible demand. it is small wonder that the imaginations of the pioneers were fired with dreams of the future, that they saw in fancy great cities springing up in this new world of the west, and wealth pouring into the laps of those who could first obtain a foothold. thus, in that beautiful spring of , did kentuckians revel in the pleasures of hope, and cast to the winds all thought of the peril and toil by which alone can man conquer a savage-haunted wilderness. but the "dark cloud" foretold at the watauga treaty soon settled upon the land. incited by british agents--for the revolution was now on--the cherokees on the south and the shawnese and mingos on the north declared war upon the american borderers. the kentuckians were promptly warned by messengers from the east. the "cabiners," as claim speculators were called by actual settlers; the wandering fur-traders, most of whom were shabby rascals, whose example corrupted the savages, and whose conduct often led to outbreaks of race hostility; and the irresponsible hunters, who were recklessly killing or frightening off the herds of game--all of these classes began, with the mutterings of conflict, to draw closer to the settlements; while many hurried back to their old homes, carrying exaggerated reports of the situation. meanwhile, opposition to the transylvania proprietors was fast developing. the settlers in the harrodsburg neighborhood held a convention in june and sent colonel george rogers clark and captain john gabriel jones as delegates to the virginia convention with a petition to that body to make kentucky a county of virginia. this project was bitterly opposed by henderson; but upon the adoption by congress, in july, of the declaration of independence, there was small chance left for the recognition of any proprietary government. when the new virginia legislature met in the autumn, the petition of the "inhabitants of kentuckie" was granted, and a county government organized.[ ] david robinson was appointed county lieutenant, john bowman colonel, anthony bledsoe and george rogers clark majors, and daniel boone, james harrod, john todd, and benjamin logan captains. it was not until july that the kentuckians fully realized the existence of an indian war. during that month several hunters, surveyors, and travelers were killed in various parts of the district. the situation promised so badly that colonel william russell, of the holston valley, commandant of the southwestern virginia militia, advised the immediate abandonment of kentucky. such advice fell upon unheeding ears in the case of men like boone and his companions, although many of the less valorous were quick to retire beyond the mountains. on sunday, the seventeenth of july, an incident occurred at boonesborough which created wide-spread consternation. jemima, the second daughter of daniel boone, aged fourteen years, together with two girl friends, betsey and fanny calloway, sixteen and fourteen respectively, were paddling in a canoe upon the kentucky. losing control of their craft in the swift current, not over a quarter of a mile from the settlement, they were swept near the north bank, when five shawnese braves, hiding in the bushes, waded out and captured them. the screams of the girls alarmed the settlers, who sallied forth in hot pursuit of the kidnappers. the mounted men, under colonel calloway, father of two of the captives, pushed forward to lower blue licks, hoping to cut off the indians as they crossed the licking river on their way to the shawnese towns in ohio, whither it was correctly supposed they were fleeing. boone headed the footmen, who followed closely on the trail of the fugitives, which had been carefully marked by the girls, who, with the self-possession of true borderers, furtively scattered broken twigs and scraps of clothing as they were hurried along through the forest by their grim captors. after a two days' chase, boone's party caught up with the unsuspecting savages some thirty-five miles from boonesborough, and by dint of a skilful dash recaptured the young women, unharmed. two of the shawnese were killed and the others fled into the woods. calloway's horsemen met no foe. although few other attacks were reported during the summer or autumn, the people were in a continual state of apprehension, neglected their crops, and either huddled in the neighborhood of the settlements, or "stations" as they were called, or abandoned the country altogether. in the midst of this uneasiness floyd wrote to his friend preston, in virginia, urging that help be sent to the distressed colony: "they all seem deaf to anything we can say to dissuade them.... i think more than three hundred men have left the country since i came out, and not one has arrived, except a few _cabiners_ down the ohio. i want to return as much as any man can do; but if i leave the country now there is scarcely one single man who will not follow the example. when i think of the deplorable condition a few helpless families are likely to be in, i conclude to sell my life as dearly as i can in their defense rather than make an ignominious escape." [illustration: fort boonesborough. drawn from henderson's plans and other historical data by george w. ranck; reduced from the latter's "boonesborough" (filson club publications, no. ).] seven stations had now been abandoned--huston's, on the present site of paris; hinkson's, on the licking; bryan's, on the elkhorn; lee's, on the kentucky; harrod's, or the boiling spring settlement; whitley's, and logan's. but three remained occupied--mcclellan's, harrodsburg, and boonesborough. up to this time none of the kentucky stations had been fortified; there had been some unfinished work at boonesborough, but it was soon allowed to fall into decay. work was now resumed at all three of the occupied settlements; this consisted simply of connecting the cabins, which faced an open square, by lines of palisades. it was only at mcclellan's, however, that even this slender protection was promptly completed; at boonesborough and harrodsburg the work, although but a task of a few days, dragged slowly, and was not finished for several months. it was next to impossible for boone and the other militia captains to induce men to labor at the common defenses in time of peace. great popular interest was taken by the people of the carolinas, virginia, and pennsylvania in the fate of the kentucky settlements, whither so many prominent borderers from those states had moved. the frantic appeals for help sent out by floyd, logan, and mcgary, and expressed in person by george rogers clark, awakened keen sympathy; but the demands of washington's army were now so great, in battles for national liberty upon the atlantic coast, that little could be spared for the western settlers. during the summer a small supply of powder was sent out by virginia to captain boone; in the autumn harrod and logan rode to the holston and obtained from the military authorities a packhorse-load of lead; and in the closing days of the year clark arrived at limestone (now maysville), on the ohio, with a boat-load of powder and other stores, voted to the service of kentucky by the virginia assembly. he had experienced a long and exciting voyage from pittsburg with this precious consignment, and about thirty of the settlers aided him in the perilous enterprise of transporting it overland to the stations on the kentucky. while the ammunition was supposed to be used for defense, the greater part of it was necessarily spent in obtaining food. without the great profusion of game the inhabitants must have starved; although several large crops of corn were raised, and some wheat, these were as yet insufficient for all. early in indian "signs" began to multiply. mcclellan's was now abandoned, leaving boonesborough and harrodsburg the only settlements maintained--except, perhaps, price's, on the cumberland, although logan's station was reoccupied in february. the number of men now in the country fit for duty did not exceed a hundred and fifty. in march the fighting men met at their respective stations and organized under commissioned officers; hitherto all military operations in kentucky had been voluntary, headed by such temporary leaders as the men chose from their own number. during the greater part of the year the palisaded stations were frequently attacked by the savages--shawnese, cherokees, and mingos, in turn or in company. some of these sieges lasted through several days, taxing the skill and bravery of the inhabitants to their utmost. indian methods of attacking forts were far different from those that would be practised by white men. being practically without military organization, each warrior acted largely on his own behalf. his object was to secrete himself, to kill his enemy, and if possible to bear away his scalp as a trophy. every species of cover was taken advantage of--trees, stumps, bushes, hillocks, stones, furnished hiding-places. feints were made to draw the attention of the garrison to one side, while the main body of the besiegers hurled themselves against the other. having neither artillery nor scaling-ladders, they frequently succeeded in effecting a breach by setting fire to the walls. pretending to retreat, they would lull the defenders into carelessness, when they would again appear from ambush, picking off those who came out for water, to attend to crops and cattle, or to hunt for food; often they exhibited a remarkable spirit of daring, especially when making a dash to secure scalps. destroying crops, cattle, hogs, and poultry, stealing the horses for their own use, burning the outlying cabins, and guarding the trails against possible relief, they sought to reduce the settlers to starvation, and thus make them an easy prey. every artifice known to besiegers was skilfully practised by these crafty, keen-eyed, quick-witted wilderness fighters, who seldom showed mercy. only when white men aggressively fought them in their own manner could they be overcome. in the last week of april, while boone and kenton were heading a sortie against a party of shawnese besieging boonesborough, the whites stumbled into an ambuscade, and boone was shot in an ankle, the bone being shattered. kenton, with that cool bravery for which this tall, vigorous backwoodsman was known throughout the border, rushed up, and killing a warrior whose tomahawk was lifted above the fallen man, picked his comrade up in his arms, and desperately fought his way back into the enclosure. it was several months before the captain recovered from this painful wound; but from his room he directed many a day-and-night defense, and laid plans for the scouting expeditions which were frequently undertaken throughout the region in order to discover signs of the lurking foe. being the larger settlement, harrodsburg was more often attacked than boonesborough, although simultaneous sieges were sometimes in progress, thus preventing the little garrisons from helping each other. at both stations the women soon became the equal of the men, fearlessly taking turns at the port-holes, from which little puffs of white smoke would follow the sharp rifle-cracks whenever a savage head revealed itself from behind bush or tree. when not on duty as marksmen, women were melting their pewter plates into bullets, loading the rifles and handing them to the men, caring for the wounded, and cooking whatever food might be obtainable. during a siege food was gained only by stealth and at great peril. some brave volunteer would escape into the woods by night, and after a day spent in hunting, far away from hostile camps, return, if possible under cover of darkness, with what game he could find. it was a time to make heroes or cowards of either men or women--there was no middle course. amid this spasmodic hurly-burly there was no lack of marrying and giving in marriage. one day in early august, , betsey calloway, the eldest of the captive girls, was married at boonesborough to samuel henderson, one of the rescuing party--the first wedding in kentucky. daniel boone, as justice of the peace, tied the knot. a diarist of the time has this record of a similar harrodsburg event: "july , .--lieutenant linn married--great merriment." at each garrison, whenever not under actual siege, half of the men were acting as guards and scouts while the others cultivated small patches of corn within sight of the walls. but even this precaution sometimes failed of its purpose. for instance, one day in may two hundred indians suddenly surrounded the corn-field at boonesborough, and there was a lively skirmish before the planters could reach the fort. thus the summer wore away. in august colonel bowman arrived with a hundred militiamen from the virginia frontier. a little later forty-eight horsemen came from the yadkin country to boone's relief, making so brave a display as they emerged from the tangled woods and in open order filed through the gates of the palisade, that some shawnese watching the procession from a neighboring hill fled into ohio with the startling report that two hundred long knife warriors had arrived from virginia. in october other virginians came, to the extent of a hundred expert riflemen; and late in the autumn the valiant logan brought in from the holston as much powder and lead as four packhorses could carry, guarded by a dozen sharpshooters, thus insuring a better prospect for food. with these important supplies and reenforcements at hand the settlers were inspired by new hope. instead of waiting for the savages to attack them, they thenceforth went in search of the savages, killing them wherever seen, thus seeking to outgeneral the enemy. these tactics quite disheartened the astonished tribesmen, and the year closed with a brighter outlook for the weary kentuckians. it had been a time of constant anxiety and watchfulness. the settlers were a handful in comparison with their vigilant enemies. but little corn had been raised; the cattle were practically gone; few horses were now left; and on the twelfth of december bowman sent word to virginia that he had only two months' supply of bread for two hundred women and children, many of whom were widows and orphans. as for clothing, there was little to be had, although from the fiber of nettles a rude cloth was made, and deerskins were commonly worn. footnote: [ ] it was, however, not until november, , that the legislature formally declared the transylvania company's claims null and void. chapter xi the siege of boonesborough we have seen that kentucky's numerous salt-springs lured wild animals thither in astonishing numbers; but for lack of suitable boiling-kettles the pioneers were at first dependent upon the older settlements for the salt needed in curing their meat. the indian outbreak now rendered the wilderness road an uncertain path, and the kentuckians were beginning to suffer from lack of salt--a serious deprivation for a people largely dependent upon a diet of game. late in the year the virginia government sent out several large salt-boiling kettles for the use of the western settlers. both residents and visiting militiamen were allotted into companies, which were to relieve each other at salt-making until sufficient was manufactured to last the several stations for a year. it was boone's duty to head the first party, thirty strong, which, with the kettles packed on horses, went to lower blue licks early in january. a month passed, during which a considerable quantity of salt was made; several horse-loads had been sent to boonesborough, but most of it was still at the camp awaiting shipment. the men were daily expecting relief by the second company, when visitors of a different character appeared. while half of the men worked at the boiling, the others engaged in the double service of watching for indians and obtaining food; of these was boone. toward evening of the seventh of february he was returning home from a wide circuit with his packhorse laden with buffalo-meat and some beaver-skins, for he had many traps in the neighborhood. a blinding snow-storm was in progress, which caused him to neglect his usual precautions, when suddenly he was confronted by four burly shawnese, who sprang from an ambush. keen of foot, he thought to outrun them, but soon had to surrender, for they shot so accurately that it was evident that they could kill him if they would. the prisoner was conducted to the shawnese camp, a few miles distant. there he found a hundred and twenty warriors under chief black fish. two frenchmen, in english employ, were of the party; also two american renegades from the pittsburg region, james and george girty. these latter, with their brother simon, had joined the indians and, dressed and painted like savages, were assisting the tribesmen of the northwest in raids against their fellow-borderers of pennsylvania and virginia. boone was well known by reputation to all these men of the wilderness, reds and whites alike; indeed, he noticed that among the party were his captors of eight years before, who laughed heartily at again having him in their clutches. he was loudly welcomed to camp, the indians shaking his hands, patting him on the back, and calling him "brother"--for they always greatly enjoyed such exhibitions of mock civility and friendship--and the hunter himself pretended to be equally pleased at the meeting. they told him that they were on their way to attack boonesborough, and wished him to lead them, but insisted that he first induce his fellow salt-makers to surrender. boone thoroughly understood indians; he had learned the arts of forest diplomacy, and although generally a silent man of action, appears to have been a plausible talker when dealing with red men. knowing that only one side of the boonesborough palisade had been completed, and that the war-party was five times as strong as the population of the hamlet, he thought to delay operations by strategy. he promised to persuade the salt-makers to surrender, in view of the overwhelming force and the promise of good treatment, and to go peacefully with their captors to the shawnese towns north of the ohio; and suggested that in the spring, when the weather was warmer, they could all go together to boonesborough, and by means of horses comfortably remove the women and children. these would, under his persuasion, boone assured his captors, be content to move to the north, and thenceforth either lived with the shawnese as their adopted children or place themselves under british protection at detroit, where governor hamilton offered £ apiece for american prisoners delivered to him alive and well. the proposition appeared reasonable to the indians, and they readily agreed to it. what would be the outcome boone could not foretell. he realized, however, that his station was unprepared, that delay meant everything, in view of possible reenforcements from virginia, and was willing that he and his comrades should stand, if need be, as a sacrifice--indeed, no other course seemed open. going with his captors to the salt camp, his convincing words caused the men to stack their arms and accompany the savages, hoping thereby at least to save their families at boonesborough from immediate attack. the captives were but twenty-seven in number, some of the hunters not having returned to camp. not all of the captors were, despite their promise, in favor of lenient treatment of the prisoners. a council was held, at which black fish, a chieftain of fine qualities, had much difficulty, through a session of two hours, in securing a favorable verdict. boone was permitted to address the savage throng in explanation of his plan, his words being interpreted by a negro named pompey, a fellow of some consequence among the shawnese. the vote was close--fifty-nine for at once killing the prisoners, except boone, and sixty-one for mercy; but it was accepted as decisive, and the store of salt being destroyed, and kettles, guns, axes, and other plunder packed on horses, the march northward promptly commenced. each night the captives were made fast and closely watched. the weather was unusually severe; there was much suffering from hunger, for the snow was deep, game scarce, and slippery-elm bark sometimes the only food obtainable. descending the licking, the band crossed the ohio in a large boat made of buffalo-hides, which were stretched on a rude frame holding twenty persons; they then entered the trail leading to the shawnese towns on the little miami, where they arrived upon the tenth day. the prisoners were taken to the chief town of the shawnese, little chillicothe, about three miles north of the present xenia, ohio. there was great popular rejoicing, for not since braddock's defeat had so many prisoners been brought into ohio. boone and sixteen of his companions, presumably selected for their good qualities and their apparent capacity as warriors, were now formally adopted into the tribe. boone himself had the good fortune to be accepted as the son of black fish, and received the name sheltowee (big turtle)--perhaps because he was strong and compactly built. adoption was a favorite method of recruiting the ranks of american tribes. the most tractable captives were often taken into the families of the captors to supply the place of warriors killed in battle. they were thereafter treated with the utmost affection, apparently no difference being made between them and actual relatives, save that, until it was believed that they were no longer disposed to run away, they were watched with care to prevent escape. such was now boone's experience. black fish and his squaw appeared to regard their new son with abundant love, and everything was done for his comfort, so far as was possible in an indian camp, save that he found himself carefully observed by day and night, and flight long seemed impracticable. boone was a shrewd philosopher. in his so-called "autobiography" written by filson, he tells us that the food and lodging were "not so good as i could desire, but necessity made everything acceptable." such as he obtained was, however, the lot of all. in the crowded, slightly built wigwams it was impossible to avoid drafts; they were filthy to the last degree; when in the home villages, there was generally an abundance of food--corn, hominy, pumpkins, beans, and game, sometimes all boiled together in the same kettle--although it was prepared in so slovenly a manner as to disgust even so hardy a man of the forest as our hero; the lack of privacy, the ever-present insects, the blinding smoke of the lodge-fire, the continual yelping of dogs, and the shrill, querulous tones of old women, as they haggled and bickered through the livelong day--all these and many other discomforts were intensely irritating to most white men. in order to disarm suspicion, boone appeared to be happy. he whistled cheerfully at his tasks, learning what little there was left for him to learn of the arts of the warrior, sharing his game with his "father," and pretending not to see that he was being watched. at the frequent shooting-matches he performed just well enough to win the applause of his fellow braves, although, for fear of arousing jealousy, careful not to outdo the best of them. his fellow prisoners, less tactful, marveled at the ease with which their old leader adapted himself to the new life, and his apparent enjoyment of it. yet never did he miss an opportunity to ascertain particulars of the intended attack on boonesborough, and secretly planned for escape when the proper moment should arrive. march was a third gone, when black fish and a large party of his braves and squaws went to detroit to secure governor hamilton's bounty on those of the salt-makers who, from having acted in an ugly manner, had not been adopted into the tribe. boone accompanied his "father," and frequently witnessed, unable to interfere, the whipping and "gauntlet-running" to which his unhappy fellow kentuckians were subjected in punishment for their fractious behavior. he himself, early in his captivity, had been forced to undergo this often deadly ordeal; but by taking a dodging, zigzag course, and freely using his head as a battering-ram to topple over some of the warriors in the lines, had emerged with few bruises.[ ] upon the arrival of the party at detroit governor hamilton at once sent for the now famous kentucky hunter and paid him many attentions. with the view of securing his liberty, the wily forest diplomat used the same sort of duplicity with the governor that had proved so effective with black fish. it was his habit to carry a leather bag fastened about his neck, containing his old commission as captain in the british colonial forces, signed by lord dunmore. this was for the purpose of convincing indians, into whose hands he might fall, that he was a friend of the king; which accounts in a large measure for the tender manner in which they treated him. showing the document to hamilton as proof of his devotion to the british cause, he appears to have repeated his promise that he would surrender the people of boonesborough and conduct them to detroit, to live under british jurisdiction and protection. this greatly pleased the governor, who sought to ransom him from black fish for £ . but to this his "father" would not agree, stating that he loved him too strongly to let him go--as a matter of fact, he wished his services as guide for the boonesborough expedition. upon leaving for home, hamilton presented boone with a pony, saddle, bridle, and blanket, and a supply of silver trinkets to be used as currency among the indians, and bade him remember his duty to the king. returning to chillicothe with black fish, the hunter saw that preparations for the spring invasion of kentucky were at last under way. delawares, mingos, and shawnese were slowly assembling, and runners were carrying the war-pipe from village to village throughout ohio. but while they had been absent at detroit an event occurred which gave black fish great concern: one of the adopted men, andrew johnson--who had pretended among the indians to be a simpleton, in order to throw off suspicion, but who in reality was one of the most astute of woodsmen--had escaped, carrying warning to kentucky, and the earliest knowledge that reached the settlers of the location of the shawnese towns. in may, johnson and five comrades went upon a raid against one of these villages, capturing several horses and bringing home a bunch of indian scalps, for scalping was now almost as freely practised by the frontiersmen as the savages; such is the degeneracy wrought by warlike contact with an inferior race. in june there was a similar raid by boonesborough men, resulting to the tribesmen in large losses of lives and horses. upon the sixteenth of june, while black fish's party were boiling salt at the saline springs of the scioto--about a dozen miles south of the present chillicothe--boone managed, by exercise of rare sagacity and enterprise, to escape the watchful eyes of his keepers, their attention having been arrested by the appearance of a huge flock of wild turkeys. he reached boonesborough four days later after a perilous journey of a hundred and sixty miles through the forest, during which he had eaten but one meal--from a buffalo which he shot at blue licks. he had been absent for four and a half months, and mrs. boone, giving him up for dead, had returned with their family to her childhood home upon the yadkin. his brother squire, and his daughter jemima--now married to flanders calloway--were the only kinsfolk to greet the returned captive, who appeared out of the woods as one suddenly delivered from a tomb. during the absence of daniel boone there had been the usual indian troubles in kentucky. colonel bowman had just written to colonel george rogers clark, "the indians have pushed us hard this summer." but clark himself at this time was gaining an important advantage over the enemy in his daring expedition against the british posts of kaskaskia, cahokia, and vincennes, in the illinois country. realizing that there would be no end to kentucky's trouble so long as the british, aided by their french-canadian agents, were free to organize indian armies north of the ohio for the purpose of harrying the southern settlements, clark "carried the war into africa." with about a hundred and fifty men gathered from the frontiers of virginia, pennsylvania, and kentucky, he descended the ohio river, built a fort at louisville, and by an heroic forced march across the country captured kaskaskia, while cahokia and vincennes at once surrendered to the valorous kentuckian. meanwhile there was business at hand for the people of boonesborough. amid all these alarms they had still neglected to complete their defenses; but now, under the energetic administration of boone, the palisades were finished, gates and fortresses strengthened, and all four of the corner blockhouses put in order. in ten days they were ready for the slowly advancing host. unless fleeing, indians are never in a hurry; they spend much time in noisy preparation. hunters and scouts came into boonesborough from time to time, and occasionally a retaliatory expedition would return with horses and scalps from the little miami and the scioto, all of them reporting delays on the part of the enemy; nevertheless all agreed that a large force was forming. toward the close of august boone, wearied of being cooped up in the fort, went forth at the head of thirty woodsmen to scout in the neighborhood of the scioto towns. with him were kenton and alexander montgomery, who remained behind in ohio to capture horses and probably prisoners, while boone and the others returned after a week's absence. on their way home they discovered that the enemy was now at lower blue licks, but a short distance from boonesborough. at about ten o'clock the following morning (september th) the indian army appeared before the fort. it numbered fully four hundred warriors, mostly shawnese, but with some wyandots, cherokees, delawares, mingos, and other tribesmen. accompanying them were some forty french-canadians, all under the command of boone's "father," the redoubtable black fish. pompey served as chief interpreter. much time was spent in parleys, boone in this manner delaying operations as long as possible, vainly hoping that promised reenforcements might meanwhile arrive from the holston. black fish wept freely, after the indian fashion, over the ingratitude of his runaway "son," and his present stubborn attitude; for the latter now told the forest chief that he and his people proposed to fight to the last man. black fish presented letters and proclamations from hamilton, again offering pardon to all who would take the oath of allegiance to the king, and military offices for boone and the other leaders. when these were rejected, the indians attempted treachery, seeking to overpower and kill the white commissioners to a treaty being held in front of the fort. from this final council, ending in a wild uproar, in which bullets flew and knives and tomahawks clashed, the whites escaped with difficulty, the two boones and another commissioner receiving painful wounds. a siege of ten days now ensued (september th to th), one of the most remarkable in the history of savage warfare. the site of the fort, a parallelogram embracing three-quarters of an acre, had been unwisely chosen. there was abundant cover for the enemy under the high river bank, also beneath an encircling clay bank rising from the salt-lick branch; from hills upon either side spies could see what was happening within the walls, and occasionally drop a ball into the small herd of cattle and horses sheltered behind the palisades; while to these natural disadvantages were added the failure of the garrison to clear from the neighborhood of the walls the numerous trees, stumps, bushes, and rocks, each of which furnished the best of cover for a lurking foe. [illustration: climax of the treaty. indians and british agents treacherously attack treaty commissioners. (see pp. , .) reduced from ranck's "boonesborough."] such, however, was the stubbornness of the defense, in which the women were, in their way, quite as efficient as the men, that the forces under black fish could make but small impression upon the valiant little garrison. every artifice known to savages, or that could be suggested by the french, was without avail. almost nightly rains and the energy of the riflemen frustrated the numerous attempts to set fire to the cabins by throwing torches and lighted fagots upon their roofs; a tunnel, intended to be used for blowing up the walls, was well under way from the river bank when rain caused it to cave in; attempts at scaling were invariably repelled, and in sharpshooting the whites as usual proved the superiors. but the result often hung in the balance. sometimes the attack lasted throughout the night, the scene being constantly lighted by the flash of the rifles and the glare of hurling fagots. besiegers and garrison frequently exchanged fierce cries of threat and defiance, mingled with many a keen shaft of wit and epithet; at times the yells and whoops of the savages, the answering shouts and huzzahs of the defenders, the screams of women and girls, the howling of dogs, the snorting and bellowing of the plunging live stock, together with the sharp rattle of firearms, created a deafening hubbub well calculated to test the nerves of the strongest. at last, on the morning of friday, the eighteenth, the indians, now thoroughly disheartened, suddenly disappeared into the forest as silently as they had come. again boonesborough was free, having passed through the longest and severest ordeal of attack ever known in kentucky; indeed, it proved to be the last effort against this station. within the walls sixty persons had been capable of bearing arms, but only forty were effective, some of these being negroes; logan's fort had sent a reenforcement of fifteen men, and harrodsburg a few others. of the garrison but two were killed and four wounded, while boone estimated that the enemy lost thirty-seven killed and a large number wounded. the casualties within the fort were astonishingly small, when the large amount of ammunition expended by the besiegers is taken into account. after they had retired, boone's men picked up a hundred and twenty-five pounds of flattened bullets that had been fired at the log stronghold, handfuls being scooped up beneath the port-holes of the bastions; this salvage made no account of the balls thickly studding the walls, it being estimated that a hundred pounds of lead were buried in the logs of one of the bastions. a week later a small company of militiamen arrived from virginia, and several minor expeditions were now made against the shawnese upon their own soil. these raids were chiefly piloted by boone's salt-makers, many of whom had now returned from captivity. boone is credited with saying in his later years, although no doubt in ruder language than this: "never did the indians pursue so disastrous a policy as when they captured me and my salt-boilers, and taught us, what we did not know before, the way to their towns and the geography of their country; for though at first our captivity was considered a great calamity to kentucky, it resulted in the most signal benefits to the country." captain boone was not without his critics. soon after the siege he was arraigned before a court-martial at logan's fort upon the following charges preferred by colonel calloway, who thought that the great hunter was in favor of the british government and had sought opportunity to play into its hands, therefore should be deprived of his commission in the kentucky county militia: " . that boone had taken out twenty-six men[ ] to make salt at the blue licks, and the indians had caught him trapping for beaver ten miles below on licking, and he voluntarily surrendered his men at the licks to the enemy. " . that when a prisoner, he engaged with gov. hamilton to surrender the people of boonesborough to be removed to detroit, and live under british protection and jurisdiction. " . that returning from captivity, he encouraged a party of men to accompany him to the paint lick town, weakening the garrison at a time when the arrival of an indian army was daily expected to attack the fort. " . that preceding the attack on boonesborough, he was willing to take the officers of the fort, on pretense of making peace, to the indian camp, beyond the protection of the guns of the garrison." boone defended himself at length, maintaining that he aimed only at the interests of the country; that while hunting at the licks he was engaged in the necessary service of the camp; that he had used duplicity to win the confidence of the enemy, and it resulted favorably, as he was thereby enabled to escape in time to warn his people and put them in a state of defense; that his scioto expedition was a legitimate scouting trip, and turned out well; and that in the negotiations before the fort he was simply "playing" the indians in order to gain time for expected reenforcements. he was not only honorably acquitted, but at once advanced to the rank of major, and received evidences of the unhesitating loyalty of all classes of his fellow borderers, the majority of whom appear to have always confided in his sagacity and patriotism. personally vindicated, the enemy departed, and several companies of militia now arriving to garrison the stations for the winter, major boone once more turned his face to the yadkin and sought his family. he found them at the bryan settlement, living comfortably in a small log cabin, but until then unconscious of his return from the wilderness in which they had supposed he found his grave. footnotes: [ ] two lines of indians were formed, five or six feet apart, on either side of a marked path. the prisoner was obliged to run between these lines, while there were showered upon him lusty blows from whatever weapons the tormentors chose to adopt--switches, sticks, clubs, and tomahawks. it required great agility, speed in running, and some aggressive strategy to arrive at the goal unharmed. many white captives were seriously crippled in this thrilling experience, and not a few lost their lives. [ ] account is only taken, in these charges, of the twenty-seven captives. chapter xii soldier and statesman in daniel boone's "autobiography," he dismisses his year of absence from kentucky with few words: "i went into the settlement, and nothing worthy of notice passed for some time." no doubt he hunted in some of his old haunts upon the yadkin; and there is reason for believing that he made a trip upon business of some character to charleston, s.c. meanwhile, his fellow settlers of kentucky had not been inactive. in february ( ) clark repossessed himself of vincennes after one of the most brilliant forced marches of the revolution; and having there captured governor hamilton--the "hair-buying general," as the frontiersmen called him, because they thought he paid bounties on american scalps--had sent him a prisoner to virginia. the long siege of boonesborough and the other attacks of the preceding year, together with more recent assaults upon flatboats descending the ohio, had strongly disposed the kentuckians to retaliate on the shawnese. two hundred and thirty riflemen under colonel bowman rendezvoused in july at the mouth of the licking, where is now the city of covington. nearly a third of the force were left to guard the boats in which they crossed the ohio, the rest marching against old chillicothe, the chief shawnese town on the little miami. they surprised the indians, and a hotly contested battle ensued, lasting from dawn until ten o'clock in the morning; but the overpowering numbers of the savages caused bowman to return crestfallen to kentucky with a loss of nearly a dozen men. this was the forerunner of many defeats of americans, both bordermen and regulars, at the hands of the fierce tribesmen of ohio. readers of revolutionary history as related from the eastern standpoint are led to suppose that the prolonged struggle with the mother country everywhere strained the resources of the young nation, and was the chief thought of the people. this high tension was, however, principally in the tidewater region. in the "back country," as the western frontiers were called, there was no lack of patriotism, and bordermen were numerous in the colonial armies; yet the development of the trans-alleghany region was to them of more immediate concern, and went forward vigorously, especially during the last half of the war. this did not mean that the backwoodsmen of the foot-hills were escaping from the conflict by crossing westward beyond the mountains; they were instead planting themselves upon the left flank, for french and indian scalping parties were continually harrying the western settlements, and the eastern forces were too busily engaged to give succor. kentuckians were left practically alone to defend the backdoor of the young republic. in this year ( ) the virginia legislature adopted laws for the preemption of land in kentucky, which promised a more secure tenure than had hitherto prevailed, and thus gave great impetus to over-mountain emigration. hitherto those going out to kentucky were largely hunters, explorers, surveyors, and land speculators; comparatively few families were established in the wilderness stations. but henceforth the emigration was chiefly by households, some by boats down the ohio river, and others overland by the wilderness road--for the first official improvement of which virginia made a small appropriation at this time. says chief justice robinson,[ ] whose parents settled in kentucky in december: "this beneficent enactment brought to the country during the fall and winter of that year an unexampled tide of emigrants, who, exchanging all the comforts of their native society and homes for settlements for themselves and their children here, came like pilgrims to a wilderness to be made secure by their arms and habitable by the toil of their lives. through privations incredible and perils thick, thousands of men, women, and children came in successive caravans, forming continuous streams of human beings, horses, cattle, and other domestic animals, all moving onward along a lonely and houseless path to a wild and cheerless land. cast your eyes back on that long procession of missionaries in the cause of civilization; behold the men on foot with their trusty guns on their shoulders, driving stock and leading packhorses; and the women, some walking with pails on their heads, others riding, with children in their laps, and other children swung in baskets on horses, fastened to the tails of others going before; see them encamped at night expecting to be massacred by indians; behold them in the month of december, in that ever-memorable season of unprecedented cold called the 'hard winter,' traveling two or three miles a day, frequently in danger of being frozen, or killed by the falling of horses on the icy and almost impassable trace, and subsisting on stinted allowances of stale bread and meat; but now, lastly, look at them at the destined fort, perhaps on the eve of merry christmas, when met by the hearty welcome of friends who had come before, and cheered by fresh buffalo-meat and parched corn, they rejoice at their deliverance, and resolve to be contented with their lot." in october, as a part of this great throng, daniel boone and his family returned to kentucky by his old route through cumberland gap, being two weeks upon the journey. the great hunter was at the head of a company of rowan county folk, and carried with him two small cannon, the first artillery sent by virginia to protect the western forts. either as one of his party, or later in the season, there came to kentucky abraham lincoln, of rockingham county, va., grandfather of the martyred president. the lincolns and the boones had been neighbors and warm friends in pennsylvania, and ever since had maintained pleasant relations--indeed, had frequently intermarried. it was by boone's advice and encouragement that lincoln migrated with his family to the "dark and bloody ground" and took up a forest claim in the heart of jefferson county. daniel's younger brother edward, killed by indians a year later, was of the same company. [illustration: site of boonesborough to-day. fort site, to which roadway leads, is hidden by foliage on the left; the ridge in the background faced and overlooked the fort. reduced from ranck's "boonesborough."] boone also brought news that the legislature had incorporated "the town of boonesborough in the county of kentuckey," of which he was named a trustee, which office he eventually declined. the town, although now laid out into building lots, and anticipating a prosperous growth, never rose to importance and at last passed away. nothing now remains upon the deserted site, which boone could have known, save a decrepit sycamore-tree and a tumble-down ferry established in the year of the incorporation. as indicated in robinson's address, quoted above, the winter of - was a season of unwonted severity. after an exceptionally mild autumn, cold weather set in by the middle of november and lasted without thaw for two months, with deep snow and zero temperature. the rivers were frozen as far south as nashville; emigrant wagons were stalled in the drifts while crossing the mountains, and everywhere was reported unexampled hardship. it will be remembered that the revolutionary army in the east suffered intensely from the same cause. the indians had, the preceding summer, destroyed most of the corn throughout kentucky; the game was rapidly decreasing, deer and buffaloes having receded before the advance of settlement, and a temporary famine ensued. hunters were employed to obtain meat for the newcomers; and in this occupation boone and harrod, in particular, were actively engaged throughout the winter, making long trips into the forest, both north and south of kentucky river. the land titles granted by the transylvania company having been declared void, it became necessary for boone and the other settlers under that grant to purchase from the state government of virginia new warrants. for this purpose boone set out for richmond in the spring. nathaniel and thomas hart and others of his friends commissioned him to act as their agent in this matter. with his own small means and that which was entrusted to him for the purpose, he carried $ , in depreciated paper money--probably worth but half that amount in silver. it appears that of this entire sum he was robbed upon his way--where, or under what circumstances, we are unable to discover. his petition to the kentucky legislature, in his old age, simply states the fact of the robbery, adding that he "was left destitute." a large part of the money was the property of his old friends, the harts, but many others also suffered greatly. there was some disposition on the part of a few to attribute dishonorable action to boone; but the harts, although the chief losers, came promptly to the rescue and sharply censured his critics, declaring him to be a "just and upright" man, beyond suspicion--a verdict which soon became unanimous. sympathy for the honest but unbusinesslike pioneer was so general, that late in june, soon after the robbery, virginia granted him a preemption of a thousand acres of land in what is now bourbon county. a tradition exists that while in virginia that summer boone called upon his former host at detroit, then a prisoner of war, and expressed sympathy for the sad plight into which the english governor had fallen; also some indignation at the harsh treatment accorded him, and of which hamilton bitterly complained. the founder of boonesborough was soon back at his station, for he served as a juryman there on the first of july. during his absence immigration into kentucky had been greater than ever; three hundred well-laden family boats had arrived in the spring from the pennsylvania and new york frontiers, while many caravans had come from virginia and the carolinas over the wilderness road. attacks by indian scalping parties had been numerous along both routes, but particularly upon the ohio. as a reprisal for bowman's expedition of the previous year, and intending to interrupt settlement, colonel byrd, of the british army, descended in june upon ruddle's and martin's stations, at the forks of the licking, with six hundred indians and french-canadians, and bringing six small cannon with which to batter the kentucky palisades. both garrisons were compelled to surrender, and the victors returned to detroit with a train of three hundred prisoners--men, women, and children--upon whom the savages practised cruelties of a particularly atrocious character. this inhuman treatment of prisoners of war created wide-spread indignation upon the american border. in retaliation, george rogers clark at once organized an expedition to destroy pickaway, one of the principal shawnese towns on the great miami. the place was reduced to ashes and a large number of indians killed, the americans losing seventeen men. clark had previously built fort jefferson, upon the first bluff on the eastern side of the mississippi below the mouth of the ohio, in order to accentuate the claim of the united states that it extended to the mississippi on the west; but as this was upon the territory of friendly chickasaws, the invasion aroused their ire, and it was deemed prudent temporarily to abandon the post. another important event of the year (november, ) was the division of kentucky by the virginia legislature into three counties--jefferson, with its seat at louisville, now the chief town in the western country; lincoln, governed from harrodsburg; and fayette, with lexington as its seat. of these, fayette, embracing the country between the kentucky and the ohio, was the least populated; and, being the most northern and traversed by the licking river, now the chief war-path of the shawnese, was most exposed to attack. after his return boone soon tired of boonesborough, for in his absence the population had greatly changed by the removal or death of many of his old friends; and, moreover, game had quite deserted the neighborhood. with his family, his laden packhorses, and his dogs, he therefore moved to a new location across kentucky river, about five miles northwest of his first settlement. here, at the crossing of several buffalo-trails, and on the banks of boone's creek, he built a palisaded log house called boone's station. upon the division of kentucky this new stronghold fell within the borders of fayette county. in the primitive stage of frontier settlement, when the common weal demanded from every man or boy able to carry a rifle active militia service whenever called upon, the military organization was quite equal in importance to the civil. the new wilderness counties were therefore equipped with a full roll of officers, fayette county's colonel being john todd, while daniel boone was lieutenant-colonel; floyd, pope, logan, and trigg served the sister counties in like manner. the three county regiments were formed into a brigade, with clark as brigadier-general, his headquarters being at louisville (fort nelson). each county had also a court to try civil and criminal cases, but capital offenses could only be tried at richmond. there was likewise a surveyor for each county, colonel thomas marshall serving for fayette; boone was his deputy for several years ( - ). in october, , edward boone, then but thirty-six years of age, accompanied daniel to grassy lick, in the northeast part of the present bourbon county, to boil salt. being attacked by a large band of indians, edward was killed in the first volley, and fell at the feet of his brother, who at once shot the savage whom he thought to be the slayer. daniel then fled, stopping once to load and kill another foe. closely pursued, he had recourse to all the arts of evasion at his command--wading streams to break the trail, swinging from tree to tree by aid of wild grape-vines, and frequently zigzagging. a hound used in the chase kept closely to him, however, and revealed his whereabouts by baying, until the hunter killed the wily beast, and finally reached his station in safety. heading an avenging party of sixty men, boone at once went in pursuit of the enemy, and followed them into ohio, but the expedition returned without result. the following april boone went to richmond as one of the first representatives of fayette county in the state legislature. with the approach of cornwallis, la fayette, whose corps was then protecting virginia, abandoned richmond, and the assembly adjourned to charlottesville. colonel tarleton, at the head of a body of light horse, made a dash upon the town, hoping to capture the law-makers, and particularly governor jefferson, whose term was just then expiring. jefferson and the entire assembly had been warned, but had a narrow escape (june th), for while they were riding out of one end of town tarleton was galloping in at the other. the raider succeeded in capturing three or four of the legislators, boone among them, and after destroying a quantity of military stores took his prisoners to cornwallis's camp. the members were paroled after a few days' detention. the assembly fled to staunton, thirty-five miles distant, where it resumed the session. the released members are reported to have again taken their seats, although, after his capture, boone's name does not appear in the printed journals. possibly the conditions of the parole did not permit him again to serve at the current session, which closed the twenty-third of june. he seems to have spent the summer in kentucky, and late in september went up the ohio to pittsburg, thence journeying to the home of his boyhood in eastern pennsylvania, where he visited friends and relatives for a month, and then returned to richmond to resume his legislative duties. of all the dark years which kentucky experienced, was the bloodiest. the british authorities at detroit exerted their utmost endeavors to stem the rising tide of settlement and to crush the aggressive military operations of clark and his fellow-borderers. with presents and smooth words they enlisted the cooperation of the most distant tribes, the hope being held out that success would surely follow persistent attack and a policy of "no quarter." it would be wearisome to cite all the forays made by savages during this fateful year, upon flatboats descending the ohio, upon parties of immigrants following the wilderness road, upon outlying forest settlers, and in the neighborhood of fortified stations. the border annals of the time abound in details of robbery, burning, murder, captivities, and of heart-rending tortures worse than death. a few only which have won prominence in history must here suffice. in march, some wyandots had been operating in the neighborhood of boonesborough and then departed for estill's station, fifteen miles away, near the present town of richmond. captain estill and his garrison of twenty-five men were at the time absent on a scout, and thus unable to prevent the killing and scalping of a young woman and the capture of a negro slave. according to custom, the indians retreated rapidly after this adventure, but were pursued by estill. a stubborn fight ensued, there being now eighteen whites and twenty-five savages. each man stood behind a tree, and through nearly two hours fought with uncommon tenacity. the indians lost seventeen killed and two wounded, while the whites were reduced to three survivors, estill himself being among the slain. the survivors then withdrew by mutual consent. in may, his station having been attacked with some loss, captain ashton followed the retreating party of besiegers, much larger than his own squad, and had a fierce engagement with them lasting two hours. he and eleven of his comrades lost their lives, and the remainder fled in dismay. a similar tragedy occurred in august, when captain holden, chasing a band of scalpers, was defeated with a loss of four killed and one wounded. the month of august marked the height of the onslaught. horses were carried off, cattle killed, men at work in the fields mercilessly slaughtered, and several of the more recent and feeble stations were abandoned. bryan's station, consisting of forty cabins enclosed by a stout palisade, was the largest and northernmost of a group of fayette county settlements in the rich country of which lexington is the center. an army of nearly a thousand indians--the largest of either race that had thus far been mustered in the west--was gathered under captains caldwell and mckee, of the british army, who were accompanied by the renegade simon girty and a small party of rangers. scouts had given a brief warning to the little garrison of fifty riflemen, but when the invaders appeared during the night of august th the defenders were still lacking a supply of water. the indians at first sought to conceal their presence by hiding in the weeds and bushes which, as at boonesborough, had carelessly been left standing. although aware of the extent of the attacking force, the garrison affected to be without suspicion. in the morning the women and girls, confident that if no fear were exhibited they would not be shot by the hiding savages, volunteered to go to the spring outside the walls, and by means of buckets bring in enough water to fill the reservoir. this daring feat was successfully accomplished. although painted faces and gleaming rifles could readily be seen in the underbrush all about the pool, this bucket-line of brave frontiers-women laughed and talked as gaily as if unconscious of danger, and were unmolested. immediately after their return within the gates, some young men went to the spring to draw the enemy's fire, and met a fusillade from which they barely escaped with their lives. the assault now began in earnest. runners were soon spreading the news of the invasion among the neighboring garrisons. a relief party of forty-six hurrying in from lexington fell into an ambush and lost a few of their number in killed and wounded, but the majority reached the fort through a storm of bullets. the besiegers adopted the usual methods of savage attack--quick rushes, shooting from cover, fire-arrows, and the customary uproar of whoops and yells--but without serious effect. the following morning, fearful of a general outpouring of settlers, the enemy withdrew hurriedly and in sullen mood. colonel boone was soon marching through the forest toward bryan's, as were similar companies from lexington, mcconnell's, and mcgee's, the other members of the fayette county group; and men from the counties of jefferson and lincoln were also upon the way, under their military leaders. the neighboring contingents promptly arrived at bryan's in the course of the afternoon. the next morning a hundred and eighty-two of the best riflemen in kentucky, under colonel todd as ranking officer, started in pursuit of the foe, who had followed a buffalo-trail to blue licks, and were crossing the licking when the pursuers arrived on the scene. a council of war was held, at which boone, the most experienced man in the party, advised delay until the expected reenforcements could arrive. the bulk of the indians had by this time escaped, leaving only about three hundred behind, who were plainly luring the whites to an attack. todd, trigg, and most of the other leaders sided with boone; but major hugh mcgary, an ardent, hot-headed man, with slight military training, dared the younger men to follow him, and spurred his horse into the river, whither, in the rash enthusiasm of the moment, the hot-bloods followed him, leaving the chief officers no choice but to accompany them. rushing up a rocky slope on the other side, where a few indians could be seen, the column soon fell into an ambush. a mad panic resulted, in which the kentuckians for the most part acted bravely and caused many of the enemy to fall; but they were overpowered and forced to flee in hot haste, leaving seventy of their number dead on the field and seven captured. among the killed were todd and trigg, fighting gallantly to the last. boone lost his son israel, battling by his side, and himself escaped only by swimming the river amid a shower of lead. a day or two later logan arrived with four hundred men, among whom was simon kenton, to reenforce todd; to him was left only the melancholy duty of burying the dead, now sadly disfigured by indians, vultures, and wolves. the greater part of the savage victors, laden with scalps and spoils, returned exultantly to their northern homes, although small bands still remained south of the ohio, carrying wide-spread devastation through the settlements, especially in the neighborhood of salt river, where, at one station, thirty-seven prisoners were taken. while all these tragedies were being enacted, general clark, at the falls of the ohio, had offered only slight aid. but indignant protests sent in to the virginia authorities by the kentucky settlers, who were now in a state of great alarm, roused the hero of kaskaskia and vincennes to a sense of his duty. a vigorous call to arms was now issued throughout the three counties. early in november over a thousand mounted riflemen met their brigadier at the mouth of the licking, and from the site of cincinnati marched through the ohio forests to the indian towns on the little miami. the savages fled in consternation, leaving the kentuckians to burn their cabins and the warehouses of several british traders, besides large stores of grain and dried meats, thus entailing great suffering among the shawnese during the winter now close at hand. the triumphant return of this expedition gave fresh heart to the people of kentucky; and the sequel proved that, although the tribesmen of the north frequently raided the over-mountain settlers throughout the decade to come, no such important invasions as those of were again undertaken. footnote: [ ] address at camp madison, franklin county, ky., in . chapter xiii kentucky's path of thorns the preliminary articles of peace between the united states and great britain had been signed on the thirtieth of november, ; but it was not until the following spring that the news reached kentucky. the northern tribes had information of the peace quite as early; and discouraged at apparently losing their british allies, who had fed, clothed, armed, and paid them from headquarters in detroit, for a time suspended their organized raids into kentucky. this welcome respite caused immigration to increase rapidly. we have seen how the old system of making preemptions and surveys led to the overlapping of claims, the commission of many acts of injustice, and wide-spread confusion in titles. late in , colonel thomas marshall, the surveyor of fayette county, arrived from virginia, and began to attempt a straightening of the land conflict. boone was now not only the surveyor's deputy, but both sheriff and county lieutenant of fayette, a combination of offices which he held until his departure from kentucky. it was his duty as commandant to provide an escort for marshall through the woods to the falls of the ohio, where was now the land-office. the following order which he issued for this guard has been preserved; it is a characteristic sample of the many scores of letters and other documents which have come down to us from the old hero, who fought better than he spelled: "orders to capt. hazelrigg--your are amedetly to order on duty of your company as goude [guard] to scorte col marshshall to the falls of ohigho you will call on those who was exicused from the shone [shawnese] expedistion and those who come into the county after the army marched they are to meet at lexinton on sunday next with out fale given under my hand this day of janury . "dnl boone" another specimen document of the time has reference to the scouting which it was necessary to maintain throughout much of the year; for small straggling bands of the enemy were still lurking about, eager to capture occasional scalps, the proudest trophies which a warrior could obtain. it also is apparently addressed to hazelrigg: "orders the th feberry "sir you are amedetly to call on duty one thurd of our melitia as will mounted on horse as poseble and eight days purvistion to take a touere as follows commanded by leut col patison and rendevues at strod [strode's station] on thusday the th from there to march to colkes [calk's] cabin thence an este corse till the gat miles above the uper blew licks then down to lickes thence to limestown and if no sine [is] found a stright corse to eagel crick miles from the head from then home if sine be found the commander to act as he thinks most prudent as you will be the best judge when on the spot. you will first call on all who [were] excused from the expedistion except those that went to the falls with col. marshall and then call them off as they stand on the list here in faile not. given und my hand "daniel boone c lt." in march the virginia legislature united the three counties into the district of kentucky, with complete legal and military machinery; in the latter, benjamin logan ranked as senior colonel and district lieutenant. it will be remembered that when the over-mountain country was detached from fincastle, it was styled the county of kentucky; then the name of kentucky was obliterated by its division into three counties; and now the name was revived by the creation of the district, which in due time was to become a state. the log-built town of danville was named as the capital. it is estimated that during the few years immediately following the close of the revolutionary war several thousand persons came each year to kentucky from the seaboard states, although many of these returned to their homes either disillusioned or because of indian scares. in addition to the actual settlers, who cared for no more land than they could use, there were merchants who saw great profits in taking boat-loads of goods down the ohio or by pack-trains over the mountains; lawyers and other young professional men who wished to make a start in new communities; and speculators who hoped to make fortunes in obtaining for a song extensive tracts of fertile wild land, which they vainly imagined would soon be salable at large prices for farms and town sites. many of the towns, although ill-kept and far from prosperous in appearance, were fast extending beyond their lines of palisade and boasting of stores, law-offices, market-places, and regular streets; louisville had now grown to a village of three hundred inhabitants, of whom over a third were fighting-men. besides americans, there were among the newcomers many germans, scotch, and irish, thrifty in the order named. at last kentucky was raising produce more than sufficient to feed her own people, and an export trade had sprung up. crops were being diversified: indian corn still remained the staple, but there were also melons, pumpkins, tobacco, and orchards; besides, great droves of horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs, branded or otherwise marked, ranged at large over the country, as in old days on the virginia and carolina foot-hills. away from the settlements buffaloes still yielded much beef, bacon was made from bears, and venison was a staple commodity. the fur trade was chiefly carried on by french trappers; but american hunters, like the boones and kenton, still gathered peltries from the streams and forests, and took or sent them to the east, either up the ohio in bateaux or on packhorses over the mountains--paths still continually beset by savage assailants. large quantities of ginseng were also shipped to the towns on the seaboard. of late there had likewise developed a considerable trade with new orleans and other spanish towns down the mississippi river. traders with flatboats laden with kentucky produce--bacon, beef, salt, and tobacco--would descend the great waterway, both of whose banks were audaciously claimed by spain as far up as the mouth of the ohio, and take great risks from indian attack or from corrupt spanish custom-house officials, whom it was necessary to bribe freely that they might not confiscate boat and cargo. this commerce was always uncertain, often ending in disaster, but immensely profitable to the unprincipled men who managed to ingratiate themselves with the spanish authorities. boone was now in frequent demand as a pilot and surveyor by capitalists who relied upon his unrivaled knowledge of the country to help them find desirable tracts of land; often he was engaged to meet incoming parties of immigrants over the wilderness road, with a band of riflemen to guard them against indians, to furnish them with wild meat--for the newcomers at first were inexpert in killing buffaloes--and to show them the way to their claims. he was prominent as a pioneer; as county lieutenant he summoned his faithful men-at-arms to repel or avenge savage attacks; and his fame as hunter and explorer had by this time not only become general throughout the united states but had even reached europe. his reputation was largely increased by the appearance in of the so-called "autobiography." we have seen that, although capable of roughly expressing himself on paper, and of making records of his rude surveys, he was in no sense a scholar. yet this autobiography, although signed by himself, is pedantic in form, and deals in words as large and sonorous as though uttered by the great doctor samuel johnson. as a matter of fact, it is the production of john filson, the first historian of kentucky and one of the pioneers of cincinnati. filson was a schoolmaster, quite devoid of humor, and with a strong penchant for learned phrases. in setting down the story of boone's life, as related to him by the great hunter, he made the latter talk in the first person, in a stilted manner quite foreign to the hardy but unlettered folk of whom boone was a type. wherever boone's memory failed, filson appears to have filled in the gaps from tradition and his own imagination; thus the autobiography is often wrong as to facts, and possesses but minor value as historical material. the little book was, however, widely circulated both at home and abroad, and gave boone a notoriety excelled by few men of his day. some years later byron wrote some indifferent lines upon "general boone of kentucky;" the public journals of the time had accounts of his prowess, often grossly exaggerated; and english travelers into the interior of america eagerly sought the hero and told of him in their books. yet it must be confessed that he had now ceased to be a real leader in the affairs of kentucky. a kindly, simple-hearted, modest, silent man, he had lived so long by himself alone in the woods that he was ill fitted to cope with the horde of speculators and other self-seekers who were now despoiling the old hunting-grounds to which finley had piloted him only fifteen years before. of great use to the frontier settlements as explorer, hunter, pilot, land-seeker, surveyor, indian fighter, and sheriff--and, indeed, as magistrate and legislator so long as kentucky was a community of riflemen--he had small capacity for the economic and political sides of commonwealth-building. for this reason we find him hereafter, although still in middle life, taking but slight part in the making of kentucky; none the less did his career continue to be adventurous, picturesque, and in a measure typical of the rapidly expanding west. probably in the early spring of boone left the neighborhood of the kentucky river, and for some three years dwelt at maysville (limestone), still the chief gateway to kentucky for the crowds of immigrants who came by water. he was there a tavern-keeper--probably mrs. boone was the actual hostess--and small river merchant. he still frequently worked at surveying, of course hunted and trapped as of old, and traded up and down the ohio river between maysville and point pleasant--the last-named occupation a far from peaceful one, for in those troublous times navigation of the ohio was akin to running the gauntlet; savages haunted the banks, and by dint of both strategy and open attack wrought a heavy mortality among luckless travelers and tradesmen. the goods which he bartered to the kentuckians for furs, skins, and ginseng were obtained in maryland, whither he and his sons went with laden pack-animals, often driving before them loose horses for sale in the eastern markets. sometimes they followed some familiar mountain road, at others struck out over new paths, for no longer was the wilderness road the only overland highway to the west. kentucky was now pursuing a path strewn with thorns. northward, the british still held the military posts on the upper lakes, owing to the non-fulfilment of certain stipulations in the treaty of peace. between these and the settlements south of the ohio lay a wide area populated by powerful and hostile tribes of indians, late allies of the british, deadly enemies of kentucky, and still aided and abetted by military agents of the king. to the south, spain controlled the mississippi, the commercial highway of the west; jealous of american growth, she harshly denied to kentuckians the freedom of the river, and was accused of turning against them and their neighbors of tennessee the fierce warriors of the creek and cherokee tribes. on their part, the kentuckians looked with hungry eyes upon the rich lands held by spain. not least of kentucky's trials was the political discontent among her own people, which for many years lay like a blight upon her happiness and prosperity. virginia's home necessities had prevented that commonwealth from giving much aid to the west during the revolution, and at its conclusion her policy toward the indians lacked the aggressive vigor for which kentuckians pleaded. this was sufficient cause for dissatisfaction; but to this was added another of still greater importance. to gain the free navigation of the mississippi, and thus to have an outlet to the sea, long appeared to be essential to western progress. at first the eastern men in congress failed to realize this need, thereby greatly exasperating the over-mountain men. all manner of schemes were in the air, varying with men's temperaments and ambitions. some, like clark--who, by this time had, under the influence of intemperance, greatly fallen in popular esteem, although not without followers--favored a filibustering expedition against the spanish; and later ( ), when this did not appear practicable, were willing to join hands with spain herself in the development of the continental interior; and later still ( - ), to help france oust spain from louisiana. others wished kentucky to be an independent state, free to conduct her own affairs and make such foreign alliances as were needful; but virginia and congress did not release her. interwoven with this more or less secret agitation for separating the west from the east were the corrupt intrigues of spain, which might have been more successful had she pursued a persistent policy. her agents--among whom were some western pioneers who later found difficulty in explaining their conduct--craftily fanned the embers of discontent, spread reports that congress intended to sacrifice to spain the navigation rights of the west, distributed bribes, and were even accused of advising spain to arm the southern indians in order to increase popular uneasiness over existing conditions. spain also offered large land grants to prominent american borderers who should lead colonies to settle beyond the mississippi and become her subjects--a proposition which clark once offered to accept, but did not; but of which we shall see that daniel boone, in his days of discontent, took advantage, as did also a few other kentucky pioneers. ultimately congress resolved never to abandon its claim to the mississippi ( ); and when the united states became strong, and the advantages of union were more clearly seen in the west, kentucky became a member of the sisterhood of states ( ). it is estimated that, between and , fully fifteen hundred kentuckians were massacred by indians or taken captive to the savage towns; and the frontiers of virginia and pennsylvania furnished their full quota to the long roll of victims. it is impossible in so small a volume as this to mention all of even the principal incidents in the catalogue of assaults, heroic defenses, murders, burnings, torturings, escapes, reprisals, and ambushes which constitute the lurid annals of this protracted border warfare. the reader who has followed thus far this story of a strenuous life, will understand what these meant; to what deeds of daring they gave rise on the part of the men and women of the border; what privation and anguish they entailed. but let us not forget that neither race could claim, in this titanic struggle for the mastery of the hunting-grounds, a monopoly of courage or of cowardice, of brutality or of mercy. the indians suffered quite as keenly as the whites in the burning of their villages, crops, and supplies, and by the loss of life either in battle, by stealthy attack, or by treachery. the frontiersmen learned from the red men the lessons of forest warfare, and often outdid their tutors in ferocity. the contest between civilization and savagery is, in the nature of things, unavoidable; the result also is foreordained. it is well for our peace of mind that, in the dark story of the juggernaut car, we do not inquire too closely into details. in , goaded by numerous attacks on settlers and immigrants, clark led a thousand men against the tribes on the wabash; but by this time he had lost control of the situation, and cowardice on the part of his troops, combined with lack of provisions, led to the practical failure of the expedition, although the indians were much frightened. at the same time, logan was more successful in an attack on the shawnese of the scioto valley, who lost heavily in killed and prisoners. in neither of these expeditions does boone appear to have taken part. the year was chiefly notable, in the history of the west, for the adoption by congress of the ordinance for the government of the territory northwest of the river ohio, wherein there dwelt perhaps seven thousand whites, mostly unprogressive french-canadians, in small settlements flanking the mississippi and the great lakes, and in the wabash valley. along the ohio were scattered a few american hamlets, chiefly in kentucky. in the same year the indian war reached a height of fury which produced a panic throughout the border, and frantic appeals to virginia, which brought insufficient aid. boone, now a town trustee of maysville, was sent to the legislature that autumn, and occupied his seat at richmond from october until january. while there, we find him strongly complaining that the arms sent out to kentucky by the state during the year were unfit for use, the swords being without scabbards, and the rifles without cartridge-boxes or flints. a child of the wilderness, boone was law-abiding and loved peace, but he chafed at legal forms. he had, in various parts of kentucky, preempted much land in the crude fashion of his day, both under the transylvania company and the later statutes of virginia--how much, it would now be difficult to ascertain. in his old survey-books, still preserved in the wisconsin state historical library, one finds numerous claim entries for himself, ranging from four hundred to ten thousand acres each--a tract which he called "stockfield," near boonesborough; on cartwright's creek, a branch of beech fork of salt river; on the licking, elkhorn, boone's creek, and elsewhere. the following is a specimen entry, dated "aperel the ," recording a claim made "on the bank of cantuckey"; it illustrates the loose surveying methods of the time: "survayd for dal boone acres begin at robert camels n e corner at white ashes and buckeyes s p[oles] to shuger trees ealm and walnut e p to shuger trees and ash n p to a poplar and beech w p to the begining." it did not occur to our easy-going hero that any one would question his right to as much land as he cared to hold in a wilderness which he had done so much to bring to the attention of the world. but claim-jumpers were no respecters of persons. it was discovered that boone had carelessly failed to make any of his preemptions according to the letter of the law, leaving it open for any adventurer to reenter the choice claims which he had selected with the care of an expert, and to treat him as an interloper. suits of ejectment followed one by one ( - ), until in the end his acres were taken from him by the courts, and the good-hearted, simple fellow was sent adrift in the world absolutely landless. at first, when his broad acres began to melt away, the great hunter, careless of his possessions, appeared to exhibit no concern; but the accumulation of his disasters, together with the rapid growth of settlement upon the hunting-grounds, and doubtless some domestic nagging, developed within him an intensity of depression which led him to abandon his long-beloved kentucky and vow never again to dwell within her limits. in the autumn of , before his disasters were quite complete, this resolution was carried into effect; with wife and family, and what few worldly goods he possessed, he removed to point pleasant, at the junction of the great kanawha and the ohio--in our day a quaint little court-house town in west virginia. chapter xiv in the kanawha valley during his early years on the kanawha, boone kept a small store at point pleasant. later, he moved to the neighborhood of charleston, where he was engaged in the usual variety of occupations--piloting immigrants; as deputy surveyor of kanawha county, surveying lands for settlers and speculators; taking small contracts for victualing the militia, who were frequently called out to protect the country from indian forays; and in hunting. some of his expeditions took him to the north of the ohio, where he had several narrow escapes from capture and death at the hands of the enemy, and even into his old haunts on the big sandy, the licking, and the kentucky. he traveled much, for a frontiersman. in he went with his wife and their son nathan by horseback to the old pennsylvania home in berks county, where they spent a month with kinsfolk and friends. we find him in maysville, on a business trip, during the year; indeed, there are evidences of numerous subsequent visits to that port. in may of the following year he was on the monongahela river with a drove of horses for sale, brownsville then being an important market for ginseng, horses, and cattle; and in the succeeding july he writes to a client, for whom he had done some surveying, that he would be in philadelphia during the coming winter. in october, , there came to him, as the result of a popular petition, the appointment of lieutenant-colonel of kanawha county--the first military organization in the valley; and in other ways he was treated with marked distinction by the primitive border folk of the valley, both because of his brilliant career in kentucky and the fact that he was a surveyor and could write letters. one who knew him intimately at this time has left a pleasing description of the man, which will assist us in picturing him as he appeared to his new neighbors: "his large head, full chest, square shoulders, and stout form are still impressed upon my mind. he was (i think) about five feet ten inches in height, and his weight say . he was solid in mind as well as in body, never frivolous, thoughtless, or agitated; but was always quiet, meditative, and impressive, unpretentious, kind, and friendly in his manner. he came very much up to the idea we have of the old grecian philosophers--particularly diogenes." by the summer of , indian raids again became almost unbearable. fresh robberies and murders were daily reported in kentucky, and along the ohio and the wabash. the expedition of major j. f. hamtramck, of the federal army, against the tribesmen on the wabash, resulted in the burning of a few villages and the destruction of much corn; but colonel josiah harmar's expedition in october against the towns on the scioto and the st. joseph, at the head of nearly , men, ended in failure and a crushing defeat, although the indian losses were so great that the army was allowed to return to cincinnati unmolested. boone does not appear to have taken part in these operations, his militiamen probably being needed for home protection. the following year the general government for the first time took the field against the indians in earnest. for seven years it had attempted to bring the tribesmen to terms by means of treaties, but without avail. roused to fury by the steady increase of settlement north as well as south of the ohio, the savages were making life a torment to the borderers. war seemed alone the remedy. in june, general charles scott, of kentucky, raided the miami and wabash indians. two months later general james wilkinson, with five hundred kentuckians, laid waste a miami village and captured many prisoners. these were intended but to open the road for an expedition of far greater proportions. in october, governor arthur st. clair, of the northwest territory, a broken-down man unequal to such a task, was despatched against the miami towns with an ill-organized army of two thousand raw troops. upon the fourth of november they were surprised near the principal miami village; hundreds of the men fled at the first alarm, and of those who remained over six hundred fell during the engagement, while nearly three hundred were wounded. this disastrous termination of the campaign demoralized the west and left the entire border again open to attack--an advantage which the scalping parties did not neglect. while this disaster was occurring, boone was again sitting in the legislature at richmond, where he represented kanawha county from october th to december th. the journals of the assembly show him to have been a silent member, giving voice only in yea and nay; but he was placed upon two then important committees--religion, and propositions and licenses. it was voted to send ammunition for the militia on the monongahela and the kanawha, who were to be called out for the defense of the frontier. before leaving richmond, boone wrote as follows to the governor: "monday th dec "sir as sum purson must carry out the armantstion [ammunition] to red stone [brownsville, pa.,] if your exclency should have thought me a proper purson i would undertake it on conditions i have the apintment to vitel the company at kanhowway [kanawha] so that i could take down the flowre as i paste that place i am your excelenceys most obedent omble servant "dal boone." five days later the contract was awarded to him; and we find among his papers receipts, obtained at several places on his way home, for the lead and flints which he was to deliver to the various military centers. but the following may, colonel george clendennin sharply complains to the governor that the ammunition and rations which boone was to have supplied to captain caperton's rangers had not yet been delivered, and that clendennin was forced to purchase these supplies from others. it does not appear from the records how this matter was settled; but as there seems to have been no official inquiry, the non-delivery was probably the result of a misunderstanding. at last, after a quarter of a century of bloodshed, the united states government was prepared to act in an effective manner. general anthony wayne--"mad anthony," of stony point--after spending a year and a half in reorganizing the western army, established himself, in the winter of - , in a log fort at greenville, eighty miles north of cincinnati, and built a strong outpost at fort recovery, on the scene of st. clair's defeat. after resisting an attack on fort recovery made on the last day of june by over two thousand painted warriors from the upper lakes, he advanced with his legion of about three thousand well-disciplined troops to the maumee valley and built fort defiance. final battle was given to the tribesmen on the twentieth of august at fallen timbers. as the result of superb charges by infantry and cavalry, in forty minutes the indian army was defeated and scattered. the backbone of savage opposition to northwestern settlement was broken, and at the treaty of greenville in the following summer ( ) a peace was secured which remained unbroken for fifteen years. wayne's great victory over the men of the wilderness gave new heart to kentucky and the northwest. the pioneers were exuberant in the expression of their joy. the long war, which had lasted practically since the mountains were first crossed by boone and finley, had been an almost constant strain upon the resources of the country. now no longer pent up within palisades, and expecting nightly to be awakened by the whoops of savages to meet either slaughter or still more dreaded captivity, men could go forth without fear to open up forests, to cultivate fields, and peaceably to pursue the chase. to hunters like boone, in particular, this great change in their lives was a matter for rejoicing. the kanawha valley was not as rich in game as he had hoped; but in kentucky and ohio were still large herds of buffaloes and deer feeding on the cane-brake and the rank vegetation of the woods, and resorting to the numerous salt-licks which had as yet been uncontaminated by settlement. after the peace, boone for several seasons devoted himself almost exclusively to hunting; in beaver-trapping he was especially successful, his favorite haunt for these animals being the neighboring valley of the gauley. his game he shared freely with neighbors, now fast increasing in numbers, and the skins and furs were shipped to market, overland or by river, as of old. upon removing to the kanawha, he still had a few claims left in kentucky, but suits for ejectment were pending over most of these. they were all decided against him, and the remaining lands were sold by the sheriff for taxes, the last of them going in . his failure to secure anything for his children to inherit, was to the last a source of sorrow to boone. the kanawha in time came to be distasteful to him. settlements above and below were driving away the game, and sometimes his bag was slight; the crowding of population disturbed the serenity which he sought in deep forests; the nervous energy of these newcomers, and the avarice of some of them, annoyed his quiet, hospitable soul; and he fretted to be again free, thinking that civilization cost too much in wear and tear of spirit. boone had long looked kindly toward the broad, practically unoccupied lands of forest and plain west of the mississippi. adventurous hunters brought him glowing tales of buffaloes, grizzly bears, and beavers to be found there without number. spain, fearing an assault upon her possessions from canada, was just now making flattering offers to those american pioneers who should colonize her territory, and by casting their fortunes with her people strengthen them. this opportunity attracted the disappointed man; he thought the time ripe for making a move which should leave the crowd far behind, and comfortably establish him in a country wherein a hunter might, for many years to come, breathe fresh air and follow the chase untrammeled. in , daniel morgan boone, his oldest son, traveled with other adventurers in boats to st. charles county, in eastern missouri, where they took lands under certificates of cession from charles dehault delassus, the spanish lieutenant-governor of upper louisiana, resident at st. louis. there were four families, all settling upon femme osage creek, six miles above its junction with the missouri, some twenty-five miles above the town of st. charles, and forty-five by water from st. louis. thither they were followed, apparently in the spring of , by daniel boone and wife and their younger children. the departure of the great hunter, now in his sixty-fifth year, was the occasion for a general gathering of kanawha pioneers at the home near charleston. they came on foot, by horseback, and in canoe, from far and near, and bade him a farewell as solemnly affectionate as though he were departing for another world; indeed, missouri then seemed almost as far away to the west virginians as the klondike is to dwellers in the mississippi basin to-day--a long journey by packhorse or by flatboat into foreign wilds, beyond the great waterway concerning which the imaginations of untraveled men often ran riot. the hegira of the boones, from the junction of the elk and the kanawha, was accomplished by boats, into which were crowded such of their scant herd of live stock as could be accommodated. upon the way they stopped at kentucky towns along the ohio, either to visit friends or to obtain provisions, and attracted marked attention, for throughout the west boone was, of course, one of the best-known men of his day. in cincinnati he was asked why, at his time of life, he left the comforts of an established home again to subject himself to the privations of the frontier. "too crowded!" he replied with feeling. "i want more elbow-room!" arriving at the little kentucky colony on femme osage creek, where the spanish authorities had granted him a thousand arpents[ ] of land abutting his son's estate upon the north, he settled down in a little log cabin erected largely by his own hands, for the fourth and last time as a pioneer. he was never again in the kanawha valley, and but twice in kentucky--once to testify as to some old survey-marks made by him, and again to pay the debts which he had left when removing to point pleasant. footnote: [ ] equivalent to about english acres. chapter xv a serene old age missouri's sparse population at that time consisted largely of frenchmen, who had taken easily to the yoke of spain. for a people of easy-going disposition, theirs was an ideal existence. they led a patriarchal life, with their flocks and herds grazing upon a common pasture, and practised a crude agriculture whose returns were eked out by hunting in the limitless forests hard by. for companionship, the crude log cabins in the little settlements were assembled by the banks of the waterways, and there was small disposition to increase tillage beyond domestic necessities. there were practically no taxes to pay; military burdens sat lightly; the local syndic (or magistrate), the only government servant to be met outside of st. louis, was sheriff, judge, jury, and commandant combined; there were no elections, for representative government was unknown; the fur and lead trade with st. louis was the sole commerce, and their vocabulary did not contain the words enterprise and speculation. here was a paradise for a man of boone's temperament, and through several years to come he was wont to declare that, next to his first long hunt in kentucky, this was the happiest period of his life. on the eleventh of july, , delassus--a well-educated french gentleman, and a good judge of character--appointed him syndic for the femme osage district, a position which the old man held until the cession of louisiana to the united states. this selection was not only because of his prominence among the settlers and his recognized honesty and fearlessness, but for the reason that he was one of the few among these unsophisticated folk who could make records. in a primitive community like the femme osage, boone may well have ranked as a man of some education; and certainly he wrote a bold, free hand, showing much practise with the pen, although we have seen that his spelling and grammar might have been improved. when the government was turned over to president jefferson's commissioner, delassus delivered to that officer, by request, a detailed report upon the personality of his subordinates, and this is one of the entries in the list of syndics: "mr. boone, a respectable old man, just and impartial, he has already, since i appointed him, offered his resignation owing to his infirmities--believing i know his probity, i have induced him to remain, in view of my confidence in him, for the public good." [illustration: boone's cabin in st. charles county, missouri. from photograph in possession of wisconsin state historical society.] boone's knowledge did not extend to law-books, but he had a strong sense of justice; and during his four years of office passed upon the petty disputes of his neighbors with such absolute fairness as to win popular approbation. his methods were as primitive and arbitrary as those of an oriental pasha; his penalties frequently consisted of lashes on the bare back "well laid on;" he would observe no rules of evidence, saying he wished only to know the truth; and sometimes both parties to a suit were compelled to divide the costs and begone. the french settlers had a fondness for taking their quarrels to court; but the decisions of the good-hearted syndic of femme osage, based solely upon common sense in the rough, were respected as if coming from a supreme bench. his contemporaries said that in no other office ever held by the great rifleman did he give such evidence of undisguised satisfaction, or display so great dignity as in this rôle of magistrate. showing newly arrived american immigrants to desirable tracts of land was one of his most agreeable duties; when thus tendering the hospitalities of the country to strangers, it was remarked that our patriarch played the spanish "don" to perfection. in october, , spain agreed to deliver louisiana to france; but the latter found it impracticable at that time to take possession of the territory. by the treaty of april , , the united states, long eager to secure for the west the open navigation of the mississippi, purchased the rights of france. it was necessary to go through the form, both in new orleans and in st. louis, of transfer by spain to france, and then by france to the united states. the former ceremony took place in st. louis, the capital of upper louisiana, upon the ninth of march, , and the latter upon the following day. daniel boone's authority as a spanish magistrate ended when the flag of his adopted country was hauled down for the last time in the valley of the mississippi. the coming of the americans into power was welcomed by few of the people of louisiana. the french had slight patience with the land-grabbing temper of the "yankees," who were eager to cut down the forests, to open up farms, to build towns, to extend commerce, to erect factories--to inaugurate a reign of noise and bustle and avarice. neither did men of the boone type--who had become spanish subjects in order to avoid the crowds, to get and to keep cheap lands, to avoid taxes, to hunt big game, and to live a simple arcadian life--at all enjoy this sudden crossing of the mississippi river, which they had vainly hoped to maintain as a perpetual barrier to so-called progress. our hero soon had still greater reason for lamenting the advent of the new _régime_. his sad experience with lands in kentucky had not taught him prudence. when the united states commission came to examine the titles of louisiana settlers to the claims which they held, it was discovered that boone had failed properly to enter the tract which had been ceded to him by delassus. the signature of the lieutenant-governor was sufficient to insure a temporary holding, but a permanent cession required the approval of the governor at new orleans; this boone failed to obtain, being misled, he afterward stated, by the assertion of delassus that so important an officer as a syndic need not take such precautions, for he would never be disturbed. the commissioners, while highly respecting him, were regretfully obliged under the terms of the treaty to dispossess the old pioneer, who again found himself landless. six years later ( ) congress tardily hearkened to his pathetic appeal, backed by the resolutions of the kentucky legislature, and confirmed his spanish grant in words of praise for "the man who has opened the way to millions of his fellow men." by the time he was seventy years old, boone's skill as a hunter had somewhat lessened. his eyes had lost their phenomenal strength; he could no longer perform those nice feats of marksmanship for which in his prime he had attained wide celebrity, and rheumatism made him less agile. but as a trapper he was still unexcelled, and for many years made long trips into the western wilderness, even into far-off kansas, and at least once ( , when eighty years old) to the great game fields of the yellowstone. upon such expeditions, often lasting several months, he was accompanied by one or more of his sons, by his son-in-law flanders calloway, or by an old indian servant who was sworn to bring his master back to the femme osage dead or alive--for, curiously enough, this wandering son of the wilderness ever yearned for a burial near home. beaver-skins, which were his chief desire, were then worth nine dollars each in the st. louis market. he appears to have amassed a considerable sum from this source, and from the sale of his land grant to his sons, and in we find him in kentucky paying his debts. this accomplished, tradition says that he had remaining only fifty cents; but he gloried in the fact that he was at last "square with the world," and returned to missouri exultant. the war of - brought indian troubles to this new frontier, and some of the farm property of the younger boones was destroyed in one of the savage forays. the old man fretted at his inability to assist in the militia organization, of which his sons daniel morgan and nathan were conspicuous leaders; and the state of the border did not permit of peaceful hunting. in the midst of the war he deeply mourned the death of his wife ( )--a woman of meek, generous, heroic nature, who had journeyed over the mountains with him from north carolina, and upon his subsequent pilgrimages, sharing all his hardships and perils, a proper helpmeet in storm and calm. penniless, and a widower, he now went to live with his sons, chiefly with nathan, then forty-three years of age. after being first a hunter and explorer, and then an industrious and successful farmer, nathan had won distinction in the war just closed and entered the regular army, where he reached the rank of lieutenant-colonel and had a wide and thrilling experience in indian fighting. daniel morgan is thought to have been the first settler in kansas ( ); a. g. boone, a grandson, was one of the early settlers of colorado, and prominently connected with western indian treaties and rocky mountain exploration; and another grandson of the great kentuckian was kit carson, the famous scout for frémont's transcontinental expedition. [illustration: nathan boone's house in st. charles county, missouri. herein daniel boone died.] it was not long before the yankee _régime_ confirmed boone's fears. the tide of immigration crossed the river, and rolling westward again passed the door of the great kentuckian, driving off the game and monopolizing the hunting-grounds. laws, courts, politics, speculation, and improvements were being talked about, to the bewilderment of the french and the unconcealed disgust of the former syndic. despite his great age, he talked strongly of moving still farther west, hoping to get beyond the reach of settlement; but his sons and neighbors persuaded him against it, and he was obliged to accommodate himself as best he might to the new conditions. in summer he would work on the now substantial and prosperous farms of his children, chopping trees for the winter's wood. but at the advent of autumn the spirit of restlessness seized him, when he would take his canoe, with some relative or his indian servant, and disappear up the missouri and its branches for weeks together. in , we hear of him as being at fort osage, on his way to the platte, "in the dress of the roughest, poorest hunter." two years later, he writes to his son daniel m.: "i intend by next autumn to take two or three whites and a party of osage indians to visit the salt mountains, lakes, and ponds and see these natural curiosities. they are about five or six hundred miles west of here"--presumably the rock salt in indian territory; it is not known whether this trip was taken. he was greatly interested in rocky mountain exploration, then much talked of, and eagerly sought information regarding california; and was the cause of several young men migrating thither. a tale of new lands ever found in him a delighted listener. in these his declining years, although he had suffered much at the hands of the world, boone's temperament, always kindly, mellowed in tone. decay came gradually, without palsy or pain; and, amid kind friends and an admiring public, his days passed in tranquillity. the following letter written by him at this period to his sister-in-law sarah (day) boone, wife of his brother samuel, is characteristic of the man, and gives to us, moreover, probably the only reliable account we possess of his religious views: "october the th "deer sister "with pleasuer i rad a later from your sun samuel boone who informs me that you are yett liveing and in good health considing your age i wright to you to latt you know i have not forgot you and to inform you of my own situation sence the death of your sister rabacah i leve with flanders calaway but am at present at my sun nathans and in tolarabel halth you can gass at my feilings by your own as we are so near one age i need not write you of our satuation as samuel bradley or james grimes can inform you of every surcomstance relating to our famaly and how we leve in this world and what chance we shall have in the next we know not for my part i am as ignerant as a child all the relegan i have to love and fear god beleve in jeses christ don all the good to my nighbour and my self that i can and do as little harm as i can help and trust on gods marcy for the rest and i beleve god neve made a man of my prisepel to be lost and i flater my self deer sister that you are well on your way in cristeanaty gave my love to all your childran and all my frends fearwell my deer sister "daniel boone "mrs. sarah boone "n b i red a later yesterday from sister hanah peninton by hir grand sun dal ringe she and all hir childran are well at present "d b" [illustration: boone's religious views. reduced facsimile from original ms. in possession of wisconsin state historical society.] many strangers of distinction visited him at nathan's home near the banks of the missouri, and the public journals of the day always welcomed an anecdote of the great hunter's prowess--although most of the stories which found their way into print were either deliberate inventions or unconsciously exaggerated traditions. from published descriptions of the man by those who could discriminate, we may gain some idea of his appearance and manner. the great naturalist audubon once passed a night under a west virginia roof in the same room with boone, whose "extraordinary skill in the management of a rifle" is alluded to. he says: "the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests approached the gigantic. his chest was broad and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise, and perseverance; and when he spoke the very motion of his lips brought the impression that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. i undressed, whilst he merely took off his hunting-shirt and arranged a few folds of blankets on the floor, choosing rather to lie there, as he observed, than on the softest bed." timothy flint, one of his early biographers, knew the "grand old man" in missouri, and thus pictures him: "he was five feet ten inches in height, of a very erect, clean-limbed, and athletic form--admirably fitted in structure, muscle, temperament, and habit for the endurance of the labors, changes, and sufferings he underwent. he had what phrenologists would have considered a model head--with a forehead peculiarly high, noble, and bold--thin and compressed lips--a mild, clear, blue eye--a large and prominent chin, and a general expression of countenance in which fearlessness and courage sat enthroned, and which told the beholder at a glance what he had been and was formed to be." flint declares that the busts, paintings, and engravings of boone bear little resemblance to him. "they want the high port and noble daring of his countenance.... never was old age more green, or gray hairs more graceful. his high, calm, bold forehead seemed converted by years into iron." rev. james e. welch, a revivalist, thus tells of boone as he saw him at his meetings in : "he was rather low of stature, broad shoulders, high cheek-bones, very mild countenance, fair complexion, soft and quiet in his manner, but little to say unless spoken to, amiable and kind in his feelings, very fond of quiet retirement, of cool self-possession and indomitable perseverance. he never made a profession of religion, but still was what the world calls a very moral man." in , the year before the death of boone, chester harding, an american portrait-painter of some note, went out from st. louis to make a life study of the aged kentuckian. he found him at the time "living alone in a cabin, a part of an old blockhouse," evidently having escaped for a time from the conventionalities of home life, which palled upon him. the great man was roasting a steak of venison on the end of his ramrod. he had a marvelous memory of the incidents of early days, although forgetful of passing events. "i asked him," says harding, "if he never got lost in his long wanderings after game? he said 'no, i was never lost, but i was bewildered once for three days.'" the portrait is now in the possession of the painter's grandson, mr. william h. king, of winnetka, ill. harding says that he "never finished the drapery of the original picture, but copied the head, i think, at three different times." it is from this portrait (our frontispiece), made when boone was an octogenarian, emaciated and feeble--although not appearing older than seventy years--that most others have been taken; thus giving us, as flint says, but a shadowy notion of how the famous explorer looked in his prime. there is in existence, however, a portrait made by audubon, from memory--a charming picture, representing boone in middle life.[ ] serene and unworldly to the last, and with slight premonition of the end, daniel boone passed from this life upon the twenty-sixth of september, , in the eighty-sixth year of his age. the event took place in the home of his son nathan, said to be the first stone house built in missouri. the convention for drafting the first constitution of the new state was then in session in st. louis. upon learning the news, the commonwealth-builders adjourned for the day in respect to his memory; and as a further mark of regard wore crape on their left arms for twenty days. the st. louis gazette, in formally announcing his death, said: "colonel boone was a man of common stature, of great enterprise, strong intellect, amiable disposition, and inviolable integrity--he died universally regretted by all who knew him.... such is the veneration for his name and character." pursuant to his oft-repeated request, he was buried by the side of his wife, upon the bank of teugue creek, about a mile from the missouri. there, in sight of the great river of the new west, the two founders of boonesborough rested peacefully. their graves were, however, neglected until , when the legislature of kentucky made a strong appeal to the people of missouri to allow the bones to be removed to frankfort, where, it was promised, they should be surmounted by a fitting monument. the eloquence of kentucky's commissioners succeeded in overcoming the strong reluctance of the missourians, and such fragments as had not been resolved into dust were removed amid much display. but in their new abiding-place they were again the victims of indifference; it was not until , thirty-five years later, that the present monument was erected. [illustration: boone's monument at frankfort, kentucky.] we have seen that daniel boone was neither the first explorer nor the first settler of kentucky. the trans-alleghany wilds had been trodden by many before him; even he was piloted through cumberland gap by finley, and harrodsburg has nearly a year's priority over boonesborough. he had not the intellect of clark or of logan, and his services in the defense of the country were of less importance than theirs. he was not a constructive agent of civilization. but in the minds of most americans there is a pathetic, romantic interest attaching to boone that is associated with few if any others of the early kentuckians. his migrations in the vanguard of settlement into north carolina, kentucky, west virginia, and missouri, each in their turn; his heroic wanderings in search of game and fresh lands; his activity and numerous thrilling adventures during nearly a half-century of border warfare; his successive failures to acquire a legal foothold in the wilderness to which he had piloted others; his persistent efforts to escape the civilization of which he had been the forerunner; his sunny temper amid trials of the sort that made of clark a plotter and a misanthrope; his sterling integrity; his serene old age--all these have conspired to make for daniel boone a place in american history as one of the most lovable and picturesque of our popular heroes; indeed, the typical backwoodsman of the trans-alleghany region. footnote: [ ] the story of the original harding portrait, as gathered from statements to the present writer by members of the painter's family, supplemented by letters of harding himself to the late lyman c. draper, is an interesting one. the artist used for his portrait a piece of ordinary table oil-cloth. for many years the painting was in the capitol at frankfort, ky., "from the fact that it was hoped the state would buy it." but the state had meanwhile become possessed of another oil portrait painted about or by a mr. allen, of harrodsburg, ky.--an ideal sketch, of no special merit. harding's portrait, apparently the only one of boone painted from life, was not purchased, for the state did not wish to be at the expense of two paintings. being upon a western trip, in , harding, then an old man and a resident of springfield, mass., rescued his portrait, which was in bad condition, and carried it home. the process of restoration was necessarily a vigorous one. the artist writes (october , ): "the picture had been banged about until the greater part of it was broken to pieces.... the head is as perfect as when it was painted, in color, though there are some small, almost imperceptible, cracks in it." the head and neck, down to the shirt-collar, were cut out and pasted upon a full-sized canvas; on this, harding had "a very skilful artist" repaint the bust, drapery, and background, under the former's immediate direction. the picture in the present state is, therefore, a composite. the joining shows plainly in most lights. upon the completion of the work, harding offered to sell it to draper, but the negotiation fell through. the restored portrait was then presented by the artist to his son-in-law, john l. king, of springfield, mass., and in due course it came into the possession of the latter's son, the present owner. index abingdon (pa.), boones in, . alleghany mountains, bound french claims, , ; border valley of virginia, ; pioneers on eastern foot-hills, , , ; barrier to western advance, ; berkeley's exploration, , ; crossed by americans, ; in dunmore's war, ; first government west of, , . allen, ----, paints boone's portrait, . amherst, gen. jeffrey, of british army, . appalachian mountains, troughs of, - . see also alleghany mountains. arkansas, virginia hunters in, , . ashton, captain, killed by indians, . audubon, john james, knew boone, , , . baker, john, explores kentucky, . barbour, ----, hunts in kentucky, , . baton rouge (la.), north carolinians near, . batts, thomas, on new river, . bears, , , , , , , , , . beaver creek, boone on, . beavers, , , . benton, ----, kentucky pioneer, . berkeley, gov. william, in alleghanies, , . berks county (pa.), boones in, - , , . black fish, shawnese chief, - , - . bledsoe, maj. anthony, militia leader, . blue ridge, borders valley of virginia, , ; crossed by boone, . boiling spring (ky.), founded, . see also fort boiling spring. boone, a. g., grandson of daniel, . --, benjamin, son of george{ }, . --, daniel, dutch painter, . --, daniel, born, ; youth, - ; training, - ; education, , ; moves to yadkin, , ; explores yadkin region, , ; in french and indian war, - ; marriage, - , ; list of children, ; life on the yadkin, - , - ; flees to virginia, , ; returns to yadkin, , ; visits florida, , ; early kentucky explorations, , , ; trains james, ; discontented in north carolina, - ; hunts in tennessee, , ; in cherokee war, , , ; carves name on trees, ; captures criminals, ; opinion of indians, , ; piloted by finley, , ; crosses cumberland gap, ix, , , ; long hunt in kentucky, - , , - , , ; starts for kentucky, - ; on clinch, ; in dunmore's war, - ; pioneer for transylvania company, - ; settles boonesborough, - , , ; defends boonesborough, , , , ; capture of daughter, - ; captured by shawnese, - ; returns to kentucky, - ; hunts for settlers, ; robbed of money, , ; militia leader, , , , , ; indian expeditions, , , - ; pilot for immigrants, , , ; leaves boonesborough, ; justice of peace, ; surveyor, , , , , , , , , , ; member of legislature, , , ; revisits pennsylvania, , ; loses kentucky lands, - , ; at maysville, , , - ; river trader, , ; life on kanawha, - ; "autobiography," , , ; ships furs to east, , , ; moves to missouri, , - ; spanish syndic, - ; hunts in missouri, , - ; laments growth of settlement, , ; loses spanish grant, , ; pays debts, ; old age, - ; death and burial, , ; character, vii-ix, , , , , ; religious views, , ; specimen letters, - , - ; descriptions of, , , - , , - , , ; not first in kentucky, ; byron's verses, ; nature of services, ; extent of fame, , , , - ; portraits, - ; draper's proposed biography, ix, x. boone, mrs. daniel, marriage, - , ; life on yadkin, , ; flees to virginia, ; scorns florida, ; in kentucky, , , , ; death and burial, , . --, daniel morgan, son of daniel, ; in missouri, , , ; in kansas, , . --, edward, brother of daniel, ; killed by indians, , , . --, elizabeth, sister of daniel, . --, george{ }, grandfather of daniel, early life, - ; moves to pennsylvania, , , ; death, . --, george{ }, son of foregoing, born, ; in pennsylvania, - . --, george{ }, brother of daniel, . --, hannah, sister of daniel, . --, israel{ }, brother of daniel, , . --, israel{ }, son of daniel, ; killed by indians, . --, james{ }, son of george{ }, , . --, james{ }, son of daniel, ; trained as hunter, ; killed by indians, , . --, jemima, daughter of daniel, ; captured by indians, - ; marries flanders calloway, . --, john, son of george{ }, , , . --, john b., son of daniel, . --, jonathan, brother of daniel, . --, joseph, son of george{ }, . --, lavinia, daughter of daniel, . --, mary{ }, daughter of george{ }, . --, mary{ }, sister of daniel, . --, nathan, son of daniel, ; visits pennsylvania, , ; in missouri, , , . --, rebecca, daughter of daniel, . --, samuel{ }, son of george{ }, . boone, samuel{ }, brother of daniel, , ; marries sarah day, . --, samuel{ }, son of foregoing, . --, sarah{ }, daughter of george{ }, born, ; moves to pennsylvania, , ; marries jacob stover, , . --, sarah{ }, sister of daniel, , . --, sarah day, letter from daniel, . see also sarah day. --, squire{ }, father of daniel, born, ; moves to pennsylvania, , ; marriage, ; life in pennsylvania, - ; expelled by quakers, ; moves to yadkin, - ; flees to virginia, ; returns to yadkin, ; life on yadkin, , ; death, . --, squire{ }, brother of daniel, ; on big sandy, ; visits kentucky, , - , , - , ; at boonesborough, , , , , , . --, susannah, daughter of daniel, . -- family, in cherokee war, , ; in kentucky, ; in missouri, , - . boone's creek (ky.), boone on, , . -- creek (tenn.), boone on, , . -- station. see fort boone. boonesborough (ky.), , , , - , , ; transylvania convention at, , ; capture of girls, - ; in revolutionary war, , , - , , , , - , ; besieged by indians, - , , ; boone's return to, - , , ; incorporated, , ; left by boone, ; present condition, ; ranck's monograph, x. bouquet, gen. henry, campaign of, ; treats with indians, , . bourbon county (ky.), boone in, , . bowman, col. john, kentucky pioneer, ; militia leader, ; in revolutionary war, - , , , . braddock, gen. edward, defeated by french, - , , , , , . bradley, edward, kentucky pioneer, . --, samuel, mentioned by boone, . bradninch (eng.), early home of boones, - . bridges, james, kentucky pioneer, . brownsville (pa.), boone at, , , . bryan, joseph, father-in-law of boone, . --, rebecca. see mrs. daniel boone. -- family, yadkin pioneers, - , , ; in cherokee war, , ; in kentucky, , , . buffaloes, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . bush, william, kentucky pioneer, . byrd, colonel, of british army, . --, col. william, raids cherokees, , , . byron, george noel gordon, lord, lines on boone, . cahokia (ill.), won by clark, . caldwell, capt. william, raids kentucky, . california, boone interested in, . calk, william, kentucky pioneer, . calloway, betsey, captured by indians, , ; marries samuel henderson, . calloway, fanny, captured by indians, , . --, flanders, marries jemima boone, ; in missouri, , . --, col. richard, kentucky pioneer, ; daughters captured, , ; accuses boone, - . campbell, maj. arthur, in dunmore's war, , , ; in kentucky, . --, ensign john, in dunmore's war, . -- (camel), robert, kentucky pioneer, . -- family, kentucky pioneers, . camp madison (ky.), . caperton, captain, militia leader, . captain jack, indian hero, . carson, kit, grandson of boone, . cartwright's creek, boone on, . castle's-woods, boone at, . catawba indians, relations with yadkin settlers, , , , , ; allies of whites, ; raided by northern indians, . cattle-raising, on frontier, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . charleston (s.c.), in cherokee war, , ; boone at, . -- (w. va.), boone near, , . charlottesville (va.), boone at, . cherokee indians, raided by northern tribes, ; relations with yadkin settlers, , , ; war with whites, - , , ; plunder kentucky hunters, , , ; treaty with settlers, ; in dunmore's war, , , , ; in transylvania cession, - ; in revolutionary war, , - , - ; inflamed by spain, , . chickasaw indians, in revolutionary war, . chillicothe (ohio), boone near, . --, little, shawnese town, , , , . --, old, shawnese town, . choctaw indians, rob hunters, . christian family, kentucky pioneers, . cincinnati, founded, ; clark at, ; harmar, ; boone, ; wayne, . clark, george rogers, arrival in kentucky, , ; delegate to virginia, ; in dunmore's war, ; in revolutionary war, , , , , , , , , , , , ; wabash expedition, , ; separatist intrigues, - , ; misanthropic, vii; character of services, vii, . clendennin, col. george, militia leader, . clinch mountain, crossed by boone, . coburn, samuel, kentucky pioneer, . colorado, a. g. boone in, . cooley, william, accompanies boone, - . cornstalk, shawnese chief, , . cornwallis, lord, imprisons boone, , . covington (ky.), bowman at, . crabtree, capt. jacob, kentucky pioneer, . crane, sergt. john, in dunmore's war, . creek indians, inflamed by spain, , . crime, on frontier, , , - . croghan, george, fur-trader, . culpeper county (va.), boone in, . cumberland gap, crossed by virginia hunters, , ; finley, , ; boone, vii, , , , , , , , ; in dunmore's war, . see also wilderness road. -- mountains, bound kentucky, , . cutbirth, benjamin, friend of boone, ; in kentucky, , , . danville (ky.), district capital, . davie county (n.c.), boones in, . dawson, miss marjory, aid acknowledged, xi. day, rebecca, . --, sarah, marries samuel boone, ; teaches daniel, , . deer, , , , , - , , , , . delassus, charles dehault, lieutenant-governor of upper louisiana, , , , . delaware indians, christian converts, , ; in revolutionary war, , , - . detroit, boone at, - , , ; british headquarters, , , . district of columbia, squire boone in, . doddridge, joseph, _notes on virginia_, - . drake, joseph, heads long hunters, , . draper, lyman copeland, gathers boone manuscripts, ix, x; letters from harding, , . dress, of pioneers, , . dunkin, sergt. john, in dunmore's war, . dunmore, lord, commissions boone, , ; raids indians, - ; opposes henderson, . durrett, col. reuben t., aid acknowledged, x. dutchman's creek, boones on, . eagle creek, in indian campaign, . education, on frontier, , , , , . elk, , , , . english, in french and indian war, - ; defeat french, , ; employ french woodsmen, ; fur trade of, ; oppose american settlement, , , ; in revolutionary war, , , - , , - , , , , , ; designs on louisiana, . estill, capt. james, killed by indians, , . -- county (ky.), boone in, . etting, j. marx, aid acknowledged, xi. exeter township (pa.), boones in, - . fayette county (ky.), organized, - ; raided by indians, ; surveying, , , . fallen timbers, battle of, , . falls of ohio. see louisville. femme osage creek, boone on, - , , , . filson, john, writes boone's "autobiography," , , . fincastle county (va.), includes kentucky, , . finley, john, early exploration of kentucky, , , , ; tells boone thereof, - , , ; pilots boone thither, vii, - , , , , . fishing creek, clark on, . flint, timothy, describes boone, , , . florida, virginia hunters in, ; boone, , . floyd, capt. john, on state of frontier, , ; in revolutionary war, , . forbes, gen. john, campaign of, . fort blackmore, in dunmore's war, . -- boiling spring, in revolutionary war, . -- boone (boone's station), built, . -- bryan (ky.), in revolutionary war, , - . -- defiance, wayne at, . -- dobbs, erected, - ; in cherokee war, - , . -- duquesne. see pittsburg. -- elk garden, in dunmore's war, . -- estill, attacked by indians, . -- glade hollow, in dunmore's war, . -- harrod. see fort boiling spring. -- hinkson, in revolutionary war, . -- huston (ky.), in revolutionary war, . -- jefferson, built by clark, . -- logan, in revolutionary war, , , , . -- loudon, erected, ; in cherokee war, , , . -- mcclellan, in revolutionary war, , . -- mcconnell, in revolutionary war, . -- mcgee, in revolutionary war, . -- maiden spring, in dunmore's war, . -- martin, besieged, . -- massac, french at, , , . -- moore, in dunmore's war, . -- nelson. see louisville. -- osage, boone at, . -- pitt. see pittsburg. -- price (ky.), in revolutionary war, . -- prince george, in cherokee war, , , . -- recovery, wayne at, . -- robinson, erected, . -- ruddell, founded, ; besieged, . -- russell, in dunmore's war, . -- stanwix, treaty of, , , . -- strode, militia rendezvous, . -- whitley, in revolutionary war, . -- whitton (big crab orchard), in dunmore's war, . forts on frontier, described, - ; methods of defense, , . frankfort (ky.), ; boone portrait at, ; boone's grave, . fredericksburg (va.), boone in, . frelinghuysen, theodore, on cherokee bravery, . frémont, gen. john c., explorer, . french, introduce knives, ; early knowledge of kentucky, - ; in french and indian war, - , ; inflame southern indians, , , , , , , ; fall of new france, , ; hunting in kentucky, , , ; employed by english, , , , , , ; in northwest territory, ; in missouri, - , ; intrigue against spain, ; cede louisiana to united states, , . -- creek, french on, . fur trade, near philadelphia, , ; french and english rivalry, , ; ohio company, , , ; finley, , , , , , ; croghan, ; with southern indians, , , , , , , ; roving of traders, , ; english operations, , , ; character of traders, , , ; autumnal caravans, , , ; boone's operations, , , . gass, capt. david, on clinch, ; kentucky pioneer, . gauntlet-running, described, , . georgetown (d.c.), squire boone in, . georgia, virginia hunters in, ; boone, ; increase of settlement, . germans, among frontiersmen, , , , . girty, george, met by boone, . --, james, met by boone, . --, simon, american renegade, , . gist, christopher, explores kentucky, , . grant, lieut.-col. james, raids cherokees, - . granville, earl, north carolina landholder, . great lakes, french posts on, . -- meadows, defeat of washington, . greenville (ohio), treaty of, . grimes, james, mentioned by boone, . gwynedd township (pa.), boones in, - . hamilton, gov. henry, , ; relations with boone, - , , ; imprisoned, , . hamtramck, maj. j. f., raids indians, . harding, chester, paints boone's portrait, - . harmar, col. josiah, raids indians, . harper's ferry (va.), boones at, . harrisonburg (va.), boones near, . harrod, capt. james, in revolutionary war, , , . harrodsburg, founded, vii, , , , ; convention at, ; in revolutionary war, , , , , ; seat of lincoln county, . hart, david, of transylvania company, . --, john, kentucky pioneer, . --, nathaniel, of transylvania company, , , . --, thomas, of transylvania company, , , . hays, william, boone's son-in-law, . --, mrs. william, daughter of boone, . hazelrigg, captain, letters from boone, - . hempinstall, abraham, hunts in kentucky, , . henderson, col. richard, settles kentucky, - , - , - , , , . --, samuel, marries betsey calloway, . hennepin, father louis, explorations of, . hewett, gen. fayette, aid acknowledged, xi. hicks, william, kentucky pioneer, . hill, william, accompanies boone, , . hinkson, maj. john, kentucky pioneer, . hite, isaac, kentucky pioneer, . holden, capt. joseph, accompanies boone, - ; defeated by indians, . howard, john, in kentucky, . hunting, early practised by boone, - , ; in yadkin country, , , - , , , , ; early trail through cumberland gap, , ; in tennessee, - ; abundant in kentucky, , , , ; long hunters, - ; boone's long kentucky hunt, - , , - ; boone's contemporaries, - ; after revolution, in kentucky, , , ; in kanawha valley, , ; in missouri, , - ; profits of, - , - , ; methods employed, , ; camps described, , ; game decreasing, , , , . see also the several animals. iberville, lemoyne d', explorations of, . illinois, french in, ; english, . indian territory, mentioned by boone, . indians, understood by boone, viii, , , ; influence of women, ; lodge life, ; adopt captives, , ; affected by fur trade, ; barrier to settlement, ; in eastern pennsylvania, , , , , ; infest mountain valleys, , ; in french and indian war, - , - ; raid yadkin region, , - ; raid kentucky, , ; warrior's paths, , , , ; gauntlet-running, , ; methods of warfare, - , - , , , , - , - , ; ethics of border warfare, - , ; finally quieted in northwest, - . see also the several tribes. irish, among frontiersmen, , , . iron mountain, crossed by boone, . iroquois, in kentucky, , , . jefferson, thomas, governor of virginia, ; president, . jefferson county (ky.), organized, - ; in revolutionary war, ; lincolns in, . jennings, edmund, kentucky pioneer, . jessamine county (ky.), bone in, . jesuits, seek mississippi river, . johnson, andrew, escapes from indians, . --, thomas, kentucky pioneer, . joliet, louis, discovers mississippi, . jones, capt. john gabriel, delegate to virginia, . justice, on frontier, , , , . kanawha county (w. va.), boone in, - . kansas, boone in, . kaskaskia (ill.), won by clark, , . keith, sir william, governor of pennsylvania, . kennedy, john, kentucky pioneer, . kenton, simon, scout, ; in revolutionary war, , , . kentucky, described, , , ; debatable land between tribes, , ; early explorations, vii, - , - ; virginia hunters, ; finley, , , , , ; boone's early explorations, , , - , , , ; boone's long hunt, - , , - ; long hunters in, - ; washington, , ; cutbirth, , ; boone family, , , ; game abundant, , , ; cherokee lands settled, ; early colonial projects, ; transylvania company, - ; first settled, vii, viii; rush of settlers, , , - , ; in dunmore's war, , , ; during revolutionary war, - ; losses in indian wars, ; indians finally quelled, - ; established as virginia county, , , ; divided into three counties, - ; made a district, ; becomes a state, ; sends boone to legislature, , ; separatist agitation, - ; first wedding, ; first artillery, ; hard winter, , , ; early commerce, , ; boone pays debts, ; boone's services to, , ; petitions congress for boone, , , ; obtains boone's remains, ix, ; declines to buy harding's portrait, ; filson's _history_, . king, john, kentucky pioneer, . --, john l., owns boone portrait, . --, william h., owns boone portrait, - ; aid acknowledged, xi. king philip, indian hero, , . kinkead, sergt. john, in dunmore's war, . lackey, w. g., aid acknowledged, xi. la fayette, gen. marquis de, in virginia, . land grants, to french and indian war veterans, , , ; by iroquois to whites, ; by cherokees to whites, - ; boone from virginia, ; boone from spain, , , . see also transylvania company. la salle, robert cavelier, sieur de, on western waters, . law, on frontier, , , - . lederer, john, on western waters, . lee, william, kentucky pioneer, , . lewis, gen. andrew, in dunmore's war, , , . -- family, kentucky pioneers. . lexington (ky.), seat of fayette county, , ; in revolutionary war, - . limestone. see maysville. lincoln, abraham, kentucky pioneer, . -- county (ky.), organized, - ; in revolutionary war, . linn, lieutenant, marries, . linnville creek, boones on, . logan, benjamin, arrives in kentucky, ; raids indians, vii, , ; in revolutionary war, , , , , , , ; character of services, . logan, chief john, attacks whites, . long hunters, in kentucky, - . long island, of holston, . long knives, use of term, , . louisiana, north carolinians in, ; french, ; owned by spain, ; french intrigue against, ; ceded to united states, , - . louisville (ky.), gist at site of, ; finley, , , ; washington, ; clark, ; boone, , , ; in revolutionary war, , ; seat of jefferson county, ; early growth, . lyttleton, william henry, governor of south carolina, , . mcafee family, kentucky pioneers, . mcclellan, alexander, kentucky pioneer, . mcculloch, john, explores kentucky, . macdowell family, kentucky pioneers, . mcgary, maj. hugh, in revolutionary war, , , . mckee, capt. alexander, raids kentucky, . marquette, father jacques, discovers mississippi, . marshall, col. thomas, surveyor, , , , . martin, josiah, governor of north carolina, . maryland, boones in, , ; increase of settlement, ; commerce with kentucky, . matthews, albert, on "long knives," . maugridge, mary, marries george boone{ }, . mausker, caspar, of long hunters, . maysville (ky.), ; in revolutionary war, ; boone at, , , - , . medicine, on frontier, . mill, john stuart, on forcing civilization, . miller, william, kentucky pioneer, . mingo indians, in dunmore's war, ; in revolutionary war, , - , , , - . mingo junction (ohio), logan tragedy near, . missouri, boone family in, viii, , - ; life previous to cession, - ; first stone house, ; constitutional convention, viii, ; releases boone's remains, . moccasin gap, followed by boone, . monocacy valley, boone in, . montgomery, alexander, scout, . --, col. john, raids cherokees, - , . mooney, james, accompanies boone, - . moore, sergeant, in dunmore's war, . --, william, kentucky pioneer, . moravian indian missions, , . morgan, john, grandfather of daniel boone, . --, sarah, marries squire boone{ }, , ; life in oley, - . -- family, welsh settlers, . morton, mrs. jennie c., aid acknowledged, x. muskrats, . nall, james, kentucky pioneer, . nashville (tenn.), hard winter at, . neely, alexander, joins boone, - . neversink mountains, boone in, . new france, fall of, , , , . see also french. new mexico, new englanders in, . new orleans, french at, ; spanish, ; north carolinians, , ; virginians, , ; early commerce with, . new york (state), indian uprising, ; sends emigrants to kentucky, . north carolina, pioneers of, - ; sends colony to louisiana, ; boones in, viii, - , ; in french and indian war, - , - , ; interest in western settlement, , , ; henderson's colony, - ; opposition to henderson, , , ; regulators, , ; rapid settlement, . north wales (pa.), boones in, , . northwest territory, organized, . ohio, shawnese in, , , - , , , ; boone hunts in, , . -- company, founded, ; operations of, ; land grants on ohio river, . oley township (pa.), boones in, - . opecancano, indian hero, . orange county (va.), settlers hunt in kentucky, , . ordinance of , . osage indians, mentioned by boone, . otter creek, boone on, . otters, , . owatin creek (pa.), boones on, . ozark mountains, virginians in, . paint lick town. see chillicothe, little. panthers, . paris (ky.), fort on site of, . patterson, col. robert, kentucky pioneer, , . peeke, james, kentucky pioneer, . penn, william, founds pennsylvania, . pennington (peninton), hannah, mentioned by boone, . pennsylvania, founded by penn, ; boones in, viii, - , , , , , ; finley, ; sends settlers to southwest, - , , : interest in western settlement, , ; increase of settlement, , ; in french and indian war, - , ; in revolutionary war, , ; losses in indian wars, . pensacola (fla.), boone in, . philadelphia, in time of boones, , , , , . pickaway, shawnese town, . pittsburg, french at, , , ; virginia hunters, ; in dunmore's war, , ; in revolutionary war, , , . poage, sergt. w., in dunmore's war, . point pleasant (w. va.), battle at, , - ; boone, , - . pompey, negro interpreter, , . pontiac, indian hero, , , . pope, col. william, militia leader, , . presbyterians, among frontiersmen, . preston, col. william, in dunmore's war, , ; in revolutionary war, . -- family, kentucky pioneers, . prestonburg (ky.), boone near, , . quakers, boones of this persuasion, , , - , - ; expel boones, ; familiar with indians, ; among frontiersmen, , . ranck, george w., _boonesborough_, x. --, mrs. george w., aid acknowledged, x. randolph, nathaniel, kentucky pioneer, . reading (pa.), boones near, . red jacket, indian hero, . -- stone. see brownsville, pa. regulators, in carolinas, , . religion, on frontier, . see also the several denominations. revolutionary war, ; effect on proprietary governments, ; causes washington to turn from west, ; checks western colonies, ; western interest in, , , ; g. r. clark, , , , , , ; kentucky in, - . richmond (va.), seat of government, , , , , . ringe, daniel, . river alleghany, french on, . -- big sandy, boone on, - , ; washington, . -- catawba, early settlements on, ; indian hostilities, . -- clinch, boone on, , , - ; early settlement, . -- cumberland, long hunters on, , ; boone, ; in transylvania cession, ; in revolutionary war, . -- dick's, boone on, . -- elk, boone on, . -- elkhorn, boone on, ; in revolutionary war, . -- french broad, early settlement on, . -- gauley, boone on, . -- green, long hunters on, , ; boone, . -- great miami, shawnese on, . -- holston, finley on, ; boone, , , ; long hunters, ; in cherokee war, , ; in revolutionary war, , , , ; early settlements, , . -- hudson, iroquois on, . -- kanawha (great kanawha), explored, ; in dunmore's war, ; boone on, viii, - ; hunting, , . -- kentucky, boone on, , , , , , ; transylvania settlement, - , ; crown lands abutting, , ; capture of girls, - ; in revolutionary war, , , ; bounds fayette county, ; boone leaves, . -- keowee, cherokees on, . -- licking, shawnese on, , , , , , - , , ; boone, , , . -- little miami, shawnese on, , ; in revolutionary war, , . -- little sandy, washington on, . -- little tennessee, cherokees on, , , . -- maumee, wayne on, . -- miami, indians raided on, . -- mississippi, iroquois on, ; french, , , - , ; early english explorations, , - , - ; north carolinians, , ; in revolutionary war, ; spanish, , , , - ; free navigation sought by west, - , ; early commerce on, , . -- missouri, boone on, , , , . -- monongahela, fur trade route, ; braddock on, ; early settlements, , ; boone, , , . -- new, batts on, ; squire boone, ; settlers explore kentucky, , . -- nolichucky, early settlement on, . -- ohio, drains virginia, ; french on, , , , ; early explorations, ; virginia hunters, - ; gist, ; finley, , , ; in dunmore's war, ; iroquois land sale, ; boone on, , , , , , , , ; in transylvania cession, , ; in revolutionary war, , , , ; indian wars on, , , ; early settlements, , , , , ; highway for emigrants, , , , , , ; early commerce, , ; last of indian raids, - . river platte, boone on, . -- potomac, fur trade route, . -- powell, boone on, , , , ; early settlements, , , , . -- red, boone on, . -- rich, in dunmore's war, . -- rockcastle, indians on, , . -- st. joseph, indians raided on, . -- st. lawrence, indians on, . -- salt, indians near, . -- --, beech fork of, . -- sandy, west fork of, boone on, . -- savannah, indians on, . -- schuylkill, boones on, - . -- scioto, shawnese on, , , , , ; indians raided, . -- shenandoah, boones on, . -- tennessee, indian uprising, , ; iroquois land sale, , ; in transylvania cession, . -- wabash, shawnese on, , ; french, ; english, ; in dunmore's war, ; indians raided on, , . -- watauga, boone on, , , , ; cherokee council, , , ; early settlement, . -- yadkin, early known to pennsylvanians, ; bryan family on, - , ; boone family, - , - , , , - , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; indians on, , , , - , , ; hunting, , , - , , ; trading caravans, , ; crime, - ; finley's arrival, , . -- yellowstone, boone on, . robinson, chief justice, on wilderness road, , , . --, david, militia leader, . rockingham county (va.), boones in, ; lincolns, . rocky mountains, explorations of, , . rowan county (n.c.), boones in, , , . russell, henry, killed by indians, . --, col. william, starts for kentucky, - ; in dunmore's war, , ; in revolutionary war, . st. asaph (ky.), founded, . st. augustine (fla.), boone in, . st. charles county (mo.), boones in, - . st. clair, gov. arthur, raids indians, , , . st. louis, spanish seat, , , ; fur market, ; harding at, ; _gazette_, , . salisbury (n.c.), boone near, , . salling, peter, in kentucky, . salt licks, in kentucky, , , , , ; near prestonburg, , ; big, , ; big bone, , , ; blue, , , , , , ; buffalo, ; french, ; grassy, ; knob, ; lower blue, , - , . scotch-irish, among frontiersmen, , , , , , . scott, gen. charles, raids indians, . searcy, bartlet, kentucky pioneer, . --, reuben, kentucky pioneer, . shawnese indians, raid southern tribes, ; in kentucky, ; in dunmore's war, , , , , - ; capture boone, , , - ; capture girls, - ; attack boone, ; in revolutionary war, , - , , , - , , , , - , ; raided by kentuckians, , . sheltowee (big turtle), boone's indian name, . silouee, cherokee chief, . sitting bull, indian hero, . skaggs, henry, heads long hunters, . slavery, among indians, ; negro, , , . smith, john, on indian warfare, . south carolina, pioneers of, - ; in cherokee war, , , ; regulators, ; interest in western settlement, , . southern indians, attack whites, , , . see also cherokee indians. spanish, extent of explorations, ; control mississippi river, - ; relations with kentuckians, , , - ; entice american colonists, , , , . sports, of pioneers, , . station camp creek, boone on, - . staunton (va.), boone at, . stephen, col. adam, raids cherokees, . stockfield, owned by boone, . stone, uriah, in kentucky, - . stone mountain, crossed by boone, . stoner, michael, kentucky pioneer, . stuart, john, early exploration of kentucky, , ; accompanies boone, - ; death, . sugar tree creek, boones on, , . surveying, on frontier, , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , . sycamore shoals, treaty at, , . tarleton, col. banastre, captures boone, . tate, samuel, kentucky pioneer, . taylor, hancock, hunts in kentucky, , . --, richard, hunts in kentucky, , . tecumseh, indian hero, . tennessee, virginia hunters in, , ; boone, - ; cherokee lands settled, ; attacked by southern indians, , . terre haute (ind.), virginians at, . teugue creek, boone buried on, . thoreau, henry david, likened to boone, . todd, capt. john, kentucky pioneer, , ; militia leader, , ; killed by indians, , . towns, oswell, kentucky pioneer, . transylvania company, settles kentucky, - , ; nullified by virginia, , . trigg, col. stephen, militia leader, ; killed by indians, , . tryon, gov. william, conflict with regulators, ; runs boundary line, . turkeys, , , , , . turtle creek, braddock's defeat on, . twitty, capt. william, kentucky pioneer, . vardeman, john, kentucky pioneer, . vincennes (ind.), won by clark, , , . virginia, early indian hostilities, ; early explorations from, - , - ; pioneer advance through, - , ; boones in, , , ; path to kentucky, ; in french and indian war, - , , , - ; in dunmore's war, - ; losses in indian wars, ; sends settlers to kentucky, , ; opposition to henderson, , , , , , , ; interest in western settlement, ; regulators, ; organizes kentucky county, , , , ; in revolutionary war, , , , ; aids kentucky, , , , , , , , , , , , ; erects district of kentucky, ; boone in assembly, , , ; grants land to boone, ; fails to release kentucky, . --, valley of, its pioneers, - , , , , , , , . waddell, capt. hugh, in french and indian war, ; in cherokee war, , , , , , . walker, felix, kentucky pioneer, , . --, dr. thomas, in kentucky, . war of - , effect on missouri, . ward, john, explores kentucky, . warriors' paths, , , , . washington, george, in french and indian war, , ; in kentucky, - , , ; in revolutionary war, . wayne, gen. anthony, conquers indians, , . welch, rev. james e., describes boone, , . welsh, among frontiersmen, , . west virginia, pioneer advance through, - ; boone in, - , . whitley, william, arrives in kentucky, . wilcoxen, elizabeth, marries benjamin cutbirth, . wildcats, . wilderness road, , , - , , , , . see also cumberland gap. wilkes county (n.c.), boone in, . wilkesboro (n.c.), boone near, . wilkinson, gen. james, raids indians, . wisconsin state historical society, possesses boone's records, ix, x, . wolves, . wood, col. abraham, on western waters, . wyandot indians, in revolutionary war, . xenia (o.), boone near, , . zinzendorf und pottendorf, nikolaus ludwig, count von, moravian missionary, , . an important historical book. the history of the louisiana purchase. by dr. james k. hosmer, author of "a short history of the mississippi valley," etc. with illustrations and maps. mo. cloth, $ . net; postage, cents additional. the story that dr. hosmer tells of the acquisition of the western empire included in the louisiana purchase presents fresh and picturesque phases of a most important historical event of peculiar and timely interest, in view of the anniversary which comes next year. he pictures the vague and curious ideas of the louisiana country held by most americans one hundred years ago, and the objections to this form of expansion. he treats the changes in the ownership of the territory from france to spain, and again to france, and he develops fully the purposes and acts of jefferson and the american commissioners in paris. of special importance from both the historical and personal points of view are the chapters which picture more fully and vividly than has been done before the leading part taken by napoleon in bringing about the sale of louisiana, and the relations between france and america, which are shown to possess a historical importance that has not been appreciated. there has been no account of the louisiana purchase which is so popular and constant in its interest, and the authoritative character of the historian's work renders the volume indispensable for younger and older readers who wish to gain a thorough knowledge of the personal elements and the historic significance of the acquisition of louisiana. mcmaster's fifth volume. history of the people of the united states. by prof. john bach mcmaster. vols. i, ii, iii, iv, and v now ready. vo. cloth, with maps, $ . per volume. the fifth volume covers the time of the administrations of john quincy adams and andrew jackson, and describes the development of the democratic spirit, the manifestations of new interest in social problems, and the various conditions and plans presented between and . many of the subjects included have necessitated years of first-hand investigations, and are now treated adequately for the first time. 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[illustration: daniel boone.] [illustration: boone's first view of kentucky.] "fair was the scene that lay before the little band, which paused upon its toilsome way, to view this new found land. field, stream and valley spread, far as the eye could gaze, with summer's beauty o'er them shed, and sunlight's brightest rays. flowers of the fairest dyes, trees clothed in richest green; and brightly smiled the deep-blue skies, o'er this enchanting scene. such was kentucky then, with wild luxuriance blest; where no invading hand had been, the garden of the west." the first white man of the west, or the life and exploits of col. dan'l. boone, the first settler of kentucky; interspersed with incidents in the early annals of the country. by timothy flint. . contents chapter i. birth of daniel boone--his early propensities--his pranks at school--his first hunting expedition--and his encounter with a panther.--removal of the family to north carolina--boone becomes a hunter--description of fire hunting, in which he was near committing a sad mistake--its fortunate result--and his marriage. chapter ii. boone removes to the head waters of the yadkin river--he meets with finley, who had crossed the mountains into tennessee--they agree to explore the wilderness west of the alleghanies together. chapter iii. boone, with finley and others, start on their exploring expedition--boone kills a panther in the night--their progress over the mountains--they descend into the great valley--description of the new country--herds of buffaloes--their wanderings in the wilderness. chapter iv. the exploring party divide into different routes--boone and stewart taken prisoners by the indians, and their escape--boone meets with his elder brother and another white man in the woods--stewart killed by the indians, and the companion of the elder boone destroyed by wolves--the elder brother returns to north carolina, leaving boone alone in the wilderness. chapter v. boone is pursued by the indians, and eludes their pursuit--he encounters and kills a bear--the return of his brother with ammunition--they explore the country--boone kills a panther on the back of a buffalo--they return to north carolina. chapter vi. boone starts with his family to kentucky--their return to clinch river--he conducts a party of surveyors to the falls of ohio--he helps build boonesborough, and removes his family to the fort--his daughter and two of col. calloway's daughters taken prisoners by the indians--they pursue the indians and rescue the captives. chapter vii. settlement of harrodsburgh--indian mode of besieging and warfare--fortitude and privation of the pioneers--the indians attack harrodsburgh and boonesborough--description of a station--attack of bryant's station. chapter viii. boone being attacked by two indians near the blue licks, kills them both--is afterwards taken prisoner and marched to old chillicothe--is adopted by the indians--indian ceremonies. chapter ix. boone becomes a favorite among the indians--anecdotes relating to his captivity--their mode of tormenting and burning prisoners--their fortitude under the infliction of torture--concerted attack on boonesborough--boone escapes. chapter x. six hundred indians attack boonesborough--boone and captain smith go out to treat with the enemy under a flag of truce, and are extricated from a treacherous attempt to detain them as prisoners--defence of the fort--the indians defeated--boone goes to north carolina to bring back his family. chapter xi. a sketch of the character and adventures of several other pioneers--harrod, kenton, logan, ray, mcaffee, and others. chapter xii. boone's brother killed, and boone himself narrowly escapes from the indians--assault upon ashton's station--and upon the station near shelbyville--attack upon mcaffee's station. chapter xiii. disastrous battle near the blue licks--general clarke's expedition against the miami towns--massacre of mcclure's family--the horrors of indian assaults throughout the settlements--general harmar's expedition--defeat of general st. clair--gen. wayne's victory, and a final peace with the indians. chapter xiv. rejoicings on account of the peace--boone indulges his propensity for hunting--kentucky increases in population--some account of their conflicting land titles--progress of civil improvement destroying the range of the hunter--litigation of land titles--boone loses his lands--removes from kentucky to the kanawha--leaves the kanawha and goes to missouri, where he is appointed commandant. chapter xv. anecdotes of colonel boone, related by mr. audubon--a remarkable instance of memory. chapter xvi. progress of improvement in missouri--old age of boone--death of his wife--he goes to reside with his son--his death--his personal appearance and character. preface. our eastern brethren have entered heartily into the pious duty of bringing to remembrance the character and deeds of their forefathers. shall we of the west allow the names of those great men, who won for us, from the forest, the savages, and wild beasts, our fair domain of fertile fields and beautiful rivers, to fade into oblivion? they who have hearts to admire nobility imparted by nature's great seal--fearlessness, strength, energy, sagacity, generous forgetfulness of self, the delineation of scenes of terror, and the relation of deeds of daring, will not fail to be interested in a sketch of the life of the pioneer and hunter of kentucky, daniel boone. contemplated in any light, we shall find him in his way and walk, a man as truly great as penn, marion, and franklin, in theirs. true, he was not learned in the lore of books, or trained in the etiquette of cities. but he possessed a knowledge far more important in the sphere which providence called him to fill. he felt, too, the conscious dignity of self-respect, and would have been seen as erect, firm, and unembarrassed amid the pomp and splendor of the proudest court in christendom, as in the shade of his own wilderness. where nature in her own ineffaceable characters has marked superiority, she looks down upon the tiny and elaborate acquirements of art, and in all positions and in all time entitles her favorites to the involuntary homage of their fellow-men. they are the selected pilots in storms, the leaders in battles, and the pioneers in the colonization of new countries. such a man was daniel boone, and wonderfully was he endowed by providence for the part which he was called to act. far be it from us to undervalue the advantages of education: it can do every thing but assume the prerogative of providence. god has reserved for himself the attribute of creating. distinguished excellence has never been attained, unless where nature and education, native endowment and circumstances, have concurred. this wonderful man received his commission for his achievements and his peculiar walk from the sign manual of nature. he was formed to be a woodsman, and the adventurous precursor in the first settlement of kentucky. his home was in the woods, where others were bewildered and lost. it is a mysterious spectacle to see a man possessed of such an astonishing power of being perfectly familiar with his route and his resources in the depths of the untrodden wilderness, where others could as little divine their way, and what was to be done, as mariners on mid-ocean, without chart or compass, sun, moon, or stars. but that nature has bestowed these endowments upon some men and denied them to others, is as certain as that she has given to some animals instincts of one kind, fitting them for peculiar modes of life, which are denied to others, perhaps as strangely endowed in another way. the following pages aim to present a faithful picture of this singular man, in his wanderings, captivities, and escapes. if the effort be successful, we have no fear that the attention of the reader will wander. there is a charm in such recitals, which lays its spell upon all. the grave and gay, the simple and the learned, the young and gray-haired alike yield to its influence. we wish to present him in his strong incipient manifestations of the development of his peculiar character in boyhood. we then see him on foot and alone, with no companion but his dog, and no friend but his rifle, making his way over trackless and unnamed mountains, and immeasurable forests, until he explores the flowering wilderness of kentucky. already familiar, by his own peculiar intuition, with the indian character, we see him casting his keen and searching glance around, as the ancient woods rung with the first strokes of his axe, and pausing from time to time to see if the echoes have startled the red men, or the wild beasts from their lair. we trace him through all the succeeding explorations of the bloody ground, and of tennessee, until so many immigrants have followed in his steps, that he finds his privacy too strongly pressed upon; until he finds the buts and bounds of legal tenures restraining his free thoughts, and impelling him to the distant and unsettled shores of the missouri, to seek range and solitude anew. we see him there, his eyes beginning to grow dim with the influence of seventy winters--as he can no longer take the unerring aim of his rifle--casting wistful looks in the direction of the rocky mountains and the western sea; and sadly reminded that man has but one short life, in which to wander. no book can be imagined more interesting than would have been the personal narrative of such a man, written by himself. what a new pattern of the heart he might have presented! but, unfortunately, he does not seem to have dreamed of the chance that his adventures would go down to posterity in the form of recorded biography. we suspect that he rather eschewed books, parchment deeds, and clerkly contrivances, as forms of evil; and held the dead letter of little consequence. his associates were as little likely to preserve any records, but those of memory, of the daily incidents and exploits, which indicate character and assume high interest, when they relate to a person like the subject of this narrative. these hunters, unerring in their aim to prostrate the buffalo on his plain, or to bring down the geese and swans from the clouds, thought little of any other use of the gray goose quill, than its market value. had it been otherwise, and had these men themselves furnished the materials of this narrative, we have no fear that it would go down to futurity, a more enduring monument to these pioneers and hunters, than the granite columns reared by our eastern brethren, amidst assembled thousands, with magnificent array, and oratory, and songs, to the memory of their forefathers. ours would be the record of human nature speaking to human nature in simplicity and truth, in a language always impressive, and always understood. their pictures of their own felt sufficiency to themselves, under the pressure of exposure and want; of danger, wounds, and captivity; of reciprocal kindness, warm from the heart; of noble forgetfulness of self, unshrinking firmness, calm endurance, and reckless bravery, would be sure to move in the hearts of their readers strings which never fail to vibrate to the touch. but these inestimable data are wanting. our materials are comparatively few; and we have been often obliged to balance between doubtful authorities, notwithstanding the most rigorous scrutiny of newspapers and pamphlets, whose yellow and dingy pages gave out a cloud of dust at every movement, and the equally rigid examination of clean modern books and periodicals. chapter i. birth of daniel boone--his early propensities--his pranks at school--his first hunting expedition--and his encounter with a panther. removal of the family to north carolina--boone becomes a hunter--description of fire hunting, in which he was near committing a sad mistake--its fortunate result--and his marriage. different authorities assign a different birth place to daniel boone. one affirms that he was born in maryland, another in north carolina, another in virginia, and still another during the transit of his parents across the atlantic. but they are all equally in error. he was born in the year , in bucks county, pennsylvania, near bristol, on the right bank of the delaware, about twenty miles from philadelphia. his father removed, when he was three years old, to the vicinity of reading, on the head waters of the schuylkill. from thence, when his son was thirteen years old, he migrated to north carolina, and settled in one of the valleys of south yadkin. the remotest of his ancestors, of whom there is any recorded notice, is joshua boone, an english catholic. he crossed the atlantic to the shores of the chesapeake bay, with those who planted the first germ of the colony of maryland. a leading motive to emigration with most of these colonists, was to avoid that persecution on account of their religion, which however pleasant to inflict, they found it uncomfortable to endure. whether this gentleman emigrated from this inducement, as has been asserted, or not, it is neither possible, nor, as we deem, important to settle; for we cannot find, that religious motives had any direct influence in shaping the character and fortunes of the hero of the woods. those who love to note the formation of character, and believe in the hereditary transmission of peculiar qualities, naturally investigate the peculiarities of parents, to see if they can find there the origin of those of the children. many--and we are of the number--consider transmitted endowment as the most important link in the chain of circumstances, with which character is surrounded. the most splendid endowments in innumerable instances, have never been brought to light, in defect of circumstances to call them forth. the ancestors of boone were not placed in positions to prove, whether he did or did not receive his peculiar aptitudes a legacy from his parents, or a direct gift from nature. he presents himself to us as a new man, the author and artificer of his own fortunes, and showing from the beginning rudiments of character, of which history has recorded no trace in his ancestors. the promise of the future hunter appeared in his earliest boyhood. he waged a war of extermination, as soon as he could poise a gun, with squirrels, raccoons, and wild cats, at that time exceedingly annoying to the fields and barn-yards of the back settlers. no scholar ever displayed more decided pre-eminence in any branch of learning, than he did above the boys of his years, in adroitness and success in this species of hunting. this is the only distinct and peculiar trait of character recorded of his early years. the only transmitted fact of his early training is presented in the following anecdote. in that section of the frontier settlement to which boone had removed, where unhewn log cabins, and hewn log houses, were interspersed among the burnt stumps, surrounded by a potato patch and cornfield, as the traveller pursued his cow-path through the deep forest, there was an intersection, or more properly concentration of wagon tracks, called the "cross roads,"--a name which still designates a hundred frontier positions of a post office, blacksmith's shop, and tavern. in the central point of this metropolis stood a large log building, before which a sign creaked in the wind, conspicuously lettered "store and tavern." to this point, on the early part of a warm spring morning, a pedestrian stranger was seen approaching in the path leading from the east. one hand was armed with a walking stick, and the other carried a small bundle inclosed in a handkerchief. his aspect was of a man, whose whole fortunes were in his walking stick and bundle. he was observed to eye the swinging sign with a keen recognition, inspiring such courage as the mariner feels on entering the desired haven. his dialect betrayed the stranger to be a native of ireland. he sat down on the _stoup_, and asked in his own peculiar mode of speech, for cold water. a supply from the spring was readily handed him in a gourd. but with an arch pause between remonstrance and laughter, he added, that he thought cold water in a warm climate injurious to the stomach and begged that the element might be qualified with a little whisky. the whisky was handed him, and the usual conversation ensued, during which the stranger inquired if a school-master was wanted in the settlement--or, as he was pleased to phrase it, a professor in the higher branches of learning? it is inferred that the father of boone was a person of distinction in the settlement, for to him did the master of the "store and tavern" direct the stranger of the staff and bundle for information. the direction of the landlord to enable him to find the house of mr. boone, was a true specimen of similar directions in the frontier settlements of the present; and they have often puzzled clearer heads than that of the irish school-master. "step this way," said he, "and i will direct you there, so that you cannot mistake your way. turn down that right hand road, and keep on it till you cross the dry branch--then turn to your left, and go up a hill--then take a lane to your right, which will bring you to an open field--pass this, and you will come to a path with three forks--take the middle fork, and it will lead you through the woods in sight of mr. boone's plantation." the irishman lost his way, invoked the saints, and cursed his director for his medley of directions many a time, before he stumbled at length on mr. boone's house. he was invited to sit down and dine, in the simple backwoods phrase, which is still the passport to the most ample hospitality. after dinner, the school-master made known his vocation, and his desire to find employment. to obtain a qualified school-master in those days, and in such a place, was no easy business. this scarcity of supply precluded close investigation of fitness. in a word, the irishman was authorized to enter upon the office of school-master of the settlement. we have been thus particular in this description, because it was the way in which most teachers were then employed. it will not be amiss to describe the school-house; for it stood as a sample of thousands of west country school-houses of the present day. it was of logs, after the usual fashion of the time and place. in dimension, it was spacious and convenient. the chimney was peculiarly ample, occupying one entire side of the whole building, which was an exact square. of course, a log could be "snaked" to the fire-place as long as the building, and a file of boys thirty feet in length, could all stand in front of the fire on a footing of the most democratic equality. sections of logs cut out here and there, admitted light and air instead of windows. the surrounding forest furnished ample supplies of fuel. a spring at hand, furnished with various gourds, quenched the frequent thirst of the pupils. a ponderous puncheon door, swinging on substantial wooden hinges, and shutting with a wooden latch, completed the appendages of this primeval seminary. to this central point might he seen wending from the woods, in every direction of the compass, flaxen-headed boys and girls, clad in homespun, brushing away the early dews, as they hied to the place, where the hibernian, clothed in his brief authority, sometimes perpetrated applications of birch without rhyme or reason; but much oftener allowed his authority to be trampled upon, according as the severe or loving humor prevailed. this vacillating administration was calculated for any result, rather than securing the affectionate respect of the children. scarcely the first quarter had elapsed, before materials for revolt had germinated under the very throne of the school-master. young boone, at this time, had reached the second stage of teaching the young idea how to shoot. his satchel already held paper marked with those mysterious hieroglyphics, vulgarly called _pot-hooks_, intended to be gradually transformed to those clerkly characters, which are called hand-writing. the master's throne was a block of a huge tree, and could not be said, in any sense, to be a cushion of down. of course, by the time he had heard the first lessons of the morning, the master was accustomed to let loose his noisy subjects, to wanton and bound on the grass, while he took a turn abroad to refresh himself from his wearying duties. while he was thus unbending his mind, the observant urchins had remarked, that he always directed his walk to a deep grove not far distant. they had, possibly, divined that the unequal tempers of his mind, and his rapid transitions from good nature to tyrannical moroseness, and the reverse, were connected with these promenades. the curiosity of young boone had been partially excited. an opportunity soon offered to gratify it. having one day received the accustomed permission to retire a few minutes from school, the darting of a squirrel across a fallen tree, as he went abroad, awakened his ruling passion. he sprang after the nimble animal, until he found himself at the very spot, where he had observed his school-master to pause in his promenades. his attention was arrested by observing a kind of opening under a little arbor, thickly covered with a mat of vines. thinking, perhaps, that it was the retreat of some animal, he thrust in his hand, and to his surprise drew forth a glass bottle, partly full of whisky. the enigma of his master's walks and inequalities of temper stood immediately deciphered. after the reflection of a moment, he carefully replaced the bottle in its position, and returned to his place in school. in the evening he communicated his discovery and the result of his meditations to the larger boys of the school on their way home. they were ripe for revolt, and the issue of their caucus follows: they were sufficiently acquainted with fever and ague, to have experimented the nature of tartar emetic. they procured a bottle exactly like the master's, filled with whisky, in which a copious quantity of emetic had been dissolved. early in the morning, they removed the school-master's bottle, and replaced it by theirs, and hurried back to their places, panting with restrained curiosity, and a desire to see what results would come from their medical mixture. the accustomed hour for intermission came. the master took his usual promenade, and the children hastened back with uncommon eagerness to resume their seats and their lessons. the countenance of the master alternately red and pale, gave portent of an approaching storm. "recite your grammar lesson," said he, in a growling tone, to one of the older boys. "how many parts of speech are there?" "seven, sir," timidly answered the boy. "seven, you numscull! is that the way you get your lesson?" forthwith descended a shower of blows on his devoted head. "on what continent is ireland?" said he, turning from him in wrath to another boy. the boy saw the shower pre-determined to fall, and the medicine giving evident signs of having taken effect. before he could answer, "i reckon on the continent of england," he was gathering an ample tithe of drubbing. "come and recite your lesson in arithmetic?" said he to boone, in a voice of thunder. the usually rubicund face of the irishman was by this time a deadly pale. slate in hand, the docile lad presented himself before his master. "take six from nine, and what remain?" "three, sir." "true. that will answer for whole numbers, now for your fractions. take three-quarters from an integer, and what remains?" "the whole." "you blockhead! you numscull!" exclaimed the master, as the strokes fell like a hail shower; "let me hear you demonstrate that." "if i subtract one bottle of whisky, and replace it with one in which i have mixed an emetic, will not the whole remain, if nobody drinks it?" by this time the medicine was taking fearful effect. the united acclamations and shouts of the children, and the discovery of the compounder of his medicament, in no degree tended to soothe the infuriated master. young boone, having paid for his sport by an ample drubbing, seized the opportune moment, floored his master, already weak and dizzy, sprang from the door, and made for the woods. the adventure was soon blazoned. a consultation of the patrons of the school was held. though young boone was reprimanded, the master was dismissed. this is all the certain information we possess, touching the training of young boone, in the lore of books and schools. though he never afterwards could be brought back to the restraint of the walls of a school, it is well known, that in some way, in after life, he possessed himself of the rudiments of a common education. his love for hunting and the woods now became an absorbing passion. he possessed a dog and a fowling piece, and with these he would range whole days alone through the woods, often with no other apparent object, than the simple pleasure of these lonely wanderings. one morning he was observed as usual, to throw the band, that suspended his shot bag, over one shoulder, and his gun over the other, and go forth accompanied by his dog. night came, but to the astonishment and alarm of his parents, the boy, as yet scarcely turned of fourteen, came not. another day and another night came, and passed, and still he returned not. the nearest neighbors, sympathizing with the distressed parents, who considered him lost, turned out, to aid in searching for him. after a long and weary search, at a distance of a league from any plantation, a smoke was seen arising from a temporary hovel of sods and branches, in which the astonished father found his child, apparently most comfortably established is his new experiment of house-keeping. numerous skins of wild animals were stretched upon his cabin, as trophies of his hunting prowess. ample fragments of their flesh were either roasting or preparing for cookery. it may be supposed, that such a lad would be the theme of wonder and astonishment to the other boys of his age. at this early period, he hesitated not to hunt wolves, and even bears and panthers. his exploits of this kind were the theme of general interest in the vicinity. many of them are recorded. but we pass over most of them, in our desire to hasten to the exploits of his maturer years. we select a single one of the most unquestionable character, as a sample for the rest. in company with some of his young companions, he undertook a hunting excursion, at a considerable distance from the settlements. near night-fall, the group of young nimrods were alarmed with a sharp cry from the thick woods. a panther! whispered the affrighted lads, in accents scarcely above their breath, through fear, that their voice would betray them. the scream of this animal is harsh, and grating, and one of the most truly formidable of forest sounds. the animal, when pressed, does not shrink from encountering a man, and often kills him, unless he is fearless and adroit in his defence. all the companions of young boone fled from the vicinity, as fast as possible. not so the subject of our narrative. he coolly surveyed the animal, that in turn eyed him, as the cat does a mouse, when preparing to spring upon it. levelling his rifle, and taking deliberate aim, he lodged the bullet in the heart of the fearful animal, at the very moment it was in the act to spring upon him. it was a striking instance of that peculiar self-possession, which constituted the most striking trait in his character in after life. observing these early propensities for the life of a hunter in his son, and land having become dear and game scarce in the neighborhood where he lived, boone's father formed the design of removing to remote forests, not yet disturbed by the sound of the axe, or broken by frequent clearings; and having heard a good account of the country bordering upon the yadkin river, in north carolina, he resolved to remove thither. this river, which is a stream of considerable size, has its source among the mountains in the north-east part of north carolina, and pursues a beautiful meandering course through that state until it enters south carolina. after watering the eastern section of the latter state, it reaches the ocean a few miles above the mouth of the santee. [illustration] having sold his plantation, on a fine april morning he set forth for the land of promise--wife, children, servants, flocks, and herds, forming a patriarchal caravan through the wilderness. no procession bound to the holy cities of mecca or jerusalem, was ever more joyful; for to them the forest was an asylum. overhung by the bright blue sky, enveloped in verdant forests full of game, nought cared they for the absence of houses with their locks and latches. their nocturnal caravansary was a clear cool spring; their bed the fresh turf. deer and turkeys furnished their viands--hunger the richest sauces of cookery; and fatigue and untroubled spirits a repose unbroken by dreams. such were the primitive migrations of the early settlers of our country. we love to meditate on them, for we have shared them. we have fed from this table in the wilderness. we have shared this mirth. we have heard the tinkle of the bells of the flocks and herds grazing among the trees. we have seen the moon rise and the stars twinkle upon this forest scene; and the remembrance has more than once marred the pleasure of journeyings in the midst of civilization and the refinements of luxury. the frontier country in which the family settled was as yet an unbroken forest; and being at no great distance from the eastern slope of the alleghanies, in the valleys of which game was abundant, it afforded fine range both for pasture and hunting. these forests had, moreover, the charm of novelty, and the game had not yet learned to fear the rifles of the new settlers. it need hardly be added that the spirits of young boone exulted in this new hunter's paradise. the father and the other sons settled down quietly to the severe labor of making a farm, assigning to daniel the occupation of his rifle, as aware that it was the only one he could be induced to follow; and probably from the experience, that in this way he could contribute more effectually to the establishment, than either of them in the pursuits of husbandry. an extensive farm was soon opened. the table was always amply supplied with venison, and was the seat of ample and unostentatious hospitality. the peltries of the young hunter yielded all the money which such an establishment required, and the interval between this removal and the coming of age of young boone, was one of health, plenty, and privacy. but meanwhile this settlement began to experience the pressure of that evil which boone always considered the greatest annoyance of life. the report of this family's prosperity had gone abroad. the young hunter's fame in his new position, attracted other immigrants to come and fix themselves in the vicinity. the smoke of new cabins and clearings went up to the sky. the baying other dogs, and the crash of distant falling trees began to be heard; and painful presentiments already filled the bosom of young boone, that this abode would shortly be more pressed upon than that he had left. he was compelled, however, to admit, that if such an order of things brings disadvantages, it has also its benefits. a thriving farmer, by the name of bryan, had settled at no great distance from mr. boone, by whose establishment the young hunter, now at the period of life when other thoughts than those of the chase of wild game are sometimes apt to cross the mind, was accustomed to pass. this farmer had chosen a most beautiful spot for his residence. the farm occupied a space of some hundred acres on a gentle eminence, crested with yellow poplars and laurels. around it rolled a mountain stream. so beautiful was the position and so many its advantages, that young boone used often to pause in admiration, on his way to the deeper woods beyond the verge of human habitation. who can say that the same dreamy thoughts that inspired the pen of the eloquent rousseau, did not occupy the mind of the young hunter as he passed this rural abode? we hope we shall not be suspected of a wish to offer a tale of romance, as we relate, how the mighty hunter of wild beasts and men was himself subdued, and that by the most timid and gentle of beings. we put down the facts as we find them recorded, and our conscience is quieted, by finding them perfectly natural to the time, place, and circumstances. young boone was one night engaged in a fire hunt, with a young friend. their course led them to the deeply timbered bottom that skirted the stream which wound round this pleasant plantation. that the reader may have an idea what sort of a pursuit it was that young boone was engaged in, during an event so decisive of his future fortunes, we present a brief sketch of a night _fire_ hunt. two persons are indispensable to it. the horseman that precedes, bears on his shoulder what is called a _fire pan_, full of blazing pine knots, which casts a bright and flickering glare far through the forest. the second follows at some distance, with his rifle prepared for action. no spectacle is more impressive than this of pairs of hunters, thus kindling the forest into a glare. the deer, reposing quietly in his thicket, is awakened by the approaching cavalcade, and instead of flying from the portentous brilliance, remains stupidly gazing upon it, as if charmed to the spot. the animal is betrayed to its doom the gleaming of its fixed and innocent eyes. this cruel mode of securing a fatal shot, is called in hunter's phrase, _shining the eyes_. the two young men reached a corner of the farmer's field at an early hour in the evening. young boone gave the customary signal to his mounted companion preceding him, to stop, an indication that he had _shined the eyes_ of a deer. boone dismounted, and fastened his horse to a tree. ascertaining that his rifle was in order, he advanced cautiously behind a covert of bushes, to reach the right distance for a shot. the deer is remarkable for the beauty of its eyes when thus _shined_. the mild brilliance of the two orbs was distinctly visible. whether warned by a presentiment, or arrested by a palpitation, and strange feelings within, at noting a new expression in the blue and dewy lights that gleamed to his heart, we say not. but the unerring rifle fell, and a rustling told him that the game had fled. something whispered him it was not a _deer_; and yet the fleet step, as the game bounded away, might easily be mistaken for that of the light-footed animal. a second thought impelled him to pursue the rapidly retreating game; and he sprang away in the direction of the sound, leaving his companion to occupy himself as he might. the fugitive had the advantage of a considerable advance of him, and apparently a better knowledge of the localities of the place. but the hunter was perfect in all his field exercises, and scarcely less fleet footed than a deer; and he gained rapidly on the object of his pursuit, which advanced a little distance parallel with the field-fence, and then, as if endowed with the utmost accomplishment of gymnastics, cleared the fence at a leap. the hunter, embarrassed with his rifle and accoutrements, was driven to the slow and humiliating expedient of climbing it. but an outline of the form of the fugitive, fleeting through the shades in the direction of the house, assured him that he had mistaken the species of the game. his heart throbbed from a hundred sensations; and among them an apprehension of the consequences that would have resulted from discharging his rifle, when he had first shined those liquid blue eyes. seeing that the fleet game made straight in the direction of the house, he said to himself, "i will see the pet deer in its lair;" and he directed his steps to the same place. half a score of dogs opened their barking upon him, as he approached the house, and advertised the master that a stranger was approaching. having hushed the dogs, and learned the name of his visitant, he introduced him to his family, as the son of their neighbor, boone. scarce had the first words of introduction been uttered, before the opposite door opened, and a boy apparently of seven, and a girl of sixteen, rushed in, panting for breath and seeming in affright. "sister went down to the river, and a _painter_ chased her, and she is almost scared to death," exclaimed the boy. the ruddy, flaxen-haired girl stood full in view of her terrible pursuer, leaning upon his rifle, and surveying her with the most eager admiration. "rebecca, this is young boone, son of our neighbor," was their laconic introduction. both were young, beautiful, and at the period when the affections exercise their most energetic influence. the circumstances of the introduction were favorable to the result, and the young hunter felt that the eyes of the _deer_ had _shined_ his bosom as fatally as his rifle shot had ever the innocent deer of the thickets. she, too, when she saw the high, open, bold forehead; clear, keen, and yet gentle and affectionate eye--the firm front, and the visible impress of decision and fearlessness of the hunter--when she interpreted a look, which said as distinctly as looks could say it, "how terrible it would have been to have fired!" can hardly be supposed to have regarded him with indifference. nor can it be wondered at that she saw in him her _beau ideal_ of excellence and beauty. the inhabitants of cities, who live in mansions, and read novels stored with unreal pictures of life and the heart, are apt to imagine that love, with all its golden illusions, is reserved exclusively for them. it is a most egregious mistake. a model of ideal beauty and perfection is woven in almost every youthful heart, of the brightest and most brilliant threads that compose the web of existence. it may not be said that this forest maiden was deeply and foolishly smitten at first sight. all reasonable time and space were granted to the claims of maidenly modesty. as for boone, he was incurably wounded by her, whose eyes he had _shined_, and as he was remarkable for the backwoods attribute of _never being beaten out of his track_, he ceased not to woo, until he gained the heart of rebecca bryan. in a word, he courted her successfully, and they were married. chapter ii. boone removes to the head waters of the yadkin river--he meets with finley, who had crossed the mountains into tennessee--they agree to explore the wilderness west of the alleghanies together. after his marriage, boone's first step was to consider where he should find a place, in which he could unite the advantages of fields to cultivate, and range for hunting. true to the impulse of his nature, he plunged deeper into the wilderness, to realize this dream of comfort and happiness. leaving his wife, he visited the unsettled regions of north carolina, and selected a spot near the head waters of the yadkin, for his future home. the same spirit that afterwards operated to take mrs. boone to kentucky, now led her to leave her friends, and follow her husband to a region where she was an entire stranger. men change their place of abode from ambition or interest; women from affection. in the course of a few months, daniel boone had reared comfortable cabins upon a pleasant eminence at a little distance from the river bank, inclosed a field, and gathered around him the means of abundance and enjoyment. his dwelling, though of rude exterior, offered the weary traveller shelter, a cheerful fire, and a plentiful board, graced with the most cordial welcome. the faces that looked on him were free from the cloud of care, the constraint of ceremony, and the distrust and fear, with which men learn to regard one another in the midst of the rivalry, competition, and scramble of populous cities. the spoils of the chase gave variety to his table, and afforded boone an excuse for devoting his leisure hours to his favorite pursuit. the country around spread an ample field for its exercise, as it was almost untouched by the axe of the woodsman. the lapse of a few years--passed in the useful and unpretending occupations of the husbandman--brought no external change to daniel boone, deserving of record. his step was now the firm tread of sober manhood; and his purpose the result of matured reflection. this influence of the progress of time, instead of obliterating the original impress of his character, only sunk it deeper. the dwellings of immigrants were springing up in all directions around. inclosures again began to surround him on every hand, shutting him out from his accustomed haunts in the depths of the forest shade. he saw cultivated fields stretching over large extents of country; and in the distance, villages and towns; and was made sensible of their train of forms, and laws, and restrictions, and buts, and bounds, gradually approaching his habitation. be determined again to leave them far behind. his resolve was made, but he had not decided to what point he would turn. circumstances soon occurred to terminate his indecision. as early as , the country west of the cumberland mountains was considered by the inhabitants of carolina and virginia, as involved in something of the same obscurity which lay over the american continent, after its first discovery by columbus. those who spread their sails to cross the sea, and find new skies, a new soil, and men in a new world, were not deemed more daring by their brethren at home, than the few hardy adventurers, who struck into the pathless forests stretching along the frontier settlements of the western country, were estimated by their friends and neighbors. even the most informed and intelligent, where information and intelligence were cultivated, knew so little of the immense extent of country, now designated as the "mississippi valley," that a book, published near the year , in philadelphia or new york, by a writer of talent and standing, speaks of the _many_ mouths of the missouri, as entering the mississippi _far below the ohio_. the simple inmates of cabins, in the remote region bordering on the new country, knew still less about it; as they had not penetrated its wilderness, and were destitute of that general knowledge which prevents the exercise of the exaggerations of vague conjecture. there was, indeed, ample room for the indulgence of speculation upon the features which the unexplored land was characterized. its mountains, plains, and streams, animals, and men, were yet to be discovered and named. it might be found the richest land under the sun, exhaustless in fertility, yielding the most valuable productions, and unfailing in its resources. it was possible it would prove a sterile desert. imagination could not but expatiate in this unbounded field and unexplored wilderness; and there are few persons entirely secure from the influence of imagination. the real danger attending the first exploration of a country filled with wild animals and savages; and the difficulty of carrying a sufficient supply of ammunition to procure food, during a long journey, necessarily made on foot, had prevented any attempt of the kind. the alleghany mountains had hitherto stood an unsurmounted barrier between the atlantic country and the shores of the beautiful ohio. not far from this period, dr. walker, an intelligent and enterprising virginian, collected a small party, and actually crossed the mountains at the cumberland gap, after traversing powell's valley. one of his leading inducements to this tour, was the hope of making botanical discoveries. the party crossed cumberland river, and pursued a north-east course over the highlands, which give rise to the sources of the lesser tributaries of the important streams that water the ohio valley. they reached big sandy, after enduring the privations and fatigue incident to such an undertaking. from this point they commenced their return home. on reaching it, they showed no inclination to resume their attempt, although the information thus gained respecting the country, presented it in a very favorable light. these first adventurers wanted the hardihood, unconquerable fortitude, and unwavering purpose, which nothing but death could arrest, that marked the pioneers, who followed in their footsteps. some time elapsed before a second exploring expedition was set on foot. the relations of what these men had seen on the other side of the mountains had assumed the form of romance, rather than reality. hunters, alone or in pairs, now ventured to extend their range into the skirts of the wilderness, thus gradually enlarging the sphere of definite conceptions, respecting the country beyond it. in , a backwoodsman of the name of finley, of north carolina, in company with a few kindred spirits resembling him in character, advanced still farther into the interior of the land of promise. it is probable, they chose the season of flowers for their enterprise; as on the return of this little band, a description of the soil they had trodden, and the sights they had seen, went abroad, that charmed all ears, excited all imaginations, and dwelt upon every tongue. well might they so describe. their course lay through a portion of tennessee. there is nothing grand or imposing in scenery--nothing striking or picturesque in cascades and precipitous declivities of mountains covered with woods--nothing romantic and delightful in deep and sheltered valleys, through which wind clear streams, which is not found in this first region they traversed. the mountains here stretch along in continuous ridges--and there shoot up into elevated peaks. on the summits of some, spread plateaus, which afford the most commanding prospects, and offer all advantages for cultivation, overhung by the purest atmosphere. no words can picture the secluded beauty of some of the vales bordering the creeks and small streams, which dash transparent as air over rocks, moss-covered and time-worn--walled in by the precipitous sides of mountains, down which pour numberless waterfalls. the soil is rich beyond any tracts of the same character in the west. beautiful white, gray, and red marbles are found here; and sometimes fine specimens of rock-crystals. salt springs abound. it has lead mines; and iron ore is no where more abundant. its salt-petre caves are most astonishing curiosities. one of them has been traced ten miles. another, on a high point of cumberland mountain, has a perpendicular descent, the bottom of which has never been sounded. they abound in prodigious vaulted apartments and singular chambers, the roofs springing up into noble arches, or running along for miles in regular oblong excavations. the gloomy grandeur, produced by the faint illumination of torches in these immense subterranean retreats, may be imagined, but not described. springs rise, and considerable streams flow through them, on smooth limestone beds. this is the very home of subterranean wonders, showing the noblest caves in the world. in comparison with them, the celebrated one at antiparos is but a slight excavation. spurs of the mountains, called the "enchanted mountains," show traces impressed in the solid limestone, of the footsteps of men, horses, and other animals, as distinctly as though they had been made upon clay mortar. in places the tracks are such as would be made by feet, that had slidden upon soft clay in descending declivities. prodigious remains of animals are found near the salines. whole trees are discovered completely petrified; and to crown the list of wonders, in turning up the soil, graves are opened, which contain the skeletons of figures, who must have been of mature age. paintings of the sun, moon, animals, and serpents, on high and apparently inaccessible cliffs, out of question the work of former ages, in colors as fresh as if recently laid on, and in some instances, just and ingenious in delineation, are a subject of untiring speculation. even the streams in this region of wonders have scooped out for themselves immensely deep channels hemmed in by perpendicular walls of limestone, sometimes springing up to a height of three or four hundred feet. as the traveller looks down upon the dark waters rolling so far beneath him, seeming to flow in a subterranean world, he cannot but feel impressions of the grandeur of nature stealing over him. it is not to be supposed, that persons, whose sole object in entering the country was to explore it, would fail to note these surprising traces of past races, the beautiful diversity of the aspect of the country, or these wonders of nature exhibited on every hand. being neither incurious nor incompetent observers, their delineations were graphic and vivid. "their teachers had been woods and rills, the silence, that is in the starry sky; the sleep, that is among the lonely hills." they advanced into kentucky so far, as to their imaginations with the fresh and luxuriant beauty of its lawns, its rich cane-brakes and flowering forests. to them it was a terrestrial paradise for it was full of game. deer, elk, bears, buffaloes, panthers, wolves, wild-cats, and foxes, abounded in the thick tangles of the green cane; and in the open woods, pheasants, partridges, and turkeys, were as plenty as domestic fowls in the old settlements. such were the materials, from which these hunters, on their return formed descriptions that fixed in the remembrance, and operated upon the fancy of all who heard. a year after finley's return, his love of wandering led him into the vicinity of daniel boone. they met, and the hearts of these kindred spirits at once warmed towards each other. finley related his adventures, and painted the delights of _kain-tuck-kee_--for such was its indian name. boone had but few hair-breath escapes to recount, in comparison with his new companion. but it can readily be imagined, that a burning sensation rose in his breast, like that of the celebrated painter correggio, when low-born, untaught, poor and destitute of every advantage, save that of splendid native endowment, he stood before the work of the immortal raphael, and said, "i too am a painter!" boone's purpose was fixed. in a region, such as finley described, far in advance of the wearying monotony of a life of inglorious toil, he would have space to roam unwitnessed, undisturbed by those of his own race, whose only thought was to cut down trees, at least for a period of some years. we wish not to be understood to laud these views, as wise or just. in the order of things, however, it was necessary, that men like finley and boone, and their companions, should precede in the wilderness, to prepare the way for the multitudes who would soon follow. it is probable, that no motives but those ascribed to them, would have induced these adventurers to face the hardships and extremes of suffering from exposure and hunger, and the peril of life, which they literally carried in their hand. no feeling, but a devotion to their favorite pursuits and modes of life, stronger than the fear of abandonment, in the interminable and pathless woods, to all forms of misery and death, could ever have enabled them to persist in braving the danger and distress that stared them in the face at every advancing step. finley was invited by boone permanently to share the comfort of his fire-side,--for it was now winter. it needs no exercise of fancy to conjecture their subjects of conversation during the long evening. the bitter wintry wind burst upon their dwelling only to enhance the cheerfulness of the blazing fire in the huge chimneys, by the contrast of the inclemency of nature without. it does not seem natural, at first thought, that a season, in which nature shows herself stern and unrelenting, should be chosen, as that in which plans are originated and matured for settling the destiny of life. but it was during this winter, that boone and finley arranged all the preliminaries of their expedition, and agreed to meet on the first of may in the coming spring; and with some others, whom they hoped to induce to join them for greater strength and safety, to set forth together on an expedition into kentucky. boone's array of arguments, to influence those whom he wished to share this daring enterprise with him, was tinctured with the coloring of rude poetry. "they would ascend," he said, "the unnamed mountains, whose green heads rose not far from their former hunting-grounds, since fences and inclosures had begun to surround them on all sides, shutting up the hunter from his free range and support. the deer had fled from the sound of the axe, which levelled the noble trees under whose shade they could repose from the fatigues of pursuit. the springs and streams among the hills were bared to the fierce sun, and would soon dry up and disappear. soon 'the horn would no more wake them up in the morn.' the sons of their love and pride, instead of being trained hunters, with a free, bold step, frank kindness, true honor, and a courage that knew not fear, would become men to whom the pleasures and dangers of their fathers would seem an idle tale." the prospect spreading on the other side of the mountains, he pictured as filled with all the images of abundance and freedom that could enter the thoughts of the hunter. the paintings were drawn from nature, and the words few and simple, that spoke to the hearts of these sons of the forest. "the broad woods," he pursued, "would stretch beneath their eyes, when the mountain summits were gained, one extended tuft of blossoms. the cane was a tangle of luxuriance, affording the richest pastures. the only paths through it were those made by buffaloes and bears. in the sheltered glades, turkeys and large wild birds were so abundant, that a hunter could supply himself in an hour for the wants of a week. they would not be found like the lean and tough birds in the old settlements, that lingered around the clearings and stumps of the trees, in the topmost of whose branches the fear of man compelled them to rest, but young and full fed. the trees in this new land were of no stinted or gnarled growth, but shot up tall, straight, and taper. the yellow poplar here threw up into the air a column of an hundred feet shaft in a contest with the sycamore for the pre-eminence of the woods. their wives and children would remain safe in their present homes, until the first dangers and fatigues of the new settlement had been met and overcome. when their homes were selected, and their cabins built, they would return and bring them out to their new abodes. the outward journey could be regulated by the uncontrolled pleasure of their more frail travellers. what guardians could be more true than their husbands with their good rifles and the skill and determination to use them? they would depend, not upon circumstances, but upon themselves. the babes would exult in the arms of their mothers from the inspiring influence of the fresh air; and at night a cradle from the hollow tree would rock them to a healthful repose. the older children, training to the pursuits and pleasures of a life in the woods, and acquiring vigor of body and mind with every day, in their season of prime, would feel no shame that they had hearts softened by the warm current of true feeling. when their own silver hairs lay thin upon the brow, and their eye was dim, and sounds came confused on their ear, and their step faltered, and their form bent, they would find consideration, and care, and tenderness from children, whose breasts were not steeled by ambition, nor hardened by avarice; in whom the beautiful influences of the indulgence of none but natural desires and pure affections would not be deadened by the selfishness, vanity, and fear of ridicule, that are the harvest of what is called _civilized and cultivated_ life." such at least, in after life, were the contrasts that boone used to present between social life and that of the woodsman. [illustration] chapter iii. boone, with finley and others, start on their exploring expedition--boone kills a panther in the night--their progress over the mountains--they descend into the great valley--description of the new country--herds of buffaloes--their wanderings in the wilderness. the first of may, , finley and boone, with four others, whose names were stewart, holden, mooney, and cool, and who had pledged themselves to the undertaking, were assembled at the house of boone, in readiness to commence their journey. it may be imagined that all the neighbors gathered to witness their departure. a rifle, ammunition, and a light knapsack were all the baggage with which they dared encumber themselves. provisions for a few days were bestowed along with the clothing deemed absolutely necessary for comfort upon the long route. no shame could attach to the manhood and courage of daniel boone from the fact that tears were said to have rushed to his eyes, as he kissed his wife and children before he turned from his door for the last time for months, and perhaps forever. the nature of the pioneer was as gentle and affectionate as it was firm and persevering. he had power, however, to send back the unbidden gush to its source, and forcibly to withdraw his mind from enervating thoughts. beside, the natural elasticity of his temperament and the buoyancy of his character came to his aid. the anticipation of new and strange incidents operated to produce in the minds of the travellers, from the commencement of the enterprise, a kind of wild pleasure. with alert and vigorous steps they pursued a north-west course, and were soon beyond the reach of the most distant view of their homes. this day and night, and the succeeding one, the scenes in view were familiar; but in the course of the four or five that followed, all vestiges of civilized habitancy had disappeared. the route lay through a solitary and trackless wilderness. before them rose a line of mountains, shooting up against the blue of the horizon, in peaks and elevations of all forms. the slender store of food with which they had set out, was soon exhausted. to obtain a fresh supply was the first and most pressing want. accordingly, a convenient place was selected, and a camp constructed of logs and branches of trees, to keep out the dew and rain. the whole party joined in this preliminary arrangement. when it was so far completed, as to enable a part to finish it before night-fall, part of the company took their rifles and went in different directions in pursuit of game. they returned in time for supper, with a couple of deer and some wild turkeys. those, whose business it was to finish the camp, had made a generous fire and acquired keen appetites for the coming feast. the deer were rapidly dressed, so far at least as to furnish a supper of venison. it had not been long finished, and the arrangements for the night made, before the clouds, which had been gathering blackness for some hours, rolled up in immense folds from the point, whence was heard the sudden burst of a furious wind. the lightning darted from all quarters of the heavens. at one moment every object stood forth in a glare of dazzling light. the next the darkness might almost be felt. the rain fell in torrents, in one apparently unbroken sheet from the sky to the earth. the peals of thunder rolled almost unheard amid this deafening rush of waters. the camp of the travellers, erected with reference to the probability of such an occurrence, was placed under the shelter of a huge tree, whose branches ran out laterally, and were of a thickness of foliage to be almost impervious to the rain. to this happy precaution of the woodsmen, they owed their escape from the drenching of the shower. they were not, perhaps, aware of the greater danger from lightning, to which their position had exposed them. as was the universal custom in cases like theirs, a watch was kept by two, while the others slept. the watches were relieved several times during the night. about midnight, boone and holden being upon the watch, the deep stillness abroad was broken by a shrill scream, resembling the shriek of a frightened woman or child more nearly than any other sound. the two companions had been sitting in a contemplative mood, listening to the deep breathing of the sleepers, when this cry came upon their ears. both sprang erect. "what is that?" exclaimed holden, who was not an experienced backwoodsman, in comparison with the others. "hush!" answered boone; "do not wake the rest. it is nothing but the cry of a panther. take your gun and come with me." they stole gently from the camp and listened in breathless silence for a repetition of the cry. it was soon repeated, indicating the place where the animal was. groping cautiously through the bushes in its direction, frequently stopping to look around, and holding their rifles ready for an instantaneous shot, they drew near the formidable animal. at length they discovered at a little distance before them, two balls that glared with an intense brightness, like that of living coals of fire. boone, taking deliberate aim, in the best manner that the darkness would permit, discharged his rifle. the yell of pain from the animal, as it was heard leaping among the undergrowth in an opposite direction, satisfied boone that his shot had taken sufficient effect to prevent a second disturbance from it, at least for that night, and he returned to the camp with his companion. the sleepers, aroused by the report of the gun, were awaiting him. the account of the adventure afforded speculation, touching the point, whether the animal had been killed or would return again. early the next morning, some were dispatched to bring in more game, while others prepared and dried what had already been obtained. the whole day was spent in this way and the night following passed without any disturbance. with the first light of the sun on the succeeding morning, they threw their knapsacks over their shoulders, and leaving their temporary shelter to benefit any who might come after them, resumed their route. they had not proceeded far before an animal stretched on the ground attracted attention. it was a dead panther. by comparing the size of the ball, which had killed it, with those used by boone, the party were satisfied that this was the same animal he had shot the night after the storm. during the day they began the ascent of the ridge of the alleghany, that had for some days bounded their view. the mountainous character of the country, for some miles, before the highest elevations rose to sight, rendered the travelling laborious and slow. several days were spent in this toilsome progress. steep summits, impossible to ascend, impeded their advance, compelling them to turn aside, and attain the point above by a circuitous route. again they were obliged to delay their journey for a day, in order to obtain a fresh supply of provisions. this was readily procured, as all the varieties of game abounded on every side. the last crags and cliffs of the middle ridges having been scrambled over, on the following morning they stood on the summit of cumberland mountain, the farthest western spur of this line of heights. from this point the descent into the great western valley began. what a scene opened before them! a feeling of the sublime is inspired in every bosom susceptible of it, by a view from any point of these vast ranges, of the boundless forest valleys of the ohio. it is a view more grand, more heart-stirring than that of the ocean. illimitable extents of wood, and winding river courses spread before them like a large map. "glorious country!" they exclaimed. little did boone dream that in fifty years, immense portions of it would pass from the domain of the hunter--that it would contain four millions of freemen, and its waters be navigated by nearly two hundred steam boats, sweeping down these streams that now rolled through the unbroken forests before them. to them it stood forth an unexplored paradise of the hunter's imagination. after a long pause, in thoughts too deep for words, they began the descent, which was made in a much shorter time than had been required for the opposite ascent; and the explorers soon found themselves on the slopes of the subsiding hills. here the hunter was in his element. to all the party but finley, the buffaloes incidentally seen in small numbers in the valleys, were a novel and interesting sight. it had as yet been impossible to obtain a shot at them, from their distance or position. it may be imagined with what eagerness boone sought an opportunity to make his first essay in this exciting and noble species of hunting. the first considerable drove came in sight on the afternoon of the day on which the travellers reached the foot of the mountains. the day had been one of the most beautiful of spring. the earth was covered with grass of the freshest green. the rich foliage of the trees, in its varied shading, furnished its portion of the loveliness of the surrounding landscape. the light of the declining sun lay full on the scene of boundless solitude. the party had descended into a deep glen, which wound through the opening between the highlands, still extending a little in advance of them. they pursued its course until it terminated in a beautiful little plain. upon advancing into this, they found themselves in an area of considerable extent, almost circular in form, bounded on one half its circumference by the line of hills, from among which they had just emerged. the other sections of the circle were marked by the fringe of wood that bordered a stream winding from the hills, at a considerable distance above. the buffaloes advanced from the skirt of wood, and the plain was soon filled by the moving mass of these huge animals. the exploring adventurers perceived themselves in danger of what has more than once happened in similar situations. the prospect seemed to be that they would be trampled under the feet of the reckless and sweeping body, in their onward course. "they will not turn out for us," said finley; "and if we do not conduct exactly right, we shall be crushed to death." the inexperienced adventurers bade him direct them in the emergency. just as the front of the phalanx was within short rifle distance, he discharged his rifle and brought down one of the bulls, that seemed to be a file leader, by a ball between the horns. the unwieldy animal fell. the mass raised a deafening sort of bellow, and became arrested, as if transfixed to the spot. a momentary confusion of the mass behind ensued. but, borne along by the pressure of the multitudes still in the rear, there was a gradual parting of the herd direct from the front, where the fallen buffalo lay. the disruption once made, the chasm broadened, until when the wings passed the travellers, they were thirty yards from the divisions on either hand. to prevent the masses yet behind from closing their lines, finley took the rifle of one of his companions, and levelled another. this changed the pace of the animals to a rout. the last masses soon thundered by, and left them gazing in astonishment, not unmixed with joy, in realizing their escape, "job of uz," exclaimed boone, "had not larger droves of cattle than we. in fact, we seem to have had in this instance an abundance to a fault." as this was an era in their adventures, and an omen of the abundance of the vast regions of forests which they had descried from the summits of the mountains, they halted, made a camp, and skinned the animals, preserving the skins, fat, tongues, and choice pieces. no epicures ever feasted higher than these athletic and hungry hunters, as they sat around their evening fire, and commented upon the ease with which their wants would be supplied in a country thus abounding with such animals. after feasting again in the morning on the spoils of the preceding day, and packing such parts of the animals as their probable necessities suggested, they commenced their march; and in no great distance reached red river, a branch of the cumberland. they followed the meanders of this river for some miles, until they reached, on the th day of june, finley's former station, where his preceding explorations of the western country had terminated. their journey to this point had lasted more than a month; and though the circumstances in which they had made it, had been generally auspicious, so long a route through unknown forests, and over precipitous mountains, hitherto untrodden by white men, could not but have been fatiguing in the extreme. none but such spirits could have sustained their hardships without a purpose to turn back, and leave their exploration unaccomplished. they resolved in this place to encamp, and remain for a time sufficient to recruit themselves for other expeditions and discoveries. the weather had been for some time past, and still remained, rainy and unpleasant; and it became necessary that their station should be of such a construction, as to secure them a dry sleeping place from the rain. the game was so abundant, that they found it a pleasure, rather than a difficulty, to supply themselves with food. the buffaloes were seen like herds of cattle, dispersed among the cane-brakes, or feeding on the grass, or ruminating in the shade. their skins were of great utility, in furnishing them with moccasins, and many necessary articles indispensable to their comfortable subsistence at their station. what struck them with unfailing pleasure was, to observe the soil, in general, of a fertility without example on the other side of the mountains. from an eminence in the vicinity of their station, they could see, as far as vision could extend, the beautiful country of kentucky. they remarked with astonishment the tall, straight trees, shading the exuberant soil, wholly clear from any other underbrush than the rich cane-brakes, the image of verdure and luxuriance, or tall grass and clover. down the gentle slopes murmured clear limestone brooks. finley, who had some touch of scripture knowledge, exclaimed in view of this wilderness-paradise, so abundant in game and wild fowls, "this wilderness blossoms as the rose; and these desolate places are as the garden of god." "ay," responded boone; "and who would remain on the sterile pine hills of north carolina, to hear the screaming of the jay, and now and then bring down a deer too lean to be eaten? this is the land of hunters, where man and beast will grow to their full size." they ranged through various forests, and crossed the numerous streams of the vicinity. by following the paths of the buffaloes, bears, deer, and other animals, they discovered the salines or _licks_, where salt is made at the present day. the paths, in approaching the salines, were trodden as hard and smooth, as in the vicinity of the farm-yards of the old settlements. boone, from the principle which places the best pilot at the helm in a storm, was not slow to learn from innumerable circumstances which would have passed unnoticed by a less sagacious woodsman, that, although the country was not actually inhabited by indians, it was not the less a scene of strife and combat for the possession of such rich hunting grounds by a great number of tribes. he discovered that it was a common park to these fierce tribes; and none the less likely to expose them to the dangers of indian warfare, because it was not claimed or inhabited by any particular tribe. on the contrary, instead of having to encounter a single tribe in possession, he foresaw that the jealousy of all the tribes would be united against the new intruders. these fearless spirits, who were instinctively imbued with an abhorrence of the indians, heeded little, however, whether they had to make war on them, or the wild beasts. they felt in its fullest force that indomitable elasticity of character, which causes the possessor, every where, and in all forms of imagined peril, to feel sufficient to themselves. hence the lonely adventurers continued fearlessly to explore the beautiful positions for settlements, to cross and name the rivers, and to hunt. by a happy fatality, through all the summer they met with no indians, and experienced no impediment in the way of the most successful hunting. during the season, they had collected large quantities of peltries, and meeting with nothing to excite apprehension or alarm, they became constantly more delighted with the country. so passed their time, until the d of december. after this period adventures of the most disastrous character began to crowd upon them. we forthwith commence the narrative of incidents which constitute the general color of boone's future life. [illustration] chapter iv. the exploring party divide into different routes--boone and stewart taken prisoners by the indians, and their escape--boone meets with his elder brother and another white man in the woods--stewart killed by the indians, and the companion of the elder boone destroyed by wolves--the elder brother returns to north carolina, leaving boone alone in the wilderness. in order to extend the means of gaining more exact information with regard to this beautiful country, the party divided, and took different directions. boone and stewart formed one division, and the remaining three the other. the two former had as yet seen few thick forests. the country was much of it of that description, now known by the name of "barrens," or open woods, which had the appearance of having been planted out with trees at wide and regular distances from each other, like those of an orchard, allowing the most luxuriant growth of cane, grass, or clover beneath them. they now passed a wide and deep forest, in which the trees were large and thick. among them were many of the laurel tribe, in full verdure in mid winter. others were thick hung with persimmons, candied by the frost, nutritive, and as luscious as figs. others again were covered with winter grapes. every thing tended to inspire them with exalted notions of the natural resources of the country, and to give birth to those extravagant romances, which afterwards became prevalent, as descriptions of kentucky. such were finley's accounts of it--views which went abroad, and created even in europe an impression of a kind of new el dorado, or rather rural paradise. other and very different scenes, in no great length of time, disenchanted the new paradise, and presented it in the sober traits of truth. they were never out of sight of buffaloes, deer, and turkeys. at night-fall they came in view of kentucky river, and admired in unsated astonishment, the precipices three hundred feet high, at the foot of which, as in a channel cut out of the solid limestone, rolled the dark waters of the beautiful stream. a lofty eminence was before them. thinking it would afford them a far view of the meanderings of the river, they ascended it. this expectation was realized. a large extent of country stretched beneath them. having surveyed it, they proposed to commence their return to rejoin their companions. as they were leisurely descending the hill, little dreaming of danger, the indian yell burst upon their ears. a numerous party of indians sprang from the cane-brake, surrounded, vanquished, and bound them, before they had time to have recourse to their arms. the indians proceeded to plunder them of their rifles, and every thing in their possession but the most indispensable articles of dress. they then led them off to their camp, where they confined them in such a manner as effectually to prevent their escape. not knowing a word of the speech of their captors, who knew as little of theirs, they were wholly ignorant of what fate awaited them. the indians next day marched them off rapidly towards the north, compelling them to travel at a rate which was excessively annoying to captives in their predicament-manacled, in momentary apprehension of death, and plunging deeper into the wilderness in advancing towards the permanent abode of their savage masters. it was well for them that they were more athletic than the savages, equally capable of endurance, and alike incapable of betraying groans, fear, or even marks of regret in their countenance. they knew enough of savage modes to beware that the least indications of weariness, and inability to proceed, would have brought the tomahawk and scalping-knife upon their skulls--weapons with which they were thus early supplied from detroit. they therefore pushed resolutely on, with cheerful countenances, watching the while with intense earnestness, to catch from the signs and gestures of the indians, what was their purpose in regard to their fate. by the second day, they comprehended the words of most frequent recurrence in the discussion, that took place respecting them. part, they perceived, were for putting them to death to prevent their escape. the other portion advocated their being adopted into the tribe, and domesticated. to give efficacy to the counsels of these last, the captives not only concealed every trace of chagrin, but dissembled cheerfulness, and affected to like their new mode of life; and seemed as happy, and as much amused, as the indians themselves. fortunately, their previous modes of life, and in fact their actual aptitudes and propensities wonderfully qualified them, along with their reckless courage and elasticity of character, to enact this difficult part with a success, which completely deceived the indians, and gave the entire ascendency to the advice of those who proposed to spare, and adopt them into their tribe. lulled by this semblance, the captors were less and less strict in their guard. on the seventh night of their captivity, the savages, having made a great fire, and fed plentifully, all fell into a sound sleep, leaving their prisoners, who affected to be as deeply asleep as themselves, wholly unguarded. it need hardly be said, that the appearance of content they had worn, was mere outward show; and that they slept not. boone slowly and cautiously raised himself to a sitting posture, and thus remained a few moments to mark, if his change of position had been observed. one of the sleepers turned in his sleep. boone instantly dropped back to his recumbent posture and semblance of sleep. so he remained fifteen minutes, when he once more raised himself, and continued sitting for some time, without noting a movement among the slumberers around him. he then ventured to communicate his purpose to his companion. the greatest caution was necessary to prevent disturbing the savages, as the slightest noise would awake them, and probably bring instant death upon the captives. stewart succeeded in placing himself upon his feet without any noise. the companions were not far apart, but did not dare to whisper to each other the thought that occurred alike to both--that, should they escape without rifles and ammunition, they must certainly die of hunger. the place where their rifles stood had been carefully noted by them, and by groping their way with the utmost care, they finally reached them. fortunately, the equipments, containing the usual supply of powder and ball, were near the rifles. the feelings with which boone and stewart stole forth from the circle of their captors may be imagined. they made their way into the woods through the darkness, keeping close together for some time, before they exchanged words. it was not far from morning when they began their attempt at escape; but they had made considerable progress from the indian encampment before the dawn. they took their course with the first light, and pursued it the whole day, reaching their camp without meeting with any accident. as the sun was declining, forms were seen approaching the camp in the distance. the uncertain light in which they were first visible, rendered it impossible for boone and stewart to determine whether they were whites or indians; but they grasped their rifles, and stood ready for defence. the forms continued to approach cautiously and slowly, until they were within speaking distance. boone then hailed them with the challenge, "who comes there?" the delight may be imagined with which boone and stewart heard the reply of "white men and friends!" "come on then," said boone. the next moment he found himself in the arms of his brother, who, accompanied by a single companion, had left north carolina, and made his way all the distance from the yadkin to the cumberland. they had been wandering many days in the woods, in pursuit of boone and his party, and had thus providentially fallen upon them. notwithstanding the damp which it must cast on the spirits of these new adventurers to hear of the recent captivity of boone and stewart, and the uncertain fate of the rest of the company, this joyous meeting of brothers and friends in the wilderness, and this intelligence from home, filled the parties with a joy too sincere and unalloyed to be repressed by apprehensions for the future. the four associates commenced the usual occupation of hunting, but were soon alarmed by signs of the vicinity of indians, and clear proofs that they were prowling near them in the woods. these circumstances strongly admonished them not to venture singly to any great distance from each other. in the eagerness of pursuing a wounded buffalo, boone and stewart, however, allowed themselves to be separated from their companions. aware of their imprudence, and halting to return, a party of savages rushed from the cane-brake, and discharged a shower of arrows upon them, one of which laid stewart dead on the spot. the first purpose of boone was to fire upon them, and sell his life as dearly as possible. but rashness is not bravery; and seeing the numbers of the foe, the hopelessness of resistance, and the uselessness of bartering his own life for the revenge of inflicting a single death--reflecting, moreover, on the retaliation it would probably bring down on the remainder of his companions, he retreated, and escaped, amidst a flight of arrows, in safety to the camp. one would have supposed that this party would have needed no more monition to keep them together, and always on their guard. but, forgetful of the fate of stewart, the partner of the elder boone, who had recently arrived, allowed himself to be beguiled away from the two boone's, as they were hunting together. the object of his curiosity was of little importance. in pursuit of it, he wandered into a swamp, and was lost. the two brothers sought him, long and painfully, to no purpose. discouraged, and perhaps exasperated in view of his careless imprudence, they finally concluded he had chosen that method of deserting them, and had set out on his return to north carolina. under such impressions, they relinquished the search, and returned to camp. they had reason afterwards to repent their harsh estimate of his intentions. fragments of his clothes, and traces of blood were found on the opposite side of the swamp. a numerous pack of wolves had been heard to howl in that direction the evening on which he had been lost. circumstances placed it beyond a doubt, that, while wandering about in search of his companions, these terrible animals had come upon him and torn him in pieces. he was never heard of afterwards. the brothers were thus left alone in this wide wilderness, the only white men west of the mountains; as they concluded the remainder of the original party had returned to north carolina. but they were neither desponding nor indolent. they held pleasant communion together--hunted by day, cooked their game, sat by their bright fires, and sung the airs of their country by night, as though in the midst of the gayest society. they devoted, beside, much of their time and labor to preparing a comfortable cabin to shelter them during the approaching winter. they were in want of many things. clothing and moccasins they might supply. with bread, sugar, and salt, though articles of the first necessity, they could dispense. but ammunition, an article absolutely indispensable, was failing them. they concluded, too, that horses would be of essential service to them. they finally came to the resolution that the elder boone should return to north carolina, and come out to the new country with ammunition, horses, and supplies. the character of daniel boone, in consenting to be left alone in that wilderness, surrounded by perils from the indians and wild beasts, of which he had so recently and terribly been made aware, appears in its true light. we have heard of a robinson crusoe made so by the necessity of shipwreck; but all history can scarcely parallel another such an instance of a man voluntarily consenting to be left alone among savages and wild beasts, seven hundred miles from the nearest white inhabitant. the separation came. the elder brother disappeared in the forest, and daniel boone was left in the cabin, so recently cheered by the presence of his brother, entirely alone. their only dog followed the departing brother, and boone had nothing but his unconquerable spirit to sustain him during the long and lonely days and nights, visited by the remembrance of his distant wife and children. to prevent the recurrence of dark and lonely thoughts, he set out, soon after his brother left him, on a distant excursion to the north-west. the country grew still more charming under his eye at every step of his advance. he wandered through the delightful country of the barrens, and gained the heights of one of the ridges of salt river, whence he could look back on the alleghany ridges, lifting their blue heads in the direction of the country of his wife and children. before him rolled the majestic ohio, down its dark forests, and seen by him for the first time. it may be imagined what thoughts came over his mind, as the lonely hunter stood on the shore of this mighty stream, straining his thoughts towards its sources, and the unknown country where it discharged itself into some other river, or the sea. during this journey he explored the country on the south shore of the ohio, between the cumberland and the present site of louisville, experiencing in these lonely explorations a strange pleasure, which, probably, none but those of his temperament can adequately imagine. returning to his cabin, as a kind of head quarters, he found it undisturbed by the indians. caution suggested to him the expedient of often changing his position, and not continuing permanently to sleep in the cabin. sometimes he slept in the cane-brake sometimes under the covert of a limestone cliff, often made aware on his return to the cabin that the indians had discovered it, and visited it during his absence. surrounded with danger and death, though insensible to fear, he neglected none of those prudent precautions of which men of his temperament are much more able to avail themselves, than those always forecasting the fashion of uncertain evils. he was, however, never for an hour in want of the most ample supply of food. herds of deer and buffaloes were seldom out of his sight for a day together. his nights were often disturbed by the howling of wolves, which abounded as much as the other forest animals. his table thus abundantly spread in the wilderness, and every excursion affording new views of the beautiful solitudes, he used to affirm afterwards that this period was among the happiest in his life; that during it, care and melancholy, and a painful sense of loneliness, were alike unknown to him. we must not, however, suppose that the lonely hunter was capable only of feeling the stern and sullen pleasures of the savage. on the contrary, he was a man of the kindliest nature, and of the tenderest affections. we have read of verses, in solid columns, said to have been made by him. we would be sorry to believe him the author of these verses, for they would redound little to his honor as a poet. but, though we believe he did not attempt to make bad verses, the woodsman was essentially a poet. he loved nature in all her aspects of beauty and grandeur with the intensest admiration. he never wearied of admiring the charming natural landscapes spread before him; and, to his latest days, his spirit in old age seemed to revive in the season of spring, and when he visited the fires of the sugar camps, blazing in the open maple groves. [illustration] chapter v. boone is pursued by the indians, and eludes their pursuit--he encounters and kills a bear--the return of his brother with ammunition--they explore the country--boone kills a panther on the back of a buffalo--they return to north carolina. boone's brother had departed on the first of may. during the period of his absence, which lasted until the twenty-second of july, he considered himself the only white person west of the mountains. it is true, some time in this year, ( ,) probably in the latter part of it, an exploring party led by general james knox, crossed the alleghany mountains. but this exploring expedition confined its discoveries principally to the country south and west of the river kentucky. this exploration was desultory, and without much result. boone never met with them, or knew that they were in the country. consequently, in regard to his own estimation, he was as completely alone in this unexplored world, as though they had not been there. he never allowed himself to neglect his caution in respect to the numerous savages spread over the country. he knew that he was exposed every moment to the danger of falling into their hands. the fate of stewart had served as a warning to him. it is wonderful that he should have been able to traverse such an extent of country as he did, and live in it so many months, and yet evade them. it required no little ingenuity and self-possession to take such measures as insured this good fortune. about mid-day, near the close of the month of june, he paused in one of his excursions for a short time under the shade of a tree. as he looked cautiously around him, he perceived four indians advancing openly towards him, but at a considerable distance, and apparently without having yet seen him. he did not delay to recommence his course through the woods, hoping by short turns, and concealing himself among the hills, to prevent an encounter with them, as the chance of four to one was too great an odds against him. he advanced in this way one or two miles; but as he cast a glance behind, he saw, with pain, that they sedulously followed in his trail at nearly their first distance, showing the same perseverance and sagacity of pursuit with which a hound follows a deer. when he first perceived them, he was in such a position that he could see them, and yet remain himself unseen. he was convinced that they had not discovered his person, although so closely pursued by them. but how to throw them off his trail, he was at a loss to conjecture. he adopted a number of expedients in succession, but saw the indians still on the track behind. suddenly a method occurred to his imagination, which finally proved successful. large grape vines swung from the trees in all directions around him. hastening onward at a more rapid pace, until he passed a hill that would serve to conceal him for a few moments, he seized a vine sufficiently strong to support his weight; and disengaging it from the roots, climbed it a few feet, by bracing against the tree to which it was attached. when he had attained the necessary height, he gave himself so strong an impulse from the tree, that he reached the ground some yards from the spot where he left it. by this expedient he broke his trail. resuming his route in a course at right angles from that he had previously followed, as fast as possible, he finally succeeded in entirely distancing his pursuers, and leaving them at fault in pursuing his trail. boone soon after this met with a second adventure in which he actually encountered a foe scarcely less formidable than the savage. rendered doubly watchful by his late escape, none of the forest sounds escaped his notice. hearing the approach of what he judged to be a large animal by the noise of its movement through the cane, he held his rifle ready for instant use, and drew from its sheath a long and sharp knife, which he always wore in his belt. he determined to try the efficacy of his rifle first. as the animal came in sight it proved to be a she bear. they are exceedingly ferocious at all times, and their attack is dangerous and often fatal; but particularly so, when they are surrounded by their cubs, as was the case in this instance. as soon as the animal perceived him it gave indications of an intention to make battle. boone levelled his rifle, and remained quiet, until the bear was sufficiently near to enable him to shoot with effect. in general his aim was sure; but this time the ball not reach the point at which he had aimed; and the wound it inflicted only served to render the animal mad with rage and pain. it was impossible for him to reload and discharge his gun a second time before it would reach him; and yet he did not relish the idea of grappling with it in close fight. his knife was the resource to which he instantly turned. he held it in his right hand in such a position that the bear could not reach his person without receiving its point. his rifle, held in his left hand, served as a kind of shield. thus prepared, he awaited the onset of the formidable animal. when within a foot of him, it reared itself erect to grasp him with its huge paws. in this position it pressed upon the knife until the whole blade was buried in its body. boone had pointed it directly to the heart of the animal. it fell harmless to the ground. [illustration] the time fixed for the return of his brother was drawing near. extreme solicitude respecting him now disturbed the hitherto even tenor of his life. he remained most of his time in his cabin, hunting no more than was necessary for subsistence, and then in the direction in which his brother would be likely to approach. it was not doubt of his brother's compliance with his promise of return, that disturbed the woodsman--such a feeling never even entered his mind. he was confident he would prove faithful to the trust reposed in him; but the difficulties and dangers of the way were so great for a solitary individual upon the route before him, that boone feared he might fall a victim to them, notwithstanding the utmost exertion of self-possession and fortitude. day after day passed, after the extreme limit of the period fixed by the elder boone for his return, and still he came not. it may be imagined that boone had need of all the firmness and philosophy of character, with which he was so largely endowed by nature, to sustain him under the pressure of anxiety for the safety of his brother, and to hear through him from his family. he suffered, too, from the conviction that he must soon starve in the wilderness himself, as his ammunition was almost gone. he could not hope to see his family again, unless his brother or some other person furnished him the means of obtaining food on his way to rejoin them. his rifle--his dependence for subsistence and defence--would soon become entirely useless. what to others would have been real dangers and trials--a solitary life in the wilderness, exposure to the attacks of the savages and wild beasts--were regarded by him as nothing; but here he saw himself driven to the last extremity, and without resource. these meditations, although they made him thoughtful, did not dispirit him. his spirit was unconquerable. he was sitting one evening, near sunset, at the door of his cabin, indulging in reflections naturally arising from his position. his attention was withdrawn by a sound as of something approaching through the forest. looking up, he saw nothing, but he arose, and stood prepared for defence. he could now distinguish the sound as of horses advancing directly towards the cabin. a moment afterwards he saw, through the trees, his brother mounted on one horse, and leading another heavily laden. it would be useless to attempt to describe his sensations at this sight. every one will feel instantly, how it must have operated upon all the sources of joy. more unmixed happiness is seldom enjoyed on the earth, than that, in which the brothers spent this evening. his brother brought him good news of the health and welfare of his family, and of the affectionate remembrance in which he was held by them; and an abundant supply of ammunition, beside many other articles, that in his situation, might be deemed luxuries. the brothers talked over their supper, and until late at night, for they had much to relate to each other, and both had been debarred the pleasure of conversation so long that it now seemed as though they could never weary of it. the sun was high when they awoke the following morning. after breakfast, they held a consultation with respect to what was next to be done. from observation, boone was satisfied that numbers of indians, in small parties, were then in the neighborhood. he knew it was idle to suppose that two men, however brave and skilful in the use of their weapons, could survive long in opposition to them. he felt the impolicy of wasting more time in roaming over the country for the mere purpose of hunting. he proposed to his brother that they should immediately set themselves seriously about selecting the most eligible spot on which permanently to fix his family. this done, they would return together to north carolina to bring them out to the new country. he did not doubt, that he could induce a sufficient number to accompany him, to render a residence in it comparatively safe. that they might accomplish this purpose with as little delay as possible, they proceeded the remainder of the day to hunt, and prepare food sufficient for some time. the following day they completed the necessary arrangement, and settled every thing for departure on the next morning. they directed their course to cumberland river. in common with all explorers of unknown countries, they gave names to the streams which they crossed. after reaching cumberland river, they traversed the region upon its banks in all directions for some days. thence they took a more northern route, which led them to kentucky river. the country around the latter river delighted them. its soil and position were such as they sought; and they determined, that here should be the location of the new settlement. having acquainted themselves, as far as they deemed necessary, with the character of the region to be revisited, their returning journey was recommenced. no incidents, but such as had marked all the period of their journeyings in the wilderness, the occasional encounter of indians by day and the cries of wild beasts by night had happened to them, during their last exploration. upon the second day of their advance in the direction of their home, they heard the approach of a drove of buffaloes. the brothers remarked, that from the noise there must be an immense number, or some uncommon confusion among them. as the buffaloes came in view, the woodsmen saw the explanation of the unusual uproar in a moment. the herd were in a perfect fury, stamping the ground and tearing it up, and rushing back and forward upon one another in all directions. a panther had seated himself upon the back of one of the largest buffaloes, and fastened his claws and teeth into the flesh of the animal, wherever he could reach it, until the blood ran down on all sides. the movements of a powerful animal, under such suffering, may be imagined. but plunging, rearing, and running were to no purpose. the panther retained its seat, and continued its horrid work. the buffalo, in its agony, sought relief in the midst of its companions, but instead of obtaining it, communicated its fury to the drove. the travellers did not care to approach the buffaloes too closely; but boone, picking the flint of his rifle, and looking carefully at the loading, took aim at the panther, determined to displace the monster from its seat. it happened, that the buffalo continued a moment in a position to allow the discharge to take effect. the panther released its hold, and came to the ground. as generally happens in such cases, this herd was followed by a band of wolves. they prowl around for the remains usually found in the train of such numbers of animals. another rifle was discharged among them, for the sport of seeing them scatter through the woods. [illustration] the brothers left such traces--or blazes as they are technically called--of their course, as they thought would enable them to find it again, until they reached the foot of the mountains. they tried various ascents, and finally discovered a route, which, with some labor might be rendered tolerably easy. they proposed to cross the families here, and blazed the path in a way that could not be mistaken. this important point settled, they hastened to the settlement, which they reached without accident. chapter vi. boone starts with his family to kentucky--their return to clinch river--he conducts a party of surveyors to the falls of ohio--he helps build boonesborough, and removes his family to the fort--his daughter and two of col. calloway's daughters taken prisoners by the indians--they pursue the indians and rescue the captives. the next step was to collect a sufficient number of emigrants who would be willing to remove to the new country with the families of the boones, to give the settlements security and strength to resist the attacks of the indians. this was not an easy task. it may be readily imagined that the boones saw only the bright side of the contemplated expedition. they painted the fertility and amenity of the flowering wilderness in the most glowing colors. they described the cane-brakes, the clover and grass, the transparent limestone springs and brooks, the open forests, the sugar maple orchards, the buffaloes, deer, turkeys and wild fowls, in all the fervid colors of their own imaginations. to them it was the paradise of the first pair, whose inhabitants had only to put forth their hands, and eat and enjoy. the depredations, captivities, and scalpings, of the indians; the howling of the wolves; the diseases, and peculiar trials and difficulties of a new country, without houses, mills, and the most indispensable necessaries of civilized life, were all overlooked. but in such a case, in a compact settlement like that of the yadkin, there are never wanting gainsayers, opposers, gossips, who envied the boones. these caused those disposed to the enterprise to hear the other part, and to contemplate the other side of the picture. they put stories in circulation as eloquent as those of the boones, which told of all the scalpings, captivities, and murders of the indians, magnified in a tenfold proportion. with them, the savages were like the ogres and bloody giants of nursery stories. they had pleasant tales of horn-snakes, of such deadly malignity, that the thorn in their tails, struck into the largest tree in full verdure, instantly blasted it. they scented in the air of the country, deadly diseases, and to them, boone's paradise was a _hinnom, the valley of the shadow of death_. the minds of the half resolved, half doubting persons, that meditated emigration, vibrated alternately backwards and forwards, inclined or disinclined to it, according to the last view of the case presented to them. but the natural love of adventure, curiosity, fondness for the hunting life, dissatisfaction with the incessant labor necessary for subsistence on their present comparatively sterile soil, joined to the confident eloquence of the boones, prevailed on four or five families to join them in the expedition. all the necessary arrangements of preparing for this distant expedition, of making sales and purchases, had occupied nearly two years. the expedition commenced its march on the th of september, . they all set forth with confident spirits for the western wilderness, and were joined by forty persons in powell's valley, a settlement in advance of that on the yadkin, towards the western country. the whole made a cavalcade of nearly eighty persons. the three principal ranges of the alleghany, over which they must pass, were designated as powell's, walden's, and cumberland. these mountains forming the barrier between the old settlements and the new country, stretch from the north-east to the south-west. they are of great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. there are nature-formed passes over them, which render the ascent comparatively easy. the aspect of these huge piles was so wild and rugged, as to make it natural for those of the party who were unaccustomed to mountains, to express fears of being able to reach the opposite side. the course traced by the brothers on their return to carolina, was found and followed. the advantage of this forethought was strongly perceived by all. their progress was uninterrupted by any adverse circumstance, and every one was in high spirits, until the west side of walden's ridge, the most elevated of the three, had been gained. they were now destined to experience a most appalling reverse of fortune. on the tenth of october, as the party were advancing along a narrow defile, unapprehensive of danger, they were suddenly terrified by fearful yells. instantly aware that indians surrounded them, the men sprang to the defence of the helpless women and children. but the attack had been so sudden, and the indians were so much superior in point of numbers, that six men fell at the first onset of the savages. a seventh was wounded, and the party would have been overpowered, but for a general and effective discharge of the rifles of the remainder. the indians, terror-struck, took to flight, and disappeared. had the numbers of the travellers allowed it, they felt no inclination to pursue the retreating indians. their loss had been too serious to permit the immediate gratification of revenge. the eldest son of daniel boone was found among the slain. the domestic animals accompanying the expedition were so scattered by the noise of the affray, that it was impossible again to collect and recover them. the distress and discouragement of the party were so great, as to produce an immediate determination to drop the projected attempt of a settlement in kentucky, and return to clinch river, which lay forty miles in their rear, where a number of families had already fixed themselves. they then proceeded to perform the last melancholy duties to the bodies of their unfortunate companions with all decent observances which circumstances would allow. their return was then commenced. boone and his brother, with some others, did not wish to forsake the undertaking upon which they had set out; but the majority against them was so great, and the feeling on the subject so strong, that they were compelled to acquiesce. the party retraced, in deep sadness, the steps they had so lately taken in cheerfulness, and even joy. daniel boone remained with his family on clinch river, until june, ; when he was requested by the governor of virginia to go to the falls of ohio, to act as a guide to a party of surveyors. the manifestations of hostility, on the part of the indians, were such, that their longer stay was deemed unsafe. boone undertook to perform this service, and set out upon this journey, with no other companion than a man by the name of stoner. they reached the point of destination, now louisville, in a surprisingly short period, without any accident. under his guidance the surveyors arrived at the settlements in safety. from the time that boone left his home, upon this enterprise, until he returned to it, was but sixty-two days. during this period he travelled eight hundred miles on foot, through a country entirely destitute of human habitations, save the camps of the indians. in the latter part of this year, the disturbances between the indians north-west of the ohio, and the frontier settlers, grew to open hostilities. daniel boone being in virginia, the governor appointed him to the command of three contiguous garrisons on the frontier, with the commission of captain. the campaign of the year terminated in a battle, after which the militia were disbanded. boone was consequently relieved from duty. col. henderson, of north carolina, had been for some time engaged in forming a company in that state, for the purpose of purchasing the lands on the south side of the kentucky, from the southern indians. the plan was now matured, and boone was solicited by the company to attend the treaty to be made between them and the indians, at wataga, in march, , to settle the terms of the negociation. the requisite information, in respect to the proposed purchase, was given him, and he acceded to the request. at the appointed time, he attended and successfully performed the service intrusted to him. soon afterwards the same company applied to him to lay out a road between the settlements on holston river and kentucky river. no little knowledge of the country, and judgment were requisite for the proper fulfilment of this service. a great many different routes must be examined, before the most practicable one could be fixed upon. the duty was, however, executed by boone, promptly and faithfully. the labor was great, owing to the rugged and mountainous country, through which the route led. the laborers, too, suffered from the repeated attacks of indians. four of them were killed, and five wounded. the remainder completed this work, by reaching kentucky river, in april, of the same year. they immediately proceeded to erect a fort near a salt spring, where boonesborough now stands. the party, enfeebled by its losses, did not complete the erection of the fort until june. the indians troubled them exceedingly, and killed one man. the fort consisted of a block-house, and several cabins, surrounded by palisades. the fort being finished, boone returned to his family, and soon after removed them to this first garrison of kentucky. the purpose on which his heart had so long been set, was now accomplished. his wife and daughters were the first white women that ever stood on the banks of kentucky river. in our zeal to blazon our subject, it is not affirmed, that boone was absolutely the first discoverer and explorer of kentucky, for he was not. but the high meed of being the first actual settler and cultivator of the soil, cannot be denied him. it was the pleasant season of the close of summer and commencement of autumn, when the immigrants would see their new residence in the best light. many of its actual inconveniences were withheld from observation, as the mildness of the air precluded the necessity of tight dwellings. arrangements were made for cultivating a field in the coming spring. the indians, although far from friendly, did not attempt any immediate assault upon their new neighbors, and the first events of the settlement were decidedly fortunate. the game in the woods was an unfailing resource for food. the supplies brought from their former homes by the immigrants were not yet exhausted, and things went on in their usual train, with the added advantage, that over all, in their new home, was spread the charm of novelty. winter came and passed with as little discomfort to the inmates of the garrison as could be expected from the circumstances of their position. the cabins were thoroughly daubed, and fuel was of course abundant. it is true, those who felled the trees were compelled to be constantly on their guard, lest a red man should take aim at them from the shelter of some one of the forest hiding places. but they were fitted for this way of getting along by their training, natures, and predilections. there was no want of excitement during the day, or even night--nothing of the wearying monotony to which a life of safe and regular occupation is subject. spring opened. the trees were girdled, and the brush cut down and burned, preparatory to ploughing the field. a garden spot was marked off, the virgin earth thrown up and softened, and then given in charge to the wives and daughters of the establishment. they brought out their stock of seeds, gathered in the old settlements, and every bright day saw them engaged in the light and healthful occupation of planting them. they were protected by the vicinity of their husbands and fathers, and in turn cheered them in their severer labors. the indians had forborne any attacks upon the settlers so long, that, as is naturally the case, they had ceased in a degree to dwell upon the danger always to be apprehended from them. the men did not fail to take their rifles and knives with them whenever they went abroad; but the women ventured occasionally a short distance without the palisades during the day, never, however, losing sight of the fort. this temerity was destined to cost them dear. colonel calloway, the intimate friend of boone, had joined him in the course of the spring, at the fort, which had received, by the consent of all, the name of boonesborough. he had two daughters. captain boone had a daughter also, and the three were companions; and, if we may take the portraits of the rustic time, patterns of youthful bloom and loveliness. it cannot be doubted that they were inexpressibly dear to their parents. these girls, at the close of a beautiful summer day, the th of july, were tempted imprudently to wander into the woods at no great distance from their habitations, to gather flowers with which to adorn their rustic fire-places. they were suddenly surrounded by half a dozen indians. their shrieks and efforts to flee were alike unavailing. they were dragged rapidly beyond the power of making themselves heard. as soon as they were deemed to be beyond the danger of rescue, they were treated with the utmost indulgence and decorum. this forbearance, of a race that we are accustomed to call savages, was by no means accidental, or peculiar to this case. while in battle, they are unsparing and unrelenting as tigers--while, after the fury of its excitement is past, they will exult with frantic and demoniac joy in the cries of their victims expiring at a slow fire--while they dash the tomahawk with merciless indifference into the cloven skulls of mothers and infants, they are universally seen to treat captive women with a decorous forbearance. this strange trait, so little in keeping with other parts of their character, has been attributed by some to their want of the sensibilities and passions of our race. the true solution is, the force of their habits. honor, as they estimate it, is, with them, the most sacred and inviolable of all laws. the decorum of forbearance towards women in their power has been incorporated with their code as the peculiar honor of a warrior. it is usually kept sacred and inviolate. instances are not wanting where they have shown themselves the most ardent lovers of their captives, and, we may add, most successful in gaining their voluntary affection in return. enough such examples are recorded, were other proofs wanting, to redeem their forbearance from the negative character resulting from the want of passions. the captors of these young ladies, having reached the main body of their people, about a dozen in number, made all the provision in their power for the comfort of their fair captives. they served them with their best provisions, and by signs and looks that could not be mistaken, attempted to soothe their agonies, and quiet their apprehensions and fears. the parents at the garrison, having waited in vain for the return of their gay and beloved daughters to prepare their supper, and in torments of suspense that may easily be imagined, until the evening, became aware that they were either lost or made captives. they sallied forth in search of them, and scoured the woods in every direction, without discovering a trace of them. they were then but too well convinced that they had been taken by the indians. captain boone and colonel calloway, the agonizing parents of the lost ones, appealed to the company to obtain volunteers to pursue the indians, under an oath, if they found the captors, either to retake their daughters, or die in the attempt. the oath of boone on this occasion is recorded: "by the eternal power that made me a father, if my daughter lives, and is found, i will either bring her back, or spill my life blood." the oath was no sooner uttered than every individual of the males crowded round boone to repeat it. but he reminded them that a part of their number must remain to defend the station. seven select persons only were admitted to the oath, along with the fathers of the captives. the only difficulty was in making the selection. supplying themselves with knapsacks, rifles, ammunition, and provisions, the party set forth on the pursuit. hitherto they had been unable to find the trail of the captors. happily they fell upon it by accident. but the indians, according to their custom, had taken so much precaution to hide their trail, that they found themselves exceedingly perplexed to keep it, and they were obliged to put forth all the acquirement and instinct of woodsmen not to find themselves every moment at fault in regard to their course. the rear indians of the file had covered their foot prints with leaves. they often turned off at right angles; and whenever they came to a branch, walked in the water for some distance. at a place of this sort, the pursuers were for some time wholly unable to find at what point the indians had left the branch, and began to despair of regaining their trail. in this extreme perplexity, one of the company was attracted by an indication of their course, which proved that the daughters shared the sylvan sagacity of their parents. "god bless my dear child," exclaimed colonel calloway; "she has proved that she had strength of mind in her deplorable condition to retain self possession." at the same instant he picked up a little piece of ribbon, which he instantly recognized as his daughter's. she had evidently committed it unobserved to the air, to indicate the course of her captors. the trail was soon regained, and the company resumed their march with renewed alacrity. they were afterwards often at a loss to keep the trail, from the extreme care of the indians to cover and destroy it. but still, in their perplexity, the sagacious expedient of the fair young captives put them right. a shred of their handkerchief, or of some part of their dress, which they had intrusted to the wind unobserved, indicated their course, and that the captives were thus far not only alive, but that their reasoning powers, unsubdued by fatigue, were active and buoyant. next day, in passing places covered with mud, deposited by the dry branches on the way, the foot prints of the captives were distinctly traced, until the pursuers had learned to discriminate not only the number, but the peculiar form of each foot print. late in the evening of the fifteenth day's pursuit, from a little eminence, they discovered in the distance before them, through the woods, a smoke and the light of a fire. the palpitation of their parental hearts may be easily imagined. they could not doubt that it was the camp of the captors of their children. the plan of recapture was intrusted entirely to boone. he led his company as near the enemy as he deemed might be done with safety, and selecting a position under the shelter of a hill, ordered them to halt, with a view to passing the night in that place. they then silently took food as the agitation of their minds would allow. all but calloway, another selected person of their number, and himself, were permitted to lie down, and get that sleep of which they had been so long deprived. the three impatiently waited for midnight, when the sleep of the indians would be most likely to be profound. they stationed the third person selected, on the top of the eminence, behind which they were encamped, as a sentinel to await a given signal from the fathers, which should be his indication to fly to the camp and arouse the sleepers, and bring them to their aid. then falling prostrate, they crept cautiously, and as it were by inches, towards the indian camp. having reached a covert of bushes, close by the indian camp, and examined as well as they could by the distant light of the camp-fires, the order of their rifles, they began to push aside the bushes, and survey the camp through the opening. seventeen indians were stretched, apparently in sound sleep, on the ground. but they looked in vain among them for the dear objects of their pursuit. they were not long in discovering another camp a little remote from that of the indians. they crawled cautiously round to take a survey of it. here, to their inexpressible joy, were their daughters in each others arms. directly in front of their camp were two indians, with their tomahawks and other weapons within their grasp. the one appeared to be in a sound sleep, and the other keeping the most circumspective vigils. the grand object now was to get possession of the prisoners without arousing their captors, the consequence of which it was obvious, would be the immediate destruction of the captives. boone made a signal to calloway to take a sure aim at the sleeping indian, so as to be able to despatch him in a moment, if the emergency rendered that expedient necessary. boone, the while, crawled round, so as to reach the waking indian from behind; intending to spring upon him and strangle him, so as to prevent his making a noise to awaken the sleeper. but, unfortunately, this indian instead of being asleep was wide awake, and on a careful look out. the shadow of boone coming on them from behind, aroused him. he sprang erect, and uttered a yell that made the ancient woods ring, leaving no doubt that the other camp would be instantly alarmed. the captives, terrified by the war yell of their sentinels, added their screams of apprehension, and every thing was in a moment in confusion. the first movement of boone was to fire. but the forbearance of calloway, and his own more prudent second thought, restrained him. it was hard to forego such a chance for vengeance, but their own lives and their children's would probably pay the forfeit, and they fired not. on the contrary, they surrendered themselves to the indians, who rushed furiously in a mass around them. by significant gestures, and a few indian words, which they had learned, they implored the lives of their captive children, and opportunity for a parley. seeing them in their power, and comprehending the language of defenceless suppliants, their fury was at length with some difficulty restrained and appeased. they seemed evidently under the influence of a feeling of compassion towards the daughters, to which unquestionably the adventurous fathers were indebted, that their lives were not instantly sacrificed. binding them firmly with cords, and surrounding them with sentinels, the indians retired to their camp, not to resume their sleep, but to hold a council to settle the fate of their new prisoners. what were the thoughts of the captive children, or of the disinterested and brave parents, as they found themselves bound, and once more in the power of their enemies--what was the bitter disappointment of the one, and the agonizing filial apprehension of the other--may be much more readily imagined than described. but the light of the dawn enabled the daughters to see, in the countenances of their fathers, as they lay bound and surrounded by fierce savages, unextinguishable firmness, and undaunted resolution, and a consciousness of noble motives; and they imbibed from the view something of the magnanimity of their parents, and assumed that demeanor of composure and resolute endurance which is always the readiest expedient to gain all the respect and forbearance that an indian can grant. it would be difficult to fancy a state of more torturing suspense than that endured by the companions of boone and calloway, who had been left behind the hill. though they had slept little since the commencement of the expedition, and had been encouraged by the two fathers, their leaders to sleep that night, the emergency was too exciting to admit of sleep. often, during the night, had they aroused themselves, in expectation of the return of the fathers, or of a signal for action. but the night wore away, and the morning dawned, without bringing either the one or the other. but notwithstanding this distressing state of suspense, they had a confidence too undoubting in the firmness and prudence of their leader, to think of approaching the indian camp until they should receive the appointed signal. it would naturally be supposed that the deliberation of the indian council, which had been held to settle the fate of boone and calloway, would end in sentencing them to run the gauntlet, and then amidst the brutal laughter and derision of their captors, to be burnt to death at a slow fire. had the prisoners betrayed the least signs of fear, the least indications of a subdued mind, such would in all probability have been the issue of the indian consultation. such, however, was not the result of the council. it was decreed that they should be killed with as little noise as possible; their scalps taken as trophies, and that their daughters should remain captives as before. the lenity of this sentence may be traced to two causes. the daring hardihood, the fearless intrepidity of the adventure, inspired them with unqualified admiration for their captives. innumerable instances have since been recorded, where the most inveterate enemies have boldly ventured into the camp of their enemy, have put themselves in their power, defied them to their face and have created an admiration of their fearless daring, which has caused that they have been spared and dismissed unmolested. this sort of feeling had its influence on the present occasion in favor of the prisoners. another extenuating influence was, that hostilities between the white and red men in the west had as yet been uncommon; and the mutual fury had not been exasperated by murder and retaliation. as soon as it was clear morning light, the indian camp was in motion. as a business preliminary to their march, boone and calloway were led out and bound to a tree, and the warriors were selected who were to despatch them with their tomahawks. the place of their execution was selected at such a distance from their camp, as that the daughters might not be able to witness it. the two prisoners were already at the spot, awaiting the fatal blow, when a discharge of rifles, cutting down two of the savages at the first shot, arrested their proceedings. another and another discharge followed. the indians were as yet partially supplied with fire arms, and had not lost any of their original dread of the effects of this artificial thunder, and the invisible death of the balls. they were ignorant, moreover, of the number of their assailants, and naturally apprehended it to be greater than it was. they raised a yell of confusion, and dispersed in every direction, leaving their dead behind, and the captives to their deliverers. the next moment the children were in the arms of their parents; and the whole party, in the unutterable joy of conquest and deliverance, were on their way homewards. [illustration] it need hardly be added that the brave associates of the expedition who had been left in camp, having waited the signal for the return of boone and calloway, until their patience and forbearance was exhausted, aware that something serious must have prevented their return, reconnoitered the movement of the indians as they moved from their camp to despatch their two prisoners, and fired upon them at the moment they were about to put their sentence into execution. about this time a new element began to exasperate and extend the ravages of indian warfare, along the whole line of the frontier settlements. the war of independence had already begun to rage. the influence and resources of great britain extended along the immense chain of our frontier, from the north-eastern part of vermont and new york, all the way to the mississippi. nor did this nation, to her everlasting infamy, hesitate to engage these infuriate allies of the wilderness, whose known rule of warfare was indiscriminate vengeance; without reference to the age or sex of the foe, as auxiliaries in the war. as this biographical sketch of the life of boone is inseparably interwoven with this border scene of massacres, plunderings, burnings, and captivities, which swept the incipient northern and western settlements with desolation, it may not be amiss to take a brief retrospect of the state of these settlements at this conjuncture in the life of boone. chapter vii. settlement of harrodsburgh--indian mode of besieging and warfare--fortitude and privation of the pioneers--the indians attack harrodsburgh and boonesborough--description of a station--attack of bryant's station. a road sufficient for the passage of pack horses in single file, had been opened from the settlements already commenced on holston river to boonesborough in kentucky. it was an avenue which soon brought other adventurers, with their families to the settlement. on the northern frontier of the country, the broad and unbroken bosom of the ohio opened an easy liquid highway of access to the country. the first spots selected as landing places and points of ingress into the country, were limestone--now maysville--at the mouth of limestone creek, and beargrass creek, where louisville now stands. boonesborough and harrodsburgh were the only stations in kentucky sufficiently strong to be safe from the incursions of the indians; and even these places afforded no security a foot beyond the palisades. these two places were the central points towards which emigrants directed their course from limestone and louisville. the routes from these two places were often ambushed by the indians. but notwithstanding the danger of approach to the new country, and the incessant exposure during the residence there, immigrants continued to arrive at the stations. the first female white settlers of harrodsburgh, were mrs. denton, mcgary, and hogan, who came with their husbands and families. a number of other families soon followed, among whom, in , came benjamin logan, with his wife and family. these were all families of respectability and standing, and noted in the subsequent history of the country. hordes of savages were soon afterwards ascertained to have crossed the ohio, with the purpose to extirpate these germs of social establishments in kentucky. according to their usual mode of warfare, they separated into numerous detachments, and dispersed in all directions through the forests. this gave them the aspect of numbers and strength beyond reality. it tended to increase the apprehensions of the recent immigrants, inspiring the natural impressions, that the woods in all directions were full of indians. it enabled them to fight in detail,--to assail different settlements at the same time, and to fill the whole country with consternation. their mode of besieging these places, though not at all conformable to the notions of a siege derived from the tactics of a civilized people, was dictated by the most profound practical observation, operating upon existing circumstances. without cannon or scaling ladders, their hope of carrying a station, or fortified place, was founded upon starving the inmates, cutting off their supplies of water, killing them, as they exposed themselves, in detail, or getting possession of the station by some of the arts of dissimulation. caution in their tactics is still more strongly inculcated than bravery. their first object is to secure themselves; their next, to kill their enemy. this is the universal indian maxim from nova zembla to cape horn. in besieging a place, they are seldom seen in force upon any particular quarter. acting in small parties, they disperse themselves, and lie concealed among bushes or weeds, behind trees or stumps. they ambush the paths to the barn, spring, or field. they discharge their rifle or let fly their arrow, and glide away without being seen, content that their revenge should issue from an invisible source. they kill the cattle, watch the watering places, and cut off all supplies. during the night, they creep, with the inaudible and stealthy step dictated by the animal instinct, to a concealed position near one of the gates, and patiently pass many sleepless nights, so that they may finally cut off some ill-fated person, who incautiously comes forth in the morning. during the day, if there be near the station grass, weeds, bushes, or any distinct elevation of the soil, however small, they crawl, as prone as reptiles, to the place of concealment, and whoever exposes the smallest part of his body through any part or chasm, receives their shot, behind the smoke of which they instantly cower back to their retreat. when they find their foe abroad, they boldly rush upon him, and make him prisoner, or take his scalp. at times they approach the walls or palisades with the most audacious daring, and attempt to fire them, or beat down the gate. they practice, with the utmost adroitness, the stratagem of a false alarm on one side when the real assault is intended for the other. with untiring perseverance, when their stock of provisions is exhausted, they set forth to hunt, as on common occasions, resuming their station near the besieged place as soon as they are supplied. it must he confessed, that they had many motives to this persevering and deadly hostility, apart from their natural propensity to war. they saw this new and hated race of pale faces gradually getting possession of their hunting grounds, and cutting down their forests. they reasoned forcibly and justly, that the time, when to oppose these new intruders with success, was to do it before they had become numerous and strong in diffused population and resources. had they possessed the skill of corporate union, combining individual effort with a general concert of attack, and directed their united force against each settlement in succession, there is little doubt, that at this time they might have extirpated the new inhabitants from kentucky, and have restored it to the empire of the wild beasts and the red men. but in the order of events it was otherwise arranged. they massacred, they burnt, and plundered, and destroyed. they killed cattle, and carried off the horses;--inflicting terror, poverty, and every species of distress; but were not able to make themselves absolute masters of a single station. it has been found by experiment, that the settlers in such predicaments of danger and apprehension, act under a most spirit-stirring excitement, which, notwithstanding its alarms, is not without its pleasures. they acquired fortitude, dexterity, and that kind of courage which results from becoming familiar with exposure. the settlements becoming extended, the indians, in their turn, were obliged to put themselves on the defensive. they cowered in the distant woods for concealment, or resorted to them for hunting. in these intervals, the settlers, who had acquired a kind of instinctive intuition to know when their foe was near them, or had retired to remoter forests, went forth to plough their corn, gather in their harvests, collect their cattle, and pursue their agricultural operations. these were their holyday seasons for hunting, during which they often exchanged shots with their foe. the night, as being most secure from indian attack, was the common season selected for journeying from garrison to garrison. we, who live in the midst of scenes of abundance and tranquillity can hardly imagine how a country could fill with inhabitants, under so many circumstances of terror, in addition to all the hardships incident to the commencement of new establishments in the wilderness; such as want of society, want of all the regular modes of supply, in regard to the articles most indispensable in every stage of the civilized condition. there were no mills, no stores, no regular supplies of clothing, salt, sugar, and the luxuries of tea and coffee. but all these dangers and difficulties notwithstanding, under the influence of an inexplicable propensity, families in the old settlements used to comfort and abundance, were constantly arriving to encounter all these dangers and privations. they began to spread over the extensive and fertile country in every direction--presenting such numerous and dispersed marks to indian hostility, red men became perplexed, amidst so many conflicting temptations to vengeance, which to select. the year was memorable in the annals of kentucky, as that in which general george rogers clark first visited it, unconscious, it may be, of the imperishable honors which the western country would one day reserve for him. this same year captain wagin arrived in the country, and _fixed_ in a solitary cabin on hinkston's fork of the licking. in the autumn of this year, most of the recent immigrants to kentucky returned to the old settlements, principally in virginia. they carried with them strong representations, touching the fertility and advantages of their new residence; and communicated the impulse of their hopes and fears extensively among their fellow-citizens by sympathy. the importance of the new settlement was already deemed to be such, that on the meeting of the legislature of virginia, the governor recommended that the south-western part of the county of fincastle--so this vast tract of country west of the alleghanies had hitherto been considered--should be erected into a separate county by the name of kentucky. this must be considered an important era in the history of the country. the new county became entitled to two representatives in the legislature of virginia, to a court and judge; in a word, to all the customary civil, military, and judicial officers of a new county. in the year , the county was duly organized, according to the act of the virginia legislature. among the names of the first officers in the new county, we recognize those of floyd, bowman, logan, and todd. harrodsburgh, the strongest and most populous station in the country, had not hitherto been assailed by the indians. early in the spring of , they attacked a small body of improvers marching to harrodsburgh, about four miles from that place. mr. kay, afterwards general kay, and his brother were of the party. the latter was killed, and another man made prisoner. the fortunate escape of james kay, then fifteen years old, was the probable cause of the saving of harrodsburgh from destruction. flying from the scene of attack and the death of his brother, he reached the station and gave the inhabitants information, that a large body of indians was marching to attack the place. the indians themselves, aware that the inhabitants had been premonished of their approach, seem to have been disheartened; for they did not reach the station till the next day. of course, it had been put in the best possible state of defence, and prepared for their reception. the town was now invested by the savage force, and something like a regular siege commenced. a brisk firing ensued. in the course of the day the indians left one of their dead to fall into the hands of the besieged--a rare occurrence, as it is one of their most invariable customs to remove their wounded and dead from the possession of the enemy. the besieged had four men wounded and one of them mortally. the indians, unacquainted with the mode of conducting a siege, and little accustomed to open and fair fight, and dispirited by the vigorous reception given them by the station, soon decamped, and dispersed in the forests to supply themselves with provisions by hunting. on the th of april, , a body of one hundred savages invested boonesborough, the residence of daniel boone. the greater number of the indians had fire arms, though some of them were still armed with bows and arrows. this station, having its defence conducted by such a gallant leader, gave them such a warm reception that they were glad to draw off; though not till they had killed one and wounded four of the inhabitants. their loss could not be ascertained, as they carefully removed their dead and wounded. in july following, the residence of boone was again besieged by a body of indians, whose number was increased to two hundred. with their numbers, their hardihood and audacity were increased in proportion. to prevent the neighboring stations from sending assistance, detachments from their body assailed most of the adjacent settlements at the same time. the gallant inmates of the station made them repent their temerity, though, as formerly, with some loss; one of their number having been killed and two wounded. seven of the indians were distinctly counted from the fort among the slain; though, according to custom, the bodies were removed. after a close siege, and almost constant firing during two days, the indians raised a yell of disappointment, and disappeared in the forests. in order to present distinct views of the sort of enemy, with whom boone had to do, and to present pictures of the aspect of indian warfare in those times, we might give sketches of the repeated sieges of harrodsburgh and boonesborough, against which--as deemed the strong holds of the _long-knife,_ as they called the americans--their most formidable and repeated efforts were directed. there is such a sad and dreary uniformity in these narratives, that the history of one may almost stand for that of all. they always present more or less killed and wounded on the part of the stations, and a still greater number on that of the indians. their attacks of stations having been uniformly unsuccessful, they returned to their original modes of warfare, dispersing themselves in small bodies over all the country, and attacking individual settlers in insulated cabins, and destroying women and children. but as most of these annals belong to the general history of kentucky, and do not particularly tend to develop the character of the subject of this biography, we shall pretermit them, with a single exception. at the expense of an anachronism, and as a fair sample of the rest, we shall present that, as one of the most prominent indian sieges recorded in these early annals. it will not be considered an episode, if it tend to convey distinct ideas of the structure and form of a _station_, and the modes of attack and defence in those times. it was in such scenes that the fearless daring, united with the cool, prudent, and yet efficient counsels of daniel boone, were peculiarly conspicuous. with this view we offer a somewhat detailed account of the attack of bryant's station. as we know of no place, nearer than the sources of the mississippi, or the rocky mountains, where the refuge of a _station_ is now requisite for security from the indians; as the remains of those that were formerly built are fast mouldering to decay; and as in a few years history will be the only depository of what the term _station_ imports, we deem it right, in this place, to present as graphic a view as we may, of a station, as we have seen them in their ruins in various points of the west. the first immigrants to tennessee and kentucky, as we have seen, came in pairs and small bodies. these pioneers on their return to the old settlements, brought back companies and societies.--friends and connections, old and young, mothers and daughters, flocks, herds, domestic animals, and the family dogs, all set forth on the patriarchal emigration for the land of promise together. no disruption of the tender natal and moral ties; no annihilation of the reciprocity of domestic kindness, friendship, and love, took place. the cement and panoply of affection, and good will bound them together at once in the social tie, and the union for defence. like the gregarious tenants of the air in their annual migrations, they brought their true home, that is to say their charities with them. in their state of extreme isolation from the world they had left, the kindly social propensities were found to grow more strong in the wilderness. the current of human affections in fact naturally flows in a deeper and more vigorous tide, in proportion as it is diverted into fewer channels. these immigrants to the bloody ground, coming to survey new aspects of nature, new forests and climates, and to encounter new privations, difficulties and dangers, were bound together by a new sacrament of friendship, new and unsworn oaths, to stand by each other for life and for death. how often have we heard the remains of this primitive race of kentucky deplore the measured distance and jealousy, the heathen rivalry and selfishness of the present generation, in comparison with the unity of heart, dangers and fortunes of these primeval times--reminding one of the simple kindness, the community of property, and the union of heart among the first christians! another circumstance of this picture ought to be redeemed from oblivion. we suspect that the general impressions of the readers of this day is, that the first hunters and settlers of kentucky and tennessee were a sort of demi-savages. imagination depicts them with long beard, and a costume of skins, rude, fierce, and repulsive. nothing can be wider from the fact. these progenitors of the west were generally men of noble, square, erect forms, broad chests, clear, bright, truth-telling eyes, and of vigorous intellects. all this is not only matter of historical record, but in the natural order of things. the first settlers of america were originally a noble stock. these, their descendants, had been reared under circumstances every way calculated to give them manly beauty and noble forms. they had breathed a free and a salubrious air. the field and forest exercise yielded them salutary viands, and appetite and digestion corresponding. life brought them the sensations of high health, herculean vigor, and redundant joy. when a social band of this description had planted their feet on the virgin soil, the first object was to fix on a spot, central to the most fertile tract of land that could be found, combining the advantages usually sought by the first settlers. among these was, that the station should be on the summit of a gentle swell, where pawpaw, cane, and wild clover, marked exuberant fertility; and where the trees were so sparse, and the soil beneath them so free from underbrush, that the hunter could ride at half speed. the virgin soil, as yet friable, untrodden, and not cursed with the blight of politics, party, and feud, yielded, with little other cultivation than planting, from eighty to a hundred bushels of maize to the acre, and all other edibles suited to the soil and climate, in proportion. the next thing, after finding this central nucleus of a settlement, was to convert it into a _station_, an erection which now remains to be described. it was a desirable requisite, that a station should in close or command a flush limestone spring, for water for the settlement. the contiguity of a salt lick and a sugar orchard, though not indispensable, was a very desirable circumstance. the next preliminary step was to clear a considerable area, so as to leave nothing within a considerable distance of the station that could shelter an enemy from observation and a shot. if a spring were not inclosed, or a well dug within, as an indian siege seldom lasted beyond a few days, it was customary, in periods of alarm to have a reservoir of some sort within the station, that should be filled with water enough to supply the garrison, during the probable continuance of a siege. it was deemed a most important consideration, that the station should overlook and command as much of the surrounding country as possible. the form was a perfect parallelogram, including from a half to a whole acre. a trench was then dug four or five feet deep, and large and contiguous pickets planted in this trench, so as to form a compact wall from ten to twelve feet high above the soil. the pickets were of hard and durable timber, about a foot in diameter. the soil about them was rammed hard. they formed a rampart beyond the power of man to leap, climb, or by unaided physical strength to overthrow. at the angles were small projecting squares, of still stronger material and planting, technically called _flankers_, with oblique port-holes, so as that the sentinel within could rake the external front of the station, without being exposed to shot from without. two folding gates in the front and rear, swinging on prodigious wooden hinges, gave egress and ingress to men and teams in times of security. in periods of alarm a trusty sentinel on the roof of the building was so stationed, as to be able to descry every suspicious object while yet in the distance. the gates were always firmly barred by night; and sentinels took their alternate watch, and relieved each other until morning. nothing in the line of fortification can be imagined more easy of construction, or a more effectual protection against a savage enemy, than this simple erection. though the balls of the smallest dimensions of cannon would have swept them away with ease, they were proof against the indian rifle, patience, and skill. the only expedient of the red men was to dig under them and undermine them, or destroy them by fire; and even this could not be done without exposing them to the rifles of the flankers. of course, there are few recorded instances of their having been taken, when defended by a garrison, guided by such men as daniel boone. their regular form, and their show of security, rendered these walled cities in the central wilderness delightful spectacles in the eye of immigrants who had come two hundred leagues without seeing a human habitation. around the interior of these walls the habitations of the immigrants arose, and the remainder of the surface was a clean-turfed area for wrestling and dancing, and the vigorous and athletic amusements of the olden time. it is questionable if heartier dinners and profounder sleep and more exhilarating balls and parties fall to the lot of their descendants, who ride in coaches and dwell in mansions. venison and wild turkeys, sweet potatoes and pies, smoked on their table; and persimmon and maple beer, stood them well instead of the poisonous whisky of their children. the community, of course, passed their social evenings together; and while the fire blazed bright within the secure square, the far howl of wolves, or even the distant war-whoop of the savages, sounded in the ear of the tranquil in-dwellers like the driving storm pouring on the sheltering roof above the head of the traveller safely reposing in his bed; that is, brought the contrast of comfort and security with more home-felt influence to their bosom. such a station was bryant's, no longer ago than . it was the nucleus of the settlements of that rich and delightful country, of which at present lexington is the centre. there were but two others of any importance, at this time north of kentucky river. it was more open to attack than any other in the country. the miami on the north, and the licking on the south of the ohio, were long canals, which floated the indian canoes from the northern hive of the savages, between the lakes and the ohio, directly to its vicinity. in the summer of this year a grand indian assemblage took place at chillicothe, a famous central indian town on the little miami. the cherokees, wyandots, tawas, pottawattomies, and most of the tribes bordering on the lakes, were represented in it. besides their chiefs and some canadians, they were aided by the counsels of the two girtys, and mckee, renegado whites. we have made diligent enquiry touching the biography of these men, particularly simon girty, a wretch of most infamous notoriety in those times, as a more successful instigator of indian assault and massacre, than any name on record. scarcely a tortured captive escaped from the northern indians, who could not tell the share which this villain had in his sufferings--no burning or murder of prisoners, at which he had not assisted by his presence or his counsels. these refugees from our white settlements, added the calculation and power of combining of the whites to the instinctive cunning and ferocity of the savages. they possessed their thirst for blood without their active or passive courage--blending the bad points of character in the whites and indians, without the good of either. the cruelty of the indians had some show of palliating circumstances, in the steady encroachments of the whites upon them. theirs was gratuitous, coldblooded, and without visible motive, except that they appeared to hate the race more inveterately for having fled from it. yet simon girty, like the indians among whom he lived, sometimes took the freak of kindness, nobody could divine why, and he once or twice saved an unhappy captive from being roasted alive. this vile renegado, consulted by the indians as an oracle, lived in plenty, smoked his pipe, and drank off his whisky in his log palace. he was seen abroad clad in a ruffled shirt, a red and blue uniform, with pantaloons and gaiters to match. he was belted with dirks and pistols, and wore a watch with enormous length of chain, and most glaring ornaments, all probably the spoils of murder. so habited, he strutted, in the enormity of his cruelty in view of the ill-fated captives of the indians, like the peacock spreading his morning plumage. there is little doubt that his capricious acts of saving the few that were spared through his intercession, were modified results of vanity; and that they were spared to make a display of his power, and the extent of his influence among the indians. the assemblage of indians bound to the assault of bryant's station, gathered round the shrine of simon girty, to hear the response of this oracle touching the intended expedition. he is said to have painted to them, in a set speech, the abundance and delight of the fair valleys of kan-tuck-ee, for which so much blood of red men had been shed--the land of clover, deer, and buffaloes. he described the gradual encroachment of the whites, and the certainty that they would soon occupy the whole land. he proved the necessity of a vigorous, united, and persevering effort against them, now while they were feeble, and had scarcely gained foot-hold on the soil, if they ever intended to regain possession of their ancient, rich, and rightful domain; assuring them, that as things now went on, they would soon have no hunting grounds worth retaining, no blankets with which to clothe their naked backs, or whisky to warm and cheer their desolate hearts. they were advised to descend the miami, cross the ohio, ascend the licking, paddling their canoes to the immediate vicinity of bryant's station, which he counselled them to attack. forthwith, the mass of biped wolves raised their murderous yell, as they started for their canoes on the miami. girty, in his ruffled shirt and soldier coat, stalked at their head, silently feeding upon his prowess and grandeur. the station against which they were destined, inclosed forty cabins. they arrived before it on the fifteenth of august, in the night. the inhabitants were advertised of their arrival in the morning, by being fired upon as they opened the gates. the time of their arrival was apparently providential. in two hours most of the efficient male inmates of the station were to have marched to the aid of two other stations, which were reported to have been attacked. this place would thus have been left completely defenceless. as soon as the garrison saw themselves besieged, they found means to despatch one of their number to lexington, to announce the assault and crave aid. sixteen mounted men, and thirty-one on foot, were immediately despatched to their assistance. the number of the assailants amounted to at least six hundred. in conformity with the common modes of their warfare, they attempted to gain the place by stratagem. the great body concealed themselves among high weeds, on the opposite side of the station, within pistol shot of the spring which supplied it with water. a detachment of a hundred commenced a false attack on the south-east angle, with a view to draw the whole attention of the garrison to that point. they hoped that while the chief force of the station crowded there, the opposite point would be left defenceless. in this instance they reckoned without their host. the people penetrated their deception, and instead of returning their fire, commenced what had been imprudently neglected, the repairing their palisades, and putting the station in a better condition of defence. the tall and luxuriant strammony weeds instructed these wary backwoodsmen to suspect that a host of their tawny foe lay hid beneath their sheltering foliage, lurking for a chance to fire upon them, as they should come forth for water. let modern wives, who refuse to follow their husbands abroad, alleging the danger of the voyage or journey, or the unhealthiness of the proposed residence, or because the removal will separate them from the pleasures of fashion and society, contemplate the example of the wives of the defenders of this station. these noble mothers, wives, and daughters, assuring the men that there was no probability that the indians would fire upon them, offered to go out and draw water for the supply of the garrison, and that even if they did shoot down a few of them, it would not reduce the resources of the garrison as would the killing of the men. the illustrious heroines took up their buckets, and marched out to the spring, espying here and there a painted face, or an indian body crouched under the covert of the weeds. whether their courage or their beauty fascinated the indians to suspend their fire, does not appear. but it was so, that these generous women came and went until the reservoir was amply supplied with crater. who will doubt that the husbands of such wives must have been alike gallant and affectionate. after this example, it was not difficult to procure some young volunteers to tempt the indians in the same way. as was expected, they had scarcely advanced beyond their station, before a hundred indians fired a shower of balls upon them, happily too remote to do more than inflict slight wounds with spent balls. they retreated within the palisades, and the whole indian force, seeing no results from stratagem, rose from their covert and rushed towards the palisade. the exasperation of their rage may be imagined, when they found every thing prepared for their reception. a well aimed fire drove them to a more cautious distance. some of the more audacious of their number, however, ventured so near a less exposed point, as to be able to discharge burning arrows upon the roofs of the houses. some of them were fired and burnt. but an easterly wind providentially arose at the moment, and secured the mass of the habitations from the further spread of the flames. these they could no longer reach with their burning arrows. the enemy cowered back, and crouched to their covert in the weeds; where, panther-like, they waited for less dangerous game. they had divided, on being informed, that aid was expected from lexington; and they arranged an ambuscade to intercept it, on its approach to the garrison. when the reinforcement, consisting of forty-six persons, came in sight, the firing had wholly ceased, and the invisible enemy were profoundly still. the auxiliaries hurried on in reckless confidence, under the impression that they had come on a false alarm. a lane opened an avenue to the station, through a thick cornfield. this lane was way-laid on either side, by indians, for six hundred yards. fortunately, it was mid-summer, and dry; and the horsemen raised so thick a cloud of dust, that the indians could fire only at random amidst the palpable cloud, and happily killed not a single man. the footmen were less fortunate. being behind the horse, as soon as they heard the firing, they dispersed into the thick corn, in hopes to reach the garrison unobserved. they were intercepted by masses of the savages, who threw themselves between them and the station. hard fighting ensued, in which two of the footmen were killed and four wounded. soon after the detachment had joined their friends, and the indians were again crouching close in their covert, the numerous flocks and herds of the station came in from the woods as usual, quietly ruminating, as they made their way towards their night-pens. upon these harmless animals the indians wreaked unmolested revenge, and completely destroyed them. a little after sunset the famous simon, in all his official splendor, covertly approached the garrison, mounted a stump, whence he could be heard by the people of the station, and holding a flag of truce, demanded a parley and the surrender of the place. he managed his proposals with no small degree of art, assigning, in imitation of the commanders of what are called civilized armies, that his proposals were dictated by humanity and a wish to spare the effusion of blood. he affirmed, that in case of a prompt surrender, he could answer for the safety of the prisoners; but that in the event of taking the garrison by storm, he could not; that cannon and a reinforcement were approaching, in which case they must be aware that their palisades could no longer interpose any resistance to their attack, or secure them from the vengeance of an exasperated foe. he calculated that his imposing language would have the more effect in producing belief and consternation, inasmuch as the garrison must know, that the same foe had used cannon in the attack of ruddle's and martin's stations. two of their number had been already slain, and there were four wounded in the garrison; and some faces were seen to blanch as girty continued his harangue of menace, and insidious play upon their fears. some of the more considerate of the garrison, apprised by the result, of the folly of allowing such a negotiation to intimidate the garrison in that way, called out to shoot the rascal, adding the customary kentucky epithet. girty insisted upon the universal protection every where accorded to a flag of truce, while this parley lasted; and demanded with great assumed dignity, if they did not know who it was that thus addressed them? a spirited young man, named reynolds, of whom the most honorable mention is made in the subsequent annals of the contests with the indians, was selected by the garrison to reply to the renegado indian negotiator. his object seems to have been to remove the depression occasioned by girty's speech, by treating it with derision; and perhaps to establish a reputation for successful waggery, as he had already for hard fighting. "you ask," answered he, "if we do not know you? know you! yes. we know you too well. know simon girty! yes. he is the renegado, cowardly villain, who loves to murder women and children, especially those of his own people. know simon girty! yes. his father was a panther and his dam a wolf. i have a worthless dog, that kills lambs. instead of shooting him, i have named him simon girty. you expect reinforcements and cannon, do you? cowardly wretches, like you, that make war upon women and children, would not dare to touch them off, if you had them. we expect reinforcements, too, and in numbers to give a short account of the murdering cowards that follow you. even if you could batter down our pickets, i, for one, hold your people in too much contempt to discharge rifles at them. should you see cause to enter our fort, i have been roasting a great number of hickory switches, with which we mean to whip your naked cut-throats out of the country." simon, apparently little edified or flattered by this speech, wished him some of his hardest curses; and affecting to deplore the obstinacy and infatuation of the garrison, the ambassador of ruffled shirt and soldier coat withdrew. the besieged gave a good account of every one, who came near enough to take a fair shot. but before morning they decamped, marching direct to the blue licks, where they obtained very different success, and a most signal and bloody triumph. we shall there again meet daniel boone, in his accustomed traits of heroism and magnanimity. [illustration] chapter viii. boone being attacked by two indians near the blue licks, kills them both--is afterwards taken prisoner and marched to old chillicothe--is adopted by the indians--indian ceremonies. we return to the subject of our memoir, from which the reader may imagine we have wandered too long. he had already conducted the defence of boonesborough, during two indian sieges. the general estimate of his activity, vigilance, courage, and enterprise, was constantly rising. by the indians he was regarded as the most formidable and intelligent captain of the long-knife; and by the settlers and immigrants as a disinterested and heroic patriarch of the infant settlements. he often supplied destitute families gratuitously with game. he performed the duties of surveyor and spy, generally as a volunteer, and without compensation. when immigrant families were approaching the country, he often went out to meet them and conduct them to the settlements. such, in general, were the paternal feelings of the pioneers of this young colony. the country was easily and amply supplied with meat from the chase, and with vegetables from the fertility of the soil. the hardy settlers could train themselves without difficulty to dispense with many things which habit and long use in the old settlements had led them to consider as necessaries. but to every form of civilized communities salt is an indispensable article. the settlement of boonesborough had been fixed near a lick, with a view to the supply of that article. but the amount was found to be very inadequate to the growing demand. the settlement deemed it necessary to send out a company to select a place where the whole country could be supplied with that article at a reasonable rate. captain boone was deputed by the settlers to this service. he selected thirty associates, and set out on the first of january, , for the blue licks, on licking river, a well known stream emptying into the ohio, opposite where cincinnati now stands. they arrived at the place, and successfully commenced their operations. boone, instead of taking a part in the diurnal and uninterrupted labor, of evaporating the water, performed the more congenial duty of hunting to keep the company in provisions, while they labored. in this pursuit he had one day wandered some distance from the bank of the river. two indians, armed with muskets,--for they had now generally added these efficient weapons to their tomahawks--came upon him. his first thought was to retreat. but he discovered from their nimbleness, that this was impossible. his second thought was resistance, and he slipped behind a tree to await their coming within rifle shot. he then exposed himself so as to attract their aim. the foremost levelled his musket. boone, who could dodge the flash, at the pulling of the trigger, dropped behind his tree unhurt. his next object w&b to cause the fire of the second musket to be thrown away in the same manner. he again exposed a part of his person. the eager indian instantly fired, and boone evaded the shot as before. both the indians, having thrown away their fire, were eagerly striving, but with trembling hands, to reload. trepidation and too much haste retarded their object. boone drew his rifle and one of them fell dead. the two antagonists, now on equal grounds, the one unsheathing his knife, and the other poising his tomahawk, rushed toward the dead body of the fallen indian. boone, placing his foot on the dead body, dexterously received the well aimed tomahawk of his powerful enemy on the barrel of his rifle, thus preventing his skull from being cloven by it. in the very attitude of firing the indian had exposed his body to the knife of boone, who plunged it in his body to the hilt. this is the achievement commemorated in sculpture over the southern door of the rotunda in the capitol at washington. this adventure did not deter him from exposing himself in a similar way again. he was once more hunting for the salt makers, when, on the seventh day of february following, he came in view of a body of one hundred and two indians, evidently on their march to the assault of boonesborough--that being a particular mark for indian revenge. they were in want of a prisoner, from whom to obtain intelligence, and boone was the person of all others whom they desired. he fled; but among so many warriors, it proved, that some were swifter of foot than himself, and these overtook him and made him prisoner. by a tedious and circuitous march they brought him back to the blue licks, and took their measures with so much caution, as to make twenty-seven of the thirty salt makers prisoners. boone obtained for them a capitulation, which stipulated, that their lives should be spared, and that they should be kindly treated. the fortunate three, that escaped, had just been sent home with the salt that had been made during their ill-fated expedition. the indians were faithful to the stipulations of the capitulation; and treated their prisoners with as much kindness both on their way, and after their arrival at chillicothe, as their habits and means would admit. the march was rapid and fatiguing, occupying three days of weather unusually cold and inclement. the captivity of twenty-eight of the select and bravest of the kentucky settlers, without the hope of liberation or exchange, was a severe blow to the infant settlement. had the indians, after this achievement, immediately marched against boonesborough, so materially diminished in its means of defence, they might either have taken the place by surprise, or, availing themselves of the influence which the possession of these prisoners gave them over the fears and affections of the inmates, might have procured a capitulation of the fort. following up this plan in progression, the weaker station would have followed the example of boonesborough; since it is hardly supposable, that the united influence of fear, example, and the menace of the massacre of so many prisoners would not have procured the surrender of all the rest. but, though on various occasions they manifested the keenest observation, and the acutest quickness of instinctive cunning--though their plans were generally predicated on the soundest reason, they showed in this, and in all cases, a want of the combination of thought, and the abstract and extended views of the whites on such occasions. for a single effort, nothing could be imagined wiser than their views. for a combination made up of a number of elements of calculation, they had no reasoning powers at all. owing to this want of capacity for combined operations of thought, and their, habitual intoxication of excitement, on the issue of carrying some important enterprise without loss, they hurried home with their prisoners, leaving the voice of lamentation and the sentiment of extreme dejection among the bereaved inmates of boonesborough. throwing all the recorded incidents and circumstances of the life of boone, during his captivity among them, together, we shall reserve them for another place, and proceed here to record what befell him among the whites. he resided as a captive among the indians until the following march. at that time, he, and ten of the persons who were taken with him at the blue licks, were conducted by forty indians to detroit, where the party arrived on the thirteenth of the month. the ten men were put into the hands of governor hamilton, who, to his infinite credit, treated them with kindness. for each of these they received a moderate ransom. such was their respect, and even affection for the hunter of kentucky, and such, perhaps, their estimate of his capability of annoying them, that although governor hamilton offered them the large sum of a hundred pounds sterling for his ransom, they utterly refused to part with him. it may easily be imagined, in what a vexatious predicament this circumstance placed him; a circumstance so much the more embarrassing, as he could not express his solicitude for deliverance, without alarming the jealousy and ill feeling of the indians. struck with his appearance and development of character, several english gentlemen, generously impressed with a sense of his painful position, offered him a sum of money adequate to the supply of his necessities. unwilling to accept such favors from the enemies of his country, he refused their kindness, alleging a motive at once conciliating and magnanimous, that it would probably never be in his power to repay them. it will be necessary to contemplate his desolate and forlorn condition, haggard, and without any adequate clothing in that inclement climate, destitute of money or means, and at the same time to realize that these men, who so generously offered him money, were in league with those that were waging war against the united states, fully to appreciate the patriotism and magnanimity of this refusal. it is very probable, too, that these men acted from the interested motive of wishing to bind the hands of this stern border warrior from any further annoyance to them and their red allies, by motives of gratitude and a sense of obligation. it must have been mortifying to his spirit to leave his captive associates in comfortable habitations and among a civilized people at detroit, while he, the single white man of the company, was obliged to accompany his red masters through the forest in a long and painful journey of fifteen days, at the close of which he found himself again at old chillicothe, as the town was called. this town was inhabited by the shawnese, and boone was placed in a most severe school, in which to learn indian modes and ceremonies, by being himself the subject of them. on the return of the party that led him to their home, he learned that some superstitious scruple induced them to halt at mid-day when near their village, in order to solemnize their return by entering their town in the evening. a runner was despatched from their halting place to instruct the chief and the village touching the material incidents of their expedition. before the expedition made the triumphal entry into their village, they clad their white prisoner in a new dress, of material and fashion like theirs. they proceeded to shave his head and skewer his hair after their own fashion, and then rouged him with a plentiful smearing of vermilion and put into his hand a white staff, gorgeously tasselated with the tails of deer. the war-captain or leader of the expedition gave as many yells as they had taken prisoners and scalps. this operated as effectually as ringing a tocsin, to assemble the whole village round the camp. as soon as the warriors from the village appeared, four young warriors from the camp, the two first carrying each a calumet, approached the prisoner, chanting a song as they went, and taking him by the arm, led him in triumph to the cabin, where he was to remain until the announcement of his doom. the resident in this cabin, by their immemorial usage, had the power of determining his fate, whether to be tortured and burnt at the stake, or adopted into the tribe. the present occupant of the cabin happened to be a woman, who had lost a son during the war. it is very probable that she was favorably impressed towards him by noting his fine person, and his firm and cheerful visage--circumstances which impress the women of the red people still more strongly than the men. she contemplated him stedfastly for some time, and sympathy and humanity triumphed, and she declared that she adopted him in place of the son she had lost. the two young men, who bore the calumet, instantly unpinioned his hands, treating him with kindness and respect. food was brought him, and he was informed that he was considered as a son, and she, who had adopted him, as his mother. he was soon made aware, by demonstrations that could not be dissembled or mistaken, that he was actually loved, and trusted, as if he really were, what his adoption purported to make him. in a few days he suffered no other penalty of captivity than inability to return to his family. he was sufficiently instructed in indian customs to know well, that any discovered purpose or attempt to escape would be punished with instant death. strange caprice of inscrutable instincts and results of habit! a circumstance, apparently fortuitous and accidental, placed him in the midst of an indian family, the female owner of which loved him with the most disinterested tenderness, and lavished upon him all the affectionate sentiments of a mother towards a son. had the die of his lot been cast otherwise, all the inhabitants of the village would have raised the death song, and each individual would have been as fiercely unfeeling to torment him, as they were now covetous to show him kindness. it is astonishing to see, in their habits of this sort, no interval between friendship and kindness, and the most ingenious and unrelenting barbarity. placed between two posts, and his arms and feet extended between them, nearly in the form of a person suffering crucifixion, he would have been burnt to death at a slow fire, while men, women, and children would have danced about him, occasionally applying torches and burning splinters to die most exquisitely sensible parts of the frame, prolonging his torture, and exulting in it with the demoniac exhilaration of gratified revenge. this was the most common fate of prisoners of war at that time. sometimes they fastened the victim to a single stake, built a fire of green wood about him, and then raising their yell of exultation, marched off into the desert, leaving him to expire unheeded and alone. at other times they killed their prisoners by amputating their limbs joint by joint. others they destroyed by pouring on them, from time to time, streams of scalding water. at other times they have been seen to hang their victim to a sapling tree by the hands, bending it down until the wretched sufferer has seen himself swinging up and down at the play of the breeze, his feet often, within a foot of the ground. in a word, they seem to have exhausted the invention and ingenuity of all time and all countries in the horrid art of inflicting torture. the mention of a circumstance equally extraordinary in the indian character, may be recorded here. if the sufferer in these afflictions be an indian, during the whole of his agony a strange rivalry passes between them which shall outdo each other, they inflicting, and he in enduring these tortures. not a groan, not a sigh, not a distortion of countenance is allowed to escape him. he smokes, and looks even cheerful. he occasionally chants a strain of his war song. he vaunts his exploits performed in afflicting death and desolation in their villages. he enumerates the names of their relatives and friends that he has slain. he menaces them with the terrible revenge that his friends will inflict by way of retaliation. he even derides their ignorance in the art of tormenting; assures them that he had afflicted much more ingenious torture upon their people; and indicates more excruciating modes of inflicting pain, and more sensitive parts of the frame to which to apply them. they are exceedingly dexterous in the horrid surgical operation of taking off the scalp--that is, a considerable surface of the hairy integument of the crown of the cranium. terrible as the operation is, there are not wanting great numbers of cases of persons who have survived, and recovered from it. the scalps of enemies thus taken, even when not paid for, as has been too often the infamous custom of their white auxiliaries, claiming to be civilized, are valued as badges of family honor, and trophies of the bravery of the warrior. on certain days and occasions, young warriors take a new name, constituting a new claim to honor, according to the number of scalps they have taken, or the bravery and exploits of those from whom they were taken. this name they deem a sufficient compensation for every fatigue and danger. another ludicrous superstition tends to inspire them with the most heroic sentiments. they believe that all the fame, intelligence, and bravery that appertained to the enemy they have slain is transferred to them, and thenceforward becomes their intellectual property. hence, they are excited with the most earnest appetite to kill warriors of distinguished fame. this article of indian faith affords an apt illustration of the ordinary influence of envy, which seems to inspire the person whom it torments with the persuasion, that all the merit it can contract from the envied becomes its own, and that the laurels shorn from another's brow will sprout on its own. he witnessed also their modes of hardening their children to that prodigious power of unshrinking endurance, of which such astonishing effects have just been recorded. this may be fitly termed the indian system of gymnastics. the bodies of the children of both sexes are inured to hardships by compelling them to endure prolonged fastings, and to bathe in the coldest water. a child of eight years, fasts half a day; and one of twelve, a whole day without food or drink. the face is blacked during the fast, and is washed immediately before eating. the male face is entirely blacked; that of the female only on the cheeks. the course is discontinued in the case of the male at eighteen, and of the female at fourteen. at eighteen, the boy is instructed by his parents that his education is completed, and that he is old enough to be a man. his face is then blacked for the last time, and he is removed at the distance of some miles from the village, and placed in a temporary cabin. he is there addressed by his parent or guardian to this purport: "my son, it has pleased the great spirit that you should live to see this day. we all have noted your conduct since i first blacked your face. they well understand whether you have strictly followed the advice i have given you, and they will conduct themselves towards you according to their knowledge. you must remain here until i, or some of your friends, come for you." the party then returns, resumes his gun, and seeming to forget the sufferer, goes to his hunting as usual, and the son or ward is left to endure hunger as long as it can be endured, and the party survive. the hunter, meanwhile, has procured the materials for a feast, of which the friends are invited to partake they accompany the father or guardian to the unfortunate starving subject. he then accompanies them home, and is bathed in cold water, and his head shaved after the indian fashion--all but a small space on the centre of the crown. he is then allowed to take food, which, however, as a consecrated thing, is presented him in a vessel distinct from that used by the rest. after he has eaten, he is presented with a looking-glass, and a bag of vermilion. he is then complimented for the firmness with which he has sustained his fasting, and is told that he is henceforward a man, and to be considered as such. the instance is not known of a boy eating or drinking while under this interdict of the blacked face. they are deterred, not only by the strong sentiments of indian honor, but by a persuasion that the _great spirit_ would severely punish such disobedience of parental authority. the most honorable mode of marriage, and that generally pursued by the more distinguished warriors, is to assemble the friends and relatives, and consult with them in regard to the person whom it is expedient to marry. the choice being made, the relations of the young man collect such presents as they deem proper for the occasion, go to the parents of the woman selected, make known the wishes of their friend, deposit their presents, and return without waiting for an answer. the relations of the girl assemble and consult on the subject. if they confirm the choice, they also collect presents, dress her in her best clothes, and take her to the friends of the bridegroom who made the application for the match, when it is understood that the marriage is completed. she herself has still a negative; and if she disapprove the match, the presents from the friends of the young man are returned, and this is considered as a refusal. many of the more northern nations, as the dacotas, for example, have a custom, that, when the husband deceases, his widow immediately manifests the deepest mourning, by putting off all her finery, and dresses herself in the coarsest indian attire, the sackcloth of indian lamentation. meanwhile she makes up a respectable sized bundle of her clothes into the form of a kind of doll-man, which represents her husband. with this she sleeps. to this she converses and relates the sorrows of her desolate heart. it would be indecorous for any warrior, while she is in this predicament, to show her any attentions of gallantry. she never puts on any habiliments but those of sadness and disfigurement. the only comfort she is permitted in this desolate state is, that her budgetted husband is permitted, when drams are passing, to be considered as a living one, and she is allowed to cheer her depressed spirits with a double dram, that of her budget-husband and her own. after a full year of this penance with the budget-husband, she is allowed to exchange it for a living one, if she can find him. when an indian party forms for private revenge the object is accomplished in the following manner. the indian who seeks revenge, proposes his project to obtain it to some of his more intimate associates, and requests them to accompany him. when the requisite number is obtained, and the plan arranged it is kept a profound secret from all others, and the proposer of the plan is considered the leader. the party leaves the village secretly, and in the night. when they halt for the night, the eldest encamp in front, and the younger in the rear. the foremen hunt for the party, and perform the duty of spies. the latter cook, make the fires, mend the moccasins, and perform the other drudgery of the expedition. every war party has a small budget, called the _war budget_, which contains something belonging to each one of the party, generally representing some animal; for example, the skin of a snake, the tail of a buffalo, the skin of a martin, or the feathers of some extraordinary bird. this budget is considered a sacred deposit, and is carried by some person selected for the purpose, who marches in front, and leads the party against the enemy. when the party halts, the budget is deposited in front, and no person passes it without authority. no one, while such an exhibition is pending, is allowed to lay his pack on a log, converse about women or his home. when they encamp, the heart of whatever beast they have killed on the preceding day is cut into small pieces and burnt. no person is allowed, while it is burning, to step across the fire, but must go round it, and always in the direction of the sun. when an attack is to be made, the war budget is opened, and each man takes out his budget, or _totem_, and attaches it to that part of his body which has been indicated by tradition from his ancestors. when the attack is commenced, the body of the fighter is painted, generally black, and is almost naked. after the action, each party returns his _totem_ to the commander of the party, who carefully wraps them all up, and delivers them to the man who has taken the first prisoner or scalp; and he is entitled to the honor of leading the party home in triumph. the war budget is then hung in front of the door of the person who carried it on the march against the enemy, where it remains suspended thirty or forty days, and some one of the party often sings and dances round it. one mode of indian burial seems to have prevailed, not only among the indians of the lakes and of the ohio valley, but over all the western country. some lay the dead body on the surface of the ground, make a crib or pen over it, and cover it with bark. others lay the body in a grave, covering it first with bark, and then with earth. others make a coffin out of the cloven section of trees, in the form of plank, and suspend it from the top of a tree. nothing can be more affecting than to see a young mother hanging the coffin that contains the remains of her beloved child to the pendent branches of the flowering maple, and singing her lament over her love and hope, as it waves in the breeze. chapter ix. boone becomes a favorite among the indians--anecdotes relating to his captivity--their mode of tormenting and burning prisoners--their fortitude under the infliction of torture--concerted attack on boonesborough--boone escapes. boone, being now a son in a principal shawnee family, presents himself in a new light to our observation. we would be glad to be able give a diurnal record of his modes of deportment, and getting along. unhappily, the records are few and meagre. it will be obvious, that the necessity for a more profound dissimulation of contentment, cheerfulness, and a feeling of loving his home, was stronger than ever. it was a semblance that must be daily and hourly sustained. he would never have acquitted himself successfully, but for a wonderful versatility, which enabled him to enter into the spirit of whatever parts he was called upon to sustain; and a real love for the hunting and pursuits of the indians, which rendered what was at first assumed, with a little practice, and the influence of habit, easy and natural. he soon became in semblance so thoroughly one of them, and was able in all those points of practice which give them reputation, to conduct himself with so much skill and adroitness, that he gained the entire confidence of the family into which he was adopted, and become as dear to his mother of adoption as her own son. trials of indian strength and skill are among their most common amusements. boone was soon challenged to competition in these trials. in these rencounters of loud laughter and boisterous merriment, where all that was done seemed to pass into oblivion as fast as it transpired, boone had too much tact and keen observation not to perceive that jealousy, envy, and the origin of hatred often lay hid under the apparent recklessness of indifference. he was not sorry that some of the indians could really beat him in the race, though extremely light of foot; and that in the game of ball, at which they had been practised all their lives, he was decidedly inferior. but there was another sport--that of shooting at a mark--a new custom to the indians but recently habituated to the use of fire arms; a practice which they had learned from the whites, and they were excessively jealous of reputation of great skill in this exercise, so important in hunting and war. boone was challenged to shoot with them at a mark. it placed him in a most perplexing dilemma. if he shot his best, he could easily and far excel their most practised marksmen. but he was aware, that to display his superiority would never be forgiven him. on the other hand, to fall far short of them in an exercise which had been hitherto peculiar to the whites, would forfeit their respect. in this predicament, he judiciously allowed himself sometimes to be beaten; and when it became prudent to put forth all his skill, a well dissembled humility and carelessness subdued the mortification and envy of the defeated competitor. he was often permitted to accompany them in their hunting parties; and here their habits and his circumstances alike invoked him to do his best. they applauded his skill and success as a hunter, with no mixture of envy or ill will. he was particularly fortunate in conciliating the good will of the shawnee chief. to attain this result, boone not only often presented him with a share of his game, but adopted the more winning deportment of always affecting to treat his opinions and counsels with deference. the chief, on his part, often took occasion to speak of boone as a most consummate proficient in hunting, and a warrior of great bravery. not long after his residence among them, he had occasion to witness their manner of celebrating their victories, by being an eye witness to one which commemorated the successful return of a war party with some scalps. within a day's march of the village, the party dispatched a runner with the joyful intelligence of their success, achieved without loss. every cabin in the village was immediately ordered to be swept perfectly clean, with the religious intention to banish every source of pollution that might mar the ceremony. the women, exceedingly fearful of contributing in any way to this pollution, commenced an inveterate sweeping, gathering up the collected dirt, and carefully placing it in a heap behind the door. there it remained until the medicine man, or priest, who presides over the powow, ordered them to remove it, and at the same time every savage implement and utensil upon which the women had laid their hands during the absence of the expedition. next day the party came in sight of the village, painted in alternate compartments of red and black, their heads enveloped in swan's down, and the centre of their crown, surmounted with long white feathers. they advanced, singing their war song, and bearing the scalps on a verdant branch of evergreen. arrived at the village, the chief who had led the party advanced before his warriors to his winter cabin, encircling it in an order of march contrary to the course of the sun, singing the war song after a particular mode, sometimes on the ten or and sometimes on the bass key, sometimes in high and shrill, and sometimes in deep and guttural notes. the _waiter_, or servant of the leader, called _etissu_, placed a couple of blocks of wood near the war-pole, opposite the door of a circular cabin, called the _hot-house_, in the centre of which was the council fire. on these blocks he rested a kind of ark, deemed among their most sacred things. while this was transacting the party were profoundly silent. the chief bade all set down, and then inquired whether his cabin was prepared and every thing unpolluted, according to the custom of their fathers? after the answer, they rose up in concert and began the war-whoop, walking slowly round the war-pole as they sung. all the consecrated things were then carried, with no small show of solemnity, into the hot-house. here they remained three whole days and nights, in separation from the rest of the people, applying warm ablutions to their bodies, and sprinkling themselves with a decoction of snake root. during a part of the time, the female relations of each of the consecrated company, after having bathed, anointed, and drest themselves in their finest apparel, stood, in two lines opposite the door, and facing each other. this observance they kept up through the night, uttering a peculiar, monotonous song, in a shrill voice for a minute; then intermitting it about ten minutes, and resuming it again. when not singing their silence was profound. the chief, meanwhile, at intervals of about three hours, came out at the head of his company, raised the war-whoop, and marched round the red war-pole, holding in his right hand the pine or cedar boughs, on which the scalps were attached, waving them backward and forward, and then returned again. to these ceremonies they conformed without the slightest interruption, during the whole three days' purification. to proceed with the whole details of the ceremony to its close, would be tedious. we close it, only adding, that a small twig of the evergreen was fixed upon the roof of each one of their cabins, with a fragment of the scalps attached to it, and this, as it appeared, to appease the ghosts of their dead. when boone asked them the meaning of all these long and tedious ceremonies, they answered him by a word which literally imports "holy." the leader and his waiter kept apart and continued the purification three days longer, and the ceremony closed. he observed, that when their war-parties returned from an expedition, and had arrived near their village, they followed their file leader, in what is called _indian file_, one by one, each a few yards behind the other, to give the procession an appearance of greater length and dignity. if the expedition had been unsuccessful, and they had lost any of their warriors, they returned without ceremony and in noiseless sadness. but if they had been successful, they fired their guns in platoons, yelling, whooping, and insulting their prisoners, if they had made any. near their town was a large square area, with a war-pole in the centre, expressly prepared for such purposes. to this they fasten their prisoners. they then advance to the house of their leader, remaining without, and standing round his red war-pole, until they determine concerning the fate of their prisoner. if any prisoner should be fortunate enough to break from his pinions, and escape into the house of the chief medicine man, or conductor of the powow, it is an inviolable asylum, and by immemorial usage, the refugee is saved from the fire. captives far advanced in life, or such as had been known to have shed the blood of their tribe, were sure to atone for their decrepitude, or past activity in shedding blood, by being burnt to death. they readily know those indians who have killed many, by the blue marks on their breasts and arms, which indicate the number they have slain. these hieroglyphics are to them as significant as our alphabetical characters. the ink with which these characters are impressed, is a sort of lampblack, prepared from the soot of burning pine, which they catch by causing it to pass through a sort of greased funnel. having prepared this lampblack, they tattoo it into the skin, by punctures made with thorns or the teeth of fish. the young prisoners, if they seem capable of activity and service, and if they preserve an intrepid and unmoved countenance, are generally spared, unless condemned to death by the party, while undergoing the purification specified above. as soon as their case is so decided, they are tied to the stake, one at a time. a pair of bear-skin moccasins, with the hair outwards, are put on their feet. they are stripped naked to the loins, and are pinioned firmly to the stake. their subsequent punishment, in addition to the suffering of slow fire, is left to the women. such are the influences of their training, that although the female nature, in all races of men, is generally found to be more susceptible of pity than the male, in this case they appear to surpass the men in the fury of their merciless rage, and the industrious ingenuity of their torments. each is prepared with a bundle of long, dry, reed cane, or other poles, to which are attached splinters of burning pine. as the victim is led to the stake, the women and children begin their sufferings by beating them with switches and clubs; and as they reel and recoil from the blows, these fiendish imps show their gratification by unremitting peals of laughter; too happy, if their tortures ended here, or if the merciful tomahawk brought them to an immediate close. the signal for a more terrible infliction being given--the arms of the victim are pinioned, and he is disengaged from the pole, and a grapevine passed round his neck, allowing him a circle of about fifteen yards in circumference, in which he can he made to march round his pole. they knead tough clay on his head to secure the cranium from the effects of the blaze, that it may not inflict immediate death. under the excitement of ineffable and horrid joy, they whip him round the circle, that he may expose each part of his body to the flame, while the other part is fanned by the cool air, that he may thus undergo the literal operation of slow roasting. during this abhorrent process, the children fill the circle in convulsions of laughter; and the women begin to thrust their burning torches into his body, lacerating the quick of the flesh, that the flame may inflict more exquisite anguish. the warrior, in these cases; goaded to fury, sweeps round the extent of his circle, kicking, biting, and stamping with inconceivable fury. the throng of women and children laugh, and fly from the circle, and fresh tormentors fill it again. at other times the humor takes him to show them, that he can bear all this, without a grimace, a spasm, or indication of suffering. in this case, as we have seen, he smokes, derides, menaces, sings, and shows his contempt, by calling them by the most reproachful of all epithets--_old women_. when he falls insensible, they scalp and dismember him, and the remainder of his body is consumed. we have omitted many of these revolting details, many of the atrocious features of this spectacle, as witnessed by boone. while we read with indignation and horror, let us not forget that savages have not alone inflicted these detestable cruelties. let us not forget that the professed followers of jesus christ have given examples of a barbarity equally unrelenting and horrible, in the form of religious persecution, and avowedly to glorify god. during boone's captivity among the shawnese, they took prisoner a noted warrior of a western tribe, with which they were then at war. he was condemned to the stake with the usual solemnities. having endured the preliminary tortures with the most fearless unconcern, he told them, when preparing to commence a new series, with a countenance of scorn, he could teach them how to make an enemy eat fire to some purpose; and begged that they would give him an opportunity, together with a pipe and tobacco. in respectful astonishment, at an unwonted demonstration of invincible endurance, they granted his request. he lighted his pipe, began to smoke, and sat down, all naked as he was, upon the burning torches, which were blazing within his circle. every muscle of his countenance retained its composure. on viewing this, a noted warrior sprang up, exclaiming, that this was a true warrior; that though his nation was treacherous, and he had caused them many deaths, yet such was their respect for true courage, that if the fire had not already spoiled him, he should be spared. that being now impossible, he promised him the merciful release of the tomahawk. he then held the terrible instrument suspended some moments over his head, during all which time he was seen neither to change his posture, move a muscle, or his countenance to blench. the tomahawk fell, and the impassable warrior ceased to suffer. [illustration] we shall close these details of the shawnese customs, at the time when boone was prisoner among them, by giving his account of their ceremonies at making peace. the chief warriors, who arrange the conditions of the peace and subsequent friendship, first mutually eat and smoke together. they then pledge each other in the sacred drink called _cussena_. the shawnese then wave large fans of eagles' tails, and conclude with a dance. the stranger warriors, who have come to receive the peace, select half a dozen of their most active young men, surmounting their crowns with swan's feathers, and painting their bodies with white clay. they then place their file leader on the consecrated seat of what imports in their language, the "beloved cabin." afterwards they commence singing the peace song, with an air of great solemnity. they begin to dance, first in a prone or bowing posture. they then raise themselves erect, look upwards, and wave their eagles' tails towards the sky, first with a slow, and then with a quick and jerky motion. at the same time, they strike their breast with a calabash fastened to a stick about a foot in length, which they hold in their left hand, while they wave the eagles' feathers with the right, and keep time by rattling pebbles in a gourd. these ceremonies of peace-making they consider among their most solemn duties; and to be perfectly accomplished in all the notes and gestures is an indispensable acquirement to a thorough trained warrior. boone has related, at different times, many oral details of his private and domestic life, and his modes of getting along in the family, of which he was considered a member. he was perfectly trained to their ways, could prepare their food, and perform any of their common domestic operations with the best of them. he often accompanied them in their hunting excursions, wandering with them over the extent of forest between chillicothe and lake erie. these conversations presented curious and most vivid pictures of their interior modes; their tasks of diurnal labor and supply; their long and severe fasts; their gluttonous indulgence, when they had food; and their reckless generosity and hospitality, when they had any thing to bestow to travelling visitants. to become, during this tedious captivity, perfectly acquainted with their most interior domestic and diurnal manners, was not without interest for a mind constituted like his. to make himself master of their language, and to become familiarly acquainted with their customs, he considered acquisitions of the highest utility in the future operations, in which, notwithstanding his present duress, he hoped yet to be beneficial to his beloved settlement of kentucky. although the indulgence with which he was treated in the family, in which he was adopted, and these acquisitions, uniting interest with utility, tended to beguile the time of his captivity, it cannot be doubted, that his sleeping and waking thoughts were incessantly occupied with the chances of making his escape. an expedition was in contemplation, by the tribe, to the salt licks on the scioto, to make salt. boone dissembled indifference whether they took him with them, or left him behind, with so much success, that, to his extreme joy, they determined that he should accompany them. the expedition started on the first day of june, , and was occupied ten days in making salt. during this expedition, he was frequently sent out to hunt, to furnish provisions for the party; but always under such circumstances, that, much as he had hoped to escape on this expedition, no opportunity occurred, which he thought it prudent to embrace. he returned with the party to chillicothe, having derived only one advantage from the journey, that of furnishing, by his making no attempt to escape, and by his apparently cheerful return, new motives to convince the indians, that he was thoroughly domesticated among them, and had voluntarily renounced his own race; a persuasion, which, by taking as much apparent interest as any of them, in all their diurnal movements and plans, he constantly labored to establish. soon after his return he attended a warrior-council, at which, in virtue of being a member of one of the principal families, he had a right of usage and prescription, to be present. it was composed of a hundred and fifty of their bravest men, all painted and armed for an expedition, which he found was intended against boonesborough. it instantly occurred to him, as a most fortunate circumstance, that he had not escaped on the expedition to scioto. higher and more imperious motives, than merely personal considerations, now determined him at every risk to make the effort to escape, and prepare, if he might reach it, the station for a vigorous defence, by forewarning it of what was in preparation among the indians. the religious ceremonies of the council and preparation for the expedition were as follow. one of the principal war chiefs announced the intention of a party to commence an expedition against boonesborough. this he did by beating their drum, and marching with their war standard three times round the council-house. on this the council dissolved, and a sufficient number of warriors supplied themselves with arms, and a quantity of parched corn flour, as a supply of food for the expedition. all who had volunteered to join in it, then adjourned to their "winter house," and drank the war-drink, a decoction of bitter herbs and roots, for three days--preserving in other respects an almost unbroken fast. this is considered to be an act tending to propitiate the great spirit to prosper their expedition. during this period of purifying themselves, they were not allowed to sit down, or even lean upon a tree, however fatigued, until after sun-set. if a bear or deer even passed in sight, custom forbade them from killing it for refreshment. the more rigidly punctual they are in the observance of these rights, the more confidently they expect success. while the young warriors were under this probation, the aged ones, experienced in the usages of their ancestors, watched them most narrowly to see that, from irreligion, or hunger, or recklessness, they did not violate any of the transmitted religious rites, and thus bring the wrath of the great spirit upon the expedition. boone himself, as a person naturally under suspicion of having a swerving of inclination towards the station to be assailed, was obliged to observe the fast with the most rigorous exactness. during the three days' process of purification, he was not once allowed to go out of the medicine or sanctified ground, without a trusty guard, lest hunger or indifference to their laws should tempt him to violate them. when the fast and purification was complete, they were compelled to set forth, prepared or unprepared, be the weather fair or foul. accordingly, when the time arrived, they fired their guns, whooped, and danced, and sung--and continued firing their guns before them on the commencement of their route. the leading war-chief marched first, carrying their medicine bag, or budget of holy things. the rest followed in indian file, at intervals of three or four paces behind each other, now and then chiming the war-whoop in concert. they advanced in this order until they were out of sight and hearing of the village. as soon as they reached the deep woods, all became as silent as death. this silence they inculcate, that their ears may be quick to catch the least portent of danger. every one acquainted with the race, has remarked their intense keenness of vision. their eyes, for acuteness, and capability of discerning distant objects, resemble those of the eagle or the lynx; and their cat-like tread among the grass and leaves, seems so light as scarcely to shake off the dew drops. thus they advance on their expedition rapidly and in profound silence, unless some one of the party should relate that he has had an unpropitious dream when this happens, an immediate arrest is put upon the expedition, and the whole party face about, and return without any sense of shame or mortification. a whole party is thus often arrested by a single person; and their return is applauded by the tribe, as a respectful docility to the divine impulse, as they deem it, from the great spirit. these dreams are universally reverenced, as the warnings of the guardian spirits of the tribe. there is in that country a sparrow, of an uncommon species, and not often seen. this bird is called in the shawnese dialect by a name importing "kind messenger," which they deem always a true omen, whenever it appears, of bad news. they are exceedingly intimidated whenever this bird sings near them; and were it to perch and sing over their war-camp, the whole party would instantly disperse in consternation and dismay. every chief has his warrior, etissu, or waiter, to attend on him and his party. this confidential personage has charge of every thing that is eaten or drank during the expedition. he parcels it out by rules of rigid abstemiousness. though each warrior carries on his back all his travelling conveniences, and his food among the rest, yet, however keen the appetite sharpened by hunger, however burning the thirst, no one dares relieve his hunger or thirst, until his rations are dispensed to him by the etissu. boone had occasion to have all these rites most painfully impressed on his memory; for he was obliged to conform to them with the rest. one single thought occupied his mind--to seize the right occasion to escape. it was sometime before it offered. at length a deer came in sight. he had a portion of his unfinished breakfast in his hand. he expressed a desire to pursue the deer. the party consented. as soon as he was out of sight, he instantly turned his course towards boonesborough. aware that he should be pursued by enemies as keen on the scent as bloodhounds, he put forth his whole amount of backwoods skill, in doubling in his track, walking in the water, and availing himself of every imaginable expedient to throw them off his trail. his unfinished fragment of his breakfast was his only food, except roots and berries, during this escape for his life, through unknown forests and pathless swamps, and across numerous rivers, spreading in an extent of more than two hundred miles. every forest sound must have struck his ear, as a harbinger of the approaching indians. no spirit but such an one as his, could have sustained the apprehension and fatigue. no mind but one guided by the intuition of instinctive sagacity, could have so enabled him to conceal his trail, and find his way. but he evaded their pursuit. he discovered his way. he found in roots, in barks, and berries, together with what a single shot of his rifle afforded, wherewith to sustain the cravings of nature. travelling night and day, in an incredible short space of time he was in the arms of his friends at boonesborough, experiencing a reception, after such a long and hopeless absence, as words would in vain attempt to portray. chapter x. six hundred indians attack boonesborough--boone and captain smith go out to treat with the enemy under a flag of truce, and are extricated from a treacherous attempt to detain them as prisoners--defence of the fort--the indians defeated--boone goes to north carolina to bring bark his family. it will naturally be supposed that foes less wary and intelligent, than those from whom boone had escaped, after they had abandoned the hope of recapturing him, would calculate to find boonesborough in readiness for their reception. boonesborough, though the most populous and important station in kentucky, had been left by the abstraction of so many of the select inhabitants in the captivity of the blue licks, by the absence of colonel clarke in illinois, and by the actual decay of the pickets, almost defenceless. not long before the return of boone, this important post had been put under the care of major smith, an active and intelligent officer. he repaired thither, and put the station, with great labor and fatigue, in a competent state of defence. learning from the return of some of the prisoners, captured at the blue licks, the great blow which the shawnese meditated against this station, he deemed it advisable to anticipate their movements, and to fit out an expedition to meet them on their own ground.--leaving twenty young men to defend the place, he marched with thirty chosen men towards the shawnese towns. at the blue licks, a place of evil omen to kentucky, eleven of the men, anxious for the safety of the families they had left behind and deeming their force too small for the object contemplated, abandoned the enterprise and retreated to the fort. the remaining nineteen, not discouraged by the desertion of their companions, heroically persevered. they crossed the ohio to the present site of cincinnati, on rafts. they then painted their faces, and in other respects assumed the guise and garb of savages, and marched upon the indian towns. when arrived within twenty miles of these towns they met the force with which boone had set out. discouraged by his escape, the original party had returned, had been rejoined by a considerable reinforcement, the whole amounting to two hundred and fifty men on horse-back, and were again on their march against boonesborough. fortunately, major smith and his small party discovered this formidable body before they were themselves observed. but instead of endeavoring to make good their retreat from an enemy so superior in numbers, and mounted upon horses, they fired upon them and killed two of their number. an assault so unexpected alarmed the indians; and without any effort to ascertain the number of their assailants, they commenced a precipitate retreat. if these rash adventurers had stopped here, they might have escaped unmolested. but, flushed with this partial success, they rushed upon the retreating foe, and repeated their fire. the savages, restored to self-possession, halted in their turn, deliberated a moment, and turned upon the assailants. major smith, perceiving the imprudence of having thus put the enemy at bay, and the certainty of the destruction of his little force, if the indians should perceive its weakness, ordered a retreat in time; and being considerably in advance of the foe, succeeded in effecting it without loss. by a rapid march during the night, in the course of the next morning they reached boonesborough in safety. scarcely an hour after the last of their number had entered the fort, a body of six hundred indians, in three divisions of two hundred each, appeared with standards and much show of warlike array, and took their station opposite the fort. the whole was commanded by a frenchman named duquesne. they immediately sent a flag requesting the surrender of the place, in the name of the king of great britain. a council was held, and contrary to the opinion of major smith, it was decided to pay no attention to the proposal. they repeated their flag of truce, stating that they had letters from the commander at detroit to colonel boone. on this, it was resolved that colonel boone and major smith should venture out, and hear what they had to propose. fifty yards from the fort three chiefs met them with great parade, and conducted them to the spot designated for their reception, and spread a panther's skin for their seat, while two other indians held branches over their heads to protect them from the fervor of the sun. the chiefs then commenced an address five minutes in length, abounding in friendly assurances, and the avowal of kind sentiments. a part of the advanced warriors grounded their arms, and came forward to shake hands with them. the letter from governor hamilton of detroit was then produced, and read. it proposed the most favorable terms of surrender, provided the garrison would repair to detroit. major smith assured them that the proposition seemed a kind one; but that it was impossible, in their circumstances, to remove their women and children to detroit. the reply was that this difficulty should be removed, for that they had brought forty horses with them, expressly prepared for such a contingency. in a long and apparently amicable interview, during which the indians smoked with them, and vaunted their abstinence in not having killed the swine and cattle of the settlement, boone and smith arose to return to the fort, and make known these proposals, and to deliberate upon their decision. twenty indians accompanied their return as far as the limits stipulated between the parties allowed. the negotiators having returned, and satisfied the garrison that the indians had no cannon, advised to listen to no terms, but to defend the fort to the last extremity. the inmates of the station resolved to follow this counsel. in a short time the indians sent in another flag, with a view, as they stated, to ascertain the result of the deliberations of the fort. word was sent them, that if they wished to settle a treaty, a place of conference must be assigned intermediate between their camp and the fort. the indians consented to this stipulation, and deputed thirty chiefs to arrange the articles, though such appeared to be their distrust, that they could not be induced to come nearer than eighty yards from the fort. smith and boone with four others were deputed to confer with them. after a close conference of two days, an arrangement was agreed upon, which contained a stipulation, that neither party should cross the ohio, until after the terms had been decided upon by the respective authorities on either side. the wary heads of this negotiation considered these terms of the indians as mere lures to beguile confidence. when the treaty was at last ready for signature, an aged chief, who had seemed to regulate all the proceedings, remarked that he must first go to his people, and that he would immediately return, and sign the instrument. he was observed to step aside in conference with some young warriors. on his return the negotiators from the garrison asked the chief why he had brought young men in place of those who had just been assisting at the council? his answer was prompt and ingenious. it was, that he wished to gratify his young warriors, who desired to become acquainted with the ways of the whites. it was then proposed, according to the custom of both races, that the parties should shake hands. as the two chief negotiators, smith and boone, arose to depart, they were both seized from behind. suspicious of treachery, they had posted twenty-five men in a bastion, with orders to fire upon the council, as soon as they should see any marks of treachery or violence. the instant the negotiators were seized, the whole besieging force fired upon them, and the fire was as promptly returned by the men in the bastion. the powerful savages who had grasped boone and smith, attempted to drag them off as prisoners. the one who held smith was compelled to release his grasp by being shot dead. colonel boone was slightly wounded. a second tomahawk, by which his skull would have been cleft asunder, he evaded, and it partially fell on major smith; but being in a measure spent, it did not inflict a dangerous wound. the negotiators escaped to the fort without receiving any other injury. the almost providential escape of boone and smith can only be accounted for by the confusion into which the indians were thrown, as soon as these men were seized, and by the prompt fire of the men concealed in the bastion. added to this, the two indians who seized them were both shot dead, by marksmen who knew how to kill the indians, and at the same time spare the whites, in whose grasp they were held. the firing on both sides now commenced in earnest, and was kept up without intermission from morning dawn until dark. the garrison, at once exasperated and cheered by the meditated treachery of the negotiation and its result, derided the furious indians, and thanked them for the stratagem of the negotiation, which had given them time to prepare the fort for their reception. goaded to desperation by these taunts, and by duquesne, who harangued them to the onset, they often rushed up to the fort, as if they purposed to storm it. dropping dead under the cool and deliberate aim of the besieged, the remainder of the forlorn hope, raising a yell of fury and despair, fell back. other infuriated bands took their place; and these scenes were often repeated, invariably with the same success, until both parties were incapable of taking aim on account of the darkness. they then procured a quantity of combustible matter, set fire to it, and approached under covert of the darkness, so near the palisades as to throw the burning materials into the fort. but the inmates had availed themselves of the two days' consultation, granted them by the treacherous foe, to procure an ample supply of water; and they had the means of extinguishing the burning faggots as they fell. finding their efforts to fire the fort ineffectual, they returned again to their arms, and continued to fire upon the station for some days. taught a lesson of prudence, however, by what had already befallen them, they kept at such a cautious distance, as that their fire took little effect. a project to gain the place, more wisely conceived, and promising better success, was happily discovered by colonel boone. the walls of the fort were distant sixty yards from the kentucky river. the bosom of the current was easily discernible by the people within. boone discovered in the morning that the stream near the shore was extremely turbid. he immediately divined the cause. the indians had commenced a trench at the water level of the river bank, mining upwards towards the station, and intending to reach the interior by a passage under the wall. he took measures to render their project ineffectual, by ordering a trench to be cut inside the fort, across the line of their subterraneous passage. they were probably apprised of the countermine that was digging within, by the quantity of earth thrown over the wall. but, stimulated by the encouragement of their french engineer, they continued to advance their mine towards the wall, until, from the friability of the soil through which it passed, it fell in, and all their labor was lost. with a perseverance that in a good cause would have done them honor, in no wise discouraged by this failure to intermit their exertions, they returned again to their fire arms, and kept up a furious and incessant firing for some days, but producing no more impression upon the station than before. during the siege, which lasted eight days, they proposed frequent parleys, requesting the surrender of the place, and professing to treat the garrison with the utmost kindness. they were answered, that they must deem the garrison to be still more brutally fools than themselves, to expect that they would place any confidence in the proposals of wretches who had already manifested such base and stupid treachery. they were bidden to fire on, for that their waste of powder and lead gave the garrison little uneasiness, and were assured that they could not hope the surrender of the place, while there was a man left within it. on the morning of the ninth day from the commencement of the siege, after having, as usual, wreaked their disappointed fury upon the cattle and swine, they decamped, and commenced a retreat. no indian expedition against the whites had been known to have had such a disastrous issue for them. during the siege, their loss was estimated by the garrison at two hundred killed, beside a great number wounded. the garrison, on the contrary, protected by the palisades, behind which they could fire in safety, and deliberately prostrate every foe that exposed himself near enough to become a mark, lost but two killed, and had six wounded. after the siege, the people of the fort, to whom lead was a great object, began to collect the balls that the indians had fired upon them. they gathered in the logs of the fort, beside those that had fallen to the ground, a hundred and twenty-five pounds. the failure of this desperate attempt, with such a powerful force, seems to have discouraged the indians and their canadian allies from making any further effort against boonesborough. in the autumn of this season, colonel boone returned to north carolina to visit his wife and family. when he was taken at the blue licks, with his associates, who had returned, while he was left behind in a long captivity, during which no more news of him transpired than as if he were actually among the dead, the people of the garrison naturally concluded that he had been killed. his wife and family numbered him as among the dead; and often had they shuddered on the bare recurrence of some one to the probability of the tortures he had undergone. deeply attached to him, and inconsolable, they could no longer endure a residence which so painfully reminded them of their loss. as soon as they had settled their minds to the conviction that their head would return to them no more, they resolved to leave these forests that had been so fatal to them, and return to the banks of the yadkin, where were all their surviving connections. a family so respectable and dear to the settlement would not be likely to leave without having to overcome many tender and pressing solicitations to remain, and many promises that if they would, their temporal wants should be provided for. to all this mrs. boone could only object, that kentucky had indeed been to her, as its name imported, a dark and _bloody ground_. she had lost her eldest son by the savage fire before they had reached the country. her daughter had been made a captive, and had experienced a forbearance from the indians to her inexplicable. she would have been carried away to the savage towns, and there would have been forcibly married to some warrior, but for the perilous attempt, and improbable success of her father in recapturing her. now the father himself, her affectionate husband, and the heroic defender of the family, had fallen a sacrifice, probably in the endurance of tortures on which the imagination dared not to dwell. under the influence of griefs like these, next to the unfailing resource of religion, the heart naturally turns to the sympathy and society of those bound to it by the ties of nature and affinity. they returned to their friends in north carolina. it was nearly five years since this now desolate family had started in company with the first emigrating party of families, in high hopes and spirits, for kentucky. we have narrated their disastrous rencounter with the indians in powell's valley, and their desponding return to clinch river. we have seen their subsequent return to boonesborough, on kentucky river. tidings of the party thus far had reached the relatives of mrs. boone's family in north carolina; but no news from the country west of the alleghanies had subsequently reached them. all was uncertain conjecture, whether they still lived, or had perished by famine, wild beasts, or the indians. at the close of the summer of , the settlement on the yadkin saw a company on pack horses approaching in the direction from the western wilderness. they had often seen parties of emigrants departing in that direction, but it was a novel spectacle to see one return from that quarter. at the head of that company was a blooming youth, scarcely yet arrived at the age of manhood. it was the eldest surviving son of daniel boone. next behind him was a matronly woman, in weeds, and with a countenance of deep dejection. it was mrs. boone. still behind was the daughter who had been a captive with the indians. the remaining children were too young to feel deeply. the whole group was respectable in appearance, though clad in skins, and the primitive habiliments of the wilderness. it might almost have been mistaken for a funeral procession. it stopped at the house of mr. bryan, the father of mrs. boone. the people of the settlement were not long in collecting to hear news from the west, and learn the fate of their former favorite, boone, and his family. as mrs. boone, in simple and backwood's phrase, related the thrilling story of their adventures, which needed no trick of venal eloquence to convey it to the heart, an abundant tribute of tears from the hearers convinced the bereaved narrator that true sympathy is natural to the human heart. as they shuddered at the dark character of many of the incidents related, it was an hour of triumph, notwithstanding their pity, for those wiser ones, who took care, in an under tone, to whisper that it might be remembered that they had predicted all that had happened. chapter xi. a sketch of the character and adventures of several other pioneers--harrod, kenton, logan, ray, mcaffee, and others. colonel boone having seen the formidable invasion of boonesborough successfully repelled, and with such a loss as would not be likely to tempt the indians to repeat such assaults--and having thus disengaged his mind from public duties, resigned it to the influence of domestic sympathies. the affectionate husband and father, concealing the tenderest heart under a sun-burnt and care-worn visage, was soon seen crossing the alleghanies in pursuit of his wife and children. the bright star of his morning promise had been long under eclipse; for this journey was one of continued difficulties, vexations, and dangers--so like many of his sufferings already recounted, that we pass them by, fearing the effect of incidents of so much monotony upon the reader's patience. the frame and spirit of the western adventurer were of iron. he surmounted all, and was once more in the bosom of his family on the yadkin, who, in the language of the bible, hailed him as one _who had been dead and was alive again; who had been lost and was found_. many incidents of moment and interest in the early annals of kentucky occurred during this reunion of boone with his family. as his name is forever identified with these annals, we hope it will not be deemed altogether an episode if we introduce here a brief chronicle of those incidents--though not directly associated with the subject of our memoir. in presenting those incidents, we shall be naturally led to speak of some of the other patriarchs of kentucky--all boones in their way--all strangely endowed with that peculiar character which fitted them for the time, place, and achievements. we thus discover the foresight of providence in the arrangement of means to ends. this is no where seen more conspicuously than in the characters of the founders of states and institutions. during the absence of colonel boone, there was a general disposition in kentucky to retaliate upon the shawnese some of the injuries and losses which they had so often inflicted upon the infant settlement. colonel bowman, with a force of a hundred and sixty men, was selected to command the expedition; and it was destined against old chillicothe--the den where the red northern savages had so long concentrated their expeditions against the settlements south of the ohio. the force marched in the month of july, , and reached its destination undiscovered by the indians. a contest commenced with the indians at early dawn, which lasted until ten in the morning. but, although colonel bowman's force sustained itself with great gallantry, the numbers and concealment of the enemy precluded the chance of a victory. he retreated, with an inconsiderable loss, a distance of thirty miles. the indians, collecting all their forces, pursued and overtook him. another engagement of two hours ensued, more to the disadvantage of the kentuckians than the former. colonel harrod proposed to mount a number of horse, and make a charge upon the indians, who continued the fight with great fury. this apparently desperate measure was followed by the happiest results. the indian front was broken, and their force thrown into irreparable confusion. colonel bowman, having sustained a loss of nine killed and one wounded, afterwards continued an unmolested retreat. in june of the next year, , six hundred indians and canadians, commanded by colonel bird, a british officer, attacked riddle's and martin's stations, at the forks of the licking, with six pieces of cannon. they conducted this expedition with so much secrecy, that the first intimation of it which the unsuspecting inhabitants had, was being fired upon. unprepared to resist so formidable a force, provided moreover with cannon, against which their palisade walls would not stand, they were obliged to surrender at discretion. the savages immediately prostrated one man and two women with the tomahawk. all the other prisoners, many of whom were sick, were loaded with baggage and forced to accompany their return march to the indian towns. whoever, whether male or female, infant or aged, became unable, from sickness or exhaustion, to proceed, was immediately dispatched with the tomahawk. the inhabitants, exasperated by the recital of cruelties to the children and women, too horrible to be named, put themselves under the standard of the intrepid and successful general clarke, who commanded a regiment of united states' troops at the falls of ohio. he was joined by a number of volunteers from the country, and they marched against pickaway, one of the principal towns of the shawnese, on the great miami. he conducted this expedition with his accustomed good fortune. he burnt their town to ashes. beside the dead, which, according to their custom, the indians carried off, seventeen bodies were left behind. the loss of general clarke was seventeen killed. we here present brief outlines of some of the other more prominent western pioneers, the kindred spirits, the boones of kentucky. high spirited intelligent, intrepid as they were, they can never supplant the reckless hero of kentucky and missouri in our thoughts. it is true, these men deserve to have their memories perpetuated in monumental brass, and the more enduring page of history. but there is a sad interest attached to the memory of daniel boone, which can never belong, in an equal degree, to theirs. they foresaw what this beautiful country would become in the hands of its new possessors. extending their thoughts beyond the ken of a hunter's calculations, they anticipated the consequences of buts and bounds, officers of registry and record, and courts of justice. in due time, they secured a fair and adequate reversion in the soil which they had planted and so nobly defended. hence, their posterity, with the inheritance of their name and renown, enter into the heritage of their possessions, and find an honorable and an abundant residence in the country which their fathers settled. boone, on the contrary, was too simple-minded, too little given to prospective calculations, and his heart in too much what was passing under his eye, to make this thrifty forecast. in age, in penury, landless, and without a home, he is seen leaving kentucky, then an opulent and flourishing country, for a new wilderness and new scenes of adventure. among the names of the conspicuous backwoodsmen who settled the west, we cannot fail to recognize that of james harrod. he was from the banks of the monongahela, and among the earliest immigrants to the "bloody ground." he descended the great kenhawa, and returned to pennsylvania in . he made himself conspicuous with a party of his friends at the famous contest with the indians at the "point," next year he returned to kentucky with a party of immigrants, fixing himself at one of the earliest settlements in the country, which, in honor of him, was called harrodsburgh. nature had moulded him of a form and temperament to look the formidable red man in the face. he was six feet, muscular, broad chested, of a firm and animated countenance, keen and piercing eyes, and sparing of speech. he gained himself an imperishable name in the annals of kentucky, under the extreme disadvantage of not knowing how to read or write! obliging and benevolent to his neighbors, he was brave and active in their defence. a successful, because a persevering and intelligent hunter, he was liberal to profuseness in the distribution of the spoils. vigilant and unerring with his rifle, it was at one time directed against the abundant game for the sake of his friends rather than himself; and at others, against the enemies of his country. guided by the inexplicable instinct of forest skill, he could conduct the wanderer in the woods from point to point through the wilderness, as the needle guides the mariner upon the ocean. so endowed, others equally illiterate, and less gifted, naturally, and from instinct, arranged themselves under his banner, and fearlessly followed such a leader. if it was reported, that a family, recently arrived in the country, and not yet acquainted with the backwood's modes of supply, was in want of food, harrod was seen at the cabin door, offering the body of a deer or buffalo, which he had just killed. the commencing farmer, who had lost his oxen, or plough horse, in the range, and unused to the vocation of hunting them, or fearful of the indian rifle, felt no hesitancy, from his known character, in applying to harrod. he would disappear in the woods, and in the exercise of his own wonderful tact, the lost beast was soon seen driving to the door. but the precincts of a station, or the field of a farm, were too uncongenial a range for such a spirit as his. to breathe the fresh forest air--to range deserts where man was not to be seen--to pursue the wild deer and buffalo--to trap the bear and the wolf, or beside the still pond, or the unexplored stream, to catch otters and beavers--to bring down the wild turkey from the summit of the highest trees; such were the congenial pursuits in which he delighted. but, in a higher sphere, and in the service of his country, he united the instinctive tact and dexterity of a huntsman with the bravery of a soldier. no labor was too severe for his hardihood; no enterprise too daring and forlorn for his adventure; no course too intricate and complicated for his judgment, so far as native talent could guide it. as a colonel of the militia, he conducted expeditions against the indians with uncommon success. after the country had become populous, and he a husband and a father, in the midst of an affectionate family, possessed of every comfort--such was the effect of temperament, operating upon habit, that he became often silent and thoughtful in the midst of the social circle, and was seen in that frame to wander away into remote forests, and to bury himself amidst the unpeopled knobs, where, in a few weeks, he would reacquire his cheerfulness. in one of these excursions he disappeared, and was seen no more, leaving no trace to determine whether he died a natural death, was slain by wild beasts, or the tomahawk of the savage. among the names of many of the first settlers of harrodsburgh, are those that are found most prominent in the early annals of kentucky. in the first list of these we find the names of mcgary, harland, mcbride, and chaplain. among the young settlers, none were more conspicuous for active, daring, and meritorious service, than james ray. prompt at his post at the first moment of alarm, brave in the field, fearless and persevering in the pursuit of the enemy, scarcely a battle, skirmish, or expedition took place in which he had not a distinguished part. equally expert as a woodsman, and skilful and successful as a hunter, he was often employed as a spy. it is recorded of him that he left his garrison, when short of provisions, by night marched to a forest at the distance of six miles, killed a buffalo, and, loaded with the choice parts of the flesh, returned to regale the hungry inhabitants in the morning. he achieved this enterprise, too, when it was well known that the vicinity was thronged with indians, lurking for an opportunity to kill. these are the positions which try the daring and skill, the usefulness and value of men, furnishing a criterion which cannot be counterfeited between reality and resemblance. we may perhaps in this place most properly introduce another of the famous partisans in savage warfare, simon kenton, alias butler, who, from humble beginnings, made himself conspicuous by distinguished services and achievements in the first settlements of this country, and ought to be recorded as one of the patriarchs of kentucky. he was born in virginia, in . he grew to maturity without being able to read or write; but from his early exploits he seems to have been endowed with feelings which the educated and those born in the upper walks of life, appear to suppose a monopoly reserved for themselves. it is recorded of him, that at the age of nineteen, he had a violent contest with another competitor for the favor of the lady of his love. she refused to make an election between them, and the subject of this notice indignantly exiled himself from his native place. after various peregrinations on the long rivers of the west, he fixed himself in kentucky, and soon became a distinguished partisan against the savages. in , he joined himself to lord dunmore, and was appointed one of his spies. he made various excursions, and performed important services in this employ. he finally selected a place for improvement on the site where washington now is. returning one day from hunting, he found one of his companions slain by the indians, and his body thrown into the fire. he left washington in consequence, and joined himself to colonel clarke in his fortunate and gallant expedition against vincennes and kaskaskia. he was sent by that commander with despatches for kentucky. he passed through the streets of vincennes, then in possession of the british and indians, without discovery. arriving at white river, he and his party made a raft on which to cross with their guns and baggage, driving their horses into the river and compelling them to swim it. a party of indians was concealed on the opposite bank, who took possession of the horses as they mounted the bank from crossing the river. butler and his party seeing this, continued to float down the river on their raft without coming to land. they concealed themselves in the bushes until night, when they crossed the river, pursued their journey, and delivered their despatches. after this, butler made a journey of discovery to the northern regions of the ohio country, and was made prisoner by the indians. they painted him black, as is their custom when a victim is destined for their torture, and informed him that he was to be burned at chillicothe. meanwhile, for their own amusement, and as a prelude of his torture, they manacled him hand and foot, and placed him on an unbridled and unbroken horse, and turned the animal loose, driving it off at its utmost speed, with shouts, delighted at witnessing its mode of managing with its living burden. the horse unable to shake off this new and strange encumbrance, made for the thickest covert of the woods and brambles, with the speed of the winds. it is easy to conjecture the position and suffering of the victim. the terrified animal exhausted itself in fruitless efforts to shake off its burden, and worn down and subdued, brought butler back amidst the yells of the exulting savages to the camp. arrived within a mile of chillicothe, they halted, took butler from his horse and tied him to a stake, where he remained twenty-four hours in one position. he was taken from the stake to "run the gauntlet." the indian mode of managing this kind of torture was as follows: the inhabitants of the tribe, old and young, were placed in parallel lines, armed with clubs and switches. the victim was to make his way to the council house through these files, every member of which struggled to beat him as he passed as severely as possible. if he reached the council house alive, he was to be spared. in the lines were nearly six hundred indians, and butler had to make his way almost a mile in the endurance of this infernal sport. he was started by a blow; but soon broke through the files, and had almost reached the council house, when a stout warrior knocked him down with a club. he was severely beaten in this position, and taken back again into custody. it seems incredible that they sometimes adopted their prisoners, and treated them with the utmost lenity and even kindness. at other times, ingenuity was exhausted to invent tortures, and every renewed endurance of the victim seemed to stimulate their vengeance to new discoveries of cruelty. butler was one of these ill-fated subjects. no way satisfied with what they had done, they marched him from village to village to give all a spectacle of his sufferings. he run the gauntlet thirteen times. he made various attempts to escape; and in one instance would have effected it, had he not been arrested by some savages who were accidentally returning to the village from which he was escaping. it was finally determined to burn him at the lower sandusky, but an apparent accident changed his destiny. in passing to the stake, the procession went by the cabin of girty, of whom we have already spoken. this renegado white man lived among these indians, and had just returned from an unsuccessful expedition against the whites on the frontiers of pennsylvania. the wretch burned with disappointment and revenge, and hearing that there was a white man going to the torture, determined to wreak his vengeance on him. he found the unfortunate butler, threw him to the ground, and began to beat him. butler, who instantly recognized in girty the quondam companion and playmate of youth, at once made himself known to him. this sacramental tie of friendship, on recognition, caused the savage heart of girty to relent. he raised him up, and promised to save him. he procured the assemblage of a council, and persuaded the savages to relinquish butler to him. he took the unfortunate man home, fed, and clothed him, and butler began to recruit from his wounds and torture. but the relenting of the savages was only transient and momentary. after five days they repented of their relaxation in his favor, reclaimed him, and marched him to lower sandusky to be burned there, according to their original purpose. by a fortunate coincidence, he there met the indian agent from detroit, who, from motives of humanity, exerted his influence with the savages for his release, and took him with him to detroit. here he was paroled by the governor. he escaped; and being endowed, like daniel boone, to be at home in the woods, by a march of thirty days through the wilderness, he reached kentucky. in , simon kenton reoccupied the settlement, near washington, which he had commenced in . associated with a number of people, he erected a block-house, and made a station here. this became an important point of covering and defence for the interior country. immigrants felt more confidence in landing at limestone. to render this confidence more complete, kenton and his associates built a block-house at limestone. two men, of the name of tanner, had made a small settlement the year preceding at blue lick, and were now making salt there. the route from limestone to lexington became one of the most general travel for immigrants, and many stations sprang up upon it. travellers to the country had hitherto been compelled to sleep under the open canopy, exposed to the rains and dews of the night. but cabins were now so common, that they might generally repose under a roof that sheltered them from the weather, and find a bright fire, plenty of wood, and with the rustic fare, a most cheerful and cordial welcome. the people of these new regions were hospitable from native inclination. they were hospitable from circumstances. none but those who dwell in a wilderness, where the savages roam and the wolves howl, can understand all the pleasant associations connected with the sight of a stranger of the same race. the entertainer felt himself stronger from the presence of his guest. his offered food and fare were the spoils of the chase. he heard news from the old settlements and the great world; and he saw in the accession of every stranger a new guaranty of the security, wealth, and improvement of the infant country where he had chosen his resting place. among other worthy associates of boone, we may mention the family of mcaffee. two brothers, james and robert, emigrated from the county of botetourt, virginia, and settled on salt river, six miles from harrodsburgh. having revisited their parent country, on their return they brought with them william and george mcaffee. in , the indians destroyed the whole of their valuable stock of cattle, while they were absent from kentucky. in they returned, and settled mcaffee's station, which was subsequently compelled to take its full share in the sufferings and dangers of indian hostilities. benjamin logan immigrated to the country in , as a private citizen. but he was a man of too much character to remain unnoted. as his character developed, he was successively appointed a magistrate, elected a member of the legislature and rose, as a military character, to the rank of general. his parents were natives of ireland, who emigrated, while young, to pennsylvania, where they married, and soon afterwards removed to augusta county, virginia. benjamin, their oldest son, was born there; and at the age of fourteen, lost his father. charged, at this early age, with the care of a widowed mother, and children still younger than himself, neither the circumstances of his family, of the country, or his peculiar condition, allowed him the chances of education. almost as unlettered as james harrod, he was a memorable example of a self-formed man. great natural acuteness, and strong intellectual powers, were, however, adorned by a disposition of uncommon benevolence. under the eye of an excellent father, he commenced with the rudiments of common instruction, the soundest lessons of christian piety and morality, which were continued by the guidance and example of an admirable mother, with whom he resided until he was turned of twenty-one. his father had deceased intestate, and, in virtue of the laws then in force, the whole extensive inheritance of his father's lands descended to him, to the exclusion of his brothers and sisters. his example ought to be recorded for the benefit of those grasping children in these days, who, dead to all natural affection, and every sentiment but avarice, seize all that the law will grant, whether equity will sanction it or not. disregarding this claim of primogeniture, he insisted that the whole inheritance should be parceled into equal shares, of which he accepted only his own. but the generous impulses of his noble nature, were not limited to the domestic circle. his heart was warm with the more enlarged sentiments of patriotism. at the age of twenty-one, he accompanied colonel beauquette, as a serjeant, in a hostile expedition against the indians of the north. having provided for the comfortable settlement of his mother and family on james river, virginia, he moved to the holston, where he settled and married. having been in the expedition of lord dunmore against the indians, and having thus acquired a taste for forest marches and incident, he determined, in , to try his fortunes in kentucky, which country had then just become a theme of discussion. he set forth from his mother's family with three slaves, leaving the rest to her. in powell's valley he met with boone, henderson, and other kindred spirits, and pursued his journey towards kentucky in company with them. he parted from them, before they reached boonesborough, and selected a spot for himself, afterwards called logan's fort, or station. in the winter of , he removed his family from holston, and in march, arrived with it in kentucky. it was the same year in which the daughter of col. boone, and those of col. calloway were made captives. the whole-country being in a state of alarm, he endeavored to assemble some of the settlers that were dispersed in the country called the crab orchard, to join him at his cabins, and there form a station of sufficient strength to defend itself against indian assault. but finding them timid and unresolved, he was himself obliged to desert his incipient settlement, and move for safety to harrodsburgh. yet, such was his determination not to abandon his selected spot, that he raised a crop of corn there, defenceless and surrounded on all sides by indian incursion. in the winter of , and previous to the attack of harrodsburgh, he found six families ready to share with him the dangers of the selected spot; and he removed his family with them to his cabins, where the settlement immediately united in the important duty of palisading a station. before these arrangements were fully completed as the females of the establishment, on the twentieth of may, were milking their cows, sustained by a guard of their husbands and fathers, the whole party was suddenly assailed by a large body of indians, concealed in a cane-brake. one man was killed, and two wounded, one mortally, the other severely. the remainder reached the interior of the palisades in safety. the number in all was thirty, half of whom were women and children. a circumstance was now discovered, exceedingly trying to such a benevolent spirit as that of logan. while the indians were still firing, and the inmates part exulting in their safety, and the others mourning over their dead and wounded, it was perceived, that one of the wounded, by the name of harrison, was still alive, and exposed every moment to be scalped by the indians. all this his wife and family could discern from within. it is not difficult to imagine their agonizing condition, and piercing lamentations for the fate of one so dear to them. logan discovered, on this occasion, the same keen sensibility to tenderness, and insensibility to danger, that characterized his friend boone in similar predicaments. he endeavored to rally a few of the small number of the male inmates of the place to join him, and rush out, and assist in attempting to bring the wounded man within the palisades. but so obvious was the danger, so forlorn appeared the enterprise, that no one could be found disposed to volunteer his aid, except a single individual by the name of john martin. when they had reached the gate, the wounded man raised himself partly erect, and made a movement, as if disposed to try to reach the fort himself. on this, martin desisted from the enterprise, and left logan to attempt it alone. he rushed forward to the wounded man. he made some efforts to crawl onwards by the aid of logan; but weakened by the loss of blood, and the agony of his wounds, he fainted, and logan taking him up in his arms, bore him towards the fort. a shower of bullets was discharged upon them, many of which struck the palisades close to his head, as he brought the wounded man safe within the gate, and deposited him in the care of his family. the station, at this juncture, was destitute of both powder and ball; and there was no chance of supply nearer than holston. all intercourse between station and station was cut off. without ammunition the station could not be defended against the indians. the question was, how to obviate this pressing emergency, and obtain a supply? captain logan selected two trusty companions, left the fort by night, evaded the besieging indians, reached the woods, and with his companions made his way in safety to holston, procured the necessary supply of ammunition, packed it under their care on horseback, giving them directions how to proceed. he then left them, and traversing the forests by a shorter route on foot, he reached the fort in safety, in ten days from his departure. the indians still kept up the siege with unabated perseverance. the hopes of the diminished garrison had given way to despair. the return of logan inspired them with renewed confidence. uniting the best attributes of a woodsman and a soldier to uncommon local acquaintance with the country, his instinctive sagacity prescribed to him, on this journey, the necessity of deserting the beaten path, where, he was aware, he should be intercepted by the savages. avoiding, from the same calculation, the passage of the cumberland gap, he explored a track in which man, or at least the white man, had never trodden before. we may add, it has never been trodden since. through cane-brakes and tangled thickets, over cliffs and precipices, and pathless mountains, he made his solitary way. following his directions implicitly, his companions, who carried the ammunition, also reached the fort, and it was saved. his rencounters with the indians, and his hairbreadth escapes make no inconsiderable figure in the subsequent annals of kentucky. the year after the siege of his fort, on a hunting excursion, he discovered an indian camp, at big flat spring, two miles from his station. returning immediately he raised a party, with which he attacked the camp, from which the indians fled with precipitation, without much loss on their part, and none on his. a short time after he was attacked at the same place, by another party of indians. his arm was broken by their fire, and he was otherwise slightly wounded in the breast. they even seized the mane of his horse, and he escaped them from their extreme eagerness to take him alive. no sooner were his wounds healed, than we find him in the fore front of the expedition against the indians. in , he served as a captain in bowman's campaign. he signalized his bravery in the unfortunate battle that ensued, and was with difficulty compelled to retire, when retreat became necessary. the next year a party travelling from harrodsburgh towards logan's fort, were fired upon by the indians, and two of them mortally wounded one, however, survived to reach the fort, and give an account of the fate of his wounded companion. logan immediately raised a small party of young men, and repaired to the aid of the wounded man, who had crawled out of sight of the indians behind a clump of bushes. he was still alive. logan took him on his shoulders, occasionally relieved in sustaining the burden by his younger associates, and in this way conveyed him to the fort. on their return from harrodsburgh, logan's party were fired upon, and one of the party wounded. the assailants were repelled with loss; and it was logan's fortune again to be the bearer of the wounded man upon his shoulders for a long distance, exposed, the while, to the fire of the indians. his reputation for bravery and hospitality, and the influence of a long train of connections, caused him to be the instrument of bringing out many immigrants to kentucky. they were of a character to prove an acquisition to the country. like his friends, daniel boone, and james harrod, his house was open to all the recent immigrants. in the early stages of the settlement of the country, his station, like boone's and harrod's, was one of the main pillars of the colony. feeling the importance of this station, as a point of support to the infant settlements, he took effectual measures to keep up an intercourse with the other stations, particularly those of boone and harrod. dangerous as this intercourse was, logan generally travelled alone, often by night, and universally with such swiftness of foot, that few could be found able to keep speed with him. in the year , he received his commission as colonel, and was soon after a member of the virginia legislature at richmond. in the year , the indians attacked montgomery's station, consisting of six families, connected by blood with colonel logan. the father and brother of mrs. logan were killed, and her sister-in-law, with four children, taken prisoners. this disaster occurred about ten miles from logan's fort. his first object was to rescue the prisoners, and his next to chastise the barbarity of the indians. he immediately collected a party of his friends, and repaired to the scene of action. he was here joined by the bereaved relatives of montgomery's family. he commanded a rapid pursuit of the enemy, who were soon overtaken, and briskly attacked. they faced upon their assailants, but were beaten after a severe conflict. william montgomery killed three indians, and wounded a fourth. two women and three children were rescued. the savages murdered the other child to prevent its being re-taken. the other prisoners would have experienced the same fate, had they not fled for their lives into the thickets. it would be very easy to extend this brief sketch of some of the more conspicuous pioneers of kentucky. their heroic and disinterested services, their lavish prodigality of their blood and property, gave them that popularity which is universally felt to be a high and priceless acquisition. loved, and trusted, and honored as fathers of their country; while they lived, they had the persuasion of such generous minds as theirs, that their names would descend with blessings to their grateful posterity. chapter xii. boone's brother killed, and boone himself narrowly escapes from the indians--assault upon ashton's station--and upon the station near shelbyville--attack upon mcaffee's station. we have already spoken of the elder brother of col. boone and his second return to the yadkin. a fondness for the western valleys seems to have been as deeply engraven in his affections, as in the heart of his brother. he subsequently returned once more with his family to kentucky. in we find a younger brother of daniel boone resident with him. the two brothers set out on the sixth of october of that year, to revisit the blue licks. it may well strike us as a singular fact, that colonel boone should have felt any disposition to revisit a place that was connected with so many former disasters. but, as a place convenient for the manufacture of salt, it was a point of importance to the rapidly growing settlement. they had manufactured as much salt as they could pack, and were returning to boonesborough, when they were overtaken by a party of indians. by the first fire colonel boone's brother fell dead by his side. daniel boone faced the enemy, and aimed at the foremost indian, who appeared to have been the slayer of his brother. that indian fell. by this time he discovered a host advancing upon him. taking the still loaded rifle of his fallen brother, he prostrated another foe, and while flying from his enemy found time to reload his rifle. the bullets of a dozen muskets whistled about his head; but the distance of the foe rendered them harmless. no scalp would have been of so much value to his pursuers as that of the well known daniel boone; and they pursued him with the utmost eagerness. his object was so far to outstrip them, as to be able to conceal his trail, and put them to fault in regard to his course. he made for a little hill, behind which was a stream of water. he sprang into the water and waded up its current for some distance, and then emerged and struck off at right angles to his former course. darting onward at the height of his speed, he hoped that he had distanced them, and thrown them off his trail. to his infinite mortification, he discovered that his foe, either accidentally, or from their natural sagacity, had rendered all his caution fruitless, and were fiercely pursuing him still. his next expedient was that of a swing by the aid of a grape-vine, which had so well served him on a like occasion before. he soon found one convenient for the experiment, and availed himself of it, as before. this hope was also disappointed. his foe still hung with staunch perseverance on his trail. he now perceived by their movements, that they were conducted by a dog, that easily ran in zig-zag directions, when at fault, until it had re-scented his course. the expedient of boone was the only one that seemed adequate to save him. his gun was reloaded. the dog was in advance of the indians, still scenting his track. a rifle shot delivered him from his officious pursuer. he soon reached a point convenient for concealing his trail, and while the indians were hunting for it, gained so much upon them as to be enabled to reach boonesborough in safety. at the close of the autumn of , kentucky, from being one county, was divided into three, named jefferson, fayette, and lincoln. william pope, daniel boone, and benjamin logan, were appointed to the important offices of commanding the militia of their respective counties. during this year col. clarke descended the ohio, with a part of his virginia regiment, and after entering the mississippi, at the first bluff on the eastern bank, he landed and built fort jefferson. the occupation of this fort, for the time, added the chickasaws to the number of hostile indians that the western people had to encounter. it was soon discovered, that it would be advisable to evacuate it, as a mean of restoring peace. it was on their acknowleged territory. it had been erected without their consent. they boasted it, as a proof of their friendship, that they had never invaded kentucky; and they indignantly resented this violation of their territory. the evacuation of the fort was the terms of a peace which the chickasaws faithfully observed. the winter of , was one of unusual length and distress for the young settlement of kentucky. many of the immigrants arrived after the close of the hunting season; and beside, were unskilful in the difficult pursuit of supplying themselves with game. the indians had destroyed most of the corn of the preceding summer, and the number of persons to be supplied had rapidly increased. these circumstances created a temporary famine, which, added to the severity of the season, inflicted much severe suffering upon the settlement. boone and harrod were abroad, breasting the keen forest air, and seeking the retreat of the deer and buffalo, now becoming scarce, as the inhabitants multiplied. these indefatigable and intrepid men supplied the hungry immigrants with the flesh of buffaloes and deers; and the hardy settlers, accustomed to privations, and not to over delicacy in their food, contented themselves to live entirely on meat, until, in the ensuing autumn, they once more derived abundance from the fresh and fertile soil. in may, , a body of savages assaulted ashton's station, killed one man, and took another prisoner. captain ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued and overtook them. an engagement, which lasted two hours, ensued. but the great superiority of the indians in number, obliged captain ashton to retreat. the loss of this intrepid party was severe. eight were killed, and four mortally wounded--their brave commander being among the number of the slain. four children were taken captive from major hoy's station, in august following. unwarned by the fate of captain ashton's party. captain holden, with the inadequate force of seventeen men, pursued the captors, came up with them, and were defeated with the loss of four men killed, and one wounded. this was one of the most disastrous periods since the settlement of the country. a number of the more recent and feeble stations, were so annoyed by savage hostility as to be broken up. the horses were carried off, and the cattle killed in every direction. near lexington, a man at work in his field, was shot dead by a single indian, who ran upon his foe to scalp him, and was himself shot dead from the fort, and fell on the body of his foe. during the severity of winter, the fury of indian incursion was awhile suspended, and the stern and scarred hunters had a respite of a few weeks about their cabin fires. but in march, the hostilities were renewed, and several marauding parties of indians entered the country from north of the ohio. col. william lyn, and captains tipton and chapman, were killed by small detachments that waylaid them upon the beargrass. in pursuit of one of these parties, captain aquila white, with seventeen men trailed the indians to the falls of the ohio. supposing that they had crossed, he embarked his men in canoes to follow them on the other shore. they had just committed themselves to the stream, when they were fired upon from the shore they had left. nine of the party were killed or wounded. yet, enfeebled as the remainder were, they relanded, faced the foe, and compelled them to retreat. in april following, a station settled by boone's elder brother, near the present site where shelbyville now stands, became alarmed by the appearance of parties of indians in its vicinity. the people, in consternation, unadvisedly resolved to remove to beargrass. the men accordingly set out encumbered with women, children, and baggage. in this defenceless predicament, they were attacked by the indians near long run. they experienced some loss, and a general dispersion from each other in the woods. colonel floyd, in great haste, raised twenty-five men, and repaired to the scene of action, intent alike upon administering relief to the sufferers, and chastisement to the enemy. he divided his party, and advanced upon them with caution. but their superior knowledge of the country, enabled the indians to ambuscade both divisions, and to defeat them with the loss of half his men; a loss poorly compensated by the circumstance, that a still greater number of the savages fell in the engagement. the number of the latter were supposed to be three times that of colonel floyd's party. the colonel narrowly escaped with his life, by the aid of captain samuel wells, who, seeing him on foot, pursued by the enemy, dismounted and gave him his own horse, and as he fled, ran by his side to support him on the saddle, from which he might have fallen through weakness from his wounds.--this act of captain wells was the more magnanimous, as floyd and himself were not friends at the time. such noble generosity was not thrown away upon floyd. it produced its natural effect, and these two persons lived and died friends. it is pleasant to record such a mode of quelling animosity. early in may, two men, one of whom was samuel mcaffee, left james mcaffee's station, to go to a clearing at a short distance. they had advanced about a fourth of a mile, when they were fired upon. the companion of mcaffee fell. the latter turned and fled towards the station. he had not gained more than fifteen steps when he met an indian. both paused a moment to raise their guns, in order to discharge them. the muzzles almost touched. both fired at the same moment. the indian's gun flashed in the pan, and he fell. mcaffee continued his retreat; but before he reached the station, its inmates had heard the report of the guns; and james and robert, brothers of mcaffee, had come out to the aid of those attacked. the three brothers met, robert, notwithstanding the caution he received from his brother, ran along the path to see the dead indian. the party of indians to which he had belonged, were upon the watch among the trees, and several of them placed themselves between robert and the station, to intercept his return. soon made aware of the danger to which his thoughtlessness had exposed him, he found all his dexterity and knowledge of indian warfare requisite to ensure his safety. he sprang from behind one tree to another, in the direction of the station, pursued by an indian until he reached a fence within a hundred yards of it, which he cleared by a leap. the indian had posted himself behind a tree to take safe aim.--mcaffee was now prepared for him. as the indian put his head out from the cover of his tree, to look for his object, he caught mcaffee's ball in his mouth, and fell. mcaffee reached the station in safety. james, though he did not expose himself as his brother had done, was fired upon by five indians who lay in ambush. he fled to a tree for protection. immediately after he had gained one, three or four aimed at him from the other side. the balls scattered earth upon him, as they struck around his feet, but he remained unharmed. he had no sooner entered the inclosure of the station in safety, than indians were seen approaching in all directions. their accustomed horrid yells preceded a general attack upon the station. their fire was returned with spirit, the women running balls as fast as they were required. the attack continued two hours, when the indians withdrew. the firing had aroused the neighborhood; and soon after the retreat of the indians, major mcgary appeared with forty men. it was determined to pursue the indians, as they could not have advanced far. this purpose was immediately carried into execution. the indians were overtaken and completely routed. the station suffered inconvenience from the loss of their domestic animals, which were all killed by the indians, previous to their retreat. one white man was killed and another died of his wounds in a few days. this was the last attack upon this station by the indians, although it remained for some years a frontier post. we might easily swell these annals to volumes, by entering into details of the attack of kincheloe's station, and its defence by colonel floyd; the exploits of thomas randolph; the captivity of mrs. bland and peake; and the long catalogue of recorded narratives of murders, burnings, assaults, heroic defences, escapes, and the various incidents of indian warfare upon the incipient settlements. while their barbarity and horror chill the blood, they show us what sort of men the first settlers of the country were, and what scenes they had to witness, and what events to meet, before they prepared for us our present peace and abundance. the danger and apprehension of their condition must have been such, that we cannot well imagine how they could proceed to the operations of building and fencing, with sufficient composure and quietness of spirit, to complete the slow and laborious preliminaries of founding such establishments, as they have transmitted to their children. men they must have been, who could go firmly and cheerfully to the common occupations of agriculture, with their lives in their hands, and under the constant expectation of being greeted from the thickets and cane-brakes with the rifle bullet and the indian yell. even the women were heroes, and their are instances in abundance on record, where, in defence of their children and cabins, they conducted with an undaunted energy of attack or defence, which would throw into shade the vaunted bravery in the bulletins of regular battles. these magnanimous pioneers seem to have had a presentiment that they had a great work to accomplish--laying the foundations of a state in the wilderness--a work from which they were to be deterred, neither by hunger, nor toil, nor danger, nor death. for tenderness and affection, they had hearts of flesh. for the difficulties and dangers of their positions, their bosoms were of iron. they feared god, and had no other fear. chapter xiii. disastrous battle near the blue licks--general clarke's expedition against the miami towns--massacre of mcclure's family--the horrors of indian assaults throughout the settlements--general harmar's expedition--defeat of general st. clair--gen. wayne's victory, and a final peace with the indians. here, in the order of the annals of the country, would be the place to present the famous attack of bryant's station, which we have anticipated by an anachronism, and given already, in order to present the reader with a clear view of a _station_, and the peculiar mode of _attack and defence_ in these border wars. the attack upon bryant's station was made by the largest body of indians that had been seen in kentucky, the whole force amounting at least to six hundred men. we have seen that they did not decamp until they had suffered a severe loss of their warriors. they departed with so much precipitation as to have left their tents standing, their fires burning, and their meat roasting. they took the road to the lower blue licks. colonel todd, of lexington, despatched immediate intelligence of this attack to colonel trigg, near harrodsburgh, and colonel boone, who had now returned with his family from north carolina to boonesborough. these men were prompt in collecting volunteers in their vicinity. scarcely had the indians disappeared from bryant's station, before a hundred and sixty-six men were assembled to march in pursuit of nearly triple their number of indians. besides colonels trigg, todd, and boone, majors mcgary and harland, from the vicinity of harrodsburgh, had a part in this command: a council was held, in which, after considering the disparity of numbers, it was still determined to pursue the indians. such was their impetuosity, that they could not be persuaded to wait for the arrival of colonel logan, who was known to be collecting a strong party to join them. the march was immediately commenced upon their trail. they had not proceeded far before colonel boone, experienced in the habits of indians and the indications of their purposes, announced that he discovered marks that their foe was making demonstrations of willingness to meet them. he observed that they took no pains to conceal their route, but carefully took measures to mislead their pursuers in regard to their number. their first purpose was indicated by cutting trees on their path--the most palpable of all directions as to their course. the other was equally concealed by a cautious concentration of their camp, and by the files taking particular care to step in the foot prints of their file leaders, so that twenty warriors might be numbered from the foot-marks only as one. still no indians were actually seen, until the party arrived on the southern bank of the licking, at the point of the blue licks. a body of indians was here discovered, mounting the summit of an opposite hill, moving leisurely, and apparently without hurry or alarm--retiring slowly from sight, as on a common march. the party halted. the officers assembled, and a general consultation took place, respecting what was to be done. the alternatives were, whether it was best to cross the licking at the hazard of an engagement with the indians; or to wait where they were, reconnoiter the country, act on the defensive, and abide the coming up of colonel logan with his force. colonels todd and trigg, little acquainted with the indians, were desirous to be guided by the judgment of colonel boone. his opinion being called for, he gave it with his usual clearness and circumspection. as regarded the number of the enemy, his judgment was, that it should be counted from three to five hundred. from the careless and leisurely manner of the march of the body, they had seen, he was aware, that the main body was near, and that the show of this small party was probably, with a view to draw on the attack, founded upon an entire ignorance of their numbers. with the localities of the country about the licks, from his former residence there, he was perfectly acquainted. the river forms, by its curves, an irregular ellipsis, embracing the great ridge and buffalo road leading from the licks. its longest line of bisection leads towards limestone, and is terminated by two ravines heading together in a point, and diverging thence in opposite directions to the river. in his view, it was probable that the indians had formed an ambuscade behind these ravines, in a position as advantageous for them as it would be dangerous to the party, if they continued their march. he advised that the party should divide; the one half march up the licking on the opposite side, and crossing at the mouth of a small branch, called elk creek, fall over upon the eastern curve of the ravine; while the other half should take a position favorable for yielding them prompt co-operation in case of an attack. he demonstrated, that in this way the advantage of position might be taken from the enemy, and turned in their favor. he was decided and pressing, that if it was determined to attack a force superior, before the arrival of colonel logan, they ought at least to send out spies and explore the country before they marched the main body over the river. this wise counsel of colonel boone was perfectly accordant with the views of colonels todd and trigg, and of most of the persons consulted on the occasion. but while they were deliberating, major mcgary, patriotic, no doubt, in his intentions, but ardent, rash, hot-headed, and indocile to military rule, guided his horse into the edge of the river, raised the war-whoop in kentucky style, and exclaimed, in a voice of gay confidence, "all those that are not cowards will follow me; i will show them where the indians are!" saying this, he spurred his horse into the water. one and another, under the impulse of such an appeal to their courage, dashed in after him. the council was thus broken up by force. a part caught the rash spirit by sympathy. the rest, who were disposed to listen to better counsels, were borne along, and their suggestions drowned in the general clamor. all counsel and command were at an end. and it is thus that many of the most important events of history have been determined. the whole party crossed the river, keeping straight forward in the beaten buffalo road. advanced a little, parties flanked out from the main body, as the irregularity and unevenness of the ground would allow. the whole body moved on in reckless precipitation and disorder, over a surface covered with rocks, laid bare by the trampling of buffaloes, and the washing of the rain of ages. their course led them in front of the high ridge which extends for some distance to the left of the road. they were decoyed on in the direction of one of the ravines of which we have spoken, by the reappearance of the party of indians they had first seen. the termination of this ridge sloped off in a declivity covered with a thick forest of oaks. the ravines were thick set on their banks with small timber, or encumbered with burnt wood, and the whole area before them had been stripped bare of all herbage by the buffaloes that had resorted to the licks. clumps of soil here and there on the bare rock supported a few trees, which gave the whole of this spot of evil omen a most singular appearance. the advance of the party was headed by mcgary, harland, and mcbride. a party of indians, as boone had predicted, that had been ambushed in the woods here met them. a warm and bloody action immediately commenced, and the rifles on either side did fatal execution. it was discovered in a moment that the whole line of the ravine concealed indians, who, to the number of thrice that of their foes, rushed upon them. colonels todd and trigg, whose position had been on the right, by the movement in crossing, were thrown in the rear. they fell in their places, and the rear was turned. between twenty and thirty of these brave men had already paid the forfeit of their rashness, when a retreat commenced under the edge of the tomahawk, and the whizzing of indian bullets. when the party first crossed the river all were mounted. many had dismounted at the commencement of the action. others engaged on horseback. on the retreat, some were fortunate enough to recover their horses, and fled on horseback. others retreated on foot. from the point where the engagement commenced to the licking river was about a mile's distance. a high and rugged cliff environed either shore of the river, which sloped off to a plain near the licks. the ford was narrow, and the water above and below it deep. some were overtaken on the way, and fell under the tomahawk. but the greatest slaughter was at the river. some were slain in crossing, and some on either shore. a singular spectacle was here presented in the case of a man by the name of netherland, who had been derided for his timidity. he was mounted on a fleet and powerful horse, the back of which he had never left for a moment. he was one of the first to recross the licking. finding himself safe upon the opposite shore, a sentiment of sympathy came upon him as he looked back and took a survey of the scene of murder going on in the river and on its shore. many had reached the river in a state of faintness and exhaustion, and the indians were still cutting them down. inspired with the feeling of a commander, he cried out in a loud and authoritative voice, "halt! fire on the indians. protect the men in the river." the call was obeyed. ten or twelve men instantly turned, fired on the enemy, and checked their pursuit for a moment, thus enabling some of the exhausted and wounded fugitives to evade the tomahawk, already uplifted to destroy them. the brave and benevolent reynolds, whose reply to girty has been reported, relinquished his own horse to colonel robert patterson, who was infirm from former wounds, and was retreating on foot. he thus enabled that veteran to escape. while thus signalizing his disinterested intrepidity, he fell himself into the hands of the indians. the party that took him consisted of three. two whites passed him on their retreat. two of the indians pursued, leaving him under the guard of the third. his captor stooped to tie his moccasin, and he sprang away from him and escaped. it is supposed that one-fourth of the men engaged in this action were commissioned officers. the whole number engaged was one hundred and seventy-six. of these, sixty were slain, and eight made prisoners. among the most distinguished names of those who fell, were those of colonels todd and trigg, majors harland and bulger, captains gordon and mcbride, and a son of colonel boone. the loss of the savages has never been ascertained. it could not have equalled that of the assailants, though some supposed it greater. this sanguinary affair took place august , . colonel logan, on arriving at bryant's station, with a force of three hundred men, found the troops had already marched. he made a rapid advance in hopes to join them before they should have met with the indians. he came up with the survivors, on their retreat from their ill-fated contest, not far from bryant's station. he determined to pursue his march to the battle ground to bury the dead, if he could not avenge their fall. he was joined by many friends of the killed and missing, from lexington and bryant's station. they reached the battle ground on the th. it presented a heartrending spectacle. where so lately had arisen the shouts of the robust and intrepid woodsmen, and the sharp yell of the savages, as they closed in the murderous contest, the silence of the wide forest was now unbroken, except by birds of prey, as they screamed and sailed over the carnage. the heat was so excessive, and the bodies were so changed by it and the hideous gashes and mangling of the indian tomahawk and knife, that friends could no longer recognize their dearest relatives. they performed the sad rights of sepulture as they might, upon the rocky ground. the indian forces that had fought at the blue licks, in the exultation of victory and revenge, returned homeward with their scalps. those from the north--and they constituted the greater numbers--returned quietly. the western bands took their route through jefferson county, in hopes to add more scalps to the number of their trophies. colonel floyd led out a force to protect the country. they marched through the region on salt river, and saw no traces of indians. they dispersed on their return. the greater number of them reached their station, and laid down, fatigued and exhausted, without any precaution against a foe. the indians came upon them in this predicament in the night, and killed several women and children. a few escaped under the cover of the darkness. a woman, taken prisoner that night, escaped from her savage captors by throwing herself into the bushes, while they passed on. she wandered about the woods eighteen days, subsisting only on wild fruits, and was then found and carried to lynn's station. she survived the extreme state of exhaustion in which she was discovered. another woman, taken with four children, at the same time, was carried to detroit. the terrible blow which the savages had struck at the blue licks, excited a general and immediate purpose of retaliation through kentucky. general clarke was appointed commander-in-chief, and colonel logan next under him in command of the expedition, to be raised for that purpose. the forces were to rendezvous at licking. the last of september, , general clarke, with one thousand men, marched from the present site of cincinnati, for the indian towns on the miami. they fell in on their route with the camp of simon girty, who would have been completely surprised with his indians, had not a straggling savage espied the advance, and reported it to them just in season to enable them to scatter in every direction. they soon spread the intelligence that an army from kentucky was marching upon their towns. as the army approached the towns on their route, they found that the inhabitants had evacuated them, and fled into the woods. all the cabins at chillicothe, piqua, and willis were burned. some skirmishing took place, however, in which five indians were killed, and seven made prisoners, without any loss to the kentuckians, save the wounding of one man, which afterwards proved mortal. one distinguished indian surrendered himself, and was afterwards inhumanly murdered by one of the troops, to the deep regret and mortification of general clarke. in october, , mr. mcclure and family, in company with a number of other families, were assailed on skegg's creek. six of the family were killed, and mrs. mcclure, a child, and a number of other persons made prisoners. the attack took place in the night. the circumstances of the capture of mrs. mcclure, furnish an affecting incident illustrating the invincible force of natural tenderness. she had concealed herself, with her four children, in the brush of a thicket, which, together with the darkness, screened her from observation. had she chosen to have left her infant behind, she might have escaped. but she grasped it, and held it to her bosom, although aware that its shrieks would betray their covert. the indians, guided to the spot by its cries, killed the three larger children, and took her and her infant captives. the unfortunate and bereaved mother was obliged to accompany their march on an untamed and unbroken horse. intelligence of these massacres and cruelties circulated rapidly. captain whitley immediately collected twenty-one men from the adjoining stations, overtook, and killed two of these savages, retook the desolate mother, her babe, and a negro servant, and the scalps of the six persons whom they had killed. ten days afterwards, another party of immigrants, led by mr. moore, were attacked, and nine of their number killed. captain whitley pursued the perpetrators of this bloody act, with thirty men. on the sixth day of pursuit through the wilderness, he came up with twenty indians, clad in the dresses of those whom they had slain. they dismounted and dispersed in the woods though not until three of them were killed. the pursuers recovered eight scalps, and all the plunder which the indians had collected at the late massacre. an expedition of general clarke, with a thousand men, against the wabash indians, failed in consequence of the impatience and discouragement of his men from want of provisions. colonel logan was more successful in an expedition against the shawnese indians on the scioto. he surprised one of the towns, and killed a number of the warriors, and took some prisoners. in october, , the general government convoked a meeting of all the lake and ohio tribes to meet at the mouth of the great miami. the indians met the summons with a moody indifference and neglect, alleging the continued aggressions of the kentuckians as a reason for refusing to comply with the summons. the horrors of indian assault were occasionally felt in every settlement. we select one narrative in detail, to convey an idea of indian hostility on the one hand, and the manner in which it was met on the other. a family lived on coope's run, in bourbon county, consisting of a mother, two sons of a mature age, a widowed daughter, with an infant in her arms, two grown daughters, and a daughter of ten years. the house was a double cabin. the two grown daughters and the smaller girl were in one division, and the remainder of the family in the other. at evening twilight, a knocking was heard at the door of the latter division, asking in good english, and the customary western phrase, "who keeps house?" as the sons went to open the door, the mother forbade them, affirming that the persons claiming admittance were indians. the young men sprang to their guns. the indians, finding themselves refused admittance at that door, made an effort at the opposite one. that door they soon beat open with a rail, and endeavored to take the three girls prisoners. the little girl sprang away, and might have escaped from them in the darkness and the woods. but the forlorn child, under the natural impulse of instinct, ran for the other door and cried for help. the brothers within, it may be supposed, would wish to go forth and protect the feeble and terrified wailer. the mother, taking a broader view of expedience and duty, forbade them. they soon hushed the cries of the distracted child by the merciless tomahawk. while a part of the indians were engaged in murdering this child, and another in confining one of the grown girls that they had made captive, the third heroically defended herself with a knife, which she was using at a loom at the moment of attack. the intrepidity she put forth was unavailing. she killed one indian, and was herself killed by another. the indians, meanwhile, having obtained possession of one half the house, fired it. the persons shut up in the other half had now no other alternative than to be consumed in the flames rapidly spreading towards them, or to go forth and expose themselves to the murderous tomahawks, that had already laid three of the family in their blood. the indians stationed themselves in the dark angles of the fence, where, by the bright glare of the flames, they could see every thing, and yet remain themselves unseen. here they could make a sure mark of all that should escape from within. one of the sons took charge of his aged and infirm mother, and the other of his widowed sister and her infant. the brothers emerged from the burning ruins, separated, and endeavored to spring over the fence. the mother was shot dead as her son was piously aiding her over the fence. the other brother was killed as he was gallantly defending his sister. the widowed sister, her infant, and one of the brothers escaped the massacre, and alarmed the settlement. thirty men, commanded by colonel edwards, arrived next day to witness the appalling spectacle presented around the smoking ruins of this cabin. considerable snow had fallen, and the indians were obliged to leave a trail, which easily indicated their path. in the evening of that day, they came upon the expiring body of the young woman, apparently murdered but a few moments before their arrival. the indians had been premonished of their pursuit by the barking of a dog that followed them. they overtook and killed two of the indians that had staid behind, apparently as voluntary victims to secure the retreat of the rest. to prevent immigrants from reaching the country, the indians infested the ohio river, and concealed themselves in small parties at different points from pittsburgh to louisville, where they laid in ambush and fired upon the boats as they passed. they frequently attempted by false signals to decoy the boats ashore, and in several instances succeeded by these artifices in capturing and murdering whole families, and plundering them of their effects. they even armed and manned some of the boats and scows they had taken, and used them as a kind of floating battery, by means of which they killed and captured many persons approaching the settlements. the last boat which brought immigrants to the country down the ohio, that was known to have been attacked by the indians, was assaulted in the spring of . this circumstance gives it a claim to be mentioned in this place. it was commanded by captain hubbel, and brought immigrants from vermont. the whole number of men, women, and children amounted to twenty persons. these persons had been forewarned by various circumstances that they noted, that hostile indians were along the shore waiting to attack them. they came up with other boats descending the river, and bound in the same direction with themselves. they endeavored ineffectually to persuade the passengers to join them, that they might descend in the strength of numbers and union. they continued to move down the river alone. the first attempt upon them was a customary indian stratagem. a person, affecting to be a white man, hailed them, and requested them to lie by, that he might come on board. finding that the boat's crew were not to be allured to the shore by this artifice, the indians put off from the shore in three canoes, and attacked the boat. never was a contest of this sort maintained with more desperate bravery. the indians attempted to board the boat, and the inmates made use of all arms of annoyance and defence. captain hubbel, although he had been severely wounded in two places, and had the cock of his gun shot off by an indian fire, still continued to discharge his mutilated gun by a fire-brand. after a long and desperate conflict, in which all the passengers capable of defence but four, had been wounded, the indians paddled off their canoes to attack the boats left behind. they were successful against the first boat they assailed. the boat yielded to them without opposition. they killed the captain and a boy, and took the women on board prisoners. making a screen of these unfortunate women, by exposing them to the fire of captain hubbel's boat, they returned to the assault. it imposed upon him the painful alternative, either to yield to the indians, or to fire into their canoes at the hazard of killing the women of their own people. but the intrepid captain remarked, that if these women escaped their fire, it would probably be to suffer a more terrible death from the savages. he determined to keep up his fire, even on these hard conditions; and the savages were beaten off a second time. in the course of the engagement, the boat, left to itself, had floated with the current near the north shore, where four or five hundred indians were collected, who poured a shower of balls upon the boat. all the inmates could do, was to avoid exposure as much as possible, and exercise their patience until the boat should float past the indian fire. one of the inmates of the boat, seeing, as it slowly drifted on, a fine chance for a shot at an indian, although warned against it, could not resist the temptation of taking his chance. he raised his head to take aim, and was instantly shot dead. when the boat had drifted beyond the reach of the indian fire, but two of the nine fighting men on board were found unhurt. two were killed, and two mortally wounded. the noble courage of a boy on board deserves to be recorded. when the boat was now in a place of safety, he requested his friends to extract a ball that had lodged in the skin of his forehead. when this ball had been extracted, he requested them to take out a piece of bone that had been fractured in his elbow by another shot. when asked by his mother why he had not complained or made known his suffering during the engagement, he coolly replied, intimating that there was noise enough without his, that the captain had ordered the people to make no noise. all attempts of the general government to pacify the indians, having proved ineffectual, an expedition was planned against the hostile tribes north-west of the ohio. the object was to bring the indians to a general engagement; or, if that might not be, to destroy their establishments on the waters of the scioto and the wabash. general harmar was appointed to the command of this expedition. major hamtranck, with a detachment, was to make a diversion in his favor up the wabash. on the th of september, , general harmar marched from fort washington, the present site of cincinnati, with three hundred and twenty regulars, and effected a junction with the militia of pennsylvania and kentucky, which had advanced twenty-five miles in front. the whole force amounted to one thousand four hundred and fifty-three men. col. hardin, who commanded the kentucky militia, was detached with six hundred men, chiefly militia, to reconnoiter. on his approach to the indian settlements, the indians set fire to their villages and fled. in order, if possible, to overtake them, he was detached with a smaller force, that could be moved more rapidly. it consisted of two hundred and ten men. a small party of indians met and attacked them; and the greater part of the militia behaved badly,--leaving a few brave men, who would not fly, to their fate. twenty-three of the party fell, and seven only made their escape and rejoined the army. notwithstanding this check, the army succeeded so far as to reduce the remaining towns to ashes, and destroy their provisions. on their return to fort washington, gen. harmar was desirous of wiping off, in another action, the disgrace which public opinion had impressed upon his arms. he halted eight miles from chillicothe, and late at night detached col. hardin, with orders to find the enemy, and bring them to an engagement. early in the morning this detachment reached the enemy, and a severe engagement ensued. the savages fought with desperation. some of the american troops shrunk; but the officers conducted with great gallantry. most of them fell, bravely discharging their duty. more than fifty regulars and one hundred militia, including the brave officers, fontaine, willys, and frothingham, were slain. harmar, in his official account of this affair, claimed the victory, although the americans seem clearly to have had the worst of it. at his request, he was tried by a court martial, and honorably acquitted. the enemy had suffered so severely, that they allowed him to return unmolested to fort washington. the terrors and the annoyance of indian hostilities still hung over the western settlements. the call was loud and general from the frontiers, for ample and efficient protection. congress placed the means in the hands of the executive. major general arthur st. clair was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed in the meditated expedition. the objects of it were, to destroy the indian settlements between the miamies; to expel them from the country; and establish a chain of posts which should prevent their return during the war. this army was late in assembling in the vicinity of fort washington. they marched directly towards the chief establishments of the enemy, building and garrisoning in their way the two intermediate forts, hamilton and jefferson. after the detachments had been made for these garrisons, the effective force that remained amounted to something less than two thousand men. to open a road for their march, was a slow and tedious business. small parties of indians were often seen hovering about their march; and some unimportant skirmishes took place. as the army approached the enemy's country, sixty of the militia deserted in a body. to prevent the influence of such an example, major hamtranck was detached with a regiment in pursuit of the deserters. the army now consisting of one thousand four hundred men continued its march. on the third of november , it encamped fifteen miles south of the miami villages. having been rejoined by major hamtranck, general st. clair proposed to march immediately against them. half an hour before sunrise, the militia was attacked by the savages, and fled in the utmost confusion. they burst through the formed line of the regulars into the camp. great efforts were made by the officers to restore order; but not with the desired success. the indians pressed upon the heels of the flying militia, and engaged general butler with great intrepidity. the action became warm and general; and the fire of the assailants passing round both flanks of the first line, in a few minutes was poured with equal fury upon the rear. the artillerists in the centre were mowed down, and the fire was the more galling, as it was directed by an invisible enemy, crouching on the ground, or concealed behind trees. in this manner they advanced towards the very mouths of the cannon; and fought with the infuriated fierceness with which success always animates savages. some of the soldiers exhibited military fearlessness, and fought with great bravery. others were timid and disposed to fly. with a self-devotion which the occasion required, the officers generally exposed themselves to the hottest of the contest, and fell in great numbers, in desperate efforts to restore the battle. the commanding general, though he had been for some time enfeebled with severe disease, acted with personal bravery, and delivered his orders with judgment and self-possession. a charge was made upon the savages with the bayonet: and they were driven from their covert with some loss, a distance of four hundred yards. but as soon as the charge was suspended, they returned to the attack. general butler was mortally wounded; the left of the right wing broken, and the artillerists killed almost to a man. the guns were seized and the camp penetrated by the enemy. a desperate charge was headed by colonel butler, although he was severely wounded, and the indians were again driven from the camp, and the artillery recovered. several charges were repeated with partial success. the enemy only retreated, to return to the charge, flashed with new ardor. the ranks of the troops were broken, and the men pressed together in crowds, and were shot down without resistance. a retreat was all that remained, to save the remnant of the army. colonel darke was ordered to charge a body of savages that intercepted their retreat. major clark, with his battalion, was directed to cover the rear. these orders were carried into effect, and a most disorderly retreat commenced. a pursuit was kept up four miles, when, fortunately for the surviving americans, the natural greediness of the savage appetite for plunder, called back the victorious indians to the camp, to divide the spoils. the routed troops continued their flight to fort jefferson, throwing away their arms on the road. the wounded were left here, and the army retired upon fort washington. in this fatal battle, fell thirty-eight commissioned officers, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates. twenty-one commissioned officers, many of whom afterwards died of their wounds, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned officers and privates were wounded. the savage force, in this fatal engagement, was led by a mississago chief, who had been trained to war under the british, during the revolution. so superior was his knowledge of tactics, that the indian chiefs, though extremely jealous of him, yielded the entire command to him; and he arranged and fought the battle with great combination of military skill. their force amounted to four thousand; and they stated the americans killed, at six hundred and twenty, and their own at sixty-five; but it was undoubtedly much greater. they took seven pieces of cannon and two hundred oxen, and many horses. the chief, at the close of the battle, bade the indians forbear the pursuit of the americans, as he said they had killed enough. general scott, with one thousand mounted volunteers from kentucky, soon after marched against a party of the victors, at st. clair's fatal field. he found the indians rioting in their plunder, riding the oxen in the glee of triumph, and acting as if the whole body was intoxicated. general scott immediately attacked them. the contest was short but decisive. the indians had two hundred killed on the spot. the cannon and military stores remaining, were retaken, and the savages completely routed. the loss of the kentuckians was inconsiderable. the reputation of the government was now committed in the fortunes of the war. three additional regiments were directed to be raised. on the motion in congress for raising these regiments, there was an animated, and even a bitter debate. it was urged on one hand, that the expense of such a force would involve the necessity of severe taxation; that too much power was thrown into the hands of the president; that the war had been badly managed, and ought to have been entrusted to the militia of the west, under their own officers; and with more force they urged that no success could be of any avail, so long as the british held those posts within our acknowledged limits, from which the savages were supplied with protection, shelter, arms, advice, and instigation to the war. on the other hand, the justice of the cause, as a war of defence, and not of conquest, was unquestionable. it was proved, that between and , no less than one thousand five hundred people of kentucky had been massacred by the savages, or dragged into a horrid captivity; and that the frontiers of pennsylvania and virginia had suffered a loss not much less. it was proved that every effort had been made to pacify the savages without effect. they showed that in , when a treaty was proposed to the savages at the miami, they first refused to treat, and then asked thirty days for deliberation. it was granted. in the interim, they stated that not less than one hundred and twenty persons had been killed and captured, and several prisoners roasted alive; at the term of which horrors, they refused any answer at all to the proposition to treat. various other remarks were made in defence of the bill. it tried the strength of parties in congress, and was finally carried. general st. clair resigned, and major general anthony wayne was appointed to succeed him. this officer commanded the confidence of the western people, who confided in that reckless bravery, which had long before procured him the appellation of "mad anthony." there was a powerful party who still affected to consider this war unnecessary, and every impediment was placed in the way of its success, which that party could devise. to prove to them that the government was still disposed to peace, two excellent officers and valuable men, col. hardin, and major truman, were severally despatched with propositions of peace. they were both murdered by the savages. these unsuccessful attempts at negotiation, and the difficulties and delays naturally incident to the preparation of such a force, together with the attempts that had been made in congress, to render the war unpopular, had worn away so much time that the season for operations for the year had almost elapsed. but as soon as the negotiations had wholly failed, the campaign was opened with as much vigor as the nature of the case would admit. the general was able, however, to do no more this autumn, than to advance into the forest towards the country of the savages, six miles in advance of fort jefferson. he took possession of the ground on which the fatal defeat of st. clair had taken place, in . he here erected a fortification, with the appropriate name of fort recovery. his principal camp was called greenville. in kentucky, meanwhile, many of the people clamored against these measures, and loudly insisted that the war ought to be carried on by militia, to be commanded by an officer taken from their state. it was believed, too, by the executive, that the british government, by retaining their posts within our limits, and by various other measures, at least countenanced the indians in their hostilities. that government took a more decisive measure early in the spring. a british detachment from detroit, advanced near fifty miles south of that place, and fortified themselves on the miami of the lakes. in one of the numerous skirmishes which took place between the savages and the advance of general wayne, it was affirmed, that the british were mingled with the indians. on the th of august, , general wayne reached the confluence of the au glaize, and the miami of the lakes. the richest and most extensive settlements of the western indians were at this place. it was distant only about thirty miles from the post on the miami, which the british; had recently occupied. the whole strength of the enemy, amounting to nearly two thousand warriors, was collected in the vicinity of that post. the regulars of general wayne were not much inferior in numbers. a reinforcement of one thousand one hundred mounted kentucky militia, commanded by general scott, gave a decided superiority to the american force. the general was well aware that the enemy were ready to give him battle, and he ardently desired it. but in pursuance of the settled policy of the united states, another effort was made for the attainment of peace, without the shedding of blood. the savages were exhorted by those who were sent to them, no longer to follow the counsels of the bad men at the foot of the rapids, who urged them on to the war, but had neither the power nor the inclination to protect them; that to listen to the propositions of the government of the united states, would restore them to their homes, and rescue them from famine. to these propositions they returned only an evasive answer. on the th of august, the army of general wayne marched in columns. a select battalion, under major price, moved as a reconnoitering force in front. after marching five miles, he received so heavy a fire from the savages, concealed as usual, that he was compelled to retreat. the savages had chosen their ground with great judgment. they had moved into a thick wood, in advance of the british works, and had taken a position behind fallen timber, prostrated by a tornado. this rendered their position almost inaccessible to horse. they were formed in three regular lines, according to indian custom, very much extended in front. their first effort was to turn the left flank of the american army. the american legion was ordered to advance with trailed arms, and rouse the enemy from his covert at the point of the bayonet, and then deliver its fire. the cavalry, led by captain campbell, was ordered to advance between the indians and the river, where the wood permitted them to penetrate, and charge their left flank. general scott, at the head of the mounted volunteers, was commanded to make a considerable circuit and turn their right. these, and all the complicated orders of general wayne, were promptly executed. but such was the impetuosity of the charge made by the first line of infantry, so entirely was the enemy broken by it, and so rapid was the pursuit, that only a small part of the second line, and of the mounted volunteers could take any part in the action. in the course of an hour, the savages were driven more than two miles, and within gun-shot of the british fort. general wayne remained three days on the field of battle, reducing the houses and corn-fields, above and below the fort, and some of them within pistol shot of it, to ashes. the houses and stores of col. m'kee, an english trader, whose great influence among the savages had been uniformly exerted for the continuance of the war, was burned among the rest. correspondence upon these points took place between general wayne and major campbell, who commanded the british fort. that of general wayne was sufficiently firm; and it manifested that the latter only avoided hostilities with him, by acquiescing in the destruction of british property within the range of his guns. on the th the army returned to au glaize, destroying all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the river. in this decisive battle, the american loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to one hundred and seven, including officers. among those that fell, were captain campbell and lieutenant towles. the general bestowed great and merited praise, for their bravery and promptitude in this affair, to all his troops. the hostility of the indians still continuing, the whole country was laid waste: and forts were erected in the heart of their settlements, to prevent their return. this seasonable victory, and this determined conduct on the part of the united states, rescued them from a general war with all the nations north-west of the ohio. the six nations had manifested resentments, which were only appeased for the moment, by the suspension of a settlement, which pennsylvania was making at presqu' isle, within their alleged limits. the issue of this battle dissipated the clouds at once which had been thickening in that quarter. its influence was undoubtedly felt far to the south. the indian inhabitants of georgia, and still farther to the south had been apparently on the verge of a war, and had been hardly restrained from hostility by the feeble authority of that state. no incidents of great importance occurred in this quarter, until august d, of the next year when a definitive treaty was concluded by general wayne, with the hostile indians north-west of the ohio. by this treaty, the destructive war which had so long desolated that frontier, was ended in a manner acceptable to the united states. an accommodation was also brought about with the southern indians, notwithstanding the intrigues of their spanish neighbors. the regions of the mississippi valley were opened on all sides to immigration, and rescued from the dread of indian hostilities. chapter xiv. rejoicings on account of the peace--boone indulges his propensity for hunting--kentucky increases in population--some account of their conflicting land titles--progress of civil improvement destroying the range of the hunter--litigation of land titles--boone loses his lands--removes from kentucky to the kanawha--leaves the kanawha and goes to missouri, where he is appointed commandant. the peace which followed the defeat of the northern tribes of indians by general wayne, was most grateful to the harassed settlers of the west. the news of it was received every where with the most lively joy. every one had cause of gratulation. the hardy warriors, whose exploits we have recounted, felt that they were relieved from the immense responsibilities which rested upon them as the guardians and protectors of the infant settlements. the new settlers could now clear their wild lands, and cultivate their rich fields in peace--without fearing the ambush and the rifles of a secret foe; and the tenants of the scattered cabins could now sleep in safety, and without the dread of being wakened by the midnight war-whoop of the savage. those who had been pent up in forts and stations joyfully sallied forth, and settled wherever the soil and local advantages appeared the most inviting. colonel boone, in particular, felt that a firm and resolute perseverance had finally triumphed over every obstacle. that the rich and boundless valleys of the great west--the garden of the earth--and the paradise of hunters, had been won from the dominion of the savage tribes, and opened as an asylum for the oppressed, the enterprising, and the free of every land. he had travelled in every direction through this great valley. he had descended from the alleghanies into the fertile regions of tennessee, and traced the courses of the cumberland and tennessee rivers. he had wandered with delight through the blooming forests of kentucky. he had been carried prisoner by the indians through the wilderness which is now the state of ohio to the great lakes of the north; he had traced the head waters of the kentucky, the wabash, the miamies, the scioto, and other great rivers of the west, and had followed their meanderings to their entrance into the ohio; he had stood upon the shores of this beautiful river, and gazed with admiration, as he pursued its winding and placid course through endless forests to mingle with the mississippi; he had caught some glimmerings of the future, and saw with the prophetic eye of a patriot, that this great valley must soon become the abode of millions of freemen; and his heart swelled with joy, and warmed with a transport which was natural to a mind so unsophisticated and disinterested as his. boone rejoiced in a peace which put an end to his perils and anxieties, and which now gave him full leisure and scope to follow his darling pursuit of hunting. he had first been led to the country by that spirit of the hunter, which in him amounted almost to a passion. this propensity may be said to be natural to man. even in cities and populous places we find men so fond of this pastime that they ransack the cultivated fields and enclosures of the farmer, for the purpose of killing the little birds and squirrels, which, from their insignificance, have ventured to take up their abode with civilized man. what, then, must have been the feelings of boone, to find himself in the grand theatre of the hunter--filled with buffaloes, deer, bears, wild turkeys, and other noble game? the free exercise of this darling passion had been checked and restrained, ever since the first settlement of the country, by the continued wars and hostile incursions of the indians. the path of the hunter had been ambushed by the wily savage, and he seldom ventured beyond the purlieus of his cabin, or the station where he resided. he was now free to roam in safety through the pathless wilderness--to camp out in security whenever he was overtaken by night; and to pursue the game wherever it was to be found in the greatest abundance. civilization had not yet driven the primitive tenants of the forest from their favorite retreats. most of the country was still in a state of nature--unsettled and unappropriated. few fences or inclosures impeded the free range of the hunter, and very few buts and bounds warned him of his being about to trespass upon the private property of some neighbor. herds of buffaloes and deer still fed upon the rich cane-brake and rank vegetation of the boundless woods, and resorted to the numerous licks for salt and drink. boone now improved this golden opportunity of indulging in his favorite pursuit. he loved to wander alone, with his unerring rifle upon his shoulder, through the labyrinths of the tangled forests, and to rouse the wild beast from his secret lair. there was to him a charm in these primeval solitudes which suited his peculiar temperament, and he frequently absented himself on these lonely expeditions for days together. he never was known to return without being loaded with the spoils of the chase. the choicest viands and titbits of all the forest-fed animals were constantly to be found upon his table. not that boone was an epicure; far from it. he would have been satisfied with a soldier's fare. in common with other pioneers of his time, he knew what it was to live upon roots and herbs for days together. he had suffered hunger and want in all its forms without a murmur or complaint. but when peace allowed him to follow his profession of a hunter, and to exercise that tact and superiority which so much distinguished him, he selected from the abundance and profusion of the game which fell victims to his skill, such parts as were most esteemed. his friends and neighbors were also, at all times, made welcome to a share of whatever he killed. and he continued to live in this primitive simplicity--enjoying the luxury of hunting, and of roving in the woods, and indulging his generous and disinterested disposition towards his neighbors, for several years after the peace. in the meantime, while boone had been thus courting solitude, and absorbed by the engrossing excitement of hunting, the restless spirit of immigration, and of civil and physical improvement, had not been idle. after the peace the tide of population poured into the country in a continual stream and the busy spirit of civilization was every where making inroads into the ancient forests, and encroaching upon the dominions of the hunter. in order, however, that the reader may more readily comprehend the causes which operated as grievances to boone, and finally led him to abandon kentucky, and seek a home in regions more congenial, it will be necessary to allude to the progress made in population, and the civil polity, and incidents attending the settlement of the country. the state of kentucky was not surveyed by the government and laid off into sections and townships as has been the case with all the lands north of the ohio. but the government of virginia had issued land warrants, or certificates entitling the holder to locate wherever he might choose, the number of acres named in the warrant. they also grave to actual settlers certain pre-emption rights to such lands as they might occupy and improve by building a cabin, raising a crop, &c. the holders of these warrants, after selecting the land which they intended to cover, with their titles, were required to enter a survey and description of the tracts selected, in the land office, which had been opened for the purpose, to be recorded there, for the information of others, and to prevent subsequent holders of warrants from locating the same lands. yet notwithstanding these precautions, such was the careless manner in which these surveys were made, that many illiterate persons, ignorant of the forms of law, and the necessity of precision in the specification and descriptions of the tracts on which they had laid their warrants, made such loose and vague entries in the land office, as to afford no accurate information to subsequent locators, who frequently laid their warrants on the same tracts. it thus happened that the whole or a part of almost every tract was covered with different and conflicting titles--forming what have been aptly called 'shingle titles'--overlaying and lapping upon each other, as shingles do upon the roof of a building. in this way twice the existing acres of land were sold and the door opened for endless controversy about boundaries and titles. the following copy of an entry may serve as a specimen of the vagueness of the lines, buts, and bounds of their claims, and as accounting for the flood of litigation that ensued. "george smith enters nine hundred acres of land on a treasury warrant, lying on the north side of kentucky river, a mile below a creek; beginning about twenty poles below a lick; and running down the river westwardly, and northwestwardly for quantity." it will easily be seen that a description, so general and indefinite in its terms, could serve as no guide to others who might wish to avoid entering the same lands. this defect in providing for the certainty and safety of land titles, proved a sore evil to the state of kentucky. as these lands increased in value and importance, controversies arose as to the ownership of almost every tract: and innumerable suits, great strife and excitement, prevailed in every neighborhood, and continued until within a late period, to agitate the whole body of society. the legislature of the state, by acts of limitation and judicious legislation upon the subject, have finally quieted the titles of the actual occupants. among others who made these loose and unfortunate entries, was daniel boone. unaccustomed to the forms of law and technical precision, he was guided by his own views of what was proper and requisite, and made such brief and general entries, as were afterwards held not sufficient to identify the land. he had discovered and explored the country when it was all one vast wilderness--unoccupied, and unclaimed. he and a few other hardy pioneers, by almost incredible hardships, dangers, and sacrifices, had won it from the savage foe; and judging from his own single and generous mind, he did not suppose that question would ever be made of his right to occupy such favorite portions as he might select and pay for. he did not think it possible that any one, knowing these circumstances, could be found so greedy or so heartless, as to grudge him the quiet and unmolested enjoyment of what he had so dearly earned. but in this he was sadly mistaken. a set of speculators and interlopers, who, following in the train of civilization and wealth, came to enrich themselves by monopolizing the rich lands which had thus been won for them, and by the aid of legal advisers, following all the nice requisitions of the law, pounced, among others, upon the lands of our old pioneer. he was not at first disturbed by these speculating harpies; and game being plenty, he gave himself little uneasiness about the claims and titles to particular spots, so long as he had such vast hunting grounds to roam in--which, however, he had the sorrow to see daily encroached upon by the new settlements of the immigrants. but the inroads made by the frequent settlements in his accustomed hunting range, were not the only annoyances which disturbed the simple habits and patriarchal views of boone. civilization brought along with it all the forms of law, and the complicated organization of society and civil government, the progress of which had kept pace with the increasing population. as early as , the territory of kentucky had been laid off into three counties, and was that year, by law, formed into one district, denominated the district of kentucky. regular courts of justice were organized--log court-houses and log jails were erected--judges, lawyers, sheriffs, and juries were engaged in the administration of justice--money began to circulate--cattle and flocks multiplied--reading and writing schools were commenced--more wealthy immigrants began to flock to the country, bringing with them cabinet furniture, and many of the luxuries of more civilized life--and merchandize began to be wagoned from philadelphia across the mountains to fort pitt, now pittsburgh, from whence it was conveyed in flat boats to maysville and louisville. in a convention was convoked at danville, who adopted a memorial, addressed to the legislature of virginia, and another to the people of kentucky--suggesting the propriety, and reasons for erecting the new country into an independent state. in the discussion of this question parties arose, and that warmth and excitement were elicited, which are inseparable from the free and unrestrained discussion of public measures. in the legislature of virginia enacted the preliminary provisions for the separation of kentucky, as an independent state, provided that congress should admit it into the union. about this time another source of party discord was opened in agitating debates touching the claims of kentucky and the west to the navigation of the mississippi. the inhabitants were informed by malcontents in western pennsylvania, that the american secretary of state was making propositions to the spanish minister, to cede to spain the exclusive right of navigation of the mississippi for twenty-five years. this information as might be supposed, created a great sensation. it had been felt from the beginning of the western settlements, that the right to the free navigation of the mississippi was of vital importance to the whole western country, and the least relinquishment of this right--even for the smallest space of time, would be of dangerous precedent and tendency. circulars were addressed by the principal settlers to men of influence in the nation. but before any decisive measures could be taken, virginia interfered, by instructing her representatives in congress to make strong representations against the ruinous policy of the measure. in commenced the first operations of that mighty engine, the press, in the western country. nothing could have been wider from the anticipations, perhaps from the wishes of boone, than this progress of things. but in the order of events, the transition of unlettered backwoods emigrants to a people with a police, and all the engines of civilization was uncommonly rapid. there was no other paper within five hundred miles of the one now established by mr. bradford, at lexington. the political heart-burnings and slander that had hitherto been transmitted through oral channels, were now concentrated for circulation in this gazette. in april, , kentucky was admitted into the union as an independent state; improvements were steadily and rapidly progressing, and notwithstanding the hostility of the indians, the population of the state was regularly increasing until the peace which followed the victory of gen. wayne. after which, as has been observed, the tide of emigration poured into the country with unexampled rapidity. litigation in regard to land titles now began to increase, and continued until it was carried to a distressing height. col. boone had begun to turn his attention to the cultivation of the choice tracts he had entered; and he looked forward with the consoling thought that he had enough to provide for a large and rising family, by securing to each of his children, as they became of age, a fine plantation. but in the vortex of litigation which ensued, he was not permitted to escape. the speculators who had spread their greedy claims over the lands which had been previously located and paid for by boone, relying upon his imperfect entries, and some legal flaws in his titles, brought their ejectments against him, and dragged him into a court of law. he employed counsel, and from term to term, was compelled to dance attendance at court. here the old hunter listened to the quibbles--the subtleties, and to him, inexplicable jargon of the lawyers. his suits were finally decided against him, and he was cast out of the possession of all, or nearly all the lands which he had looked upon as being indubitably his own. the indignation of the old pioneer can well be imagined, as he saw himself thus stript, by the quibbles and intricacies of the law, of all the rewards of his exposures, labors, sufferings, and dangers in the first settlement of kentucky. he became more than ever disgusted with the grasping and avaricious spirit--the heartless intercourse and technical forms of what is called civilized society. but having expended his indignation in a transient paroxysm, he soon settled back to his customary mental complacency and self-possession; and as he had no longer any pledge of consequence remaining to him in the soil of kentucky--and as it was, moreover, becoming on all sides subject to the empire of the cultivator's axe and plough, he resolved to leave the country. he had witnessed with regret the dispersion of the band of pioneers, with whom he had hunted and fought, side by side, and like a band of brothers, shared every hardship and every danger; and he sighed for new fields of adventure, and the excitement of a hunter's life. influenced by these feelings, he removed from kentucky to the great kanawha; where he settled near point pleasant. he had been informed that buffaloes and deer were still to be found in abundance on the unsettled bottoms of this river, and that it was a fine country for trapping. here he continued to reside several years. but he was disappointed in his expectations of finding game. the vicinity of the settlements above and below this unsettled region, had driven the buffaloes from the country; and though there were plenty of deer, yet he derived but little success from his trapping. he finally commenced raising stock, and began to turn his attention to agriculture. while thus engaged, he met with some persons who had returned from a tour up the missouri, who described to him the fine country bordering upon that river. the vast prairies--the herds of buffaloes--the grizzly bears--the beavers and otters; and above all, the ancient and unexplored forests of that unknown region, fired his imagination, and produced at once a resolve to remove there. accordingly, gathering up such useful articles of baggage as were of light carriage, among which his trusty rifle was not forgotten, he started with his family, driving his whole stock of cattle along with him, on a pilgrimage to this new land of promise. he passed through cincinnati on his way thither in . being enquired of as to what had induced him to leave all the comforts of home, and so rich and flourishing a country as his dear kentucky, which he had discovered, and might almost call his own, for the wilds of missouri? "too much crowded," replied he--"too crowded--i want more elbow room." he proceeded about forty-five miles above st. louis, and settled in what is now st. charles county. this country being still in the possession of the french and spanish, the ancient laws by which these territories were governed were still in force there. nothing could be more simple than their whole system of administration. they had no constitution, no king, no legislative assemblies, no judges, juries, lawyers, or sheriffs. an officer, called the commandant, and the priests, exercised all the functions of civil magistrates, and decided the few controversies which arose among these primitive in habitants, who held and occupied many things in common. they suffered their ponies, their cattle, their swine, and their flocks, to ramble and graze on the same common prairies and pastures--having but few fences or inclosures, and possessing but little of that spirit of speculation, enterprise, and money-making, which has always characterized the americans. these simple laws and neighborly customs suited the peculiar habits and temper of boone. and as his character for honesty, courage, and fidelity followed him there, he was appointed commandant for the district of st. charles by the spanish commandant. he retained this command, and continued to exercise the duties of his office with credit to himself, and to the satisfaction of all concerned, until the government of the united states went into effect. chapter xv. anecdotes of colonel boone, related by mr. audubon--a remarkable instance of memory. as an evidence of the development of backwoods skill, and a vivid picture of daniel boone, we give the following from mr. audubon: "daniel boone, or as he was usually called in the western country, colonel boone, happened to spend a night under the same roof with me, more than twenty years ago. we had returned from a shooting excursion, in the course of which his extraordinary skill in the management of a rifle had been fully displayed. on retiring to the room appropriated to that remarkable individual and myself for the night, i felt anxious to know more of his exploits and adventures than i did, and accordingly took the liberty of proposing numerous questions to him. the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests, approached the gigantic. his chest was broad and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise, and perseverance; and when he spoke, the very motion of his lips brought the impression, that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. i undressed, whilst he merely took off his hunting shirt, and arranged a few folds of blankets on the floor; choosing rather to lie there, as he observed, than on the softest bed. when we had both disposed of ourselves, each after his own fashion, he related to me the following account of his powers of memory, which i lay before you, kind reader, in his own words, hoping that the simplicity of his style may prove interesting to you. "i was once," said he, "on a hunting expedition on the banks of the green river, when the lower parts of this (kentucky,) were still in the hands of nature, and none but the sons of the soil were looked upon as its lawful proprietors. we virginians had for some time been waging a war of intrusion upon them, and i, amongst the rest, rambled through the woods, in pursuit of their race, as i now would follow the tracks of any ravenous animal. the indians outwitted me one dark night, and i was as unexpectedly as suddenly made a prisoner by them. the trick had been managed with great skill; for no sooner had i extinguished the fire of my camp, and laid me down to rest, in full security, as i thought, than i felt myself seized by an indistinguishable number of hands, and was immediately pinioned, as if about to be led to the scaffold for execution. to have attempted to be refractory, would have proved useless and dangerous to my life; and i suffered myself to be removed from my camp to theirs, a few miles distant, without uttering even a word of complaint. you are aware, i dare say, that to act in this manner, was the best policy, as you understand that by so doing, i proved to the indians at once, that i was born and bred as fearless of death as any of themselves. "when we reached the camp, great rejoicings were exhibited. two squaws, and a few papooses, appeared particularly delighted at the sight of me, and i was assured, by very unequivocal gestures and words, that, on the morrow, the mortal enemy of the red-skins would cease to live. i never opened my lips, but was busy contriving some scheme which might enable me to give the rascals the slip before dawn. the women immediately fell a searching about my hunting shirt for whatever they might think valuable, and fortunately for me, soon found my flask, filled with _monongahela_, (that is, reader, strong whisky.) a terrific grin was exhibited on their murderous countenances, while my heart throbbed with joy at the anticipation of their intoxication. the crew immediately began to beat their bellies and sing, as they passed the bottle from mouth to mouth. how often did i wish the flask ten times its size, and filled with aquafortis! i observed that the squaws drank more freely than the warriors, and again my spirits were about to be depressed, when the report of a gun was heard at a distance. the indians all jumped on their feet. the singing and drinking were both brought to a stand; and i saw with inexpressible joy, the men walk off to some distance, and talk to the squaws. i knew that they were consulting about me, and i foresaw, that in a few moments the warriors would go to discover the cause of the gun having been fired so near their camp. i expected the squaws would be left to guard me. well, sir, it was just so. they returned; the men took up their guns and walked away. the squaws sat down again, and in less than five minutes they had my bottle up to their dirty mouths, gurgling down their throats the remains of the whisky. "with what pleasure did i see them becoming more and more drunk, until the liquor took such hold of them that it was quite impossible for these women to be of any service. they tumbled down, rolled about, and began to snore; when i, having no other chance of freeing myself from the cords that fastened me, rolled over and over towards the fire, and after a short time burned them asunder. i rose on my feet; stretched my stiffened sinews; snatched up my rifle, and, for once in my life, spared that of indians. i now recollect how desirous i once or twice felt to lay open the skulls of the wretches with my tomahawk; but when i again thought upon killing beings unprepared and unable to defend themselves, it looked like murder without need, and i gave up the idea. "but, sir, i felt determined to mark the spot, and walking to a thrifty ash sapling, i cut out of it three large chips, and ran off. i soon reached the river; soon crossed it, and threw myself deep into the cane-brakes, imitating the tracks of an indian with my feet, so that no chance might be left for those from whom i had escaped to overtake me. "it is now nearly twenty years since this happened, and more than five since i left the whites' settlements, which i might probably never have visited again, had i not been called on as a witness in a law-suit that was pending in kentucky, and which, i really believe, would never have been settled, had i not come forward, and established the beginning of a certain boundary line. this is the story, sir. "mr. ---- moved from old virginia into kentucky, and having a large tract granted to him in the new state, laid claim to a certain parcel of land adjoining green river, and as chance would have it, he took for one of his corners the very ash tree on which i had made my mark, and finished his survey of some thousands of acres, beginning, as it is expressed in the deed, "at an ash marked by three distinct notches of the tomahawk of a white man." "the tree had grown much, and the bark had covered the marks; but, some how or other, mr. ---- heard from some one all that i have already said to you, and thinking that i might remember the spot alluded to in the deed, but which was no longer discoverable, wrote for me to come and try at least to find the place on the tree. his letter mentioned, that all my expenses should be paid; and not caring much about once more going back to kentucky, i started and met mr.----. after some conversation, the affair with the indians came to my recollection. i considered for a while, and began to think that after all, i could find the very spot, as well as the tree, if it was yet standing. "mr. ---- and i mounted our horses, and off we went to the green river bottoms. after some difficulties, for you must be aware, sir, that great changes had taken place in these woods, i found at last the spot where i had crossed the river, and waiting for the moon to rise, made for the course in which i thought the ash tree grew. on approaching the place, i felt as if the indians were there still, and as if i was still a prisoner among them, mr. ---- and i camped near what i conceived the spot, and waited till the, return of day. "at the rising of the sun i was on foot, and after a good deal of musing, thought that an ash tree then in sight must be the very one on which i had made my mark. i felt as if there could be no doubt of it, and mentioned my thought to mr. ----. "well, colonel boone," said he, "if you think so, i hope it may prove true, but we must have some witnesses; do you stay hereabout, and i will go and bring some of the settlers whom i know." i agreed. mr. ---- trotted off, and i, to pass the time, rambled about to see if a deer was still living in the land. but ah! sir, what a wonderful difference thirty years makes in the country! why, at the time when i was caught by the indians, you would not have walked out in any direction for more than a mile without shooting a buck or a bear. there were then thousands of buffaloes on the hills in kentucky; the land looked as if it would never become poor; and to hunt in those days was a pleasure indeed. but when i was left to myself on the banks of green river, i dare say for the last time in my life, a few _signs_ only of deer were to be seen, and as to a deer itself, i saw none. "mr. ---- returned, accompanied by three gentlemen. they looked upon me as if i had been washington himself, and walked to the ash tree which i now called my own, as if in quest of a long lost treasure. i took an axe from one of them and cut a few chips off the bark. still no signs were to be seen. so i cut again, until i thought it time to be cautious, and i scraped and worked away with my butcher knife, until i _did_ come to where my tomahawk had left an impression in the wood. we now went regularly to work, and scraped at the tree with care, until three hacks, as plain as any three notches ever were, could be seen. mr. ---- and the other gentlemen were astonished, and, i must allow, i was as much surprised as pleased, myself. i made affidavit of this remarkable occurrence in the presence of these gentlemen. mr. ---- gained his cause. i left green river, forever, and came to where we now are; and, sir, i wish you a good night." chapter xvi. progress of improvement in missouri--old age of boone--death of his wife--he goes to reside with his son--his death--his personal appearance and character. soon after the purchase of missouri from the french by our government, the american system of government began to be introduced there. american laws, american courts, and the whole american system of politics and jurisprudence spread over the country, changing, by degrees, the features of civil society; infusing life and vigor into the body politic, and introducing that restless spirit of speculation and improvement which characterise the people of the united states. the tide of emigration once more swept by the dwelling of daniel boone, driving off the game and monopolizing the rich hunting grounds. his office of commandant was merged and lost in the new order of things. he saw that it was in vain to contend with fate; that go where he would, american enterprize seemed doomed to follow him, and to thwart all his schemes of backwoods retirement. he found himself once more surrounded by the rapid march of improvement, and he accommodated himself, as well as he might, to a state of things which he could not prevent. he had the satisfaction of seeing his children well settled around him, and he spent his time in hunting and exploring the new country. meantime, old age began to creep upon him by degrees, and he had the mortification to find himself surpassed in his own favorite pursuit. the _sharp shooters_, and younger hunters could scour the forests with fleeter pace, and bring down the bears and buffaloes with surer aim, than his time-worn frame, and impaired vision would allow. even the french, with their fleets of periogues, ascended the missouri to points where his stiffened sinews did not permit him to follow. these volatile and babbling hunters, with their little, and to him despicable shot guns, could bring down a turkey, where the rifle bullet, now directed by his dimmed eye, could not reach. it was in vain that the sights were made more conspicuous by shreds of white paper. no vigor of will can repair the irresistible influence of age. and however the heart and juvenile remembrances of boone might follow these brisk and talkative hunters to the rocky mountains and the western sea, the sad consciousness that years were stronger than the subduer of bears and indians, came over his mind like a cloud. other sorrows came also with age. in march, , he had the misfortune to lose his wife. she had been to him a faithful companion--participating the same heroic and generous nature with himself. she had followed him from north carolina into the far wilderness, without a road or even a trace to guide their way--surrounded at every step by wild beasts and savages, and was one of the first white women in the state of kentucky. she had united her fate to his, and in all his hardships, perils, and trials, had stood by him, a meek, yet courageous and affectionate friend. she was now taken from him in his old age, and he felt for a time, that he was alone in the world, and that the principal tie to his own existence was sundered. about this time, too, the british war with its influence upon the savage auxiliaries of britain, extended even to the remote forests of missouri, which rendered the wandering life of a hunter extremely dangerous. he was no longer able to make one of the rangers who pursued the indians. but he sent numerous substitutes in his children and neighbors. after the death of his wife, he went to reside with his son major nathan boone, and continued to make his home there until his death. after the peace he occupied himself in hunting, trapping, and exploring the country--being absent sometimes two or three months at a time--solacing his aged ear with the music of his young days--the howl of the nocturnal wolf--and the war song of the prowling savages, heard far away from the companionship of man. when the writer lived in st. charles, in , colonel boone, with the return of peace, had resumed his kentucky habits. he resided, as has been observed, with his son on the missouri--surrounded by the plantations of his children and connections--occasionally farming, and still felling the trees for his winter fire into his door yard; and every autumn, retiring to the remote and moon-illumined cities of the beavers, for the trapping of which, age had taken away none of his capabilities. he could still, by the aid of paper on his rifle sights, bring down an occasional turkey; at the salt licks, he still waylaid the deer; and he found and cut down bee-trees as readily as in his morning days. never was old age more green, or gray hairs more graceful. his high, calm, bold forehead seemed converted by years, into iron. decay came to him without infirmity, palsy, or pain--and surrounded and cherished by kind friends, he died as he had lived, composed and tranquil. this event took place in the year , and in the eighty-fourth year of his age. frequent enquiries, and opposite statements have been made, in regard to the religious tenets of the kentucky hunter. it is due to truth to state, that boone, little addicted to books, knew but little of the bible, the best of all. he worshipped, as he often said, the great spirit--for the woods were his books and his temple; and the creed of the red men naturally became his. but such were the truth, simplicity, and kindness of his character, there can be but little doubt, had the gospel of the son of god been proposed to him, in its sublime truth and reasonableness, that he would have added to all his other virtues, the higher name of christian. he was five feet ten inches in height, of a very erect, clean limbed, and athletic form--admirably fitted in structure, muscle, temperament, and habit, for the endurance of the labors, changes, and sufferings he underwent. he had what phrenologists would have considered a model head--with a forehead peculiarly high, noble, and bold--thin and compressed lips--a mild, clear, blue eye--a large and prominent chin, and a general expression of countenance in which fearlessness and courage sat enthroned, and which told the beholder at a glance, what he had been, and was formed to be. we have only to add, that the bust of boone, in washington, the painting of him ordered by the general assembly of missouri, and the engravings of him in general, have--his family being judges--very little resemblance. they want the high port and noble daring of his countenance. though ungratefully requited by his country, he has left a name identified with the history of kentucky, and with the founders and benefactors of our great republic. in all future time, and in every portion of the globe; in history, in sculpture, in song, in eloquence--the name of daniel boone will be recorded as the patriarch of backwoods pioneers. his name has already been celebrated by more than one poet. he is the hero of a poem called the "mountain muse," by our amiable countryman, bryan. he is supposed to be the original from which the inimitable characters of leather stocking, hawkeye, and the trapper of the prairies, in cooper's novels, were drawn; and we will close these memoirs, with the splendid tribute to the patriarch of backwoodsmen, by the prince of modern poets, lord byron. of all men, saving sylla, the man-slayer, who passes for in life and death most lucky, of the great names which in our faces stare, the general boone, backwoodsman of kentucky, was happiest among mortals any where, for killing nothing, but a bear or buck; he enjoy'd the lonely, vigorous, harmless days of his old age, in wilds of deepest maze. crime came not near him; she is not the child of solitude; health shrank not from him, for her home is in the rarely trodden wild, which, if men seek her not, and death be more their choice than life, forgive them, as beguil'd by habit to what their own hearts abhor-- in cities cag'd. the present case in point i cite is, boone liv'd hunting up to ninety: and what is stranger, left behind a name, for which men vainly decimate the throng; not only famous, but of that good fame, without which glory's but a tavern song; simple, serene, the antipodes of shame, which hate or envy e'er could tinge with wrong; an active hermit; even in age the child of nature, or the man of ross run wild. 'tis true, he shrank from men even of his nation, when they built up unto his darling trees; he mov'd some hundred miles off, for a station, where there were fewer houses and more ease. the inconvenience of civilization is, that you neither can be pleased, nor please. but where he met the individual man, he showed himself as kind as mortal can. he was not all alone; around him grew a sylvan tribe of children of the chase, whose young unwaken'd world was always new; nor sword, nor sorrow, yet had left a trace on her unwrinkled brow, nor could you a frown on nature's, or on human face. the free-born forest found, and kept them free, and fresh as is a torrent or a tree. and tall, and strong, and swift of foot were they, beyond the dwarfing city's pale abortions; because their thoughts had never been the prey of care or gain; the green woods were their portions no sinking spirits told them they grew gray, no fashion made them apes of her distortions. simple they were; not savage; and their rifles, though very true, were not yet used for trifles. motion was in their days; rest in their slumbers; and cheerfulness, the handmaid of their toil; nor yet too many, nor too few their numbers; corruption could not make their hearts her soil the lust, which stings; the splendor which encumbers, with the free foresters divide no spoil. serene, not sullen, were the solitudes of this unsighing people of the woods the end. file was produced from images generously made available by the kentuckiana digital library) scouting with daniel boone * * * * * books by the same author three colonial boys three young continentals washington's young aids the boys of old monmouth a jersey boy in the revolution the rider of the black horse the red chief marching against the iroquois the camp-fire of mad anthony lighthorse harry's legion the young sharpshooter tecumseh's young braves the boy soldiers of four boys in the yellowstone four boys in the yosemite ward hill at weston with flintlock and fife the fort in the forest * * * * * [illustration: "on the august air arose the reports of many rifles and the terrifying whoops of the indians"] _pioneer scout series_ scouting with daniel boone by everett t. tomlinson [illustration: logo] _illustrated by_ norman rockwell garden city new york doubleday, page & company _copyright, , by_ the boy scouts of america _for boys' life_ _copyright, , by_ everett t. tomlinson _all rights reserved, including that of translation into foreign languages, including the scandinavian_ preface perhaps not unnaturally in certain details there is a slight confusion or divergence in the various works that recount the heroic deeds of daniel boone. the men of that day were making history rather than recording what they did. there is, however, a striking uniformity in all the records as to the simple faith and almost fatalistic conviction of daniel boone that he was called to be a pathfinder for the new nation in america. his courage, reverence, rugged honesty, and unselfishness, his childlike simplicity that was mixed with a certain shrewdness, at least in his dealings with the indians, are, however, qualities in which the historians mostly agree. i have cast this record into story form and have used the license of a story-teller. i have incorporated a few adventures on the border which strictly do not belong to this tale. every one of them, however, is true, and i hope will help in giving a true picture of those early and trying days. in the midst of it all i have placed the great scout. the qualities he displayed are the same that are necessary for success in our day or any day. the problems may vary from generation to generation, but the elements of true manhood are ever the same. i have made free use of the many historical works which portray the character of the great scout. first of all is the diary of daniel boone himself. in addition to that fascinating story, the following works also should be read by those who are interested in his life: "the adventures of colonel daniel boone," by general filson; "life of boone," by timothy flint; "daniel boone and the hunters of kentucky," by w. h. bogart; "daniel boone, the pioneer of kentucky," by j. s. c. abbott; "the adventures of daniel boone, the kentucky rifleman," by the author of "uncle philip's conversations "; "four american pioneers," by frances m. perry and katherine beebe. the various publications of the filson club of louisville, kentucky, have also been helpful. "the siege of bryant's station," by the president of the club, colonel reuben durrett, and "the battle of blue licks," by colonel bennett h. young, are most interesting. mcclung's "sketches of western adventure," and strickland's "pioneers of the west" have provided many interesting details. the author also gratefully acknowledges the aid he has had from some of the lineal descendants of boone himself. if english boys are eager to hear about the heroic adventures of king arthur, robin hood, and other characters, in part at least legendary, why should not american boys be equally interested in the true stories of the rugged heroes of their own land? there never has been a time when the development of a true patriotism was more needed than it is to-day. our perils and problems are not concerned with savages and wild beasts, but they may be no less dangerous than those which confronted our forefathers. how to meet them, what qualities ought to be strengthened in the life of an american boy, how best to inspire the younger generation with love and devotion for our country, are vital questions of the present. the author believes there is no better way of doing this than by interesting our boys in such heroic men as daniel boone. everett t. tomlinson. elizabeth, new jersey. contents chapter page i. in the wilderness ii. hunter sam iii. the hunt for game iv. the gobblers v. peleg's new place vi. schoolmaster hargrave vii. two scouts viii. peleg's encounter ix. at the springs x. a terrified band xi. the adventure of the schoolmaster xii. an attack xiii. the white shawnee xiv. the hidden canoe xv. gathering clouds xvi. captives xvii. the pursuit xviii. a band of scouts xix. the capture xx. an offer of release xxi. flight xxii. the coming of blackfish xxiii. four warriors and more xxiv. a decoy and an attack xxv. a field of corn xxvi. the white shawnee again xxvii. the struggle in the ravine xxviii. at the lower blue licks xxix. to the meeting-place xxx. conclusion illustrations "on the august air arose the reports of many rifles and the terrifying whoops of the indians" _frontispiece_ facing page "'what is that?' at the question the two pioneer boys stopped abruptly" "he was a tall, lean man, quiet in his bearing, and with every indication of self-control, as well as of strength, stamped upon his face and form" "the indian had been able to draw his knife and struck at her again and again while the bear held him in one of her most fervent hugs" "boone quickly rallied his startled followers and when the red men returned the hardy settlers were ready and awaiting their coming" "one of the men who had been stationed as a guard was shot early in the morning" "the scout, with his family, returned to boonesborough" "silently the men crossed the ford" scouting with daniel boone chapter i in the wilderness "what is that?" at the question the two pioneer boys stopped abruptly. from within the forest they had heard the sound of a snapping branch. the sound itself had not been loud, but the quiet of that september day in had been sharply broken by the slight noise from the brush. for a brief time both boys listened intently and then one of them went back a short distance along the trail over which the little procession had advanced, carefully looking for signs of danger on either side. and there was need for caution. under the leadership of daniel boone five families besides his own had been making their way slowly through the unbroken wilderness from the settlement on the yadkin in north carolina. at powell's valley, through which they recently had passed, forty men had joined the little company, thereby adding greatly to its strength, and increasing the confidence of the hardy settlers. as the little cavalcade spread out in a long line, an advance guard of five opened the way, while three rear guards, of two each at irregular intervals, were stationed to prevent surprises from the hostile indians or attacks by the prowling beasts of prey that were wont to follow the trail of men in the wilderness. at this time the band was crossing powell's mountain, and the extreme rear guard was made up of james, the oldest son of daniel boone, and his friend, peleg barnes, the latter being one of the number that had been added to the company when the settlers arrived at powell's valley. persuaded that no enemy was near, the two boys resumed their positions and proceeded on their way. each boy was dressed in a hunting costume and wore leggings and fringed trousers made from the skin of the deer. each also was armed with a rifle which he carried almost as naturally as if it was a part of himself. powder-horns and bullet-pouches were swinging from their shoulders. it was manifest from the attitude and the manner of both young hunters that they were familiar with the ways of the wilderness and were alert to detect signs of the presence of friend or foe. "i don't like that noise," suggested peleg in a low voice. "'tis the second time we have heard it since we have been the rear guard to-day." his companion smiled and did not reply, and for a time peleg also remained silent. he was a restless, dark-haired, muscular, and well-grown boy, perhaps seventeen or eighteen years of age, which also was the age of his more quiet comrade. the boys were warm friends, but like many men of the earlier days, they were prone to silence, though little that occurred in the nearby forest escaped their attention. the wilderness through which they were advancing was almost untrodden. confidence and hope were expressed on the rugged faces of the boys, however, for they early had learned to live in the presence of continual danger from the prowling beasts and the hostile red men. "i never knew a man just like your father," suggested peleg, at last breaking the silence. "neither did i," replied james boone, with a smile that strongly lighted up his face, as he turned to his friend. "he never seems to think about himself. he is taking this expedition to the land he has found because he believes it to be for our advantage for him to do so." "he knows it is." "i heard him tell about the wonderful sky and soil he had found there; and it must be worth while to go, else he would not be advising us to leave the yadkin and cross all these mountains into the wilderness. i never saw such a strong man as your father is. i don't believe he has an ounce of fat on his body. is it true that he is having a record kept of the places he has found and the journeys he has made?" "it is." "i should like much to see it. i can read writing, and if some time you will ask him to grant me the privilege i shall want to read what he has had written----" peleg stopped abruptly and grasped his companion's arm, as both boys were startled once more by the sudden snapping of a branch apparently only a few yards to the left. instantly both were listening breathlessly, and were holding their rifles in readiness, while they peered anxiously into the brush from which the threatening sound had come. "i declare to you," whispered peleg, "that there is some one following us." "verily," whispered james boone, although he did not turn away his eyes from the forest as he spoke. the alarm of the two young guards was not unnatural, as has been said. on the lower slopes of the mountain great trees were growing, but as the band of emigrants had steadily climbed, the timber diminished, and even underbrush had become somewhat thinned. still, on every side of the trail there were sufficient bushes to hide the presence of an enemy that might be following the pioneers. both boys knew that game of many kinds abounded in the wilderness. many a time their skill had been tested long before they had left their homes on the yadkin. that their perils would be increased as they withdrew into the region in which the foot of no white men except daniel boone and his comrade had ever trod they both were well aware. on this september day the advancing settlers had been moving in a much longer and thinner line than had been adopted the preceding day. the difficulties of the ascent and the frequent great rocks in their way made their progress over the mountain more difficult and different from the easier march through the valley on the opposite side. only an occasional white man had been seen since they had left their homes, and there was constant fear of the red men, almost all of whom were exceedingly hostile at this time and very jealous in guarding their own domains from the incursions of the whites. perhaps not unnaturally most of those who were in boone's party looked upon the indian as a natural enemy. few were mindful of the fact that the red men were but doing their utmost to defend their own homes and retain their hunting grounds from the trespassing whites, who, they were fearful, would soon push them from the region, unless by determined warfare the shawnees and other neighbouring tribes might be able to prevent their entrance and settlement. it was well known that the region into which daniel boone was leading his company on that september day was considered by the indians to be the best of all their hunting grounds. there the buffalo and the deer abounded. wild turkeys were so numerous that the report which daniel boone had brought scarcely had been credited by his friends. there were times in the autumn when great flocks of wild pigeons sweeping through the woods might be felled with a club by a man standing in the way of their advance. it is true that where so much game was found dangerous animals also abounded. the panther and bear were much in evidence, and prowling wolves often made the night hideous with their weird and terrifying howls. there was no one in the advancing company who did not fully understand what the cost of seeking and making a new home in the wilderness was likely to be. doubtless some would fall victims to the cunning of the hostile red men. others were certain to lose their lives in attacks by the treacherous panther, the deadliest four-footed foe of the white men in the new world. when the two young pioneers, who formed the rear guard of the slowly moving procession, resumed their advance, both were silent for a time and keenly observant of the woods on either side of the trail left by those who had preceded them. in places the autumn foliage already was tinted with scarlet or gold. the soft air of the september day became slightly cooler as the party steadily approached the higher regions of powell's mountain. in the midst of such surroundings it was impossible for the young hunters long to retain their anxiety, though neither ceased his keen watchfulness. "how old is your father?" inquired peleg at last. "about forty." "i wish much to hear him tell of his adventures in this land which he says the indian calls kantuckee. do you know what that word means?" "no." "do you think your father is fearful the redskins may attack us before we come to the licks, where he affirms he will make our settlement?" "you must ask him," replied young boone. "i do not believe he thinks that we or any other band of settlers will ever build a home in such a country as he has found without having to fight for it. peleg, i have almost decided that one never gets anything worth having without having to fight some kind of a battle." "that is surely so," replied peleg, laughing softly as he spoke. "i shall never forget how schoolmaster hargrave had to fight to teach me to use a quill. the letters somehow would not come, not even when he set his best copy for me. he told me one day that they looked like a whirlwind in distress. i was minded several times to give up the whole attempt, but he told me to fight on, and now i am glad that i did." "i am told that the schoolmaster later expects to come where we are going." "so i have heard. i hope he will leave his ferrule behind. whew! my knuckles ache now with the mention! still _he_ seemed to get some pleasure out of it, but----" peleg stopped suddenly as a faint cry was heard far in their rear. it was a sound not unlike that made by a child in distress. weird, pathetic, startling as it was, neither of the boys was for a moment unaware of its meaning. it was the cry of a panther far in the distance. [illustration: "'what is that?' at the question the two pioneer boys stopped abruptly"] and panthers not infrequently hunted in pairs. it might be possible that two of the treacherous creatures had been following the slowly moving caravan, for slow-moving it was indeed. the children and women were carried on the backs of the horses. the few heavy wagons were dragged with difficulty over the rough ground, and many a time the entire band was compelled to halt while the men felled a tree which blocked their advance. "i tell you," said peleg in a whisper, "that sound we heard before was made by a painter." "it may be true." "will you stay here while i go back over the trail a little way to see if i can find any signs of the varmints? it is yet too light for them to attack us, but i should like to know if there is a pair on our trail." "do not go far," said james boone hesitatingly. "you may be sure that i shall not be over-venturesome. i shall return directly." in a moment peleg disappeared from the sight of his companion as he lightly and yet swiftly sped back over the way by which they had come. left alone, young boone seated himself upon a fallen tree and awaited the return of his companion. holding his rifle lightly in his hands after he had carefully looked to its priming, he was keenly observant of all about him. he had been disturbed more than he had acknowledged to peleg by the sounds which they had heard. he had known of instances in which a panther had trailed a man for many hours. the conjecture of peleg that a pair of the hated beasts might be following the slowly moving settlers was not improbable. as the moments passed the anxiety of the young hunter for his companion increased. no sound to alarm him had broken in upon the silence, and yet somehow the son of the great pioneer scout was anxious for his friend. rising from his seat he ran swiftly in the direction in which peleg had gone. in a few moments he discovered his friend standing beneath a spreading chestnut and holding his gun in such a manner that it was manifest that he had heard some sound to alarm him. a huge panther crouched upon the limb of the chestnut tree, almost directly above the place where peleg was standing. chapter ii hunter sam if the vision of james boone had not been trained, and unusually keen, the sight of the crouching animal would have escaped him. its tawny skin was of a colour not unlike that of the tinged foliage of the branches of the chestnut upon which it was lying. there was an occasional nervous twitching of its tail, but otherwise it was as motionless as if it had been carved of marble. so intense was the interest of the savage beast in the young hunter directly beneath it that it was unaware of the approach of james boone. even as he perceived the animal, however, its muscles tightened, and it prepared for a leap upon the unsuspecting boy. instantly bringing his rifle to his shoulder, and taking careful aim, james fired at the motionless target. he ignored the exclamation of the startled peleg, who leaped to one side at the report of the rifle, and then, glancing at his friend, followed the direction of his gaze, and became aware of the peril above him. for a moment the beast seemed to be unharmed. it remained in the same position, motionless, and with its head leaning below the limb to which it clung. young boone did not move from the place where he was standing, but instantly began to reload his rifle, all the time keeping careful watch upon the movements of the beast. suddenly the panther began to claw at the limb to which it had been clinging. it was manifest that its hold was broken or breaking. the long claws were driven savagely into the bark, but in spite of all its efforts the creature plainly was slipping. there were two or three snarls, and once it turned and snapped savagely at its side. the tail began to lash the branch, and then suddenly became motionless. slowly the ability of the savage beast to maintain itself was departing. a stream of red showed the effect which young boone's bullet had taken. he had aimed just a little back of the fore-shoulder, and it was difficult for him now to understand how even a panther, tenacious of life as the beast was known to be, was still able to cling to the branch. struggling, snarling, the great beast turned and gradually but surely began to slip from its perch. for a moment it almost seemed that it would be able to maintain its grasp even after its body had turned to the underside of the huge branch. but all at once, without a sound, the long body fell, striking hard upon the ground twenty feet or more below. before the animal could show whether or not it was still alive, peleg, who now had recovered from his first alarm, raised his rifle and fired at the prostrate body. there was slight question now as to the approaching death of the savage beast. it lay almost motionless on the ground, but there was still an occasional nervous twitching of its long tail. both boys, however, were too skilled in the art of the hunter to venture within reach of the terrible claws until they were satisfied that the dreaded enemy was indeed dead. "there may be another," said peleg nervously, as he glanced into the woods after he had hastily reloaded his rifle. "that cry we heard probably was the call of this one's mate." "that may be so," said young boone. "what are you going to do?" inquired peleg in surprise, as he saw his companion place his rifle against a tree and draw his hunting-knife from his belt. "i am going to skin this big cat." "do you think we ought to stop for that?" asked peleg. "yes." "then let me help." "no, you keep guard. our guns may have stirred up more trouble than we know." acting upon this suggestion, both boys became silent while young boone began his task. swiftly and deftly he slit the beautiful skin the length of the body, and then did likewise on each leg. so skilful was the young hunter that in a brief time he had drawn back the skin sufficiently to cause him to call to his companion, "come here and help me." together the two boys then tore the skin from the body, and young boone rolled the panther's hide into a small, compact bundle. he tied this securely with a deerskin thong, and then added it to his burden. at once the boys began to run swiftly to regain the distance they had lost. they had not advanced far, however, before they saw some one approaching them on the trail. "'tis as i thought," said james boone with a smile. "our guns have 'roused our friends." "that's sam oliver." "i see it is," replied james. neither of the boys spoke again as the man rapidly approached them. both knew him as one of the hunters of the company, and as one whose labours chiefly were confined to that field. sam was perhaps fifty years of age, tall, rawboned, sunburned, with an expression of face not unpleasing, and a frequent twinkle in his eyes. as for felling the trees or building the houses of logs, sam was willing for others to assume those labours, and whatever honours might accrue from such tasks. for himself he much preferred to do his part by supplying the band with game. frequently the two boys had gone with the trapper when he had made the rounds of his traps, and in the warm days of summer nothing had delighted either more than to accompany him into the forest, where they were interested in the weird, and at times fantastic, tales sam related of his personal adventures, and also of the characteristics of the denizens of the forest. "what's wrong, lads?" inquired the hunter as he approached. "nothing is wrong now," laughed peleg. "we shot a painter back here. and there is its hide," he added as he pointed with pride to the bundle which was suspended from his companion's shoulders. glancing at the object to which his attention had been directed, sam whistled and then said, "seen any more?" "no, sir." "seen any signs o' redskins?" "no, sir. have you seen any?" "that's for the king to say," replied the hunter, laughing in apparent heartiness, though no sound escaped his lips. the expression, "that's for the king to say," was one that fell so frequently from the lips of sam oliver that both boys understood what he meant. it was his method of evading a direct reply to any question he did not wish to answer. "all of which means," said james, "that you _have_ seen some redskins." "a few signs. nothing very bad, and nothing that should be spoken of by either of you. in course we are bound to find the varmints following us, but i don't think they will attack us if we are on our guard. we must do our best, and after that there is no good in trying to do anything more. your father says everything that happens is right, or it wouldn't be. strange," he added, as he again looked at the panther's skin which james boone was carrying, "strange that you should have got him so easy. i have known the time when it would have taken half-dozen bullets to put an end to a fighting painter." "have you shot a good many of them?" inquired peleg. "oh, a few, a few," replied the hunter. "the strangest sight i ever see was one time when i was followin' three o' the varmints. they led me a hard chase, and it was two days before i caught up with them, and when i did, i almost wished i had not." "why?" "i will tell you. when i came near a big open space there in the woods i heard the worst screechin' i ever heard in my life. you simply cannot describe it. they were snarlin' and spittin' and screamin' and growlin', and sometimes it seemed as if they were doin' all four things at once. my first thought was that this was no place for sam oliver. it sounded like a hundred painters were fightin' to the death. i reckon i did turn back a little way, but the screechin' and the screamin' kep' up so that i finally decided that i must find out what was goin' on." "what was it?" inquired peleg. "when i crep' up close to the clearin' and peeped out i saw two painters a-fightin'. they were crouchin' on the ground facin' each other and callin' each other every name they could think of in painter language. i did not know what had happened to the third painter, but i knew i ought not to stay there long. but all at once the two varmints leaped at each other and a minute later they were in such a plight that you would not have known what kind of beasts they was. they had ripped and torn and clawed and scratched and bit each other until it did not seem as if what was left could hang together. then all at once one of them got the other fellow by the throat and it wasn't long before he said good-bye." "did you shoot him?" asked peleg. "no, for just then i heard a noise right behind me and when i looked back i see the third painter creepin' toward me and i fired at it and ran. somehow i managed to get away, and next day i went back to the scene o' battle but i could not find anythin' there except the dead painter. the others had gone. i had been so long trailin' them that i thought i wouldn't follow any further. but if i live to be a hundred years old i shall never forget that there fight i saw between those two big cats! there are some animals," continued the hunter, "that seem to have reg'lar feuds, jest like fam'ly troubles. they may fight one another once in a while, but they will make up to fight the enemies of the fam'ly every time they get a chance." "what do you mean?" asked peleg. "well, for instance, there's the beaver and the otter. they seem to have had a declaration of war from the very beginning same as cats and dogs. i see a beaver house one day las' winter standin' right in the middle o' the pond which the beavers had made. you know they build a long tube right up through the centre o' the floor which looks somethin' like a chimney. the top o' this one was about four feet higher than the floor, and it was a good two feet through. the water round their house came almost to the top of the door. mr. beaver, when he wanted to go into his house, used to dive and come up through the tube, then he would shake himself, and slide down to his floor, which was always dry. it was always warm, too, for even in the coldest weather the water all round the house kep' it from freezin'. i reckon this particular fam'ly was pretty well provided for because they were all fat. leastwise they looked as if they might have been, though they were dead when i saw them." "how was that?" inquired peleg. "why, the otter had gone after them." "into their house?" "no! no! no otter would ever dare do that. in a fight in a place like that the beaver, which has such strong teeth and is such a strong little brute anyway, would have the advantage every time. the otter works in 'nother way. the beaver fam'ly had been busy all through the summer hidin' their strips o' poplar and birch and willows in the bottom o' the lake which they had made. they intended to have their easy time in the winter, and they do, too, unless some otters happen along. "in this case i am tellin' you about, a couple o' otters had tried to break into the house, but the walls was hard as granite. if the otter can only get the beaver into the water he can catch him easily, because the otter is as quick as a fish. so the beaver simply works on the defensive and builds a house strong enough to keep out any otter that may happen along. but pretty soon the otters begin to look into the beavers' dam. by and by, when they find a weak spot, where they can work a hole straight through, they begin their job. when the weather is not too cold and the ice not too thick, just as soon as the water in the lake begins to drop a little, then the beavers begin to hunt for the leak. but when the water falls fast and there is a covering of ice all over the lake and sometimes the ice caves in, you see the beavers then cannot get their provisions, and the inside o' their houses is as cold as it is outside. "the otters have a reg'lar course they follow, goin' from one place to 'nother and making their rounds 'bout every ten days to two weeks. i reckon in the case o' this beaver fam'ly i am tellin' you about that the otters came back in a fortnight or so and found the beavers all dead or in no shape to fight. here comes daniel boone himself," the hunter exclaimed suddenly, "and i reckon you boys will have to explain to him what you meant by your shots back yonder." chapter iii the hunt for game at the words of the hunter the boys looked up and saw the scout approaching. he was a tall, lean man, quiet in his bearing, in the prime of middle life, and with every indication of self-control, as well as of strength, stamped upon his face and form. his expression showed that he was anxious concerning the shots which had been fired, but as he drew near the boys he was not the first to speak. peleg's admiration was manifest in the manner in which the young pioneer looked up to the great leader, though the boy, like others of his day and age, seldom spoke to his elders unless first they had spoken to him. in response to the question which was expressed in the eyes of daniel boone, rather than in words, sam oliver said quietly, "the boys shot a painter." there was a slight smile on the face of daniel boone as he said, "did they? was it necessary?" he added, as he turned to his son. "yes, sir," replied young boone. "the varmint was just ready to spring on peleg. he was crouching on the branch of a tree directly over him, and if i had not fired he would have had him." "it must be right. you know," added boone quietly, smiling again as he spoke, "i am one of those who believe that whatever happens is right." "and yet," suggested the hunter, "you don't stop tryin' for yourself, nor for others, either." "not at all," answered the scout. "a man must follow the best light he can get and then, beyond that, where he cannot go, he must believe that things do not 'happen.' i have heard some men blame their 'luck' for what befell them. i have never thought there was any such thing as 'luck.' the trouble is we do not always see the connection in events, and in our ignorance we say a thing 'happens.' i am sorry the boys had to shoot the painter." "i never knew," laughed the loquacious sam, "that you had any sympathy to waste on those critters." "i haven't," replied daniel boone, a trace of a smile again appearing on his face as he spoke. "i am not sorry that the painter was shot. i am sorry that the boys had to shoot it. just now i am more afraid of their rifles than i am of painters." the trio looked quickly into the face of the leader, but his quiet expression was unchanged, and what he may have implied by his statement he did not explain. "i do not love the varmints," said sam, shaking his head. "i shall put them out of the world every chance i get." "so shall i," assented boone, "although sometimes i feel sorry that i have to do so. i do not suppose that a painter is following anything else than the instinct which was given him, the same as a hound dog follows the track of a rabbit." "how about men?" inquired sam. "i believe the same thing is true of men," said daniel boone seriously. "fortunately for me, i had a good father and a good mother, so that when i was a child i was kept free from many of the things which drive some people i have known into divers sorts of evil." the little party was advancing steadily during this conversation, and apparently, now that the explanation of the two shots had been given, the leader was no longer apprehensive. to peleg, however, who was watchful of the man's every movement, it seemed as if he was continually listening for sounds which the others were unable to hear. the boy was aware of the threatening peril from the indians, although not once had a red man been seen since the emigrants had departed from powell's valley. but the fact that the shawnees kept themselves hidden from sight by no means proved that they might not be near. frequently he and james boone had talked over the possibility of an attack by their foes, but the presence of the additional forty men that had joined the expedition recently provided an added sense of security. they felt that it was doubtful if even a large band of warriors would venture to attack a party so well defended as was that now led by daniel boone. when the sun set the entire band halted and preparations were made for the night. the few wagons were drawn toward one spot and left with their rear ends turned toward the forest. an enclosure was formed in this way, in the centre of which a fire was kindled and preparations for supper were speedily made. meat from the deer which had been shot the preceding day was roasted on spits turned by some of the younger children. only a scanty supply of vegetables was to be had, and for the most part the hardy settlers were compelled to rely upon the supplies of game which the boys and sam oliver and other hunters had no difficulty in obtaining in the forest. guards were assigned for the night, one man being stationed on each of the four sides of the camp and close to the encircling wagons. the dogs which accompanied the expedition were also used as aids in detecting the presence of enemies, but throughout the night nothing more dangerous than a deer or a curious night-bird was heard. there were several young girls in the company whose duties consisted largely in looking after the younger children and in helping prepare the meals when the emigrants halted. there was an air of confidence in the bearing of almost all the members of the expedition, but peleg barnes was convinced that daniel boone himself was far from feeling at ease. the boy felt sure, of course, that the leader was anxious not for his own safety, but for those who were following him in their search for the wonderful land which he had found in kantuckee. before sunrise preparations for the resumption of the journey were completed, and after an ample breakfast, though the food did not differ materially from that of the preceding evening, the word to depart was given. the little children and many of the women rode on the backs of the horses, some of which were hauling the heavy wagons that contained the simple household possessions of the emigrants. as there were more horses than wagons, there was ample provision made for all who were unable to endure the hardships of the march. the sister of young boone, however, frequently insisted upon walking with her brother, except when he was to be one of the guards. no fresh excitement occurred and no fears were aroused until after the band had passed walden's mountain. "cumberland mountain is not far beyond," said sam to peleg and young boone when the nightly camp had been made after a second mountain had been crossed. "when once we get beyond that we shall soon see the land o' promise. i think to-morrow i shall have to take you two boys with me and see if we cannot get some fresh venison. our stores are runnin' low, and a few pa'tridges or wild turkeys would not be bad, either, and i am sure we shall find plenty o' both in the valley." "there must be pigeons left from those we shot yesterday," suggested peleg. "there are some," replied the hunter, who was in general charge of the larder, "but it would be a change for us if we could get a few turkeys. we ought to find some fish, too, in the stream in the valley, and i think i shall set some o' the boys to catchin' them. we shall go ahead o' the main party to-morrow, or else let the band go ahead of us, so that if there happen to be any redskins on our trail they will not mistake us for the whole band." "have you seen any more signs?" inquired peleg quickly. [illustration: "he was a tall, lean man, quiet in his bearing, and with every indication of self-control, as well as of strength, stamped upon his face and form"] "plenty o' signs, but we have not seen one o' the varmints. i know from the way daniel boone is watchin' that he is a bit fearful. i think i shall tell him to-morrow when we start for our game that we will let the rest o' the party go ahead of us and we will bring up the rear. it may save time to do that, because it will be easy to follow the trail they will leave. most of this country is new to me and the only one that is sure of his way is the scout himself." "i think that would be better," assented young boone, "and, besides, if we hunt in the rear of the party we shall be able to do double duty by serving as a rear guard at the same time." "that is right," laughed sam. "though that's for the king to say. the great trouble with him is that he does not say very much." "you have never been troubled that way, have you, sam?" laughed peleg. "i can't say that i have. i think o' so many things; and if i think o' them i want some one else to know what they are, too. you make your arrangements with the king and we will be ready to do our share on the morrow." accordingly, on the following day, when the advance was resumed, sam oliver and his two young comrades waited for the cavalcade to pass and then began their task of providing supplies and game for the company. the emigrants now were nearing cumberland mountain. the three mountains were not far apart and looked almost as if they had been carefully planted at equal distances in the midst of the wilderness by some giant hand. some of the cliffs were so wild and rugged that when the creaking wagons drew near the edge the children screamed in their terror. in the main, however, the trail was less difficult than had been expected. the huge masses of rock had been torn asunder in places by some volcanic action in preceding ages and had left narrow passageways through which the moving cavalcade was able to proceed without much difficulty. october had come and the foliage which had been slightly tinted in the preceding days had turned to a deeper shade. the trees were now ablaze with colour. sam oliver in his enthusiasm declared that within a half hour he and his companions would be able to rejoin the company with ample supplies for the following day. when the boys began their search for game his words seemed about to be verified: near the mountain brook they spied three deer, two of which fell at their first shot. sam, who had preferred to hunt alone, also must have found game plentiful, the boys concluded, because twice within five minutes the report of his gun had been heard. "we must get some turkeys before we go back," suggested peleg. "i am afraid you will have to wait until later in the day if you want to get them," responded young boone. "i don't know about that," began peleg. he stopped abruptly when, as if in confirmation of his own opinion, a gobble was heard not far to their right. this was quickly followed by an answering gobble from their left. "you take one and i will look for the other," eagerly suggested young boone. the plan was instantly adopted, and each of the boys, crouching low and stealthily making his way among the trees and through the brush, tried to steal upon the bird, which still was noisily announcing its presence. james boone moved forward thirty yards from the place where he had left his comrade and cautiously peered about him for a sight of the calling turkey. his feet, clad in moccasins, made little noise as he advanced over the moist ground. deftly he parted the bushes in making his way, and they closed behind him with no more noise than as if they had been swayed by a gentle breeze. suddenly young boone came to a place from which he was able to see plainly a short distance before him. the gobble now was so distinct that, he held his gun in readiness for instant use. cautiously advancing, he peeped from behind a tree, hopeful that he might obtain a sight of the bird he was seeking. to his terror he saw an indian directly before him leaning against the trunk of a huge tree. the mouth of the warrior was partly closed by his hands. his face was daubed with paint, and his discoloured cheeks seemed to be doubly disgusting as he emitted sounds which even the keenest of the wild turkeys would scarcely have detected as different from its own. chapter iv the gobblers at the moment when the young pioneer discovered the indian, the warrior also became aware of the presence of his enemy. whether it was because james was amazed at the redskin's skill in mimicking the call of the wild turkey, or because his enemy was somewhat quicker in his movements than he, is not known. at any rate, before young boone could raise his gun to his shoulder the indian turned and with all his strength hurled his tomahawk. true to its aim, the weapon struck the face of the young hunter, almost cleaving his head in twain. as the body of the stricken boy fell forward, the indian halted a moment and then in his shrillest tones imitated the call of the crow four times. he waited until there was a response similar to his own, and then, running to the prostrate young hunter, deftly removed his scalp. he then dashed into the woods and ran in the direction from which the answering call had been heard. meanwhile peleg barnes, who had been striving to locate the "turkey" which had been gobbling steadily in response to the calls of the one first heard, was more fortunate than his friend. stealthily creeping through the bushes and darting from tree to tree, he discovered the warrior that was imitating the "gobbles" before the latter was aware of his presence. the boy almost intuitively was aware of the purpose of the warrior, and without hesitation raised his gun and fired. as the indian fell to the ground peleg did not wait to discover the effect of his shot, but ran back at his utmost speed toward the camp. frequently, as he ran, the terrified young hunter shouted his warning of the presence of his enemies. before he had regained the camp he was joined by sam oliver, who was angry as well as startled by the wild shouts of his young companion. "what's the trouble, peleg?" he demanded. "i shot a redskin! there must be a good many more!" replied the boy, almost breathless in his excitement. "the varmint was daubed with paint and gobbling like a turkey, trying to draw some one into his trap." "did young boone go with you?" "no, he heard another 'turkey.'" "where is he now?" demanded sam sharply. "i do not know. we must get word to the scout." nothing more was said until the returning hunters, both of whom were running at their utmost speed, came within sight of the place where the camp had been made. in a brief time they gained the open place in front, for the camp this time had been pitched on a small plateau, sheltered by a frowning cliff on one side and protected by a steep, rocky gulch on another, while in front of it was sufficient space to enable the watching guard to detect the approach of an enemy from that direction. as soon as they were within hearing, both hunters shouted their warnings; but even as they raised their voices the sound of rifles was heard and a moment later there was a sudden cry and rush made by at least three score of the indians. the suddenness of the attack as well as the lack of preparation, due to the faith of the emigrants in the security of the position which they had selected for their halt, and their confidence in the guards which had been stationed, prevented an immediate response. the indian warriors, hideously painted, crouching low and running swiftly, and at the same time emitting their terrifying whoops, fired at every paleface that they could see. to the startled pioneers the region seemed to be filled with their foes. the screams of frightened children, the calls of the women, and the shouts of the men as they summoned their companions increased the confusion. for a time the din was almost deafening. above the shouts and cries were heard the frequent reports of the rifles of the attacking party. peleg and sam, who by this time had gained the shelter of the camp, instantly joined the few men that had rallied as soon as the warning was given. all now were doing their utmost to check the onslaught. every man, without waiting for orders, fired at the shouting, leaping savages. as soon as their guns had been discharged, however, it was plain that the attacking party had many other weapons. those who had emptied their rifles brandished their tomahawks and tried to make amends by the fierceness of their cries for their lack of more formidable ways of attacking. in a brief time the defenders were thrown into confusion, outnumbered as they were at the moment, and driven back toward the place where the camp was located. it was speedily known that several had fallen before the fire of the warriors, but just who or how many there was no time to ascertain. it was now every man for himself as they sought protection behind the great trees or darted for the friendly shelter of rocks, which were numerous in the region. it was at this time, however, that the great leader himself appeared upon the scene. familiar with the ways of the indians, daniel boone ordered every man to conceal himself behind some tree and make no attempt to flee from the place until the entire party had been driven away. the presence of boone seemed to revive the courage of the retreating guards. as soon as sheltering places had been secured, every man reloaded his rifle and, following the example of the great scout, fired at the enemy, who now almost had crossed the open space before the camp. the fierceness of the onslaught of the indian warriors was well known, but it was also understood by every white man that the red men seldom persisted in a long attack. a stealthy and sudden dash was their favourite method of fighting, but if the resistance was determined or prolonged they would usually withdraw to the shelter of the forest. in their present attack the indians followed their customary plan. as soon as boone and his companions ceased to flee and began to return the fire with vigour, the indians faltered, and then, after they had given several unusually wild whoops and a final discharge of their weapons, they all fled back to the protecting forest from which they had so suddenly emerged. as soon as the enemy had departed, daniel boone, who thoroughly understood indian nature and ways, doubled the guards, assigned some of his followers to the task of bringing in the bodies of the fallen, and then ordered the others to withdraw within the camp itself, and hold themselves in readiness for a sudden call. meanwhile they were told to do their utmost to quiet the frightened women and children, the latter still vocally expressing their terror. it was soon learned that five of the whites had fallen. their bodies were hastily borne within the protecting circle of the camp and two men who had been wounded were at once cared for. peleg, whose excitement during the short, sharp fight had been intense, now recalled that he had not seen young boone since his comrades had returned. without voicing his fears he made a hasty tour of the camp, searching in every conceivable place for his friend. when at last the young hunter was convinced that james was nowhere to be found among the emigrants, he ran to daniel boone himself and said, "have you seen james anywhere?" "no," replied the scout, glancing keenly at the young hunter. "was he not with you?" "we were together until we heard the 'turkeys' gobbling. then he followed the sound of one and i went after the other. when i came near the place i saw it was a warrior trying to decoy us." "and james was not with you?" "no, sir." "did you call to him?" "no, sir. i shot the redskin and then started for the camp as fast as i could go. sam oliver came with me, and if it had not been for our alarm i am afraid the redskins would have done more damage than they did." the leader was silent as he gazed into the surrounding forest. he was well aware that the woods might conceal many more hostile indians than had appeared in the sudden attack upon the camp. that he was deeply troubled by the message peleg had brought him was manifest. had his enemies already killed his son or had they made him a prisoner? what had become of james? "do you think they have taken him?" inquired peleg in a low voice. "that is what i hope," replied daniel boone; and then in response to the unspoken question of the young hunter he added: "if they have made him prisoner we may be able to get him again, but if they have not----" what the pioneer scout left unsaid was fully understood by peleg, whose face became pale as he saw the anxiety of the leader for his boy. "a man must do his best, and it is useless to rebel," said daniel boone, almost as if he were speaking to himself. "if james has fallen, all that we may try to do will be useless. if he has escaped, he will not need all our help. if the shawnees have made him their prisoner, then we shall do more to help him by quick action than in any other way." turning from the women, who were weeping over the bodies of the dead men that had been brought back to the camp, in a few words daniel boone related to his companions what peleg had told him. a band of twenty or more was speedily formed, every one eager to join in the search for the missing boy. "peleg," inquired the scout just before the men departed from the camp, "do you think you can lead the way to the place where you and james heard the 'turkey'?" "yes, sir," replied peleg. "then let us start at once." no man in the band was without fear when they entered the forest lest he might be the target of some concealed indian. and yet the little force was relying upon the very boldness of their venture for its success. there was no trace of fright, however, when the men ran across the open space and followed daniel boone as he led the way in the direction indicated by peleg, who was close behind him. in a brief time the party came to the place where peleg had shot the indian that had been imitating the gobble of a turkey. there was no delay, however, and as soon as boone was convinced that the red man was dead he turned with his companions in the direction in which the other "turkey" had been heard. as yet not a sign of the presence of their enemy had been discovered, although every one was aware that dark eyes were doubtless watching their every movement. why they had not been fired upon was as yet not understood. in a few minutes, however, these things were forgotten when peleg led the way to the place toward which his young companion had gone to seek the "turkey" which had so noisily announced its presence. a low exclamation escaped the young hunter's lips when he and the leader halted a few minutes later and saw upon the ground before them the prostrate body of the missing boy. chapter v peleg's new place not a word escaped daniel boone's lips at the gruesome discovery of the body of his oldest son. he ran quickly forward, turned the body so that the face could be seen, and in this manner instantly realized the terrible fate which had overtaken james. peleg barnes, who was close behind him, never was able to forget the sound of the one long, dry sob to which daniel boone gave utterance. then, almost as if he still was unaware of the presence of any one except the dead boy, he lifted the body tenderly, and with exceeding care placed it across his shoulders. then, turning about, the great scout started back toward the camp. for a moment the other members of the party stood silent as they watched their suffering leader. there was not one of the men who would not have been glad to express his sympathy in words, but they were all aware of daniel boone's prejudices against giving full expression to one's feelings; and they had not yet recovered from the staggering surprise which the discovery of the body of james had created. when daniel boone disappeared in the brush, sam oliver ran to the spot where this discovery had been made and, picking up the gun of james, turned to his companions and said: "we must follow him. we must keep close to him. the redskins might almost scalp him and he would not understand what they are doing, the way he feels now." acting upon this suggestion, the men all turned to follow the direction in which their leader had disappeared. peleg had run in advance of the other members of the band, eager to help the scout in his task. quietly the leader shook his head, but did not speak in response to the young hunter's offer to aid. apparently he was hardly aware that his friends were so near him. without delay the party soon gained the open space in front of the camp. there daniel boone stopped, and, turning to his friends, whose presence apparently neither surprised nor startled him, said: "i shall take my boy to the place where the other bodies are lying. i desire you to say nothing of what has befallen him until first i shall break the news to my wife." no reply was given to the request of the hunter, nor was any expected. there was no protest by the scout, however, when sam oliver and peleg followed him as he bore his burden to the place where the bodies of the men who had fallen in the sudden attack by the indians were lying, covered by blankets. there, still quiet, and as tender in his manner as a woman, daniel boone lifted the body of his boy from his shoulders and laid it beside those who were his fellow victims. peleg, whose eyes were watching every movement of the man for whom his feeling was little less than adoration, in spite of his grief, marvelled at the wonderful strength the scout displayed. there was no evidence of struggle on his part, and as soon as he had deposited the body, daniel boone turned away, and the two hunters required no word from him to inform them that he had gone to tell his wife of the great sorrow which had come into their lives. peleg's eager look followed him even when he saw him beckon her to one side of the company, and then both withdrew from the sight of the entire band. the bearing of the scout was still unchanged. so great was his self-control that no one in the party, who did not know of the calamity, suspected that anything had befallen the leader beyond the common feeling of sorrow for the loss of the five men. what was said by daniel boone to his wife in that heartbreaking interview no one ever knew. when the scout rejoined the band, which now had assembled behind the protecting barricade, he said simply: "we must prepare for a hasty burial. these bodies must not be left for the wolves to maltreat." the leader spoke as quietly as if he were referring to one of the ordinary experiences of life, instead of one that would have wrung the heart of the strongest man. on the hillside, near the place where the camp had been pitched, the bodies of the fallen men were hastily buried. there were cries and sobs from many of those who had been bereaved, and the unutterable fear and horror which more or less possessed all the emigrant band were apparent in the glances of terror which were frequently cast toward the forest. even some of the men gave way to their sorrow and anxiety. not a trace of either emotion, however, was to be seen in the face of daniel boone when at last the leader turned away from the place of burial. later in the day peleg chanced upon the scout when the latter believed himself to be alone. seated upon a log looking steadily upon the ground, still without a cry, the man's frame was shaken in his agony of grief. abashed by the discovery, peleg, whose sorrow at the loss of his friend also had been keen, stealthily withdrew from the place and did not refer to his discovery when later he joined his companions. before the scout returned, the boy had decided that at his first opportunity he would explain to him how strong had been the friendship between himself and james. peleg was too modest to believe that the great man had ever been aware of the friendship between the two boys. such matters were of too minor importance for him even to recognize, much less to remember, thought the lad. great then was the young hunter's surprise, and greater still his pleasure, when the scout stopped by his side the next day and, looking into his face, said calmly, "peleg, you and james were great friends." "yes, sir." "hereafter i shall have a special love for you, peleg, because you loved my boy." tears, which the young hunter was unable to control, sprang into his eyes at the words which were evidence not only of the keen observation of daniel boone but also of his regard for one who had been the friend of his son. still the scout's voice was quiet and calm. peleg was convinced that he was not unaware of his inability to reply. "it is one of the things, peleg, which cannot be changed," continued daniel boone. "james was a good son and i looked forward to a useful life for him, but he is not to be here. it does no one any good to rebel uselessly, and only children and savages complain when everything they desire is not arranged as they wish." "yes, sir," assented peleg. at first he suspected that the words of the leader were intended as a rebuke to him for the display of his feelings. perhaps it was a weakness, he thought, and yet, somehow, the young soldier was convinced that the father of his friend perhaps did not think any the less of him because he had been deeply moved by the tragic death of james boone. "it is not the first time," continued the scout, "that i have been compelled to face sorrow. somehow i feel that one is like a leaf carried on the stream. it may whirl about and turn and twist, but it is always carried forward." as he spoke, the leader stooped, and taking a tiny branch which had fallen to the ground tossed it into the noisy little stream which went tumbling down the side of cumberland mountain on its way to the great river and the sea beyond. "it is somewhat like that, my lad," continued daniel boone, running his fingers through his hair as he spoke. "man is borne onward by a power which he does not understand, and yet which he must recognize as greater than his own. it is so that one is carried by the years. one is helpless to stop them in their course, as helpless as that little branch which i threw into the water. it does no one any good to rebel or complain. every man must accept the facts of his life, believing that there is a power that guides and controls far better than he knows how to do." the scout spoke musingly, almost as if he thought himself to be alone. a brief silence followed his words, and then daniel boone turned once more to peleg. "my lad," he said, "all i say is that one cannot turn back. however much i may sorrow over the loss of my boy, i cannot go back to him. the only direction in which i can move is forward. if one can only find the right way, that is not so bad." "yes, sir," said peleg, hardly aware of the full meaning of boone's words. "you were a friend of my boy." "yes, sir," again responded peleg, his voice breaking once more in spite of his efforts at self-control. "you shall be _my_ friend from this time forward. you cannot take the place of james, but because you were his friend you shall have a share, if you so desire, such as he might have had, in my life and my plans. your father is not living?" "he has been dead three years." "and your mother?" "she died when i was a baby." "then there is no one to whom you can turn?" "i have lived with my uncle, but i have no desire to go back to him." boone looked keenly into the face of the boy by his side and was silent a moment. "peleg," he resumed, "i meant what i said just now. if you so desire, you shall be my friend." "i do desire it," said peleg impulsively. "there is nothing i want so much as i do to be with you. it is good of you to think of me----" "say no more," interrupted boone. "i shall not forget, though i may not speak to you soon of this matter again. when the time comes, i shall not fail to let you know." when night fell the guards of the camp were doubled, for with the coming of darkness the terror of some of the emigrants increased. there were frequent cries heard from the little children, cries which the mothers were unable to quiet and in which some of them even joined. a feeling of terror had settled over the whole camp. to peleg was assigned a post of danger, as his position as guard was to be near the gulch. steep as this was, it would have been possible for a warrior to climb its rocky sides if he were familiar with the spot. before peleg departed for his station he was joined by israel boone, a younger brother of james, who insisted upon sharing the vigil. in the light of the campfire peleg saw the face of the scout change colour when the suggestion was made by his son, but he did not offer any objection, and in spite of sam oliver's declaration that "one boy was a boy and two boys was half a boy," the leader quietly gave his consent. when the silence of the outer night became more marked in the deepening darkness, the occasional cries of the children did not cease. they were cries not of suffering, but of terror. there were times when even the two young guards shared in the prevailing fear. the darkness that surrounded them might conceal painted warriors who were watchful of their every act. at any moment a bullet from some unseen enemy might find its way to the heart of a watching sentinel. such a condition was not long to be endured. as the hours passed, both boys grew more eager for the coming of the morning, when, whatever plan might be formed, at least relief from the depressing silence would come. to peleg no thought of any change in the plans of the emigrants had occurred, and he was therefore the more astonished the following morning when, after he had been relieved from duty and had obtained a few hours of sleep, he was informed before breakfast that the men were assembling for a council. even his feeling of hunger was ignored in the exciting announcement which soon was made by boone. chapter vi schoolmaster hargrave before breakfast had been prepared peleg was aware of a certain partly suppressed excitement among the members of the band. the women, with tears in their eyes and with their children clinging to their skirts, frequently had been in conference with daniel boone or with other men of the party. it was therefore not without some previous intimation that peleg heard the scout summon the men to a new conference. as soon as they were assembled boone said, "it will not be possible for us to proceed at this time." "why not?" demanded sam oliver. "the women are terror-stricken. i myself had not thought that we should so soon be attacked by the savages. i have reason to remember our stay on cumberland mountain----" for a moment the scout was silent, and an expression of sympathy ran through the entire assembly. once more in control of his feelings, boone continued: "it is not for myself, as you know, that i am asking this return. it is useless, however, now to go on with such fear among our womenfolk, and the redskins opposing us more strongly the farther we go into kantuckee." "where can we go?" inquired one of the assembly. "i have decided that our best plan is to return to the settlement on the clinch river." "how far is that from here?" asked the inquirer. "about forty miles." "i am not one to favour return just because we have been unfortunate----" "there is no question," said daniel boone, his eyes flashing in spite of the quiet manner of his speech, "about what we shall do. we shall make our plans to return at once." whatever feeling of rebellion may have been aroused in the minds of some of his followers, the decision of the leader was not to be disputed. the confidence of every one in his courage, integrity, and judgment was so strong that no one at the time would have dared oppose the great scout. accordingly, hasty preparations were made for the return of the entire band, and within an hour the emigrants were on their way. the same order was maintained which previously had been used. an advance party of five and three rear guards were formed, but now the scout had in addition a small body moving on each flank, parallel with the main body. with the departure, renewed confidence came to all. as the band withdrew further from cumberland mountain their spirits in a measure revived, and when on the third day they arrived at the little settlement which they were seeking on the clinch river, even the tragedy which had befallen them was seldom mentioned. even the packhorses pricked up their ears and required no incentive to induce them to move rapidly down the mountainside. when the emigrants at last arrived at their destination it was found necessary to erect several new houses. the nights already were cool, and a snowfall might be expected at any time. even sam oliver, who seldom assisted in the labours of the settlements, was induced to aid his companions in felling the trees and cutting the logs for the little houses which must be the sole protection of the people throughout the coming winter. not many weeks after the return of daniel boone and his party, schoolmaster hargrave found his way into the settlement. he was a peculiar man in his appearance, exceedingly awkward and angular, a fact which was made more marked by the odd clothing he wore. disdaining garments made from the skins of wild beasts, his clothes were of woollen material, and made, too, after a fashion that in itself was fearful and wonderful to behold. even his cocked hat did not become him, but in some way seemed to make more prominent his long nose, which was covered with splotches of red, as were also his cheeks. that he was earnest and deeply interested in his tasks no one denied. the prime qualification for the work of the schoolmaster in that day, however, consisted in the fact that he was very muscular and able to compel the obedience of even the oldest boys in his school, who frequently were tempted to pit their strength against his. at the suggestion of the scout, a schoolhouse of logs was erected soon after the coming of master hargrave. in this little schoolhouse there was a fireplace, or chimney, which extended nearly across one entire end of the building. when a huge log fire was burning there it sent out not only its genial heat, but at frequent intervals with the changing winds it drew clouds of smoke down the chimney and into the eyes of the children that were seated on the rude benches. the little building was equipped with more windows than the cabins which had been built for dwellings. the windowpanes were of paper and made transparent by oiling or greasing them. young daniel morgan boone, the third son of daniel, became a constant companion of peleg in the days that followed the return of the emigrants. daniel had begun to attend school as soon as the rude little building was erected, and many of his experiences with the awkward schoolmaster were gleefully related to peleg, who now was no longer counted a pupil of the master. "master hargrave," said daniel one day, "makes us learn many verses of scripture." "does he?" inquired peleg. "indeed he does. to-day he gave us three: 'the rod and rule give wisdom,' 'a rod fits a fool's back,' and 'he that spoils the rod is not wise.'" peleg laughed and said: "i remember those verses myself. he taught them to me. does he rap your knuckles with his ferrule?" "sometimes he uses a ferrule, but more often he stands there by one of the windows making a pen, and out of the corners of his eyes watches every one of the eighteen scholars. he always has a stout hickory in his hand or under his arm. the other day there was a disturbance on one of the benches, and without waiting to find who was guilty he laid his hickory across the backs of every one of us." "so you have your share, too, do you?" "indeed i do. but the strangest part was day before yesterday, when schoolmaster hargrave chased return sharp. return would rather go fishing or swimming or hunting any day than go to school. he says he does not care for learning." "he is a stout, burly fellow. i suppose a beating does not trouble him much?" "that's the strange part of it," laughed daniel gleefully. "he doesn't seem to mind one at all. the other afternoon when the boys had been called in from recess, return ducked around the corner of the house and began to run. master hargrave spied him, and, spitting on both his hands, he grasped his hickory and sallied forth to catch him. return saw him coming and took to his heels. every one in the school was out there in front of the schoolhouse watching the sport. we were ready to dodge back into our seats, but we wanted to see the race." "what did he do? did the master get him?" "return took a circuit and started for the meadow, and in a little while he was of course coming back toward the schoolhouse. master hargrave was gaining upon him at every jump, and just as return cleared the fence master hargrave let him have it with the hickory. for once in his life return made haste, i can tell you. he was not very long in reaching the ground from the top of that fence! the schoolmaster was on the other side, and as he saw that all the scholars were watching him he jumped over the fence and started after return faster than ever. i would not have believed that he could run so fast. return looked back to see how near the schoolmaster was, and just then he stumbled and fell, and master hargrave was so close behind that he, too, stumbled over return and then tumbled to the ground. return jumped up and took a back track, but the master was after him in a minute, and before he got halfway to the schoolhouse he had caught up with him, and at every jump the master also let him have it with the hickory. return got the last love pat just as he tumbled over the fence and crawled into the schoolhouse. we all thought when the master came in that he would use his hickory on return plentifully, and also on all the rest of us; but for some strange reason he seemed to have given return all that he had to spare that day. strange how he seems to take delight in beating poor return." "he always took his whaling like an ox," laughed peleg, "and grows fat on it every day. i have marks yet on my knuckles that the schoolmaster gave me." "what are you doing?" demanded daniel, apparently for the first time becoming aware of peleg's occupation. "i am making a new stock for this rifle-barrel." "the gun looks like it might kick," commented daniel sagely, looking critically at the rifle-barrel which was lying upon the rude little bench at which peleg was working. "it would if a boy like you should try to use it." daniel laughed derisively and said: "pray, mr. venerable barnes, how long since you were a boy yourself?" "if you think you can fire this gun, i shall let you be the first one to try it. i have it almost ready now, and all i have to do is to fit the barrel into the stock----" "hello!" called daniel, looking up sharply as he became aware of the approach of a man on horseback. "this is some stranger. i wonder what he can be wanting." a visitor from any of the faraway settlements was a matter of moment, and peleg advanced to the door to see who the newcomer might be. the man was a stranger to both boys. as soon as he spied the lads he said, "is daniel boone in this settlement?" "he is, sir," answered peleg promptly. "where can i find him? i would have word with him." "daniel, do you tell your father there is a gentleman here who desires to speak to him." "i am a messenger," spoke up the stranger, "a courier from governor dunmore. 'tis a matter of importance, and mr. daniel boone will do well to report promptly." peleg looked at the messenger, who was not much older than he. his air of importance was not lost upon the young settler, who laughed slightly when, after daniel's departure in search of his father, he turned again to the visitor. "it is a great honour i have for daniel boone," suggested the courier. "that depends somewhat, i fancy, upon who you are and what you have to bring him." "i have told you already that i am a messenger from governor dunmore. it is meet in you, young man, to respect men who are high in authority." "i do respect the governor," said peleg dryly. "then you should have respect for the governor's messenger." "i have respect for all who are respectable." "what mean you by that?" demanded the visitor hotly; as he spoke he leaped from the seat on the back of his horse and advanced threateningly upon peleg. his attitude changed, however, when peleg quietly stood his ground and even slightly smiled at the pompous words and manner of the visitor. the return of young daniel boone interrupted the interview. "my father will be pleased to see you," said the lad, glancing questioningly first at peleg and then at the messenger. "of course he will see me," declared the courier. "why did he not return with you?" "he is awaiting your coming and bade me conduct you to our home." "is it far from here?" "no, sir" "very good. i shall be pleased to go with you and give my message to daniel boone." peleg was an interested observer of the departing visitor, and his interest would have been still keener had he known how much the message from governor dunmore concerned his own future. chapter vii two scouts peleg resumed his congenial occupation, working steadily upon the rifle which he was fashioning. the barrel had been part of a gun which belonged to one of the men who had fallen in the recent attack by the indians, its stock having been shattered by the blow of a hatchet. after the weapon had been found, instead of throwing it aside as its finder was tempted to do, peleg had taken it for himself. all the way from cumberland mountain he had carried the barrel, which was all that he had saved of the rifle. he was aware of the confidence which its recent owner had in its qualities, and he had determined to fashion from it a gun for himself upon which he might rely. a smile of satisfaction lighted up the countenance of the young hunter when after several hours had elapsed he critically examined his new weapon, the parts of which now had all been joined. at supper time at the home of daniel boone, of whose family peleg had been made a member since the death of james, the visitor of the afternoon was recalled by a question of israel boone, the second of the five sons of daniel boone. "why did not that man stay all night?" he inquired of his father when the family was seated about the rude table. "he would not remain," replied his father quietly. "who was he?" continued israel. "a messenger from governor dunmore." the lad was eager to continue his questioning, but evidently he saw something in the glance of his father which precluded further attempts, and he became silent. it was not until the following morning that peleg learned of the reason, and then only in part, for the coming of their recent visitor. "peleg," said daniel boone quietly, "would you prefer to remain here in the settlement, or go with me on a scout?" "i would rather go with you," responded peleg promptly. "it is possible that we may be gone two months or more." "yes, sir." "and may have to travel something like eight hundred miles." "i shall do my best." "you are well aware, lad, that we shall meet many hard experiences." "yes, sir." "and you are not afraid?" "not if you are to find the way." daniel boone smiled and reached for peleg's new gun. he examined the weapon critically, raising it to his shoulder and sighting it several times. "'tis a handy rifle, lad," he remarked, when his inspection was ended. "have you tried it?" "yes, sir." "and is it true?" "it is as far as i am able to make it so." "if you go with me, is this the gun you will take?" "yes, sir." "why do you not prefer to remain in the settlement? there is work to be done here. the gardens are to be cared for and the game must be provided for the people. here is where i should remain were it not that when i hear the call of governor dunmore i realize that there is work for me which i must not neglect." peleg was silent as he watched the great scout. even while the man was speaking there came into his eyes an expression such as the boy had seen only when he and his friend had been together in the forest. it was the look of one seeing visions, and yet there was also in it the expression of a man of resolute purpose. "'twill not do," continued daniel boone turning again to peleg, "to take any chances. i had thought at first to take sam oliver with me, but now it seems good to me for you to go, if you so desire." "i do." "i suggest that you try out your new rifle several times before we leave. the time to prepare is before we start. after we have gone on our way a hundred miles or more 'twill be difficult then to correct any fault or change any plans. more than half the winning of any battle depends upon the preparations one makes, i care not whether it be a fight with the indians or with one's own weaknesses. there are other rifles from which you may make a selection," boone added. "yes, sir, but i think i prefer this. i have made it myself and have tested and tried it every way. i have chosen a name for it." "what have you named it?" inquired boone. "singing susan." "and you have sufficient bullets?" "yes, sir." "and powder?" "yes, sir," responded peleg. as he spoke he showed a huge powder-horn which he had polished and upon which he had carved the following dire warning: "ye mann what steles this powd^r horne, will go to helle as sure as y^re borne." the scout slowly read the inscription and, shaking his head, said: "i think i should leave that horn behind. there are plenty more which are not so sharp in their warnings." "but it is true, isn't it? if a man steals, isn't that the place where he belongs?" apparently the thoughts of the great leader were withdrawn to other matters, for, ignoring the question, he said: "peleg, we shall start before sunrise to-morrow morning. these june days are long and we do not want to lose any of the hours." "shall we stop at night?" "that will depend much upon events. there may be times when we shall be glad to have the night protect us in our advance, and when it will be necessary for us to hide in the daytime. there are some things to see to before we go. one of these is that you must learn how to follow my trail." peleg's eager manner expressed a question. his interest was keen. "if you are lost or are not able to find me i shall mark my trail with five stones placed like this." as he spoke the pioneer arranged five small stones in a semicircle on the ground near him. "you may expect to find these near the springs or at the places where i may cross the rivers. we must plan to keep closely together, but i am referring to this in case anything should happen to separate us. there are some other things about which i shall tell you after we have started. i wish i felt a little more confidence in that rifle," he added. "what did you say you have named it?" "singing susan." boone said no more, and peleg withdrew beyond the border of the settlement to make additional tests of his newly made rifle. apparently these were satisfactory, for at three o'clock the following morning when he and daniel boone departed from the little settlement it was "singing susan," which peleg was carrying over his shoulder. as yet the boy did not know whither he and his comrade were going. only in a general way had boone explained how long they might be absent. however, it was clear to the mind of peleg that the scout was moved by a feeling that he was engaging in an enterprise from which there was to be no turning back, and that he felt that he needed some one to accompany him. to be near boone was sufficient reward in itself, and buoyantly the young man carried himself as they moved in single file through the passes of the mountains. it was seldom that either spoke, and it was agreed that their guns were not to be fired except when it was necessary to secure game. many miles had been covered when the two hunters decided to rest, for night was at hand. selecting a sheltered spot near a swiftly running brook, they were protected from peril from the rear of their camp by the huge walls of the hill which rose abruptly behind it. a fire was kindled with peleg's flint and tinder and allowed to burn only long enough to roast the loin of deer which had been secured by a shot from the scout's rifle early that morning. as soon as their supper had been eaten the fire was extinguished. the june air was warm and it was with a sense of comfort that peleg seated himself upon the ground with his back against the protecting cliff. his companion had seldom spoken to him throughout their journey, and the pace at which they had been travelling had told more severely upon the younger hunter than upon boone. yet there was a feeling of deep comfort in peleg's heart. the stars were twinkling in the sky, the gentle breeze that swept the treetops was softly musical in its sound, and beyond all these was the pleasure of being in the company of the man to whom he looked up as to no one else. all combined to make the young hunter happy. to his surprise he found that daniel boone was willing to talk more freely than he ever had known him to do before. "yes," daniel boone was saying, "my grandfather came from england and settled in pennsylvania. he had nine sons and ten daughters. my father he called squire. i do not know just why, unless it was because he was more active than his brothers. i was born on the right bank of the delaware in bucks county, pennsylvania, in . not long after my father married he moved to another part of the colony, and when i was a little lad he took us overland through maryland and virginia and settled at the headwaters of the yadkin." "a fine place, too, that is," said peleg. "indeed it is," assented the scout, "but it was not for me. somehow i seem destined to find the way for others rather than to be able to enjoy much of quiet and rest myself. it was on the first day of may, , that i left my family in quest of the country of kantuckee. five men travelled with me, all of us relying upon the reports of john finley, one of our number, who had been trading with the indians there. he averred that he had found the most beautiful of all lands. i shall not soon forget the seventh day of june that year, when john finley and i, from the top of an eminence, looked out upon the beautiful land of kantuckee. buffalo were more numerous than are cattle in the settlements. they fed upon the grass that grows marvellously on those plains. we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. on the d of december, john stuart and i were having a pleasing ramble. we had passed through a great forest and were amazed at the variety of the blossoms we saw. as for game, why it almost seemed to seek us out instead of making us the hunters. it was near sunset and we were near the kantuckee river, when a number of indians rushed out of a canebrake and made us their prisoners." "how long did they keep you?" "seven days. we did our utmost not to show any uneasiness, and gradually they became less suspicious of us. but in the dead of the night of that seventh day, when we were lying by a large fire and all the others were asleep, i gently shook my companion, whispered my plan, and we left the camp without disturbing any one. my brother and another man, who had started after us to explore the country, found the camp of our party, but it had been plundered and the other men in our band had fled. strangely enough, we soon came upon one another in the forest. you may be sure that this meeting with my brother was most welcome. the man who was with him, however, soon went on a private excursion and was attacked and killed by wolves. john stuart was killed by the indians. there we were in a howling wilderness, hundreds of miles from our families and surrounded by indians who were determined to kill us. all through that winter we had no trouble, however, and on the first of the following may my brother went home for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me alone. i had been without bread for a year; i had no salt nor sugar, and not even a horse or a dog for company. "i knew i must not lament, however, and accordingly i undertook a tour which i thought might be of benefit to others who, i had no doubt, soon would follow me. often i heard the hideous yells of the savages searching for me. on the th of july my brother returned, and together we went as far as the cumberland river, scouting through that part of the country and giving names to the different rivers. in the following march i went back to my family, determined to bring them as soon as possible, even at the risk of life and fortune, to make a home in kantuckee, which i esteemed a second paradise. "you know, my lad, how i sold my land on the yadkin and disposed of such goods as we could not carry with us, and how with five other families we started on the th of september to journey to kantuckee. you were one of us at that time. "you well remember also what occurred on the th of october, when our company was attacked by the indians, how i lost my boy, and how we all journeyed back to the settlement on the clinch river." "and now?" queried peleg. "and now," answered daniel boone, "you and i are to journey to the falls of the ohio. our surveyors there are in great peril from the indians. we shall, without doubt, find ourselves often in danger, and i am selecting you to accompany me because already i have found that i could rely upon you. you have been quick to learn what i have taught you, and i do not believe you will easily be taken unawares, because you have already learned how to prepare yourself for any event. any one who has not learned that lesson can never become a successful man, to say nothing of succeeding as a scout." chapter viii peleg's encounter the following morning dawned clear and warm, and as no signs of indians had been seen the two scouts renewed their journey with lighter hearts. at least a part of peleg's fear was gone, though it was impossible for him to determine by anything his companion said whether or not he shared his feeling. without an open declaration of war, the shawnees, wyandottes, cherokees, and delawares were working more or less together at this time and were untiring in their determination to prevent the whites from entering and establishing homes in the region which the indians believed was entirely their own. the second day passed, and the progress of the two scouts was unbroken. still daniel boone was using great caution, forbidding the discharge of guns except when food was required, and insisting upon the fire being extinguished as soon as the meals had been prepared. on the fourth day of their journey the anxiety of the great scout became more manifest. "i have seen some things," he explained to his companion, "which are troubling me." "are the indians near us?" "i have been convinced that they have been near us all our journey, but i fear now they are approaching still nearer. my suggestion is that we separate, and i will go to the south and you to the north of the path we would have taken and meet again in our camp here a few hours from this time. we may throw them off our trail." "shall we start now?" inquired peleg, rising at once as he spoke. "'twill be well to do so. the sun is now two hours high, and we must both be back here in camp by noon." as he finished speaking, daniel boone departed silently into the forest and his example was promptly followed by the younger scout. the young hunter had been gone almost an hour and as yet had discovered only a few signs of the presence of their enemies. he was near the bank of a stream some twenty feet or more in width when, glancing behind him, he saw two indians swiftly approaching. his first impulse was to fire upon them, but holding his rifle in readiness he waited for them to come nearer. suddenly one of the red men raised his gun and fired at peleg. the young scout heard the bullet whistling close to his head, and, instantly taking aim, returned the fire, causing one of the indians to fall forward upon his face. the other warrior, however, was armed, and was swiftly approaching. peleg's first impulse to use his gun as a club and strive to defend himself was quickly abandoned when in some consternation he became aware of the size of the advancing red man. never before had he seen an indian so large as the one who was now approaching. not merely was the man tall, but his breadth of shoulder and every movement alike showed the great strength which he possessed. thinking this was a case where discretion was the better part of valor, peleg darted swiftly into the woods. as he did so his enemy fired at him, but fortunately the boy escaped unhurt. he ran at his utmost speed, but as he glanced over his shoulder he saw that his pursuer was speedily gaining upon him. peleg barnes was considered the best wrestler and the strongest of the younger men in the little settlement on the clinch river. he now was more than six feet tall and the muscles in his arms and legs were marvellously developed. if the man behind him had not been of such gigantic and ferocious aspect, the young hunter would have ventured a single combat; but peleg had decided that flight was the safer course. for several hundred yards he ran at his utmost speed, but every glance backward showed him that, swiftly as he was running, his pursuer was steadily gaining upon him. the woods through which they were speeding consisted almost entirely of small trees, few of which were large enough to provide protection or even shelter. peleg had passed a large walnut tree, which he had noticed standing like a patriarch among the surrounding saplings, and suddenly he paused in his flight and ran back ten steps to gain it. this action of the young scout plainly startled the indian, who halted a moment, thereby giving his adversary the advantage of reaching the shelter he was seeking. if peleg's gun had been loaded the solution of his troubles would not have been difficult. as it was, the huge warrior resumed his rapid advance. again peleg fled, but he was well aware that sooner or later he must stop and strive to defend himself by using his rifle as a club. the moment for such action soon came, and, abruptly halting, peleg seized his rifle by the barrel and raised it above his head. the indian dropped his empty gun and advanced upon his victim with his tomahawk. instead of waiting to receive the attack, peleg suddenly leaped forward and struck with the stock of his gun. the warrior at the same moment whirled his tomahawk and threw it. in a manner both blows took effect. the stock of the rifle was dislocated by the blow which peleg struck the indian's skull, and at the same time the vicious blow of the tomahawk was deflected by the barrel of the rifle, though it cut deeply into peleg's hand between his thumb and forefinger as it glanced. as the indian attempted to draw his knife, peleg seized him and together both fell to the ground. for a time the efforts of the indian were by no means violent, and peleg was hopeful that the blow which the warrior had received had partly disabled him; but it was soon manifest that the indian had recovered, for, wrapping his long arms around peleg's body, he pressed him to his breast with well-nigh crushing force. [illustration: "the indian had been able to draw his knife and struck at her again and again, while the bear held him in one of her most fervent hugs"] peleg, powerful young scout that he was, had never felt an embrace like that of the huge warrior. relaxing his efforts for a moment, he endeavoured to convince his enemy that his strength was well-nigh gone. the indian apparently was deceived by his trick and made an attempt to reach for peleg's gun, which had fallen on the ground nearby. the young hunter at the same moment made a sudden and desperate attempt to free himself from the arms of the giant. success crowned his efforts, but before he was able to escape from the place the indian leaped to his feet, and, seizing peleg with one hand and grasping the collar of his hunting shirt with the other, he drew his enemy steadily to his hip, and then by a sudden effort threw him at least ten feet into the air, much as he might have tossed a little child. peleg fell upon his back at the edge of the stream, but before the savage could spring upon him, he was again upon his feet, and, stung with rage as well as desperation, instantly, and with a violence which for a time made up for his lack of strength, he renewed his attack upon his gigantic enemy. the indian, however, closed again with peleg and hurled him to the ground, though the young hunter still doggedly clung to his foe. together they rolled into the water, where the struggle continued unabated for a time, as each did his utmost to thrust and hold the head of his opponent beneath the surface. it soon was plain that the indian was unused to such long-continued and violent exertion, and peleg felt sure that his enemy was weaker than when the struggle began. suddenly the young hunter by a supreme effort seized the warrior by his scalp-lock and thrust his head under the water, where he succeeded in holding it until the struggles of the indian became faint and convinced peleg that the contest was ended. the cunning warrior, however, had been shamming, and as soon as peleg released his hold he quickly regained his foothold and in turn forced peleg under the water. in the struggle which followed both contestants were carried into the current of the stream beyond their depth, and were compelled to let go their hold and swim for their lives. peleg was the first to gain the shore. a low hill, partly wooded, was directly before him, and he ran as swiftly as his strength permitted up the long, sloping ridge. in a brief time he discovered that the indian was gaining upon him so rapidly that all hope of escape departed. at that moment the young scout saw at his side a large tree, which in some storm had been torn up by its roots and was lying prostrate on the ground. instantly he ran along the side of the tree, aware that his enemy was following upon the opposite side. doubtless the red man expected to seize him when the huge roots of the tree had been gained. on the warm ground at the roots of the tree, all unknown to the pursuer and the pursued, a huge she-bear was lying with her two cubs. the indian was the first to arrive at the spot, and as he darted around the roots the savage animal with a snarl of rage instantly sprang upon him. the growls of the bear and the cries of the warrior instantly produced a deafening uproar. the indian had been able to draw his knife, and struck at her again and again while the bear held him in one of her most fervent hugs. peleg, without waiting to learn the result of the startling and noisy contest, instantly turned and ran back over the way he had come. chapter ix at the springs the young scout was breathless and exhausted when at last he arrived safely at the camp. his appearance was such that no explanation was required by daniel boone, who was already there. he instantly noticed the wound which peleg had received on his hand and how blood-stained his clothing was. he asked no questions, however, and at once attended to the wants of his companion. in a short time peleg had recovered sufficiently to enable him to relate the story of the adventures which had befallen him. "you have lost singing susan?" suggested boone. peleg nodded in response, but did not speak. "can you find the place where you dropped her?" "yes, sir." "and the place where the indian was hugged by the bear?" again peleg nodded. "if you will tell me where the places are i might go to both of them." "very well," said peleg quickly, "but i shall go with you." boone said no more and busied himself in arranging the small packs which the two scouts were carrying. it was not long before peleg declared he was ready to accompany his friend, and without a further word they departed from their camp. it was not difficult for the young hunter to find his way to the place where the indian had been seized by the angry mother-bear. cautiously approaching, both men peered intently about them, but they were unable to discover any signs of either the warrior or the animal that had attacked him. when they advanced to the spot where the tree had been uptorn by the roots they found an abundance of footprints of the bear and also of the moccasined indian, but that was all. "they both got away," said boone at last. "or ate each other up," suggested peleg with a smile. "we will look for singing susan. you lead the way, peleg." wearied as peleg was by his recent contest, he nevertheless responded promptly, and in a brief time the hunters arrived at the border of the stream near which peleg had been compelled to drop his rifle. when he had cast it from him he had tossed it into the nearby bushes, dimly thinking that if by chance he should escape he might return and find the weapon which he prized so highly. a part of the scout's teachings already had taken effect in this forethought of his young comrade. to be prepared for any emergency was an essential part of life in the woods. as they drew near the spot, peleg was thinking of the great lesson he had learned from boone. he ran to the bushes, pushed aside the brush and drew forth his gun with some pride. a smile lighted the face of boone as he nodded his head in approval of the forethought of his young friend, and advancing, he extended his hand to inspect the weapon. "what happened to the gun?" he inquired, as he marked the condition of the stock. "i struck the skull of the indian." "'twas a hard blow, son, and i have slight doubt the indian's head is aching." "if it had not been for that, i should not be here to tell you about it now." "no one can say about that. you _are_ here, peleg, and we must act upon that which _is_ rather than upon what might have been. indeed, i have long since learned to accept my life with that understanding. i had nothing to say about when i should come into the world, and i have as little to say about when i shall leave it. the only part i can guide is that which is in between. i can fix this stock," he added, "and soon we shall have susan singing again. we will push forward a little farther and find some place where we can camp for the night. a good sleep will do you more good than anything else, though first i must attend again to that hand of yours." selecting a linen bandage, a small supply of which boone always carried with him on his expeditions, he gathered some leaves of the witch-hazel plant and, pounding them to a pulp, spread them upon the cloth. thoroughly washing the wounded hand of peleg, he then bound the cloth and pulp of the leaves upon the wound, saying as he did so: "in a week you will be as good as new." as soon as this task had been accomplished the journey was resumed, although only two miles was covered before boone was convinced that his companion was too weary to proceed farther. the following day, although peleg's hand still was sore from his wound, he found little difficulty in carrying his rifle, for the great scout had been successful in restoring singing susan to her former efficient condition. increasing signs of the presence of the indians were seen, and once boone turned aside from his pathway when an old canoe was found, which with a little effort he was able to patch up. "i am fearful of the water," he said, "for i cannot swim. can you, son?" "yes, sir," replied peleg, glancing up in astonishment at this acknowledgment of his friend's one weakness. "it is well you can," said boone with a smile. "i never was able to get the knack. you will have to be the leader now. we can go down this stream five or six miles, perhaps more, before we strike across the country again." "how is it," inquired peleg, "that you find your way through the forests? i am never afraid of being lost in any of the woods where i have been before, but i should not be sure of myself in trying to go to the falls of the ohio, although even now we must be within a few days of the place." boone smiled as he replied: "there are some things which a man can learn and some which must be born in him to help him in the forests. a man who can sing, if he will go to the singing schools faithfully, may become a better singer; but if he has no voice to begin with, there is little use in his saying _do, ra, me, fa, so, la, si, do_ over and over again. so it is in the woods. i watch the birds, the trees, and the leaves, as well as the lay of the land, but beyond all that there is a part which i cannot explain. it must be my nature, just the same as it is for a fish to live in the water or a bee to seek the flowers." "do you think i ever can learn?" "i do, son. i have marked you often and know that you have the ability as well as the will to learn." signs of the presence of indians increased as the two scouts proceeded. it seemed to boone that the indians were moving eastward, a matter which promised ill for the scattered settlements on the border. however, the days passed, and boone and his companion evaded their foes, and on the twenty-ninth day arrived at the falls of the ohio, whither governor dunmore had directed them to go. only once had daniel boone referred to the purpose of his journey, and then he had explained to peleg how the governor had become exceedingly anxious concerning the safety of the surveyors. cut off as they were in their faraway camp from the help of others, they also were unaware that the hunters were bringing word of the increasing restlessness among the indians. some of the scattered settlers recently had been killed by the angry tribes, and the rumours and reports all had it that the shawnees, delawares, and wyandottes were becoming more and more savage in their attacks upon the whites, upon whom they now looked with deadly hatred because they were making homes in their land. the coming of daniel boone and his young companion aroused much interest among the band of surveyors whose headquarters were at the falls of the ohio. several log houses had been erected by them there, and the little settlement bore more evidences of refinement than one usually found on the frontier. there were many questions asked and a deep interest shown in the doings of the great world beyond, with which the lonely men had had nothing to do for many long months. when, however, daniel boone explained the purpose of his coming, most of the men received his word with incredulity. they acknowledged that occasionally they had seen a few indians, but not yet had they been molested, nor had any threats been made against their remaining where they were. to such statements the great scout made no reply except to repeat the reason for his coming, and the anxiety of governor dunmore in their behalf. "we will sleep over it and let you know to-morrow," declared one of the men laughingly. "you don't think anything will happen to-night, do you?" "i am willing to wait until the morrow," said boone quietly. "you must decide, however, within two days what you will do." there was one young member of the surveyors' party who apparently had not been long in the new world. he explained to peleg, to whom he was drawn because they were nearly of the same age, that he had come to america to make a fortune. "i am the youngest son of earl russell. in england the younger boys do not have many opportunities, because all the property is left to the oldest son, so i have come to america, and hope to secure for myself some great tracts of land over here. they may not be valuable to-day or in the near future, but some time, as surely as the sun rises, they will be of great worth. you must come with me," he continued, "early to-morrow morning to fontainebleau." "where?" demanded peleg. "fontainebleau." "where is that, and what is it?" demanded the young scout. "it is a name we have given to a spring about a mile from here on the opposite side of the river. five or six of us go there every morning and drink the waters. we have an idea that they are better than the waters of the real fontainebleau." "where is that?" the young englishman laughed as he said: "'tis plain that you have never travelled in france." "i never did," acknowledged peleg. "i have travelled in the woods, though, and before we get back to the settlement some of you may be glad that daniel boone and i have had that experience." the young englishman again laughed, but made no reply. in the morning, however, he, together with six other men, stopped at the little cabin in which daniel boone and peleg had been spending the night, and in response to his invitation the young scout joined the party when they explained that they were going to fontainebleau to drink of its marvellous waters. the carelessness and indifference of the men somewhat alarmed peleg, who was still under the influence of his recent companion, the scout. daniel boone had impressed upon the boy the need of continual vigilance and silence. no one could say when danger might suddenly present itself. frequently he recalled the escape he had had through the shot which james boone in the preceding year had fired at the panther crouching above his head. this always impressed the young woodsman afresh with the need of continual care. nevertheless he enjoyed the conversation of the men with whom he was walking, though he himself seldom spoke. when the little party arrived at the spring the waters caused peleg to express his disgust. heavily charged with sulphur and various other chemicals, the taste was one that did not appeal to the young scout. his companions, however, professed to enjoy the water, which was marvellously clear and sparkling, and drank deeply, casting themselves prostrate upon the ground as they did so, and drinking from the spring. three of them were in this position and the other four were urging their companions to make haste, when suddenly wild yells arose that seemed to come from every direction at once. before the startled men were fully aware of what was occurring a band of indians rushed from the woods, some armed with rifles and others using their bows and arrows. only part of the little band of surveyors had been armed when they had started that morning from the settlement for the spring at fontainebleau. the young scout, however, who was mindful of the teachings of his leader, had brought singing susan with him. as peleg was about to fire, an arrow pierced the young englishman between the shoulder blades, and with a loud cry he fell to the ground. chapter x a terrified band it was peleg's first experience in taking command of a party. the helplessness of the surveyors, however, and the fact that they all turned to him for directions, at once decided the young scout to lead, and he well knew there was no time to be lost. in his position he was aware also that the englishman was in dire distress, and apparently he was the only one who could aid him. the decision to act had come to the young scout promptly, and he had almost instinctively raised singing susan to his shoulder and fired at the indians, whom he could see darting from tree to tree and plainly trying to come nearer the spring. before he reloaded his gun peleg turned to his companions, two of whom were already disappearing among the trees in the distance. "come here," he said in a low voice. "help me with this man." two of the young surveyors obeyed his word, and with all speed the trio carried the body of their fallen comrade within the shelter of the forest. when peleg looked down into the face of the suffering man he was convinced that his wound was fatal. it would never do, however, to leave the man in his misery. turning to his companions he called: "retreat cautiously! use the tree trunks for shelter! take this man with you!" while speaking, the young scout hastily reloaded his gun. this task completed, he turned once more to his companions and said: "take the man now and go! do as i tell you! i shall bring up the rear and do my best to stave off the indians. they are sure to follow us, though i do not think there are more than eight or ten in the whole band." three of the men who were members of the party which had visited the spring had brought their guns with them. two of these weapons were in the hands of the men who were to carry the young surveyor back to the settlement. seizing these weapons and making certain that all were loaded and primed, peleg darted behind a huge maple, from which he was able to see that the indians were stealthily approaching. no cry had been heard from them since the loud whoop they had given when first they had darted into the open space and fired upon the unsuspecting men. peleg waited until the men who were carrying the surveyor had had an opportunity to withdraw to a considerable distance among the trees, and as he saw the red men were coming nearer he abruptly fired upon them. he first discharged singing susan, and then, before the smoke had cleared, he fired the other two guns in quick succession. a low exclamation of pleasure escaped his lips when he saw that his shots had taken sufficient effect to cause the indians hastily to disappear from sight and to send forth several of their noisy challenges. taking advantage of the favouring opportunity, the young scout reloaded his own rifle and, casting the other two guns from him, ran at his utmost speed in the direction in which his recent companions had disappeared. as soon as he had overtaken them he was aware that the indians were again closing in upon the retreating band. he was startled to find that the red men were moving in the form of a semicircle. by this means they doubtless hoped to cut off the men before they could regain the safety of the settlement. bidding his friends make haste with their burden, peleg once more fired upon the yelling indians. his main purpose was to try to impress upon their minds the fact that the retreating band was armed and prepared to defend itself. he was more and more disturbed, however, by his increasing fear that their retreat would be cut off, and all three might fall into the hands of the yelling savages. several times the same maneuvers were followed, peleg bidding his friends, who still were carrying the young surveyor, to precede him on their way back to the settlement, while he himself remained behind to fire singing susan at such of the indians as exposed themselves. after each shot he hastily reloaded his rifle and withdrew to join his companions. after his third shot peleg was almost persuaded that escape was impossible. the semicircle had been extended until he was fearful that if the warriors should rush upon them they would enclose the three white men. still the boy was determined to do his utmost to help the fallen surveyor and protect the two men who were bearing their unconscious comrade through the forest. in his zeal the young scout had almost forgotten his own peril. his attention was divided between the retreating party and the indians who were pressing so swiftly upon them. suddenly peleg said to himself, as he heard the report of a rifle far away, "there is daniel boone! if he and the other surveyors have come out to help us we may stand a little better chance of getting out of this alive." the report of the rifle which had been heard by peleg was speedily followed by the sound of other guns. convinced by what he had heard that help was at hand, peleg regretted the loss of the guns which he had cast aside in his fear that they might hinder him and his friends in their efforts to withdraw from the spring. soon the reports of the guns were repeated, and as peleg sent forth his wild halloo he was answered by a cry which he recognized as coming from daniel boone himself. it was not long before peleg saw the scout approaching through the forest. the silent man was thoroughly aroused. usually quiet in his manner and deliberate in his actions, it now seemed as if his every nerve was tingling in his excitement. sheltered behind nearby trees, peleg watched the approaching surveyors, some of whom were loading their rifles rapidly, while others were firing at the enemy. it was soon evident that the indians, disheartened by this fresh attack, were withdrawing into the forest. as soon as daniel boone saw peleg and the two men approaching with their burden, his plan instantly changed. summoning the young scout, he said, "send all the rest of them back to the settlement as fast as they can go. you and i, lad, are the only ones prepared, so we are the only ones who can protect these men." "will the indians leave?" inquired peleg in a low voice. "for a time, yes," answered daniel boone. "if the surveyors make haste they will be able to get back to the settlement. you and i, lad, must try to hold these indians off until our friends have had time to carry back the man who was shot. was he killed?" "no. he was alive when i saw him last, but i do not think he will live long." "was it an arrow?" "yes, sir." daniel boone nodded his head and made no further reply. darting from tree to tree, the two scouts stealthily made their way through the forest in the direction in which their friends had gone. apparently there was no longer any peril of an immediate attack by the indians. none of them appeared within sight, and the sound of their wild cries no longer was heard. alternately stopping and retreating, daniel boone and his young companion at last regained the shelter of the settlement at the falls of the ohio. the little houses of logs were well protected, and as there was an abundance of ammunition as well as of food on hand, the great scout said to peleg: "we could hold out here two months if it should be necessary." "but we are not to stay here, are we?" inquired peleg anxiously. "no. we must leave just as soon as we can do so safely." the conversation was interrupted by the entrance of the surveyors in a body. fear, and even panic, was manifest in the face of every one. the unexpected attack upon their comrade had confirmed the warning which governor dunmore had sent by the two scouts, and not only did no one want to remain, but all were eager to be gone at once. "we must start to-night," said machale, the oldest of the party. "we must not remain!" "not to-night," said daniel boone quietly. "why not?" "it is as necessary for us to know our way as it is for us to retreat." "but you found your way here! why can you not find it when you go back?" "i can," replied boone quietly. "it is not for myself i fear. i would not be the leader of a party unfamiliar with the woods and facing what we must if we leave here in the night. you must be prepared to start as soon as the gray of dawn appears." "but we want to go before!" persisted the surveyor. boone quietly shook his head and gave no further explanation. the matter was decided, and plainly the scout thought there was nothing more to be said. ignoring the anger as well as the alarm of the surveyors, the great scout at once busied himself in preparing for the departure which would not take place until the following morning. the services of boone, however, were not required in caring for the wounded surveyor, because life had fled before the party regained the settlement. there was a hasty burial in the dim light, and then boone bade his companions obtain such sleep as they could, he himself preparing to serve as guard throughout the night. at last, however, he consented to the pleadings of peleg and permitted the lad to keep watch during the earlier hours. as soon as this had been decided boone cast himself upon the ground and, apparently confiding in the ability of peleg to protect the camp, was soon sleeping soundly. just before daybreak the entire band departed from the falls of the ohio. in advance went daniel boone as guide, while peleg was to serve as the rear guard. "it is a long race," the scout explained to his companions. "we have four hundred miles to cross before we arrive at the settlement on the clinch river. our safety depends largely upon the promptness with which you do my bidding. if there is one of you who is not willing to obey me in every particular i shall greatly prefer to have him go by himself." every member of the party, however, assured the scout that his word was to be law and that every one would implicitly follow his directions throughout the long journey. when daylight came it was manifest in the faces of the surveyors that the terror of the forest was still strong upon them. every man was armed, and every one carried a small pack upon his back. it was impossible to make as good time on the return as had been made by boone and peleg in the journey to the falls. however, both hunters were urgent and seldom stopped even when heavy storms came upon them. at last, when the long journey had been safely made, and the settlement on the clinch river had been gained, the spirits of the surveyors revived, although they were free to declare that it was the care and wisdom of boone and his young companion which had brought them safely through the wilderness. nearly eight hundred miles had been covered by the two scouts in their long journey, and only sixty-two days had been required to complete it. boone and his companion, however, were not to be permitted to rest long. less than a week had elapsed after their return when boone called peleg aside one morning and explained to him that a new project, and one still more perilous than that through which they had safely come, was now to be undertaken. chapter xi the adventure of the schoolmaster "peleg," said the great scout, "governor dunmore has sent another request to me." "has he?" inquired peleg eagerly. in spite of the perils and labours of the long journey which had been made to the falls of the ohio, peleg was eager to be with daniel boone wherever he might be. the boy's admiration for his friend had increased with every passing day. the coolness and calmness of the great scout, his gentleness and consideration of others, his fearlessness in time of peril, the readiness with which he met every event, and above all the conviction which held him that he was divinely called to be a pathfinder for the coming generations, all had made a deep impression upon his young companion. peleg was not without hope, too, that somehow he was coming to hold a place in the interest and affection of the man which once had been held by his son james. "yes," continued boone thoughtfully, "the governor has given me the command of three garrisons in the campaign which is to be made against the shawnees." "when do you go?" queried peleg. "immediately--that is, if i can persuade you to look after my family while i am absent. israel is beginning to feel that he is almost old enough to take the place of his brother james, but i shall feel very much more at ease if i can go with the assurance that you will be looking out for the welfare of my wife and children." striving to repress the disappointment which he felt at the words of his friend, peleg said quietly, "you know, sir, that i shall be willing to do all in my power for you at any time. i do not know, but----" the rare smile known only to his closest friends appeared for a moment on the strong face of the hunter as he shook his head and said: "nay, peleg, not this time. i fancy there will be other and perhaps greater work soon to be done, and in that you shall have your share. the time is coming when i hope to take my family again to that marvellous region i have found in kantuckee. no land i have ever seen can compare with it. there i would live and there i would die. meanwhile i must do my part in trying to make the lives of these hardly beset settlers a little safer." "you may depend upon me to do my best," said peleg cordially. "that is all i need to know, lad, and i shall be at ease while i am gone." the great scout immediately departed from the little shop which peleg had built and in which he was accustomed to make or repair the various utensils used by the household of daniel boone. here he had fashioned singing susan, and in this place he had rebuilt his gun after his return from the long journey he had made with the scout and in which, as we know, the rifle had suffered from the blow of the tomahawk which the huge indian had hurled at him. a moment peleg stood in the doorway watching the scout as he departed. the expression of the lad's face plainly showed his love and admiration for the man. the calm courage of boone, softened as it was by his gentleness and guided by his prudence, was crowned by a marvellous modesty. his robust, somewhat uncouth body showed the great strength of the hunter, while it concealed his quickness. his manner was dignified, almost cold, so silent and quiet was he under ordinary circumstances. his face, however, homely though it was, was at times lighted by an expression that was exceedingly kind and tender. he seldom spoke, and almost never of himself, except in reply to direct questions. several times during the months that followed daniel boone returned to the little settlement on the clinch, to visit his family and make certain of their safety. on each occasion he was warm in his expressions of gratitude to peleg for the care which he was taking of those who were in a measure dependent upon him. there was work to be done every day, and the time passed rapidly for the young scout. one day, while he was busy in his little shop fashioning a new hunting knife, he was suddenly interrupted by the voice of mrs. boone. "peleg! peleg!" she called. "come! come!" instantly running toward the log house, peleg was met by the frightened woman, who, touching him on the arm, said: "do you hear that sound? what is it?" peleg turned abruptly toward the log schoolhouse and listened intently. from within the rude little building sounds such as he never before had heard were issuing. there seemed to be snarls and growls such as a wild beast might have emitted, and mingled with these were cries and screams as of some one in dire distress. a moment served to convince the young scout that either schoolmaster hargrave was in trouble, or some of the school children were in peril; and he darted into his little shop, returning with singing susan in his hands. swiftly as he ran toward the little building, which was not more than two hundred and fifty feet away, when he arrived he discovered that already several of the women from the settlement were there in advance of him, and with terror-stricken faces were looking first within the schoolhouse, and then to the road for help. "what is it?" demanded peleg, as he ran to the door. "we do not know. we cannot tell," answered one of the women. "it may be evil spirits." she was almost hysterical, and convinced that he could obtain no information from her, peleg pushed back the door and entered the room. the sight which greeted his eyes was more perplexing than startling. he saw schoolmaster hargrave leaning against one corner of the rude desk over which he presided, his face plainly expressing agony or fear; peleg was unable to determine which feeling predominated. "what is it, master hargrave?" called the boy anxiously. in reply no articulate words were spoken; but a scream was followed by a groan, and in the midst of it all were also sounds like the gasping and snarling of some wild beast. the suffering of the man was manifest, but the cause was nowhere to be seen. there flashed into the mind of the young hunter the suggestion which mistress horan had made that evil spirits were the cause of the commotion. such beliefs were not uncommon at the time, and although peleg had never shared in the superstitions of the more ignorant people, nevertheless the mystery of the terrifying sounds, as well as the expression of schoolmaster hargrave's face, caused even the young hunter to hesitate. "what is it, master hargrave?" he shouted, for the uproar still continued. "oh-h-h-h! help me! help me!" the cries of the schoolmaster were interrupted by strange noises, that still appeared to come from within the desk. moans and cries and snarls, such as a wild beast might have emitted, were plainly to be distinguished in the midst of the uproar. peleg had stopped a few feet in front of the desk, and in amazement was watching the man before him. apparently the schoolmaster was struggling and striving with some unseen body or person, and with intense effort he had grasped both sides of the desk and held it with all his strength, as if he was fearful it might escape. in one hand he also held a cylindrical ruler. at this moment mrs. horan, who had gained sufficient courage to enter the building, advanced to peleg's side. "i fear 'tis sick the man is," she said. turning to the schoolmaster she suggested in a loud whisper: "if 'tis colic you are suffering from, master hargrave, i would recommend----" her recommendation, however, was interrupted by a terrible scream from the suffering man. "'tis good for you," said the kind-hearted woman once more. the schoolmaster, however, still writhed as if in great agony and looked at the woman with an expression that might have quieted the tongue of a less courageous woman than mrs. horan. "why do you cling to the desk in that manner?" demanded the woman. the agony in the expression of the schoolmaster's face seemed to be deepened by the question, but he made no response. "what's the matter, master hargrave?" demanded the woman once more. "'tis peleg and i who are here to help you." suddenly from the lips of the tormented man came the cry, "i have caught a cat!" perspiration was streaming from his face, and his manner, expressive of fright, agony, and fatigue combined, made his words scarcely recognizable. peleg glanced behind him and saw that many more of the neighbours had arrived and were curiously standing within the room at a safe distance from the desk, watching the actions of the man, who still writhed and twisted as he clung to the desk in front of him. the young hunter darted around the corner of the rude desk, to discover the cause of all the trouble. he first saw that a part of the clothing of the unfortunate man had been torn from his body, which was pressed against the edge of the desk. closer inspection showed that the teeth of a huge "cat," or lynx, were fastened in the side of the schoolmaster. bringing his gun to his shoulder the scout was about to fire, when the fear of master hargrave became stronger even than his sufferings. "don't shoot! don't shoot! you will hit me! oh-h-h-h!" he screamed, still striving to hold his adversary against the edge of the desk. disregarding the appeal, peleg fired, and after a few confused struggles, the huge cat was lifeless. still the schoolmaster held the body in its place, however, and when his sympathetic friends drew him back they were horrified to discover that the jaws of the dead lynx were locked about one of his ribs. several minutes elapsed before the man was freed from this death grip. meanwhile the assembly in the room had increased, and several children that had been brought by their mothers lifted up their voices to add to the general confusion. in the midst of it all, mrs. horan was not to be denied the satisfaction of her curiosity. pressing more closely upon the man who now had been placed on one of the rude benches almost in a fainting condition, she said: "i thought at first, master hargrave, that it was spirits, but now i see it was just a cat. why did you fight the lynx in that way?" ignoring his suffering, the schoolmaster managed to gasp out a tolerably full explanation: "what do you suppose? i was sitting alone at my desk, writing copy for the children to use on the morrow, when i heard a noise at the door and saw this enormous cat with her forefeet upon the step, every hair standing erect and her eyes shining as if they were on fire. my position behind the desk at first concealed me from her sight, but a slight motion of my chair revealed my presence, and in a moment the cat and i were each looking into the eyes of the other." master hargrave stopped to recover his breath, and aware of the interest of his hearers, for all the visitors now had gathered about him, he resumed his story: "i had heard much from hunters concerning the power of the human eye to quell the fury of wild beasts. accordingly, i frowned savagely at my visitor. apparently, however, she was not alarmed. her eyes flashed fire and she began to gnash her teeth, seemingly bent upon serious hostilities. aware of my danger, i immediately made great haste and snatched this cylindrical ruler from the desk, but the wildcat was too quick for me." "why didn't you hit her?" "i had nothing but the ruler with which to strike; besides, she was too quick. springing upon me with all the proverbial ferocity and activity of her tribe, she fastened upon my side with her teeth and began to rend and tear with her claws like unto a fury. in vain did i strive to disengage her. her teeth seemed to be fastened about my ribs, and all my efforts served but to enrage her the more. "when i saw the blood flowing so copiously from my wounded side i became seriously alarmed, and as a last resort threw myself upon the edge of the desk and with the entire weight of my body pressed the animal against a sharp corner. it was at this moment that the cat began to utter the most discordant cries to which i ever listened, and as doubtless i was somewhat excited at the time and lost a measure of my self-control, i have no question that we engaged in a duet that must have resounded loudly throughout the settlement." "that's enough of the story," said peleg. "we have killed the cat and we shall now take you and put you in bed." chapter xii an attack several weeks elapsed before the schoolmaster recovered sufficiently from his wounds to enable him to resume his task. it was now march, , and daniel boone had returned to the settlement on the clinch. the task which governor dunmore had assigned him had been accomplished. he found peleg and the members of his family engaged in their preparations for the spring work. at the close of the first day after his homecoming, the great scout once more had an interview with peleg. "i have just come from watage," he explained when no one was near, "where there has been an assembly of the cherokees. i went at the request of a gentleman named henderson, who is acting for several other men as well as for himself. he desired me to represent him in the purchase of land south of the river of kantuckee. i did as he requested, and arrangements for the purchase of all the land as far as the tennessee river were completed." "why did mr. henderson----" "colonel henderson," broke in the scout; "colonel richard henderson." "why did colonel richard henderson," repeated peleg, "and the other gentlemen wish to purchase so much land?" "because they had learned of the fertility of the soil through the reports which my brother and i had given them. in a way i am to be their agent." "did the cherokees sell to him?" "they did. i fancy they were glad to part with an empty title for a solid though moderate recompense. trouble arose, though, when colonel henderson and his friends prepared to take possession, relying upon the validity of the deed which the indians had given them. unfortunately, the land lies within the limits of virginia, according to the old charter which king james gave, and i understand that the virginians are claiming for themselves the privilege of purchasing the title to all land which the indians held within the limits of their state. already the treaty of colonel henderson has been pronounced null and void as far as he is concerned, but the virginians declare that the title given by the cherokees is valid, and that they will assume the rights. that is a very peculiar method of dealing, according to my light. but 'tis not concerning that, lad, that i would speak to you to-day." the scout was silent a moment, and peleg, interested far more than his quiet manner betrayed, looked eagerly into the face of his friend, waiting for him to explain. "i agreed," resumed boone, "to take a band of men with me and mark out or clear a road to this region in kantuckee." "a road?" asked peleg in surprise. "yes, a road over which packhorses and wagons can be driven. it will require patience and much labour, but the reward will be great. whenever i think of that marvellous country and of the possibilities contained in it for families like my own, i am eager to open the way to it. i am authorized by colonel henderson to say that he will pay thirty-three cents per day to every man whom i may select to be of our company." "when do we go?" inquired peleg eagerly. "on the day after to-morrow. how is singing susan?" inquired boone with a smile. "she is doing famously. i have gained a reputation in the settlement for being a better shot than i would be warranted in claiming to be, unless i had the song of susan to help me." "that is good," said boone cordially. "now if you can secure an axe that will render you as efficient service in its way as singing susan does in hers, you will be well equipped for our expedition. it is important that we make haste, if the way is to be opened in time for settlers to sow any crops this spring." hard as it was for daniel boone to leave his family again in charge of israel and samuel, nevertheless his strong feeling that he was simply an instrument being used to further the advance of the rapidly growing nation in the american colonies was sufficient to induce him to accept this task. in addition, his wife shared the same conviction. she, too, was eager for him to continue his labours, and in spite of the anxiety she would suffer during his absence, she urged him to accept the offer which colonel henderson had made. at the appointed time a band of twenty-five men, every one fully armed and all equipped with axes, departed from the settlement on the clinch. confidence in their leader and the hope that not only would they be able to open a way into the marvellous land, but that their own families also might share in the reward, made all the men eager to go. it was not believed that the task would require many weeks, but the necessity of preparing the soil and planting some crops before the summer came was an inducement for haste. there were places where trees had to be felled, and the ringing of the axes was heard all the day long. in other regions, however, very little labour was required, because the road, as it was selected, led in its winding course around many open ledges and through sparsely wooded passes of the hills and mountains. nearly three weeks passed and the hardy band of hunters and woodsmen was drawing near the region which they were seeking. they had not been molested by the indians, and were beginning to congratulate themselves that they were to escape the perils which every day threatened them. without warning, one day, however, above the ringing of the axes were heard the wild cries of the red men. darting from the woods, shouting and brandishing their guns and hatchets, the indians suddenly appeared. dodging from tree to tree and firing upon the startled white men, they seemed to be on all sides at once. instantly the coolness and courage of daniel boone became invaluable. though many of his comrades had been surprised and terrified by the sudden onslaught, the great scout had held himself prepared for the present emergency. "run for the trees!" shouted boone. "run! hold your fire until you gain cover and then give the rascals your best!" as boone looked out from his own shelter after his rifle had been discharged, he saw several of his companions lying dead or wounded upon the ground. calmly yet swiftly boone darted from the protection of the forest, and lifting one of the men in his arms bore him back within shelter. the example of the leader, mindful of the needs of others in the hour of his own peril, inspired his companions to similar action, and, in the midst of all the turmoil and danger, the other wounded men were rescued. it soon was discovered, however, that three of the fallen men were already dead. the temporary withdrawal of the warriors to the forest left the field free once more, and boone turned to his companions and said, "come with me, every one!" instantly his followers responded, and, dashing to the place where their companions had fallen, they bore the bodies back to a place of safety, thankful to find that they had not yet been mutilated. there was no time for ceremony or for lamentations, and the three who had fallen to rise no more were hastily buried in one grave by their comrades. the unexpected attack, following as it had the long days of quiet, was seriously disturbing to the roadmakers. that evening there were no camp-fires, and guards were established to watch through the night. when morning came the alarm had not been repeated, and many were persuaded that the assault of the previous day was merely the act of a desperate band which had attacked the settlers without any preconceived plan. nevertheless daniel boone declared that it was necessary to maintain a guard throughout the day. the labour was entered into with zeal, and though a renewal of the attack was not made, thoughts of the new peril were in the minds of every man, and made all serious. at the request of his followers boone devoted most of his time to scouting in the nearby region, a duty which he insisted upon sharing with his younger companion, peleg. the sun had dropped below the borders of the forest, and the men were congratulating themselves that the day had passed without a renewal of hostilities, when suddenly both scouts were seen running swiftly toward the place where the men had encamped for the night. this startling sight was sufficient to arouse every member of the party. every man seized his gun and ran for the shelter of some huge tree. [illustration: "boone quickly rallied his startled followers, and when the red men returned the hardy settlers were ready and awaiting their coming"] boone was wildly gesticulating as he drew near, but his gestures were misunderstood by his friends. before either scout was able to regain the place where the pioneers were hiding, there was another wild whoop and a band of indians larger than that which had been seen the previous day darted from the woods in the rear of the settlers. before they were able to return the unlooked-for fire, two of their number fell dead from the bullets of their enemies, while three more were wounded. like a flash the indians were gone again. but boone quickly rallied his startled followers and when the red men returned, as they did within a few minutes, appearing from another section of the forest, the hardy settlers were ready and awaiting their coming. once more had the careful preparation of boone for what he thought was likely to occur saved his followers and himself from peril. several of the indians fell under the deadly fire of the white men, and with loud cries and lamentations the warriors dragged their fallen comrades into the forest and once more disappeared. "never have i seen the indians so savage as in these two attacks," said boone soberly to peleg, after guards had been established for the night and the men had stretched themselves on their blankets to obtain such sleep as was possible in the midst of the threatening dangers. "they seem almost beside themselves with rage." "do you still plan to go on?" "i shall go on," said boone simply. "the way must be opened for our people to gain some of the advantages of this wonderful region toward which we are moving. the tribes hereabout are a strange people. i have never known indians more hospitable than are the cherokees and shawnees. if one brave enters the wigwam of another, even if it be that of a stranger, he is deeply offended if he is not given an invitation to eat, though he may just have had a meal at his own wigwam. nor is it sufficient on these occasions that the ordinary food be offered him. you know the indians live mostly on venison and hominy, but when a visitor comes, sugar, bear's oil, honey, and rum, if they have it, are to be set before him." "suppose they do not have anything in the house to eat?" "then the fact is stated quietly. it is at once accepted as sufficient. i was in a wigwam not long ago where the visitor thought the host was not as hospitable as he ought to be and he took him severely to task. he said: 'you have behaved just like a dutchman. i shall excuse you this time, for you are young, and have been brought up close to the white people, but you must remember to behave like a warrior and never be caught in such _little_ actions. great actions alone can ever make a great man.' they are a strange people," added boone thoughtfully. "i saw a white man some time ago trying to help in carrying some game which the warriors had shot. i shall never forget how the indians laughed when, after the squaws and the boys had started to bring back the meat, this white man took a large piece of buffalo meat on his own back. after he had gone two or three miles he found it was becoming too heavy for him and he threw it down. then i saw one of the squaws, laughing as if it was a huge joke, take the meat which the white man had dropped and put it on her own pack, which already was as large as that of the man, and carry the double burden back to camp." "they are not as swift as our men, though," suggested peleg. "not for a short distance," assented boone, "but they can keep up a pace for an almost incredible length of time. i have known indians who could run twelve or fourteen hours without a morsel of food, and then, after a light meal and a short rest, start again and go as far as they had before they stopped." "they never do that in fighting, though." "no, they may keep up a warfare for many years, but they never make a prolonged attack. they like a sudden dash such as they made upon us and in which those poor fellows were killed. peleg, i fear the morrow. the shawnees that are watching us see our axes, and they are sure now that we are trying to enter their hunting grounds and take away their lands. we shall have serious trouble, i fear." and the following day boone's fears were confirmed. chapter xiii the white shawnee there was no open attack by the indians such as had been made previously, though the yells of the warriors were frequently heard in the distance. it was plain that they were striving to terrorize the hardy settlers and make them turn back on their way. one of the men who had been stationed as a guard was shot early in the morning and his mutilated body was not found until daniel boone, making a tour of the camp, discovered what had befallen his companion. returning to the camp, boone summoned his men, and as soon as they were assembled, said to them: "we must stop our work on the road for a time and build a fort." there was an expression of consternation on the faces of some of his comrades as they heard this quiet statement from the scout, and, aware of what was in their minds, though no one spoke, daniel boone continued; "it will not require many days. i think a fortnight will be sufficient for us to build such a fort as will protect us. we are now almost as far on our way as we wish to go. we will begin the work at once." whatever disappointment or fears may have been in the minds of his companions, no one made any open protest, and the task immediately was begun. certain of the men were assigned to the felling of trees, others dug trenches and set the logs in the stockade, which was erected first. when the stockade had been completed, various cabins were built wherein the men might live if they were compelled to seek the refuge of the fort. the defences were erected near a spring of water that promised to be never-failing. nearby was the river, so close to the fort as to enable the defenders to escape if flight became necessary. and yet the fort was sufficiently far from the banks to prevent an approach by their enemies without being discovered. so steadily did the men labour that boone's prophecy was fulfilled, and when fourteen days had elapsed the little fort was declared to be ready for occupancy. the stockade was strong and had been made of the stakes fashioned from the trees. one end of each log was sharpened and then all were driven into the ground side by side; portholes being provided at frequent intervals. a feeling of intense relief came to the hardly beset men when the work was completed. the supreme thought, however, in the mind of the leader, was voiced when he explained to peleg the following day: "it is now april, and i must go back to the settlement on the clinch for my family." "alone?" inquired peleg quickly. "yes, alone. i must not take one man away from the party here, and i shall be doubly anxious for you all while i am gone; but the time has come when i may think of my family and myself. in this wonderful land i, too, would make my home." "but will you dare to come back with your family with only you and israel to protect them?" boone's face lighted up with the rare smile which occasionally appeared upon it as he said: "there will be others, many others, i hope, who will join us on our way." "i never knew the indians to be so savage as they are now," suggested peleg anxiously. "that is true," said boone, "and one cannot altogether blame them. they seem to be well-nigh mad in their hatred of us because we have begun to build our homes in the land which they planned to keep as their own. if it were not for their fear of the 'long knives,' as they term us, i fancy they would make a desperate assault very soon. as it is, however, they have a wholesome feeling of fear mingled with their anger, and although you will have to be continually on your guard, i do not believe they will venture to attack the fort while i am gone." peleg made no reply, and the scout, acting as if the last word had been spoken, soon after set forth on his long journey to the clinch. during the absence of their leader the men continued their labours, felling the trees and clearing the land, until in the immediate vicinity of the fort sufficient ground had been made tillable to enable them to plant the few seeds which boone had insisted should be brought with them. the days now were warm, and the delights of the marvellous climate were appreciated by all the men. the only event of special interest that occurred during the absence of the scout was the coming of sam oliver. as unconcerned as if he had long been a member of the company and had earned his thirty-three cents per day for his labours, the hunter entered the fort one night and composedly received the warm greetings which were given him. it was well known that the newcomer was a famous shot, and the coming of even one man strengthened the little garrison not a little. the general line of the defence of the fort was at once mapped out by sam, who without a word assumed the position of leader. it was he who arranged the details and the nightly guards which were maintained, and it was his word which decided any dispute that arose among the men. one day peleg was on guard in the adjacent forest. his watch was almost ended and he was about to return to the fort, when he was startled to behold an indian approaching with the palms of both hands extended. holding singing susan in readiness for instant use, and glancing keenly about him into the adjacent forest to make sure that his visitor was unaccompanied, peleg waited patiently for the stranger to approach. as the warrior drew near peleg looked at him with increasing astonishment. dressed in the indian garb, the warrior, who seemed to be only about twenty years of age, nevertheless had no features like those of the neighbouring tribes. tanned, the stranger undoubtedly was, but nevertheless his skin did not have the bronze colouring of the indian. his figure and even his walk were more like the white man's. and yet in every other point the stranger apparently was of the indian race. as he drew near peleg, his face was lighted by a smile as he said, "me broder. me white shawnee." peleg did not respond, although his astonishment was increased by the speech of the approaching warrior. "me wan' go home. no fader. me shawnee fader. me wan' white fader. white moder dead. white fader dead. no shawnee fader some more." the puzzling statements were followed by some words unintelligible to peleg, though he concluded that they were spoken in the shawnee tongue. "do you want to see daniel boone?" he inquired. gesticulating forcefully, the young man inquired, "he me fader?" "no." "white fader dead. white moder dead. shawnee warriors kill me fader. kill moder. many moons ago." "how many?" a puzzled expression for a moment appeared on the stranger's face, and then, comprehending the meaning of the question, he opened and closed his hands so many times that, although peleg was unable to count the number of moons indicated, he concluded that the shawnee was approximately of his own age. "me live in shawnee wigwam many moons. me shawnee. me white shawnee. me have shawnee fader and shawnee broder," and he held up two fingers to indicate the number of his brothers. [illustration: "one of the men who had been stationed as a guard was shot early in the morning"] "what are you doing here? what do you want?" demanded peleg sharply. he was mystified by the statements which had been made and was fearful of some trap or treachery on the part of his visitor or his companions, who might even then be watching from the nearby forest. "me fader, me broder, me go," the visitor replied, pointing to himself. "all go trap many beaver, many mink, many muskrat," he added, making a circle with his hand to indicate his inability to count the pelts which had been taken. "me broder he wan' go on warpath. he wan' help drive palefaces out kantuckee. me fader he say he go," nodding his head many times to emphasize his statement. "but one night many owls scream and cry. he say then no go. me broder he say go. me fader say yes." "where are they now?" the young stranger gazed earnestly into the face of his questioner, and at last, apparently comprehending his question, turned and waved his hand toward the forest to indicate that the men to whom he had referred were far away. "why are you here? why do you not go with them?" "me wan' see white faces some more. me wan' find white broder. me white shawnee, where go? must see paleface wigwam." for a moment peleg was silent as he gazed earnestly into the face of the young man who had so strongly impressed him. he was convinced that he was indeed white, and he concluded that he must have been adopted by the indians many years ago. as a consequence of his association with the shawnees, doubtless he had almost forgotten the language of his own people. in his statement words unknown to peleg were spoken, but he had understood enough to convince him that either the white shawnee was speaking the truth, or else was trying to set some trap into which the defenders of the fort might be drawn. "come with me," said the young scout finally. as they turned toward the fort they met sam oliver, who stopped and gazed in surprise at peleg's companion, and laughed scornfully when he heard the story of the stranger. "you say you and your shawnee father and brother buried the canoe in which you came down the river?" demanded the hunter brutally as he turned upon the visitor. "bury canoe." "then you take us straight to the place where it is. i know well enough you are trying to play some sneaking game on us, and if you are, you will be the first one to suffer for it. if you try to lead us into any trap, no matter what happens to us, i will put a bullet into you." "no go," pleaded the young warrior. "you must go!" retorted sam oliver harshly. peleg sympathized with the stranger. he understood, he thought, the desire of the returning white man to shield his foster-father and brother. the young hunter was now convinced that his visitor had spoken truthfully. "sam," he ventured to suggest, "this young brave was stolen when he was a little child, and he has lived with his shawnee father ever since. he doesn't want to betray him. you cannot blame him for that, can you?" "there is only one way to deal with the varmints!" retorted sam hotly. "you might just as well try to make a pet out of a nest of rattlesnakes as to try to be friends with an indian. no, sir! this--whatever he is, white man, or red man--he must prove what he has said, and the only way for him to do it is to take us to the place where he pretends that canoe is buried in the ground." the brutal manner of the hunter apparently had made a deep impression upon the stranger. with manifest reluctance he finally consented to conduct the party to the place where the canoe was buried. it was well known among the settlers that the indians, after their voyages on the river, buried their light canoes to prevent them from being warped by sun and rain. "you go where owl cry. owl scream, me fader--iron----" the stranger stopped as if he was unable to recollect the word he wished to use, making motions with his hands to describe what he wished to say. peleg suggested, "was it an iron kettle?" a vigorous nod from the stranger indicated that was the word he was trying to recall, and he continued, "me fader hide iron kettle in hole in tree. me show you." "you wait here," ordered sam, "while i get two or three more men and we will soon look up that kettle." peleg suspected that the white shawnee, in order to delay the quest of the hidden canoe and thereby give his foster-father and brother an opportunity to escape from the region, had suggested a visit to the tree where the cry of the owl had alarmed his father. in a brief time, however, sam and his companions returned, and the hunter roughly ordered the stranger to lead the way. chapter xiv the hidden canoe while sam oliver had been gone to the fort to secure a few of his comrades to accompany him, the young indian, or white, or white indian--peleg was uncertain to which class his visitor really belonged--entered with apparent confidence into conversation with the young scout. in his broken english he related many things concerning the life which he had lived in the wigwam of his foster father. peleg was impressed by the increasing facility with which the white shawnee, as the young brave preferred to call himself, was using the language of the whites. it may have been that the words he now heard recalled to his mind expressions which had almost faded from his memory. at all events he talked more freely and with an increasing ability to express himself. "me fader hear owl cry. he know from strange cry that some die or be pris'ner. he old man. he 'fraid. he say go back up river. me broder he say no. me say no. me fader still 'fraid, but he keep him promise." "what was his promise?" inquired peleg. "he say he take us on warpath to help keep palefaces from going into kantuckee. he no wan' go, but he say he go. we all lie down sleep. pretty quick me fader wake up. me fader wake me broder. wake me, too." "what was the trouble?" asked peleg. "me fader have sleep and see----" "what do you mean, he had a dream?" "that so," replied the visitor, nodding his head. "me fader have dream." "what did he dream?" "he say we go to kantuckee, we die. me fader cry. he no wan' go on warpath." "but you came," suggested peleg. his visitor nodded and continued: "me fader say he keep him promise. but he say more. he say we go back to wigwam. go quick. he good man. heap good man. he keep him promise. me broder say me fader mus' keep him promise now." "so you came?" "we go on warpath. me fader say he go quick. no stay any more where we sleep." "so you started right away, did you?" "we go on warpath all night. when light come we turn to place where white man build fort." "are there many shawnees here?" the young visitor, nodding, said: "pretty quick, heap shawnee come." he held up three and then four fingers to express the idea that the indian bands were advancing in parties of three or more, and at some prearranged place or by some well-known signals the scattered little parties would be brought together and one large band formed. the information was startling to the young scout and seemed to him to be altogether probable. it was in accordance with the well-known methods of indian fighting, and agreed with experiences which the young hunter already had had. he deeply regretted the absence of the great leader. the gentleness and firmness, the courage and resource of daniel boone would be greatly needed if the shawnees attacked the little fort. boone, however, was not near and his help could not be relied upon. meanwhile peleg was awaiting the return of sam oliver. he was well aware of the excellent qualities which the hunter possessed, and he was familiar also with the intense bitterness with which sam looked upon the indians. for him they possessed no good qualities. they were simply enemies of the whites and to be exterminated like the rattlesnake and the panther. he recognized no feeling of patriotism on their part, and, because the method of their warfare was cruel, he judged their motives accordingly. "me no wan' go where canoe is," said the young brave earnestly. "me love shawnee fader. me no betray him. him good man. me fader kind to me. no wan' him lose scalp." "it is too bad," acknowledged peleg. he was distressed by the fear that sam oliver and his companions would have little mercy upon the indian father to whom they were compelling the young man to conduct them. in his heart there was a desire to help the young stranger who had felt the call of his own people so strongly that he had even deserted the family which had cared for him since his early childhood. peleg's thoughts were interrupted by the return of the hunter and four of his comrades. it was evident that all five were suspicious of treachery, and also that they were determined to put the strange visitor's words to the test. "now, then!" ordered sam, as he turned sharply upon the white shawnee. "you take us straight to that place where you say your canoe was hid." apparently unmoved by the brutal demand, the young visitor answered, "me no wan' you hurt me fader. him good fader. him take care me." "why didn't you stay with him then?" laughed sam. "me wan' see white fader's people, too. me wan' find white moder's people," said the visitor simply. "you will have time enough to look them up after we have found out whether you are telling us the truth or not," declared sam. "i have my suspicions that you are trying to get us into some trap, and as i told you before, if you are i shall fill you full of lead the first thing. if i find you are trying to trap us, you cannot complain if i do just what i tell you i shall do." "me no wan' go," repeated the young man. "you are going whether you want to go or not," retorted sam oliver brutally. "are you coming with us, peleg?" he inquired, turning to the young scout. "i am," said peleg quietly. he had made his decision instantly in his desire to protect or help the young visitor, whose suffering in the prospect of being compelled to betray his father had deeply stirred the heart of the young hunter. aware that there was no escape from the demand, the white shawnee turned and led the way into the forest. the men who were following him were continually alert, suspicious as they were of the treachery of their guide, and fearful of the presence of other shawnees in the forest through which they were moving. the confidence of sam oliver, who followed close upon the heels of the stranger, in a measure strengthened the courage of his followers. peleg, who was next behind the leader, was as observant of the hunter as he was of the signs in the woods. he was convinced, too, that the young stranger was using time either to delay his followers or to give them an opportunity to abandon their demand for him to be false to the foster-father who had cared for him since his childhood. if such thoughts had been in the mind of the young white shawnee they were not expressed and certainly were not fulfilled. there was no escaping the demands of sam oliver and his companions. at last, when an hour or more had elapsed, the guide stopped and, raising his hand in token of silence, in a low voice explained that they were approaching the tree in which the iron kettle had been concealed. instantly the demeanour of the settlers changed and they began to creep forward more stealthily. every man was alert to discover the presence of the indian who still might be near the place where the kettle had been hidden. after a few moments peleg perceived two indians not far before him. both were seated before a fire cooking some venison. one of the warriors was an old man and his companion not much more than a boy. the guide discovered the two indians at the same time that peleg did and instantly he became greatly agitated. once more he turned to sam oliver and in low tones begged him not to kill the man who had been his foster-father nor the other who had been his foster-brother. "sam," whispered peleg, "it will be better for us just to make prisoners of these two men. i think we ought to do this. the boy plainly has spoken the truth. he did not want to betray his father and his brother, and you and i cannot blame him. take both the indians prisoners, but do not fire upon them." aware that sam was somewhat moved by his plea, peleg repeated his request more urgently and was almost as relieved as the guide when at last sam reluctantly consented. in accordance with the directions of the hunter the band scattered to surround the place where the two unsuspecting indians were cooking their dinner. when all the preliminaries had been completed, sam oliver stepped forward and in his loudest tones demanded the surrender of both men. at the same time his companions darted forward, making a rush upon the unarmed warriors. to the surprise of every one, the old indian made a desperate resistance. with an almost incredible quickness the indian boy dodged his enemies and escaped to the forest. the old man, apparently striving to hold back the attacking party, resisted to the utmost of his strength until in his rage sam oliver raised his rifle to his shoulder and shot him. the recent guide, when he saw his foster-father fall, instantly rushed to the spot where the old man was lying. the aged warrior was bleeding profusely, but he was still conscious. flinging himself upon the ground beside the prostrate body, with the tears streaming down his cheeks and his voice broken by sobs, again and again the white shawnee spoke to the aged warrior. even sam oliver was silent as he saw the grief of their guide. his companions indifferently watched the bereaved boy, but peleg looked away when he saw the old man raise his hand feebly and place it upon the head of his adopted son. it was a token of his forgiveness, although his few words were not understood by the listening group. the meaning of the act, however, was clear to every one. soon the old warrior breathed his last, and as soon as sam oliver was aware that the end had come his sympathy speedily departed. turning once more to the guide and ignoring the grief of the boy, he roughly said: "now take us where that canoe is buried. the other indian has got away from us, and he will probably make straight for the canoe. you lead us there about as fast as you can travel and we will try to head him off before he can go down the river!" in broken utterances the young white shawnee begged the hunter not to enforce this last demand. "me show where me fader was. me fader dead. me no show where broder is. me wan' broder escape. no go broder! no go broder!" he besought the hunter earnestly. sam oliver, however, was not to be turned from his decision. "you go with us or i shall make you!" he said, and in spite of peleg's protests he turned the young guide's face to the forest and with many threats compelled him to lead the way. two hours elapsed before they came near the place where the canoe had been buried. creeping cautiously among the trees, the settlers came within rifle shot of the spot, and as they peered keenly about them no one at first was able to discover the presence of the young indian. by the direction of oliver every man remained in his hiding-place waiting for the arrival of the indian boy, who, sam was convinced, would soon come to the place. this expectation was fulfilled, as in about ten minutes the young indian appeared and started to the sandy shore of the river. without hesitation he proceeded to the spot where the canoe had been hidden and, as he began to dig the sand, the hunter ordered his companions to fire upon him. the reports of the five rifles rang out together. the young shawnee leaped high into the air and fell dead upon the sand. doubtless he never knew of the unwilling treachery of his foster-brother by which he and his father had lost their lives. chapter xv gathering clouds the grief of the white shawnee at the death of his foster-brother was pitiful to behold. even sam oliver and his companions, who seldom showed any sympathy for the indians, were not unmoved by his agonized cries of grief. in the shawnee tongue, some words of which all the white men present understood, the young stranger poured forth his sorrows. he called upon the spirits of his foster-father and brother to wait for him in their journey to the happy hunting-grounds. he explained that in no way had his treachery been of his own choosing. in spite of his protest, he explained, he had been compelled to direct the white men to the place where those who were nearest and dearest to him had fallen before their fire. several minutes elapsed and no one of the settlers spoke. then sam oliver said sharply: "we have had enough of this! i feel just about as guilty as i do when i shoot a panther cub." without a further word the hunter stepped to the place where the body of the young indian was lying and scalped his victim. even peleg, hardened though he was to the scenes that were enacted upon the border, shuddered as he saw his companion perform this act. at the urgent request of peleg the white shawnee was permitted to return with his newly found friend to bury the body of his foster-father, after his brother also had received decent burial at his hands. when this act, in which peleg had aided, was completed, the young hunter turned to his heartbroken companion and said, "you must come to the fort with me." "no go! no go!" wailed the visitor. "i do not blame you very much," acknowledged peleg, "but you have no other home, and you might just as well come with me. i am sure you will be treated kindly, and as soon as daniel boone comes back you need have no further fears. if you go back to the shawnees they will think you have betrayed your father and brother. of course i understand that you did not do anything of the kind." "me do! me false to me fader," interrupted the white shawnee, his lamentations breaking forth afresh. "what is your name?" abruptly demanded peleg. the reply of his companion sounded to him very like tontileaugo, but although it was repeated several times peleg was unable to pronounce it distinctly. "i might call you tonti, and i might call you henry. which do you like better?" "no call tonti." "then i will call you henry. don't you remember what your name was when you were a white boy?" "henry" shook his head, although plainly he was striving to recall the name which belonged to the years that were now dim in his memory. "you come with me," said peleg. together the two boys returned to the fort. neither of them spoke until they entered within the stockade, where the men of the settlement were assembled listening to sam oliver's dramatic description of the events which had just taken place. the sight of the hunter seemed to revive the sorrow of henry, as peleg henceforth called the young stranger, and bring back recollections of his own, unwilling treachery to the family which had been kind to him since the time of his adoption into the tribe. however, peleg did his utmost to shield his friend, to whom his heart went out in strong sympathy. "what you goin' to do with your friend?" laughed sam as he spoke to peleg when the group at last scattered. "i am going to take care of him," replied peleg quietly. "make a pet of him, are you? the next rattler i find or the next wolf's cub i run across i will bring back to you, lad, and let you make a pet of that, too. the only trouble is that a rattlesnake is kinder at heart than an indian." peleg shook his head but did not reply to this statement of the hunter. "it is true, what i am tellin' you," continued sam, as if somehow he was striving to justify himself. "it's got to be extermination. either you kill the redskins or they will kill you. there isn't room for both in the same land. they are trying to kill us off, and i am not one to sit down quietly and invite them to bring their tomahawks and brain me. if i can get the drop on them before they can get it on me, that's all to my advantage." "i think henry feels----" began peleg. "henry? who's henry?" broke in sam oliver. "that's the name i have given this boy. he told me what his name was in shawnee, but i could not quite get it. it sounded like tontileaugo, and i offered to call him tonti for short but he didn't like that." "you will live to regret the day you ever took him in," warned sam. "but he is a white boy," persisted peleg. "born white, but raised an indian. it doesn't make much difference where a man is born. he grows to be like what he sees and is used to. he has been brought up to look at things through indian eyes and he thinks indian thoughts. you will find he will play you false before you are done with him." "i shall have to take my chance as to that," said peleg. "daniel boone has told me to try to do something to help somebody every day. he told me to start out with that in my mind the first thing every morning." "you are makin' a mistake, lad," said sam oliver more quietly. it was plain to peleg that the old hunter was convinced that what he said was true, and there had been many experiences along the border to justify him in his conclusion. what sam oliver had been unable to comprehend was that, much as the methods of the indians in their warfare were to be condemned, they still were fighting for the protection of the lands which they believed to be their own. a few days afterward daniel boone and his family arrived with their little caravan, which included two milch cows and several pack-horses. the scout was hilariously greeted by the settlers, and without opposition at once resumed his position as leader of the little community. every one that could share in the labour was busily engaged now throughout the long hours of the day. the sound of the axe was continually heard, and the few crops which had been planted were carefully tended, and, what is more, were giving promise of an abounding harvest from the small sowing. peleg had related to the great scout the events which had been connected with the coming of henry to the settlements. the young scout's heart was still sore for his friend, who now had little to say to any one except peleg. together the boys toiled in the field or hunted game in the forests; but henry was never stationed as a guard. "it is this way, lad," said boone, after he had heard the entire story. "sam oliver means right, but he has no understanding of the feelings of any one else. because _i_ shoot an indian and _he_ shoots an indian, he thinks we both act from the same motive. never yet have i raised my rifle to fire at an indian without feeling in my heart that perhaps he might be as fully entitled to the land for which he is struggling as i am. i should be glad to share with him. the trouble is he will not share with me. there ought to be room enough here for us both; but, now i am sure, lad, through the actions of the indians themselves, it must be either white man or red man who will dwell in this wonderful country." as he spoke, daniel boone looked around him at the wonderful vision that spread before his eyes. it was a day late in the summer and a slight haze rested over the forests and the fields. the silence which enveloped all things was in itself impressive. the cloudless sky and the colours of the trees below the hill where the scout and his companion were standing combined to impress upon their minds the marvellous beauty of the region. "this is destined to be a great land, lad," boone said simply. "it is a wonderful thing that you and i should have a little part in opening it up. when i close my eyes, almost i see the homes that will be built here, the men and women who will find resting-places here; even the voices of the little children who will be born two hundred years from now are sounding in my ears." changing his tone, boone said: "have you seen anything in your friend to make you feel suspicious of him?" "never!" said peleg positively. "have you?" "no. there are some men in the settlement, however, who are fearful that he may try to betray us when trouble comes." "he never will," said peleg positively. "if you had been with me and seen him when sam oliver shot his foster-father and brother i am sure you would never suspect henry of not being true." "that is my feeling, lad," said boone gently. "do all in your power to prevent him from doing anything which might arouse the anger or even the suspicions of our men." "he never talks to sam oliver and very seldom to any one else. he stays with me all through the day, except when i am on guard." "you are welcome to bring him to our home any time." "to stay there?" inquired peleg. "that is what i mean, lad," replied the great scout, his face lighting up with the occasional smile that appeared upon it. "my wife and daughters feel toward him as i do. do you know that they were the first white women ever to stand on the banks of the kantuckee river?" "i had not thought of that," replied peleg. "there are many others coming soon. already i have received word that mrs. mcgary, mrs. hogan, and mrs. denton are on their way here." the arrival soon afterward of more than a score of white men to join the settlers aroused great enthusiasm, because now it was confidently believed that, after so many had passed safely over the roadway which boone and his companions had opened to the beautiful region, many more would surely follow. these expectations were soon fulfilled. the continued labours of the whites, however, had increased the intense hostility of the indians, who naturally believed all these lands belonged to them. when they saw the settlers felling the trees and erecting their houses and planting their crops, a spirit of determination to drive the whites from the region spread among the tribes. there was just now, however, a lull in the direct warfare. dusky faces occasionally were seen in the forest, but there was no open attack. daniel boone, however, was not to be deceived. he was confident that it was simply the hush which at times precedes the coming of the tempest. in his own mind he was convinced that the indians simply were reserving their strength until they could rally a sufficient number to make an attack worth while. and boone in the midst of all his labours--for he was toiling with the men of the settlement--was forming plans by which he hoped to meet the fierce attacks he expected the shawnees to make. frequent sallies upon the men when they were at work in the fields now began to be made. while they were plowing, the stealthy warriors did their utmost to waylay and shoot them. when they were hunting they were chased and sometimes fired upon. sometimes an indian would creep up near the fort in the night and fire upon the first of the garrison to appear in the morning. the little settlement soon was in a state of continual and increasing alarm. even many of the ordinary duties of life were performed only at great risk. but the determination in the hearts of the hardy people to defend their new homes in the wonderful region strengthened with every passing day. many of the settlers every night assembled within the walls of the fort. it was the expressed desire of boone that all should do this, for in this way only could the safety of every one be assured. for the most part the people responded willingly to his appeal, and after a certain eventful night all were willing to heed his counsel. on that particular night occurred a struggle with the prowling indians which made the name of one of the heroic women long to be remembered. chapter xvi captives as has been stated, the opening by daniel boone of the road through the wilderness to the new settlement, and the safety with which the journey thither had been accomplished, were strong inducements now to other families to make similar ventures. within a few months the little settlement had increased until it contained at least one hundred and fifty people. trees had been felled, log houses had been built, and with great energy the new people were preparing to make permanent homes in the fertile valleys. most of the newcomers were more than willing to follow the suggestion of boone, who strongly advised all the settlers to seek safety in the shelter of the fort when night fell. the great scout was convinced that the shawnees were continually watching the little community, and that their anger at the determination of the settlers to make permanent abodes in the beautiful region was steadily increasing. every day boone was watchful. occasionally the red men were seen, and not infrequently they crept close enough to the fort, or to the men when they were toiling in the forests or fields, to fire upon them; but as yet no concerted attack had been made. among the families which had come was one named merrill. mr. merrill was a vigorous, active young man, and his wife was almost as large as he and as strong. so convinced were the two young people of their ability to withstand any attack that might be made upon their home that they had been somewhat unmindful of the request of the leader. one morning in december daniel boone said to peleg: "i wish you to go to mr. merrill's at once, and say to him that i have seen recently some signs of the indians which greatly disturb me. it will not be necessary for you to say more, except that i strongly urge the merrills to comply with my suggestion and come nightly to the fort." peleg, at the request of the scout, mounted a horse and rode in the direction of the little log cabin which the merrills had erected on the extreme border beyond the settlement. he and henry, accompanied by young israel boone, who now had become almost a man in size, had been frequent visitors at the friendly home of the merrills. it was therefore with a feeling of personal interest as well as anxiety that the young hunter hastened to carry out the suggestion of the great scout. before he arrived at the little house its appearance suggested to him that something was wrong. it was early in the morning and yet no smoke was rising from the chimney. the silence which rested over the place seemed ominous. so anxious was the young scout that he dismounted before he entered the clearing, tied his horse to one of the trees, and then cautiously crept forward to discover what might be amiss with the household. when peleg approached the border of the little clearing he halted and peered anxiously before him. no one was seen about the place. delaying only a brief time, and holding singing susan in his hands ready for instant use if occasion required, peleg called to the inmates of the house. "hello!" he called. as no response was given to his hail, he raised his voice and called again, "hello! mr. merrill!" not even the dog, which was a great pet of peleg's, made any response. several minutes elapsed and the silence was still unbroken. troubled by his failure to arouse any one, peleg darted swiftly across the clearing and, as he approached the door, stopped in astonishment when he beheld near the threshold the bodies of two dead indians. as he looked about he saw bloody trails leading into the forest, which indicated that others also had been wounded. in the door a large breach had been made which was evidently the work of the indian tomahawks. the young scout, his flesh creeping at his discovery, glanced about him in every direction, but no sign of friend or enemy could he see. the door itself was partly open, and as peleg stepped within the little cabin the odour of burned feathers greeted him. there were many indications of a struggle which plainly had taken place within the room, but it was not until he had passed out to the rear of the little building and descried mrs. merrill approaching that his full courage returned. the resolute woman, her face pale, but otherwise not betraying any emotion, approached the young scout and said quietly: "i have just buried my husband." the astonishment of peleg was so great that he was unable to reply to the staggering statement, and then aware that the silent grief of his friend was almost more than she could bear, he assisted her within the house and soon was listening to her story. "i did not like to bury my husband so soon," began the woman at last, "but i dared not wait to ask any one to come." "tell me about it," said peleg quietly, "unless you think that we had better start for the fort right away." mrs. merrill shook her head as she said: "i do not think there is need of immediate haste. it must have been about midnight when our dog began to growl so savagely that my husband thought something must be wrong. he got up, and when he opened the door to find out what the trouble was he received the fire of six or seven indians. he sank to the floor, but managed to call me to close the door and let down the bars. "i don't know that i ever had such a thrilling or awful moment in my life! i could hear the savages on the porch, and i was afraid they would get to the door before i could shut and bar it. just as i managed to close it and let the bar fall, the indians began to pound upon it with their tomahawks. if i had been one second later they would have got inside the house and i should now be where my husband is. they kept pounding on the door until they made a large hole in it. they did not know that i stood close by, waiting for them with an axe, and as fast as one after another--four of them--tried to crawl through, i killed or badly wounded every one that made the attempt. they could not force their way into the cabin," she added simply. "how many indians did you say there were at the door?" inquired peleg in astonishment. "four, but only two of them were killed. at least there are only two left here, and the others may have got away." "i saw two," said peleg. "how many were there altogether?" "seven, i think. they kept away from the door after that, but pretty soon i heard them up on the roof. i knew then that they were trying to get into the house by coming down the chimney." "i think i know how you kept them out," said peleg, smiling slightly. "yes," replied the woman. "i grabbed the only feather bed we had in our cabin and ripped it open, in desperate haste, feeling just as i did when i was trying to close the door. i knew if i was not quick enough the shawnees would be in the room. it was fortunate that there were coals on the fireplace, and just as soon as i put the feathers on them a blaze sprang up and such smoke as i never saw began to pour up the chimney. in less than one minute two of the redskins fell into the fireplace, and with the same axe with which i had defended the door i quickly put an end to both varmints." "that made six of the seven, then," suggested peleg. "yes. but the seventh wasn't ready to leave yet. he ran around to the door and tried to crawl through while i was busy at the chimney. it was fortunate that i chanced to see him. he got a gash in the cheek, and you ought to have heard him yell when he ran away from the door. talk to me about the indians never making any fuss! this man was yelling so that you might have heard him at the fort. he called me the 'long knife squaw,' but i didn't care so long as he cleared out for good and all! and i don't believe any of them will come again very soon." "what are you going to do now?" inquired peleg. "i haven't any plans." "you must come with me to the fort." "but i must not leave my clearing," said the heroic woman. "now that my husband is dead, i shall have everything to do." "come with me, and i will find some one to do what ought to be done here." yielding to the persuasion of the young scout, mrs. merrill accompanied him to the fort, where at once some of the women offered her the solace of their sympathy. peleg at once assembled a little company of men, and led by daniel boone himself they returned to the scene of the brave woman's struggles. the dead indians were buried and the two cows were driven within the stockade. "it will not be safe," said daniel boone to peleg, "for mrs. merrill to come back here alone. if she does insist upon coming, either you or israel must be with her. she should be persuaded, however, not to expose herself to such dangers as she will meet here." "she seems to be able to protect herself," said peleg dryly. "indeed she does. i question if there is another woman in our settlement who would have been able to do what she did. single-handed, to keep off seven shawnees! i believe that the story of her bravery will be told to your grandchildren, peleg." mrs. merrill, however, was found to be more reasonable than the great scout's fear had warranted. she was quite willing to make her home for the present where the peril and the loneliness were not so great as in her cabin. the attacks of the indians continued, although no party as large as that which had attacked the home of the merrills was seen. the plowmen in the fields, the men cutting the timber, and those who separated from their fellows while hunting game were continually in danger. the determination of the whites was as great as that of the indians, and although every one was anxious, no one thought of withdrawing from the settlement. to daniel boone himself there came a little later an experience almost as thrilling as that which had befallen mrs. merrill. among the new families was one named callaway. in this family there was a girl of nearly the same age as daniel's boone's daughter jemima. one morning, early in the summer, the girls, taking the one canoe which was kept near the fort, paddled out upon the river. "do not go more than one hundred feet above or below the fort," warned daniel boone, who stood on the bank watching the girls. both promised, and soon in their light-hearted way were paddling the canoe back and forth from shore to shore. satisfied that the girls were well within the protection they needed, daniel boone returned to his labours and no one was left upon the bank to watch them. as the sport continued, and before either of the girls was aware of the fact, the light canoe had drifted beyond the points which had been designated by the scout as the limits of safety. discovering some flowers along the shore, they pushed the little craft in among the tall rushes while they plucked the blossoms they were seeking. the canoe was well within the rushes and concealed, as the girls thought, from the sight of any one on the bank. suddenly the younger girl, emitting a piercing shriek, turned to jemima boone, and exclaimed: "look there! oh, look there!" as jemima sharply turned about she saw, creeping through the rushes and concealed from the sight of any one on the shore, a huge shawnee warrior, who already had seized the painter of the little craft. scream followed scream when the indian began to pull the canoe toward him. in a moment he was joined by several of his dusky comrades. the canoe was drawn to the shore and the girls, prisoners of the savages, were dragged up the bank. chapter xvii the pursuit the screams of the terrified girls were plainly heard at the fort. a little company of frightened women and frantic men quickly assembled upon the bank, but in spite of the piteous appeals it was too late to help the unfortunate prisoners. four additional indians appeared and, assisting their comrades, seized the girls and with them rushed into the wilderness. the men from the fort who were standing on the bank of the stream were unable to cross, the only canoe being now on the opposite shore. calling to one another, the men endeavoured to find some one who would venture to swim to the other shore. no one volunteered, however, as all were afraid that the indians might return if such an attempt should be made. both daniel boone and the father of miss callaway were absent from the settlement at the time, and it was nearly night when they returned. stopping only a moment to comfort his heartbroken wife, daniel boone, as soon as he was informed, acted promptly and decisively, as was his habit. he was well aware that no time should be lost, and fortunately he discovered peleg at that moment returning to the fort. "the girls have been taken by the indians," said boone, suppressing his emotion. "what girls? what do you mean?" inquired peleg, aghast. "jemima and her friend, the callaway girl." "when?" "this noon. i have no time to explain. we must get a party to start right away. find every man you can and i, too, will look about, and we will meet here at the fort just as soon as we can get our party together." darting into the house, peleg secured singing susan, and then, finding israel boone, who was almost as aroused as his father, the two instantly began their search for men who would join the rescue party. soon afterward a band of eight men stood with the scout on the bank of the kentucky river near the fort. the quiet of the summer evening was unbroken save by the occasional cry of some night-bird. it had been long since the screams of the disappearing girls had been heard, but the direction from which they had come indicated the way in which to start the pursuit. "how many are here?" inquired boone, as he glanced about the group. "eight," replied peleg, "including you and israel." "we need more, but i shall not wait. we will start at once." the canoe meanwhile had been secured by one of the boys of the settlement who swam across the river at dusk and returned in the little craft, paddling with his hand, for the blades had been broken by the indians to delay pursuit. the men now were ferried across the river, and as soon as every one was standing on the opposite bank daniel boone again inquired: "is every one prepared?" every member of the party declared that he was ready to follow wherever the great scout might lead. instantly daniel boone led the way into the forest. the anxious scout was so quiet and self-controlled that an uninformed spectator would never have suspected that he was labouring under special stress. even peleg was astonished at the composed bearing of the man. turning to israel, the young scout remarked: "your father is saving every ounce of his strength for the work ahead of us. he is not wasting any time crying." "he never does," responded israel proudly. "do you know, peleg," young boone said, "there are times when parson john lythe preaches to us that he speaks of the great father of us all, and somehow i always think of him as if he looked somewhat as _my_ father does." deeply impressed as peleg was by the reverence in which the son of daniel boone held his father, there was no opportunity at the time for further conversation. in indian file the pursuers advanced, and all soon were running, following the custom of the indians. so skilled was the leader in this work that it was well known that he was able for many hours to maintain the pace at which he was now moving. "one time," said israel to peleg, "my father ran like this for eight hours, then rested two hours, and then ran eight more, and after he had taken another rest he made the third stretch of the same number of hours." the leader had not spoken except when in the dim light of the moon he was compelled to stop to search for the trail. once when he halted he said to his companions: "the shawnees are not moving in one body. they have broken up into ten parties and are moving in parallel lines." "did they expect to throw us off the trail in that way?" asked israel scornfully. "doubtless they hoped to. peleg," inquired boone, turning to the young scout, "how many do you make out were in this band that stole jemima?" "about thirty, i should say," replied peleg. "it is more nearly thirty-five," declared boone, as he turned to direct his followers to resume the pursuit. somehow the night did not prove to be a serious obstacle to the great leader. almost as if by instinct boone found his way, and the parallel trails made by the indians, instead of throwing the pursuers into confusion, really aided them. if the trail was lost in one place it then became comparatively easy for the men to scatter and in a brief time discover it nearby. "how far have we come?" israel inquired of his father when a halt was made in the morning. "thirty miles," replied daniel boone. "do you find anything new?" "yes," replied the scout, nodding his head. "the indians are less careful than they were. the trail is becoming plainer. i hope we shall overtake them before noon." it was not long before the pursuit was resumed, and the pace of the entire party was increased when it was discovered that the indians had entered a buffalo road and were following that clearly defined path. the expression upon the face of boone, who, with peleg and israel, was in advance of the little band, made every one aware that he expected soon to overtake the savages. the time of anxiety as well as peril was surely approaching. "peleg," whispered israel, "what do you think will be done to the girls if the indians see us before we get within rifle shot?" peleg shook his head and did not reply, although both he and his friend were aware that the indians would doubtless tomahawk their captives and then flee if they should discover their pursuers close upon them. nearly ten more miles were covered before the escaping band was overtaken. each party discovered the other almost at the same moment. the indians were in the act of kindling a fire and preparing camp for the night. almost as if it was one sound, the rifles of daniel boone, peleg, and israel rang out together. two of the indians fell to the ground. all the other braves, as if driven by one impulse, instantly turned and fled from the spot, leaving the terrified girls behind them. so sudden had been the flight of the savages that when they darted into the adjacent forest they had been unable to don their moccasins. not a man in the pursuing party had been injured. the cry of jemima boone when in the dim light she beheld her father approaching at the head of the rescuing party was one that those who heard her never were able to forget. she sprang from the ground where she had been seated and threw herself into her father's arms. for a time not a word was spoken by any one, while the well-nigh exhausted girl clung to daniel boone sobbing as if her heart would break. the pursuit which had been led by the great scout had been so swift and unrelenting that scarcely any time for rest had been given the band since its departure from the fort the preceding evening; and only a short time for recuperation could be allowed even now. this was some hardship for the men, but for the girls, who, in addition to the terror and despair which had possessed them, had been compelled to travel through the forests at a speed which exhausted their strength, it was doubly hard. jemima explained to her father that they had arrived at the place where they had been discovered only a few moments before the coming of the hunter and his friends. the girl shuddered as she said: "if the shawnees had had two minutes more they would have killed both of us before they ran; and i do not understand why they ran, anyway." "how many warriors were in the band?" inquired her father. "thirty-six." "we cannot stay here long. the varmints will be coming back, and they outnumber us so greatly that we may have serious trouble." it was accordingly decided that the party should begin their return at once. for a time daniel boone carried his daughter in his arms, while her companion, almost exhausted, was also carried by one of the men. when several miles had been covered word for rest was given, and then, after a hasty meal was made from the loin of a deer which peleg shot, the flight toward the fort was resumed. it was soon discovered, however, that the indians were not pursuing, and when boone became convinced that this was so, his anxiety was relieved, and he decided not to maintain the swift pace at which they had been moving. two days later the party arrived at the fort on the bank of the kentucky, and the relief of the distracted mothers as well as the general rejoicing over the safe return of the rescuers was great. after a rest of a day, the scout and all the party resumed their accustomed summer tasks. it was a few days afterward, while peleg and israel were engaged in hoeing a field of corn that belonged to peleg, that the scout approached his friend. "peleg," he said, as he halted in front of the boy, "we are to have a meeting in the fort to-morrow at noon and i hope you surely will be present." "what is the meeting for?" "we are to pass some laws. we now have more than one hundred and fifty souls in this little settlement, and up to the present time every one has been a law unto himself. we now must pass some laws which shall govern us as a community." "is sam oliver here again?" inquired peleg with a laugh. "not as yet," answered boone quizzically, smiling as he appreciated the discovery his young friend had made as to one of the causes for his desire to pass some laws by which all should be regulated. "colonel henderson will preside," said boone. "he, as you know, was the original purchaser of this tract of land from the cherokees, and he kindly consented to permit us to make a settlement here." "i shall try to be there," promised peleg, as the scout passed on to make further arrangements for the meeting, and the two boys resumed their task. it was a serious assemblage of men that met the following noon. after accepting the chair, colonel henderson said: "i shall ask the reverend john lythe, our pioneer preacher, to address the throne of grace." at the conclusion of the old minister's prayer, colonel henderson solemnly said: "this legislature is now opened in the name of his majesty the king of great britain." in his address he reminded his hearers of the importance of laying a broad and strong foundation for the future. he declared that the secret of future success depended largely upon the carefulness of their present preparation. he also explained how good and wholesome laws, such as would command the respect and support of the people, would benefit not merely the settlement as a whole, but also every individual member. various laws then were proposed, discussed, and adopted by vote of the assembly. in the midst of the meeting, which both peleg and israel were enjoying keenly, daniel boone arose and asked for recognition from the chairman. "my father is going to make a speech!" whispered israel in amazement, as he leaned toward peleg. never had either heard the scout speak under such circumstances. he was so self-contained in his manner and spoke so seldom that no one had thought of him as a man to make a public address. it was therefore with intense interest that every one present turned to listen to what daniel boone might say. chapter xviii a band of scouts "he would rather face three live painters," whispered israel gleefully. "i never saw my father scared before." in a moment, however, the boys were listening intently to what the great scout was saying. "i am no speechmaker," began daniel boone, his voice trembling slightly as he spoke. "i know a little of the language of the deer and of the songs of the birds. the cry of the nighthawk has its meaning for me, to which it almost would be possible for me to reply. even the scream of the painter is in a language which i understand, but when i look into the faces of my friends, who are much better fitted than i am to say what is best for this little community, i am at a loss how to proceed." the hunter paused a moment and the sympathetic interest of his hearers plainly encouraged him to go on. "it is true," he continued quietly, "i have a name for being somewhat successful as a scout and a hunter. i think you will all bear me witness, however, that never yet willingly have i inflicted pain upon even the weakest of god's creatures. whenever i draw a bead on a deer i do so with the thought in my mind that here is the provision of the almighty for food for his children. with all my might, mind, and strength i am opposed to any cruelty to dumb creatures, and also to any wanton waste of the game in our forests. i am sure i am giving voice to your convictions also when i say that we want no man within our settlement who does not have some such feeling as i have just described. sometimes our boys are thoughtless and shoot perhaps more for the sake of killing than to secure provisions for our homes. we must be patient with them and strive to show them how mistaken they are. what i desire greatly just now is that a law shall be adopted to protect the game in our forests." the hunter took his seat and a murmur of applause at once came from the little assembly. "do you make that as a motion?" inquired colonel henderson. "i do," responded the scout, rising and gravely bowing as he spoke. the motion was seconded, and without one opposing vote the assembly agreed to the suggestion of daniel boone. as soon as this motion was adopted the great scout once more arose and in his quiet and dignified manner again began to speak: "there is another matter in which i am deeply interested. i have never been able to understand how any man made in the image of his creator could take his creator's name in vain. in my experience i have noticed that profanity is limited to men who are either weak or vicious. i think, my friends, that you will agree with me that we want neither class in our little settlement on the banks of the kentucky. i therefore move that we adopt a law prohibiting profanity." it was manifest that not every one in the assembly agreed with these sentiments of the hunter, and there was a moment of hesitation. peleg, however, always ready to further the efforts of his friend, whom he admired more than he did any living man, promptly arose and seconded the motion, which then was passed without any opposition, though not with the enthusiasm which had greeted the preceding motion. once more the tall scout arose and said: "i have still one other desire in my heart. as you all know, our little settlement has been unusually free from the brawls which occur in so many of the hamlets on the border. i am confident it is the desire of every one here that the same things shall continue to be true. if we must fight, then let us fight hard; but all petty quarrellings and brawls, let them not henceforth even be mentioned among us. with this peaceful desire in our minds, i greatly desire that a law shall be adopted to express the wish of this settlement that the sabbath shall not be like other days. we surely toil so hard throughout six days of the week that if there were no other purpose in our minds we ought to rest on the lord's day. in order that this may be clearly understood, i move that a law be adopted which shall voice the sentiment of this community against the profanation of the sabbath day." there was no openly expressed opposition to the desire of the scout, and peleg having promptly seconded this motion, his third suggestion also was adopted. soon afterward, colonel henderson called upon the pioneer preacher to close the meeting with prayer, and the assembly dispersed. peleg, israel boone, and henry departed together from the fort. the last named was now able to express himself in english and, though he was still reserved in his bearings toward the people in general, his friendship for peleg and israel had strengthened with every passing day. "i never know such man like your father," said henry to israel. "he is the best man that ever lived!" broke in peleg enthusiastically. "he has been just like a father to me, and if he was my real father i should be the proudest man in all kentucky." "that would mean a great many people," suggested israel with a smile. "i understand there are new settlers arriving every day. i have heard that logan's fort and harrodsburgh are filling in very fast." "so i have heard," responded peleg. "if the indians would only leave us free!" "but they will not," broke in henry. "they say white people not make any more settlements, and it not long before they drive out those that are here." "let them try!" said israel dryly. "they have been trying," remarked peleg. "there is not a day that we have not seen some signs of the shawnees or delawares prowling around the forts." "they have not made any open attack for some time now," suggested israel boone. henry shook his head as he said: "that means they only wait. pretty soon you see. they feel for white men like wolf feel for bear." "and that is about the same love that a dog has for a cat," suggested peleg with a laugh. "that is it," acknowledged henry soberly. "i never know why bear and wolf no like each other. they kill many other things, but when wolf find trail of bear he call to all his friends and they begin to chase mr. bear. one day i saw a pack of wolves chasing big bear." "was the bear running from them?" inquired israel. "yes, he run much fast. by and by he come to place where he can go no more, then he stand up with his back to tree, and the way he cuff those wolves first one side, then on other, make me laugh." "yes," said peleg, "i have seen the same thing myself. it is like the feeling that sam oliver says the otter has for the beaver." "or the mink for the ermine," suggested israel. "both mink and ermine bad as they can be," said henry, shaking his head. "they kill all things not so strong as they." "yes," suggested peleg, "i think the mink and ermine are about the worst animals alive. the mink is three or four times as big as the ermine is and has a good deal more strength----" "but the ermine so quick," interrupted henry. "he so quick," he repeated, "and he most bloodthirsty little animal in the forest. when he begin to fight he always fight on until either he is killed or mink is killed." "sam oliver was telling me the last time he was in the settlement," said peleg, "that last winter he was trailing a fox that was chasing a rabbit, and when sam came to his trap-line he heard, away off to one side, a mink scream. he says you can hear a mink scream almost a quarter of a mile away. he was trapping minks and he thought he had one caught, so he turned and started for his trap. when he got there he saw, so he said, the biggest fight he ever saw in the woods. a mink was caught in his trap and an ermine was fighting him. "pretty quick he saw that instead of there being only one there were two of the ermine. they kept walking around the mink in a circle and kept going faster and faster until by and by one of them, quick as lightning, right in front of the mink, jumped for him, and almost at the same time the other ermine jumped in, too, and tried to get a grip on the mink's neck. they must have tried that same thing before, because this time he heard the mink scream, too, though he was doing something besides. for about half a minute sam said he couldn't hear or see much of anything except the fracas. then just about as swiftly as the two ermine had jumped into the fight, they jumped out and began to circle around the mink again. the next time they tried to get the neck hold only one of them slipped back. the other got his teeth fastened right where he wanted them, and you know they are like needles. then the other ermine came back and he, too, got a throat hold. in just a few minutes the whole affair was ended and the ermine came out ahead. sam said he could have walked up to them and picked them up, they were so excited, squeaking like mice, and trying to tear the dead mink all to pieces." "sam got the two ermine then, didn't he?" inquired israel. "yes. i told him, though, i thought they had earned their right to live, but sam never feels that way about such things." the reference to sam oliver had brought a scowl to the face of henry and caused him to become silent as long as the hunter was a topic of conversation. in the succeeding days reports of the presence of indians steadily increased. several men toiling in the fields were fired upon by shawnees who had crept up to the border of the forest. steadily the indians showed their determination to do their utmost to prevent the settlers from making homes in their hunting grounds. the hostilities of the shawnees became more marked with every passing month. indeed, so many were the manifestations of their plan to attack the settlements that finally colonel clark, who at this time had been given the command of all military forces in kentucky, became so convinced that there was a plan in the minds of the indians to assemble a great body of their warriors to destroy the border forts and their inhabitants that he begged the pioneer scout to act as a spy and to assume charge of other spies that were to be sent among the tribes to learn their numbers as well as their designs. daniel boone, fully aware of the danger, and in spite of his desire to remain at home, responded to this new call because he looked upon himself as in a measure answerable for the safety of the people whom he had induced to come into kentucky. at this time the region was known as the "dark and bloody ground," so many had been the attacks and conflicts between the incoming whites and their indian foes. daniel boone ordered his spies to start out in different directions, and after they had scoured the country for miles around, they were to meet at a time and place agreed upon and report what they had discovered and form their plans for the future. convinced at last that there was no immediate danger of a concerted attack by the indians, the scout returned to boonesborough and resumed his labours. "peleg," said boone one day not long after his return, "we must have some salt. i shall take a party to blue licks. will you come?" "yes, sir," replied peleg promptly. "i shall leave israel at home to protect the family, but i shall want you and henry to go with me. we ought to have a party of twenty-five or thirty men not only to make the salt, but to keep back the shawnees, who are likely to make trouble for us if we are not strong enough to defend ourselves." the following day daniel boone, together with peleg and twenty-six other men, departed for the salt springs, or blue licks, as they were called by the settlers. neither of the scouts, however, was aware that he was there to meet with the most thrilling adventure of his life. chapter xix the capture several days of hard work followed the arrival of the party at the salt springs. fireplaces had to be made, boilers arranged, and the water evaporated, leaving its deposit of salt, so necessary in the life of the people of boonesborough. the process, however, was exceedingly slow, although the men toiled day and night because of their desire to return to their homes, and their fear of the prowling indians. on the third day, when the supplies of food were low, daniel boone suggested that he should for a time leave his companions at their task while he secured some game which might be prepared for their dinner that night. taking his rifle and shaking his head when peleg offered to accompany him, the hunter departed. no one expected him to be gone more than an hour. when, however, three hours had elapsed his friends became increasingly uneasy. they had relied on their numbers as being a sufficient protection against the prowling indians. the savages were known to be near, and occasionally they had been seen skulking from tree to tree. because of this condition, the decision of daniel boone to go alone had been opposed by his companions, and as his absence continued there was increasing anxiety for his safety. meanwhile, if peleg and his companions had known what had befallen the scout, they would have had even stronger grounds for their fears. for some reason boone was unable to discover any game in the immediate proximity of the camp, so he proceeded several miles through the forest in his search. when he halted at last and looked about him he concluded that he must be at least four miles from the blue lick springs. he was aware of the peril which might beset a lonely hunter at such times, and as the afternoon sun was steadily declining, decided to retrace his way toward camp. as he turned abruptly he was startled to behold five young indians swiftly approaching. without hesitating a moment boone whirled about and ran. exerting himself to the utmost, he sped through the forest, closely followed by his pursuers, who, for some reason which he did not understand, had not fired upon him. capable as boone was of a long-continued race, speed could not be his main reliance. he was no longer a young man, and his pursuers were in the prime of their young manhood. glancing behind him, boone was aware that his enemies were gaining upon him. wheeling suddenly he darted into the brush, then leaped into a swiftly running stream and ran with the current for one hundred feet or more before he jumped to the bank on the opposite side and once more resumed his flight. apparently, however, it was impossible for him to shake off his pursuers. doggedly they held to the chase, and the conviction was strengthening in boone's mind that not only were the young warriors gaining steadily upon him, but also that they were maintaining a pace which would soon be too great for him to keep up. indeed it was only a few minutes later when by an unusual burst of speed his enemies overtook and surrounded him. boone smiled in spite of his peril when he saw that their first demand was for his rifle. it was plain that they knew who he was and were proud of their success in capturing the great scout. one of the young indians was able to speak a few words of english, and advancing to boone he extended his hand as a token of friendship and shook hands after the manner of the white people. "big scout broder," said the young warrior, "no shoot. no kill." boone smilingly nodded his head in token of comprehension and without demur followed his captors as they led him rapidly through the forest. if he was chagrined or cast down his feeling was not betrayed by his countenance. the indians seldom spoke as they proceeded, and boone's surprise was great when after an advance of an hour he was taken into the midst of a group of one hundred and fifty shawnee warriors. here, too, the hunter was recognized, and there were many expressions of delight over the capture of the man whom all the indians of the region knew and feared. boone soon was to learn that they also entertained for him a feeling close to affection. apparently unmoved by the peril in which he now found himself, boone looked quietly into the faces of the braves and awaited their action. in a brief time, in the midst of the band, he was conducted back toward blue lick springs. surprised at first by the direction in which they were moving, his fears for his friends increased with every passing mile. they were outnumbered by the indians in the approaching party, and were without his leadership. how would they be able to defend themselves from an attack? this question was unanswered when the band arrived within a half mile of the place they were seeking. then one of the younger chiefs approached boone and said in his broken english: "big hunter. no hurt. broders of big hunter no hurt. no shoot." "do you mean," inquired boone, "that my friends will be taken prisoners and not shot?" the indian laughed, for his pleasure at the apparent success of their undertaking was manifest, and he said: "no shoot. no kill white broder." "do you mean," asked boone once more, "that if they do not shoot, you will not?" "no shoot. no hurt," answered the indian. "which means that you will take us all to your village?" the indian nodded in assent. "and if they do not shoot and you make captives of them, do you promise that you will not harm them when you take them to your village?" "no shoot. no hurt," repeated the indian, nodding his head several times to add emphasis to his words. "big scout go with owaneeyo--tell broders." "you want me to tell them that you are here, and that if they do not shoot then you will not shoot, either, and that you give your word that they will not be harmed if they go with you to your village?" the indian smiled broadly as he said: "big scout go with injun--tell broder. shawnee no shoot. no hurt white broder. white broder shoot, shawnee shoot. no take white broder to village, take white broder scalp." for a few moments boone silently considered. he well knew that it would be impossible for his friends to escape the united attack of the shawnees. every warrior was armed with a gun, and, as the band outnumbered the whites nearly five to one, it would be worse than useless for them to attempt to defend themselves. on the other hand, if they submitted quietly it might be possible partly to disarm the captors of their watchfulness, and as there were so many of the whites some opportunity might arise that would provide an avenue for escape. in the latter event the chances that more of the men would escape alive were much better than they would be if they attempted to defend themselves at the present time. accordingly, boone said to the young chief: "i will go with you to tell my brothers what the chiefs say if you will come with me unarmed." for a moment there was an expression of anger or suspicion in the eyes of the stalwart young indian, but it quickly passed, and he said: "big scout no lie. owaneeyo go without gun. tell broders what owaneeyo say to scout." turning to his companions the young chief gave his command for them to encircle the springs where the white men were at work. as soon as his orders had been obeyed he stepped up to boone and bowed low to indicate his readiness to accompany the scout. without a word both advanced, with boone moving directly before his companion. they soon came to the spot where the whites were engaged in their task, all unaware of the peril that was threatening them. many curious glances were given the companion of the scout when boone and the chief first appeared. in compliance with boone's suggestion, the men gave up their labours and assembled to hear what the chief had to say. the speech of owaneeyo was not long, but every word held a meaning which strongly impressed the listening settlers. when the chief ceased speaking boone himself stepped forward and said: "my friends, there is nothing else to do. i am sure you would not credit me with being a coward. i am speaking that which i know. there are at least one hundred and fifty of the shawnees here and they are in a circle all about us right now. we have no defences behind which to fight, and they are able to pick us off without exposing themselves. if we run we should find in whatever direction we went that we were going straight into their arms. they promise us that if we do not fire upon them they will not shoot any of us. the chief also has agreed to see that we have good treatment not only here and on our way to their village, but also after we arrive there." there were some murmurs of disapproval, but the word and the example of the scout were both so influential that assent was soon given, and the chief was told that the white men would make no protest. at his bidding their rifles were all deposited in one place. a moment later he emitted a loud call, and almost as if they had sprung from the ground itself the shawnees came running to the place where the settlers were awaiting them. the entire party soon left the springs, the white prisoners being scattered among the warriors in such a manner that no two were able to converse. in spite of the fierce glances of some of the braves, there was slight fear on boone's part that the word of owaneeyo would be broken. cruel the indian might be in his own way, and treacherous according to the standards of the whites, but his promise, once having been given, was binding. the band moved rapidly, stopping only occasionally by night. not one of the prisoners was aware what indian village was to be their destination, although the scout, from his familiarity with the region through which they were conducted, was convinced that they were being taken to the place called chillicothe. his surmise proved to be correct, and on the fifth day the returning party with their prisoners arrived at the capital of the shawnees. their coming was greeted with cries and shouts and many expressions of delight by the indians of chillicothe. to these, however, the warriors gave slight heed, and the prisoners endeavoured to follow their example, though it was difficult for some of them completely to assume an air of indifference. what the fate of the captives was to be was not to be known until the following day. chapter xx an offer of release there had been slight opportunity for peleg to have any conversation with his friend throughout the march. the indians, rejoiced over their success in making a prisoner of the great scout, nevertheless appeared to be fearful lest the man whom they valued so highly should escape. throughout the journey the prisoners were treated with consideration, although when night came and the halts were made for rest the white men were compelled to sleep within a circle formed by their captors. in this way they were deprived of every possibility of escape. when, however, they had arrived at the old village of chillicothe, there were a few minutes when daniel boone and peleg and several of their comrades were left together in the wigwam into which they had been thrust. "peleg," said daniel boone in a low voice, "what a mistake our enemies have made." "what do you mean?" inquired peleg quickly. "if they had taken us to boonesborough or to logan's fort and there had shown us to the settlers they could have demanded almost any price they might choose for our ransom." "will they not do it yet?" inquired peleg. "i hardly think so," replied the scout, shaking his head. "the indians are like children in many ways. when they have been successful, either on the warpath or in the chase, they immediately return to their friends to celebrate their good fortune with them. they are easily elated, and are almost childish in seeking the praise of those whose opinions they value. that is the reason why they have come back to the village with their twenty-eight prisoners." "what will happen to us?" inquired peleg anxiously. "that no man can say. all that i am sure of is that we must bear whatever comes in the spirit of those who know that it is the best thing that could happen for every one of us." "if they burn us at the stake?" inquired peleg bitterly. "yes, even if they burn us at the stake. it will be hard to bear if they do that, but i am not without hope that they will adopt some other course." "they may make us run the gauntlet." "yes, they may," admitted boone, "but there is one thing, peleg, we do not have to do." "what is that, sir?" "we do not have to bear anything before it comes. all that any man can do is to prepare for what may befall him, and then, whatever comes, bear it like a man. but he who worries over his troubles before they arrive is in no condition to bear them after they come." "i know that is your way of thinking," said peleg, "but i have not learned it yet." "that's the correct word, peleg." "what word?" inquired the younger scout quickly. "the word 'learned,' no one has it at the beginning of his life. even preacher lythe told us one time that he, like paul, 'learned' in whatsoever state he was, therewith to be content." "so have you!" said peleg cordially. boone smiled and shook his head as he replied: "i have learned not to reveal all my feelings. beyond that i cannot say. but i am so fully convinced that whatever befalls me in this life is part of a great plan, that it would be foolish for me to complain or whine. whatever happens, no one shall ever be able to say that he heard a whimper from daniel boone. whate'er may come to us, lad, do not let any of these shawnees see that you are in the least cast down." "i shall do my best." "i am hopeful," said boone, "that we shall not be treated severely. chief owaneeyo gave us his promise when we surrendered that we should be treated with kindness both on our journey and after we arrived at the indian village. i believe he spoke truly." "what i am afraid of," said peleg, "is that some of these braves will not listen to him. i think owaneeyo will live up to his promise as far as he is able." "there, peleg, you are borrowing trouble again. what shall i do with you?" said boone gently. "for myself, i shall look for the better side, and if the hard times come i shall bear them as i may be able, but i am expecting that things will not be as bad as you fear, and i shall keep myself ready if providence reveals any opening for our release. i believe firmly that such an opening will come and that we shall yet go back to our friends." "i hope so," said peleg fervently. "but whatever comes, peleg, you must be cheerful, at least in your appearance. if the indians see that you are cast down or afraid, they will immediately lose their respect for you, and no one can tell what may happen." in a measure the words of the scout proved to be true. the prisoners were treated with kindness and were assigned to various members of the tribe in such a manner that they seldom had an opportunity of conversing with one another. mindful of the directions of the great scout, peleg did his utmost to maintain a cheerful manner. he was confident, too, as the days passed, that however heavy his own heart might be the shawnees were sure that he was adapting himself to the life of their tribe and was not unhappy in their midst. a few days after the captives had been brought into the village, owaneeyo came to boone one morning and said: "big scout shoot. no shoot brave, shoot----" the word which he wished to use failed the young chief, but laughing heartily he conducted the hunter to a place where daniel boone saw that a target had been erected. he concluded that the plan of the indian was for him to enter into a contest with some of the best shots among the shawnees. with apparent eagerness he accepted the invitation, and soon many of the warriors were assembled, keenly watching the contest between boone and three of the braves. daniel boone wisely was shooting well, but not too well. two of his competitors he easily outdid, but the third, who was owaneeyo himself, and no mean shot, he permitted to beat him. the glee of the indian when the match was ended was so marked and childish that boone instantly decided that if future contests of a similar character were held he knew what his own course of action must be. the following day a second contest was arranged, and at boone's suggestion peleg also was summoned to share in it. "lad," whispered boone, while he was apparently bending over his rifle and looking to its priming, "i am sure if we are careful we shall soon be permitted to have our own rifles. perhaps you can get yours now for the match, if you want it, but my advice to you in any event is to let the indians beat you, but not too easily." the delight of the indians was even greater than on the preceding day, when owaneeyo and one of his warriors succeeded in making a better record than peleg and were tied with the work which the scout did. at frequent intervals throughout the autumn these contests were held. in every event the white scouts were careful to shoot well, but not too well. so manifest was the feeling of affection and confidence among the shawnees, especially for daniel boone, that it was not long before the white men, one or two at a time, were permitted to accompany the indians whenever they went on the hunting path. in this manner the winter passed and already there were promises of the return of spring. march had come and the snows were beginning to disappear from the depths of the forest. it was in this month that owaneeyo came to daniel boone one day, saying eagerly: "broder go with shawnees." "go where?" inquired boone. his anxiety for his family in their faraway home by the kentucky by this time had become almost unbearable. as they were unaware of the fate which had befallen him and his companions, and yet were fully aware of the cruelty of the indians and the hatred which they had manifested for the settlers at boonesborough, the scout was continually thinking of the anxiety which must possess his own family at this time. not a word had come to them concerning his safety or his whereabouts, and there was no means by which such word might be sent. it was therefore with a feeling of consternation which it was difficult for him to conceal that he heard the statement of the young chief. "broder see where go," laughed the indian, as if he was preserving some great pleasure for his friend. aware that protests were vain, boone, with apparent cordiality, expressed his desire to accompany the indians, although he was ignorant of the destination of the proposed journey. to his surprise, the following day when the party set forth from the village, he found peleg and nine other whites in the company. there was no opportunity, however, for conversation among the captives, who, in spite of the freedom which of late had been granted them by the shawnees, now were watched more carefully as the warriors sped through the forest. when the band at last arrived at detroit, boone was not surprised at the destination. here several days elapsed before owaneeyo expressed his purpose to return. just why boone had been compelled to accompany the indians the scout did not yet understand. however, on the day before their departure, governor hamilton summoned owaneeyo and daniel boone to his quarters. after a few preliminary words the governor said to the indian: "i will give you £ for the ransom of this man." a scowl instantly appeared upon the face of the chief and he turned as if about to depart from the presence of the governor. wheeling abruptly about, however, his eyes shining and an expression upon his face which showed how deep his feeling was, he said: "no sell broder. he my broder." as he spoke, owaneeyo looked steadily into the eyes of the scout, and there was no question in the mind of daniel boone as to the sincerity of the young chief's feelings. "but he is a white man," protested the governor. "he my broder," declared owaneeyo, as if no further explanation need be made. "ask him if he would rather go with you or stay here." "i would rather go," said daniel boone, "than have you pay so much gold for my release. the shawnees have been good to me, and though i am a white man, my own friends and country could not deal more kindly with me than have owaneeyo and his tribe." "no take gold," said owaneeyo, and strode from the governor's quarters as he spoke. boone delayed a few minutes, explaining to the governor that it would be impossible for him to accept such a ransom, saying in his simple way: "i am in the hands of a greater governor than even you, governor hamilton, and i am sure that the right in the end will be done." apparently the commander was not yet fully persuaded, for on the following morning, before the shawnees departed from detroit, several of the englishmen at the post, deeply touched with sympathy for the scout in his captivity, came to boone himself with offerings of money for his release. the sturdy scout smiled, however, and shook his head, explaining that it would be impossible for him to accept such benefits which would forever be beyond his power to return or repay. "but you need never return the money to us. it may be our turn to be prisoners of the indians soon, and then some one will have to do for us what we now are trying to do for you," protested one of the men. "i cannot take your gifts," said the hunter shortly. it was manifest that all efforts to induce him to change his decision would be fruitless. in a few hours the entire band of shawnees and their captives set forth on their return to chillicothe. no reference was made by owaneeyo to the offer which had been made by the governor and his friends, but it was plain to daniel boone throughout their long march that the chief's feeling of affection for him had been greatly strengthened by what had occurred at detroit. however, when the party at last arrived at the indian town, even daniel boone was startled by the proposition which was made by one of the shawnee chiefs. chapter xxi flight "what do you think, peleg?" inquired boone a few days after the return from detroit. "blackfish wishes to adopt me into his family." "what!" exclaimed peleg in amazement. "yes. one of his sons was killed not long ago and he wishes me to take his place. i do not know how much older my foster-father will be than i am. as a rule i think it is wise for a father to be a little older than his son," added boone quizzically. "but it won't make any great difference in this case." "you are not going to allow it, are you?" repeated peleg. "i must. blackfish seems to be very fond of me, and since we came back from detroit, owaneeyo has spread many reports of my devotion to the tribe. he little realizes what restraint i have had to put upon myself, and how there are times when it seems to me that i would almost give my life for the privilege of looking upon the faces of my family once more. it will never do for me to refuse." peleg said no more, but in spite of the scout's information he was scarcely prepared for the "adoption" which followed in a short time. in the presence of the family of blackfish and of some of the leading warriors of the tribe, a good deal of hair was pulled from the head of boone, leaving his scalp-lock not unlike that of the indians. his body then was bathed in several waters, the medicine-men who performed the act claiming that in this way his white blood was washed away, and he became essentially a shawnee in nature as well as in name. a feast followed the formality of adoption, and then daniel boone was given a name--"the man with the long rifle"--and formally declared to be a son of the great chief blackfish. there was a slight change in the treatment which boone and his companions received after this event. the increasing confidence of the indians was manifest, and found its most complete expression when a few days afterward they sent boone, together with two or three white men and a score of warriors, to the springs of the sciota to make salt. upon their return from this expedition boone was alarmed as well as astonished by the appearance of the shawnee braves. many of them were daubed in their war paint, and it was apparent on every side that the warriors were preparing for battle. it was not difficult for the great scout to learn that the object of the campaign was to take the little settlement on the kentucky, where his home was located. familiar as he was with the indian customs, boone was aware that more extensive preparations than he had yet seen would be made before the warriors started on the warpath. meanwhile, he was determined to escape from the indian village, and return with his warning to his friends on the kentucky. in spite of the freedom he enjoyed, he knew that it would be extremely difficult for him to escape. at least one hundred and sixty miles of forest and wilderness intervened between the village and boonesborough. to obtain supplies of food, or weapons by which he might defend himself from beasts and warriors, was well-nigh impossible. nevertheless the determined man decided to try to escape from the shawnees at the first favourable opportunity. he was fully aware that he must not do anything to arouse the suspicions of the tribe. yet the time of the departure of the warriors could not be far distant. meanwhile, he talked over these matters in the occasional interviews he was permitted to have with peleg. almost all the younger scout knew, however, was that his friend had determined, when the proper time arrived, to flee from the village and warn the settlers of their peril. it was also understood that, after the departure of the scout, if peleg should see the least opportunity, he, too, would attempt to leave the indian village. when june came the great scout saw that the men were preparing for a march within a few days. whatever he was to do must be done quickly. no opportunity had been granted for a further word with his young friend, when early one morning boone fled from chillicothe. a small piece of jerked venison was all the food he had been able to take with him on his long journey. he was without rifle or knife and before him stretched a pathless forest through which he must flee one hundred and sixty miles before he again would be among his friends! no one knew better than boone himself that it was to be a race for life, for pursuit on the morrow was as certain as the rising of the sun. nevertheless with the same quiet courage which had ever been the great scout's strong reliance, he struck out for the ohio river. through the deep forests, over the high crags and rocks, across the creeks and following the courses of the river, by day and by night, he forced his tireless way. success crowned his efforts at last, and he gained the shores of the ohio. but when he arrived upon the bank he found the river full and at least a mile in width. unable to swim, for a time the scout was uncertain what his next move should be. fortunately, he found, on the bank near the place where he was standing, an old canoe which had been driven against the shore. although the little craft was untrustworthy, one end having been badly broken, the intrepid man succeeded in paddling his way in it to the opposite bank. four days and four nights the scout had been running with only an occasional brief respite. throughout that time he had eaten but one meal. his strength was failing, but his hope was strong, for daniel boone was aware now that he was near to his home. at last the quaint fort was seen before him and the end of the journey had been gained. the return of the scout was almost like that of one who had come back from the dead. every man in the little settlement had believed that daniel boone was to be seen no more. no tidings had come from faraway chillicothe, and no one in boonesborough had any means of knowing what had befallen the party in their labours at blue licks. "where is my wife? where are my children?" demanded boone as soon as he entered the fort. "gone," answered sam oliver, who at the time was making one of his occasional visits at the settlement. "'gone!'" repeated boone in astonishment. "'gone!' where?" "your wife and all your children except jemima have gone back to north carolina. they all believed you to be dead and your wife felt that she could no longer remain here. jemima is the only one that stayed." it was not long before the scout found his intrepid daughter, who in spite of the departure of the other members of the family had been strong in her conviction that either her father would return or some definite word concerning his fate would be received. for that reason she had remained in the fort. not a moment was to be lost. weary, indeed almost exhausted by his long flight, as soon as food and a brief rest had been obtained boone at once helped the little garrison to work day and night upon their fortifications. new gates were made and double bastions were speedily completed. the horses and cattle were driven in from the fields, and powder and balls prepared. before ten days had elapsed the fort was in readiness for the coming of the enemy. early in the morning of the final day, while daniel boone was himself on guard, he discovered a man approaching from the forest. keenly watching the indistinct figure and prepared for instant action, although as yet he had not summoned any of his companions, boone soon was aware that the returning man was none other than his friend peleg. the young scout was admitted by boone, and in response to his queries he was soon describing what had befallen him. in the midst of the excitement which had followed the escape of boone, peleg found the opportunity for which he himself had been waiting, and he, too, fled from the little village. in some ways, however, he had been more successful than his friend, inasmuch as he had been able to secure both singing susan and some ammunition, together with a hunting-knife. "have they followed you, lad?" inquired boone eagerly. "i do not know. they were filled with the plan of attacking the fort and i do not know whether anything has been done to turn them aside from it. i have had many trials," continued the young scout. "if i had not found the circles of stones which you left i could not have followed your trail. i do not know how you crossed the ohio." "i found an old canoe," explained boone. "that makes everything plain, then," laughed peleg, "for i used the same canoe. some one must have brought it back or it had floated down stream; at any rate it saved me from getting singing susan wet. the first place i found your stones was about two miles from the river, at the spring where there is a little waterfall. i can't tell you what it meant to me, for i was not sure of my way. i tried to think of everything you had told me about the stars, the course of the streams, and the changes in the trees, and then every little while i climbed to the top of a hill when i came near one and got my bearings from there." "you are here, lad," said boone. "you were led as i was. that is enough. now tell me about the shawnees. are they coming?" "i think so, but the attack will be delayed several weeks." "why is that?" "because you escaped. they tried their best to overtake you, but when owaneeyo and some of the other warriors of the tribe came back and said they had not found you, then blackfish declared that you would come to the fort here to warn the settlers. they then decided, i think, to put off their march about three weeks." boone nodded his head several times as if the explanation peleg had given was one that commended itself to his judgment. there was no alteration, however, in the plans of the scout for strengthening the defences of the little fort. by this time the alarm had spread throughout the little settlement and every man was alert. the delay in the coming of the shawnees, however, continued so long that boone concluded that they might have become discouraged by the report of their spies concerning the condition of the fort. prowling indians had been seen frequently in the vicinity of boonesborough after the arrival of peleg, and the scout now decided that it would be a good plan for him to turn the tables and with a party invade the country of the shawnees themselves. choosing nineteen men from the little garrison, he led them swiftly and silently as far as paint creek on the sciota. he had come within four miles of the little indian village, when unexpectedly the band met a party of thirty warriors, who were marching to join the expedition against boonesborough. there was no opportunity for retreat or deliberation. instantly boone called upon his companions to follow his example and fired upon the astonished warriors. the shawnees without attempting to respond, and doubtless unaware of the numbers of their enemies, immediately turned and fled. the scout now halted his forces and sent two spies to discover what was taking place in the village. the men returned with the information that it had been abandoned. as soon as this information had been received, boone summoned his followers and said to them: "i am convinced from the reports of our friends that a great army of the indians is now marching against boonesborough. our friends are in almost as great danger as are we. there is nothing left for us except to return and make the best possible time in our march." every one assented to the suggestion and the return was begun, the men marching day and night, hoping to elude the indians, who, the scout now believed, were between them and boonesborough. it was not long before the returning band discovered the trail of the advancing warriors. thereupon the leader decided to make a detour and avoid his enemies. all unknown to the indians, on the sixth day of the returning march the intrepid band passed the red men, and on the seventh arrived safely at boonesborough. the following day five hundred hideously painted, thoroughly armed indians appeared at the fort. the alarm of the little garrison would have been still greater had they known that duquesne, for whom fort pitt was first named, was in command of the entire band. even blackfish for the time had resigned his position as leader, preferring to have the skilful frenchman assume the command in the attack on the fort. nor was captain duquesne alone, for twelve of his countrymen also were with him to assist in leading the savages in their attack. chapter xxii the coming of blackfish "peleg," said daniel boone after the appearance of the enemy in front of the fort, "i understand now why it was that i was so long a prisoner of the shawnees." peleg expressed his question without replying in words and the hunter continued: "if i had not been a captive i never should have known how strong they are nor what their plans might be. and i think, too, that i never should have known what the relation is between the shawnees and the french." "do you think we can hold this place?" inquired peleg anxiously. "we shall do our best, lad, and the result is not altogether in our hands. i have sent messengers all through the settlements asking for reinforcements." the conversation was interrupted by the appearance of a messenger from the attacking army--a white man. before he arrived at the stockade he was hailed by daniel boone, who, with peleg, was standing on one of the bastions. after a few preliminary words the man said: "i am instructed by captain duquesne to state to you that he has received orders from governor hamilton at detroit to take this fort, but to save the lives of the people, if it is possible so to do." boone gazed down into the face of the speaker, but did not reply. "i am further instructed by captain duquesne," resumed the messenger, "to ask you to send nine men from the fort to arrange for a treaty. you can meet the men from our army wherever you desire." "i shall report to you as soon as i have consulted my friends," said daniel boone as he and his companion retired to the fort. when the defenders were assembled sam oliver declared hotly: "i should never send nine men out to meet the redskins! it is one of their tricks, and not one of the nine will ever come back." "i do not feel that way about it," said boone. "i suspect that it may be a trick, as you suggest, but it may help us to put off the beginning of the fight until some of the other settlers for whom we have sent can come to our aid. i favour sending a delegation of nine men to meet a delegation from the indians, but the place must be within fire from the fort. i do not know how you feel, but for myself i am willing to say that we shall never surrender this place while there is one man left alive to defend it." "that's the way we all feel," said sam oliver, who still opposed the proposed meeting. daniel boone returned to the bastions and announced to the messenger that nine men would meet a party from the indians in accordance with the proposition which had been made for the conference. selecting eight of his followers, the scout led the way to the appointed place of meeting, which was sixty yards from the fort. there the little band met captain duquesne and eighteen or twenty indians. the red warriors were silent, but their flashing eyes impressed the scout more than any words could have done. "what we propose," began captain duquesne, "is that every man in the fort shall swear allegiance to king george the third and submit to our rule. if this can be done we can assure you that you may live in peace and retain all your property." boone, who was the spokesman of the settlers, arose to reply. he knew little of the great struggle which at that time was going on for the independence of the colonies. his life on the border was too remote from the battlefields of the north and east, and only occasional rumours of the long contest came to the pioneers. boone's speech, conditionally agreeing to duquesne's proposal, was followed by one from blackfish. the old chief, looking only once upon his adopted son, and by the gleam in his eyes expressing his hatred, asserted that when two great armies entered into a treaty it was customary for the men to shake hands, and in doing so for two indians to shake the hands of each white man. there were smiles among the men from the fort as they heard the smooth words of the crafty old chief, but as all the warriors and white men were unarmed they were not unduly alarmed. at that moment a gun was fired as a signal from the forest, and the indian members of the council, advancing with open hands, grasped the hands of the white men. instantly the warriors endeavoured to drag their white enemies toward the woods where many of the shawnees were concealed. a desperate conflict followed, and the indians from the main body begun to rush quickly toward the spot. at the same time the watching men at the fort began to pour a fire upon the approaching enemy, and in a few minutes, under stress of the excitement, the scout and his friends tore themselves from the grasp of the indians and fled back to the fort. the heavy gate was closed and bolted as soon as they were behind the defences. fortunately only one man had been wounded by the fire of the savages. captain duquesne and blackfish now ordered an attack upon the fort. as the place was almost surrounded by woods except on the side toward the river, the attacking party was well protected. the advance was made from three sides at once. amid the wild yells of the indians a volley of bullets was poured into the fort, and as soon as the guns were discharged they were again loaded and a steady fire maintained. the defenders of the fort, however, were not wasting their scanty ammunition. every man from his porthole, or the place which he was occupying on the bastions, was selecting his own special mark and every shot was telling in the work of death. the fight continued throughout the day, and when night fell, contrary to their custom, the indians still maintained their attack. another day and another night followed, without any break in the struggle. daniel boone was aware that the indians were now being guided by captain duquesne and were not following their usual custom of abandoning an attack when darkness fell. meanwhile boone was moving from place to place encouraging his men and making sure that all things were well. jemima boone, by the direction of her father, was firing through one of the portholes. in the second day of the fight a negro, who had fled from the fort, climbed into a tree near by, fired at the girl and wounded her. daniel boone, who at the moment was standing near his daughter, instantly peered through the porthole, discovered the deserter, and the report of his rifle was followed by the fall of the man from the tree in which he had hidden. day followed day and still the attack was maintained. the indians were unable to force an entrance into the place, but they were unwilling to abandon the attack. one afternoon peleg came to daniel boone and, greatly excited, said: "come with me!" leading the way to the side of the fort which faced the river, he called the attention of the scout to the colour of the water. "what does that mean?" inquired peleg. "it means that the varmints are trying to dig a trench from the bank of the river to the fort," said boone. "the earth they have thrown out has coloured the water. if they once get inside the fort they may compel us to surrender." "what can we do?" inquired peleg. "we must do something!" "come, i will show you," replied boone quietly. selecting several men to aid peleg in his task, he soon arranged for a counter trench to be dug which would cross that which the indians were digging. nor was it long before the discovery of the work of the defenders caused the red men to abandon their scheme. more furiously than before, the siege was continued. a new device was tried by the indians on the fifth day. arrows with burning brands attached to them were shot in such a manner that they struck the roofs of the houses within the fort. it was impossible for any one to prevent this work. at last a cry was raised that the fort itself was on fire. the cry, terrifying as it was, instantly brought henry to the front, who said calmly: "i put out flame." for a moment every gun and voice within the fort was silent while the anxious inmates watched henry as he made his way to the roof where the fire already was kindled. a wild yell from the indians greeted the appearance of the young man and a shower of bullets fell all about him. undismayed by his peril, henry succeeded in making his way to the blazing arrow, flung it to the ground, and succeeded in putting out the fire. as he turned to make his way back to his friends another shower of bullets fell about him, and a groan escaped the watching defenders when they saw the young hero suddenly lose his grasp upon the roof, and after a brief struggle roll to the ground outside the walls. the numbers of those who had fallen within the fort had not been great, protected as they were by its wall and also by their own continued vigilance. the ranks of the assailants, however, steadily had been thinned, and on the ninth day, without any warning to the defenders, the attacking shawnees withdrew from the place. peleg was engaged in his duties in the fort on the morning following the siege when the scout approached him and, in response to the enthusiastic words of the boy, smiled as he said: "well, we did pretty well, lad. we lost only two and had only four wounded." "and henry was one of the killed," suggested peleg. "i do not know. he has not been found," replied boone. "if one had to die i think henry was the best one to go." in response to a look of inquiry from the boy, the scout continued: "he had no family; his white blood prevented him from being entirely at home among the indians, while his indian bringing-up would have prevented him forever from feeling that he was one of us. there were times when i was afraid for the life of sam oliver, so bitter was henry's hatred of him." "do you know how many of the indians were killed?" "it is reported that thirty-seven were killed and a great many wounded. it is difficult to say just what the losses were, because the indians always carry away their dead and wounded." "do you think they will come back again?" the scout shook his head as he said: "the country hereabouts is increasing so rapidly in its population, and there are so many other stations now between boonesborough and the ohio, that i hardly think they will attack us again. certainly not in the near future." "how is jemima this morning?" asked peleg. "she will be all right in a few days," replied boone. "it was only a flesh wound in the shoulder that she received." "what are you planning to do next?" "if you agree," replied daniel boone, "i shall leave you in charge of my farm and start as soon as i can for north carolina, to bring back my family." it was not long before the scout set forth alone on his journey to the yadkin, whither his wife had gone with all her children except jemima, to find a refuge in her father's house, after she had become convinced that daniel boone had been killed by the indians. the journey was successfully made and the coming of boone was to his wife almost like the return of one from the dead. there were some matters on the yadkin, however, which prevented their immediate departure, and it was not until several weeks had elapsed that the scout with his family returned to boonesborough. meanwhile peleg had looked carefully after the farm which his friend owned, and he received warm words of praise for his efforts when boone came back. as soon as the scout saw that his family once more was established in the settlement, and the attacks of the indians, for a time at least, had ceased, with his brother, who also now had joined the settlers, he once more started for blue licks to make salt, of which the settlers and their cattle were greatly in need. "are you not afraid to go to the blue licks?" inquired his brother when boone was ready to set forth on his expedition. "why should i be?" inquired boone. "it was there that you were taken by the indians." [illustration: "the scout, with his family, returned to boonesborough"] "they say," replied the scout with a smile, "that lightning never strikes twice in the same place. i am not afraid. i think the shawnees have been taught a good lesson. colonel bowman and his one hundred and sixty men, though he was not very successful in his attack upon old chillicothe, nevertheless showed the indians that we were not unmindful of their plans. and colonel harrod at all events, when he made his attack with the horsemen, certainly scattered the indians on every side. i think they will remember both men, although i wish that we might have inflicted greater damage upon their village. the report is that only two scalps were taken, but that may mean very little. the attacks which colonel bird, with his five hundred indians and canadians, made upon riddle's station and the little station upon the licking river, seem to me to show that the indians are not ready to give up yet." boone's assurance overcame the objections of his brother and persuaded him that there was no special danger attending their labours at blue licks. the confidence of the scout seemed warranted when several days had passed, the necessary salt had been made, and the two men were preparing to return to the fort. not an indian had been seen, nor had there been any signs of their presence. hardly had the two men, however, set forth on their return when, without warning, they were attacked by a band of indians. boone's brother was killed and scalped. but the scout instantly darted into the thickest part of the forest. owing to his superior knowledge of the country he was not overtaken at once; and running steadily and as swiftly as he was able, he at last sought refuge in a ravine, followed by a dog which the indians were using to trail him. boone waited quietly until the savage animal approached and then calmly shot it. aware that the report of his rifle would reveal his presence to his enemies, the intrepid man, as the woods about him were dense and darkness was approaching, resolutely made his way into the forest again and resumed his flight toward boonesborough. chapter xxiii four warriors and more with his usual coolness and fortitude, the great scout continued on his way, and without further trouble arrived at the fort. "peleg," he said the following day, when the two were labouring in the field together, "blue licks somehow seems to be destined to be a place of trouble and sorrow for me. only a few days ago my brother was calling my attention to that fact and now his death has confirmed his words. it grieves me that i could not even bring away his body. that, however, is a part of the fortune of pioneers, and as no man ever yet has heard me whine, i do not intend to begin now. but my brother's death is a source of very heavy sorrow to me." "do you think the indians are planning another attack?" "not right away. i suspect that they are trying to attack or capture me. their anger against the settlement doubtless is as keen as ever, but they look upon me as one who has deserted their tribe. some day they will find me. but i have one consolation, and that is that they will not find me unprepared." the words of the scout concerning the further attacks by the indians were confirmed during the year that followed. the little settlement at boonesborough steadily increased in numbers and prosperity. for a time, free from the attacks of the indians, the families toiled in their fields. more extensive clearings were made and in the marvellously fertile soil the crops were bountiful. there were many new homes established in the community, too, for among the continually arriving settlers were many young women. in the quiet labours on his clearing boone found peace and comfort such as he seldom had enjoyed. peleg, who had secured some land adjoining the farm of his friend, worked with the scout and israel, and as they assisted one another both places steadily improved. the feeling of boone, however, that he was still an object of hatred among the shawnees was confirmed repeatedly. his most critical experience came one day when, all unknown to the scout, four athletic shawnees were detailed by blackfish to approach the settlement without arousing any suspicions of their presence, watch the movements of the scout, and either bring him back to the tribe or bring his scalp. on his farm the scout had erected, not far from his cabin, a little house in which he dried the tobacco he cultivated. the little building stood in the midst of his tobacco patch. within the house there were three tiers of timber from which the tobacco leaves were hanging to dry. boone and peleg were busily engaged here one autumn day, almost unmindful of peril, the younger scout believing that the fears of his friend were without foundation. "the tobacco on this lower tier," said boone after he had made a careful investigation, "seems to be entirely dry." "then we had better change the sticks to the tier above," responded peleg. "that will leave plenty of room for the leaves we have not brought in as yet." "that's a good suggestion," answered boone, and together the two scouts began to transfer the sticks from the lower to the second tier. peleg departed from the building to bring in more of the tobacco leaves and left boone standing on the poles that separated the upper tiers. suddenly as the scout glanced below him he saw four shawnee warriors stealthily enter through the door and laugh as they looked up to him. "you no get away some more," said one of them whom boone recognized as owaneeyo, "we take you to chillicothe this time. you no cheat us some more." every one of the savages was armed and looking up into boone's face, while the direction in which the guns were aimed added force to this declaration. not for a moment losing his self-control, and aware that he was in the greatest peril of his life, boone's careful preparation now showed its value. "ah!" said he quietly. "glad to see you, my friends. how have you been this long time?" "been heap mad," said owaneeyo, frowning in a manner which betrayed his rising anger. "you come down." "i shall be very glad to go with you, my friends. tell me, how is blackfish these days?" "you come down!" repeated owaneeyo. "i just told you," said boone, "that i shall be glad to come down. i prefer, however, to have you wait until i finish with my tobacco." in the hunter's heart there was hope that peleg would discover his predicament and bring him aid before he should be seized by the angry warriors. "make yourselves comfortable," continued boone pleasantly. "you see i cannot get down from here and i cannot get away from you." the scout paused a moment and glanced at his would-be captors. "you like tobacco?" he resumed. "when i have this cured i will give some of it to you and we will smoke together." the indians were becoming impatient, and plainly were unaware of what the scout was doing. continuing his conversation and making more inquiries concerning his friends in the indian town, he did his utmost to hold the attention of his dangerous visitors while he gathered together some armfuls of tobacco. carefully arranging the bundles of the dry tobacco between the poles and standing where he was able to look directly down into the faces of his enemies, boone suddenly cut the strings by which the sticks of tobacco were held. at the same moment, with his arms full of the dried leaves, he leaped down upon the indians, and instantly filled their mouths and eyes with dry tobacco dust. the shawnees were blinded and well-nigh suffocated in the little tobacco house. there were sneezes and shouts and cries from the startled warriors, who now were unable to see even the direction in which the door was located. darting from the little house, the scout made his escape and ran swiftly to his cabin. in a moment he seized his trusty rifle, but as he returned to the tobacco house he saw the indians running blindly and staggering toward the woods. boone restrained his impulse to fire upon the fleeing warriors, and called to peleg and israel, who with several of the younger members of the settlement were now hurriedly approaching, all of them prepared to pursue the departing shawnees. "do not go after them!" called boone. reluctantly the young men halted, and peleg said: "why do you not want us to chase them? we might have had every one of them." "if the shawnees do not go on the warpath, why should we?" "they were on the warpath for you!" said israel. "it was lucky you got away." boone laughed silently as he recalled the appearance of the indians when he had thrown the tobacco dust into their faces. "i am sure," he said, "the shawnees will remember what i said to them and how they were treated by me. perhaps it will do more good than it will to shoot them." the months passed and the peace of the settlement remained unbroken. few even suspected the terrible struggle which was awaiting them. the game in the forest was becoming somewhat scarce. the settlers, increasing steadily in numbers, now were scattered from the kentucky river to the ohio. it was commonly believed that the indians had finally accepted the coming of the whites as inevitable, and no longer were ready to dispute their occupation of the western forests. the one marked exception was daniel boone. to all the assertions of his friends he replied by expressing his own conviction that the red men were simply biding their time. no one was more familiar with the indian ways and thoughts than the scout and he was positive that they had not forgotten the injuries which they had sustained at the hands of the whites. sooner or later they would strive to obtain vengeance and at the same time unite in a supreme endeavour to drive the hated people from the lands which they believed to be their own. "i am more convinced than ever that trouble is brewing," said boone one day to peleg and israel, who now were his frequent companions. "i know simon girty, and a worse man never lived. he is a renegade and a traitor. he has given up living among the whites, and in everything but colour and in their better qualities he has become an indian. i am sure that we shall hear from him before many months have passed." little the great scout dreamed that even while he was expressing his opinion to the boys, runners at that very time had been sent by simon girty to many of the northwestern tribes, urging them all to lay aside the jealousy they felt for one another and unite in one common cause against the white invaders. the following spring the storm burst. as the pattering raindrops sometimes fall at the beginning of a downpour, so among the scattered settlements a renewal of attacks by prowling bands of indians indicated what was to follow. one day when daniel boone returned to his home he was unusually cast down. he explained that he had just learned of an attack which a party of twenty-five wyandottes had made upon estill's station. the warriors had stolen into a little cabin which was apart from the others in the settlement. they had seized the occupants--a woman and her two daughters--and tomahawked and scalped all three. the bodies were still warm when they were discovered upon the floor of the cabin by neighbours. the scout told what followed. "immediately captain estill collected a band of twenty-five daring men and followed the indians more swiftly than i followed the band which took jemima prisoner. the wyandottes at first seemed to be frightened and began to run, but at last they made a stand on one side of a creek, while the whites were on the other. they were not more than fifty yards apart and every man was sheltered behind a tree or rock and firing at any enemy that could be seen. captain estill had lost one third of his men and had shot about as many of the indians, but the braves were still returning his fire, and showed no signs of leaving. he thought if he should keep up that kind of a fight, every one at last would be killed, unless perhaps it should be the very last white or indian. "mindful of this, captain estill sent out a party of six men, led by lieutenant miller, telling them to creep around and attack the indians on their flank. but the chief was as shrewd as the captain, and as soon as he saw that the fire of the whites was slowing up in front of him, he instantly made a stronger attack upon the men that were left. jumping into the water, they fell upon the captain and his men, driving them before them and killing a good many. those who escaped finally got back to the station, and you can readily see how alarmed the people are." "what happened to captain estill?" inquired israel, greatly shocked by the story of his father. "he and eight more of his men were killed, and, besides, four were wounded." "that's more than half that went out, isn't it?" inquired peleg. "yes," answered daniel boone. the report of the misfortune which had overtaken the men of estill's station was speedily succeeded by another report no less alarming. a band of indians had crept up to hoy's station and there had stolen two little boys. quickly captain holder gathered a band of seventeen angry men and started in pursuit of the indians. it was not long before he overtook them, but he and his men were driven back after more than half the party had fallen. the alarm now became widespread. the success which had attended the plans of the indians encouraged them to continue their efforts. sometimes singly, frequently in small parties, they crept close to the settlements and by their stealthy attacks kept the people in continual alarm. there was no one now to dispute the great scout's prophecy that more serious trouble was to come. within a few weeks an army of indians, made up of bands from many of the northwestern tribes and numbering nearly six hundred warriors, began its march from chillicothe. the renegade girty was in command. the little army moved with great caution, and their approach was unsuspected by the whites. one august night they arrived at bryant's station, surrounded it, and prepared to dash upon the unsuspecting people the moment the gates should be opened the following morning. chapter xxiv a decoy and an attack the fort at bryant's station was for the protection of forty cabins placed in parallel lines upon a little hill on the bank of the elkhorn river. all through the night the garrison had been preparing as soon as daylight came to depart from the fort to carry aid to the men at hoy's station. a messenger had brought word to bryant's station of the defeat which almost had overwhelmed holder and his men. if girty's band of six hundred indians had arrived a few hours later they would have found in the fort only a few women and children, besides a small number of old men, unable to fight. afterward it was learned that the indians were listening all through the night to the sounds of the activities within the fort, and when they saw the lights gleaming from the blockhouse and the cabins they must have suspected that news of their coming already had been received by the inmates. however, they made no attempt to steal upon the fort in the darkness, although girty and the indian chiefs were planning and arranging their attack for the following day. for some strange reason many of the forts on the border had been built at a considerable distance from the springs upon which the people depended for their water. the fort at bryant's station was no exception. by girty's direction many of the indians placed themselves in hiding, within shot of the spring. one hundred selected warriors also were stationed at a distance from the spring. the latter were ordered to open a sharp fire and make their presence known to the garrison. doubtless the hope of the red men was that the actions of this party would draw the white defenders from their place of safety. if their plan succeeded girty then expected that the other band of warriors instantly would rush upon the opposite gate of the fort and hew it down with their tomahawks while the men were chasing the little decoy force. in this manner all the leaders of the attacking force expected to make their way into the little cabins within the stockade. when daybreak came the garrison was almost ready to open the gates and march to the assistance of their friends at hoy's station. suddenly there was a furious and continued discharge of rifles accompanied by such hideous yells and screams and whoops that they terrified not only the women and children of bryant's station, but alarmed even the men, accustomed though they were to the methods of indian warfare. running to the stockade and peering out through the loopholes, the startled white men saw before them a small band of indians. these warriors were plainly exposed, yelling and making the most insulting and furious gestures toward the fort. all this was so different from their usual custom that some of the older men of the fort warned their comrades that a trick of some kind was being played upon them. "it is a decoy party," said one of the men positively. "they will draw you out of the fort and before you know it you will find yourselves surrounded by more than a hundred of those howling savages." "that is right" said another. "my suggestion is that we all make for the other side of the fort. i believe the indians are trying to draw us out on this side and then attack us on the other." the experiences which many already had had with the indians of the border confirmed the impression made by the words of the last speaker. even the younger men, who were eager to sally forth and attack the young warriors that were making such a commotion, were held back by the suggestion. "we cannot protect ourselves very long in the fort," said one of the men when the defenders had been divided into two bands. "why not?" inquired another. "because we have no water. there is not enough water in the fort to last us thirty hours." "what can we do?" inquired one of the older men after a tense silence had followed the statement of the speaker. "if we go down to the spring the indians will pick us off, every one." "send the women," suggested another. "they go to the spring every morning. the indians may not think we have any suspicion of what they are planning to do. if the women and girls go to the spring for water just as they usually do the indians will not fire at them. they will want to save all their bullets for their attack on this side when our men have been drawn out to chase the savages who are yelling now on the other side." "it seems cowardly," said another man "to ask the women to go down to the spring when we know it would be sure death for us to go." "it will not be sure death for the women, and my opinion is that not one of them will be harmed," said the first speaker positively. "at all events we can ask them to go and let them say whether they will or not." when the proposition was made to the women there were some who made replies not unlike those which their male defenders had suggested in the council. some of them said: "if the men were afraid that they might be shot, why should they ask the women to go in their place?" then it was explained just why the request was made. immediately some of the bolder women and girls, taking their buckets, opened the gates and started toward the spring, which was only a short distance from the fort. frightened, the women undoubtedly were, and with good reason. but with unbroken lines they continued on their way to the spring. one by one they knelt and filled their buckets and then joined the line which was returning to the fort. when the matrons and maids had arrived within a few yards of the open gate their terror became so overpowering that they all began to run for the shelter. many a dusky face had been seen on the borders of the forest, but not a shot was fired at the bold girls and the women of bryant's station when they brought the water from the spring to the inmates of the fort. "now is our time," said one of the men, after the return of the women. "we ought to do two things: first we must get some one out of the fort to carry word to boone of the trouble we are having." "and second?" inquired one of the company. "we must send out some of the younger men to attack that decoy party." "that's right," suggested one of the young men eagerly. "we must go out and make all the noise we can. then all the other men here in the fort can be ready for girty when he comes, and i know he will come." "i will carry the message to boone," volunteered one of the younger men named bell. it was arranged that he should depart with the young men who were to attack the decoy party, and then instead of returning to the fort he should make a dash into the forest and try to make his way to boonesborough as speedily as possible. the men in the fort were all serious when they saw thirteen of their younger companions depart from the fort through the gate which opened toward the place where the decoy party had been seen. "do not chase the varmints too far," charged one of the watching men. no response was given to the warning, and as soon as the hardy, young settlers had departed the gate was closed and the remaining men, cocking their guns, took their positions to await the result of the expected attack as soon as it should be unmasked. it was not long before the report of rifles was heard from the distant road, and gradually the sound indicated that the men were being decoyed farther and farther from the fort. "girty will order an attack on us soon, now that the boys have made so much noise," suggested one of the waiting defenders. scarcely had the man spoken when simon girty, springing from the forest at the head of five hundred of his painted warriors, rushed upon the western gate of the fort. it was plain that they were trying to force their way over the undefended palisade. the men of the station had been carefully arranged in small divisions; and at the word from their leaders they fired upon the approaching warriors. the determination of the white men and their anxiety for their wives and children served to steady the nerve of every man and make of him a sharpshooter. the consternation of girty's army cannot be described. startled by the unexpected resistance and beholding their comrades falling on every side of them, with wild cries of anger and dismay the painted braves scattered, and in confusion all ran back into the sheltering forest. two minutes after the sally not an indian was to be seen, and the party of thirteen young settlers returned to the shelter of the fort. every defender of bryant's station, however, was aware that this was but the beginning of the siege. the attack now was undertaken more in accordance with the usual methods of indian warfare. from behind trees or protected by rocks the red men fired upon the defenders whenever any one showed himself. and the men of bryant's station were replying to the attack in kind. not much time had elapsed before it was plain that this method of warfare was without marked effect on either party. by the middle of the afternoon, however, a sudden change occurred which instantly altered the entire combat. the cause of this change was due to the messenger who had been sent from bryant's station as soon as the discovery of the indians had been made. upon the fleetest horse in the settlement young bell had succeeded in making his way to lexington, with news of the dire need of help at bryant's station. the messenger, however, was keenly disappointed when he found only the women and children and a few old men in the place. he was informed that the able-bodied men had all marched to the rendezvous at hoy's station as soon as the knowledge of holder's defeat had been received. following the direction in which he had been informed the fighting band had gone, it was not long before bell overtook them and gave them his message. in the band were sixteen mounted men and more than twice that number of men on foot. as they set forth in response to bell's appeal, their courage was strengthened by the report of the coming of a force of men from boone's station, among whom were peleg, israel, and the great scout himself. chapter xxv a field of corn at a good pace the band was moving steadily over the rough roadway that led to bryant's station. the men were silent for the most part, for they had serious work before them. what a siege by five hundred indians was likely to be, led by such a man as simon girty, required no description. the mounted men, however, preceding the men on foot, found little on their way to indicate the peril of their friends. it was late summer now, and already some of the leaves of the forest were tinged with the colours of autumn. the song of a bird was seldom heard, although the locusts were noisily announcing their presence in the treetops. as the advancing men came nearer the end of their journey their precautions increased. the men on horseback still led, but were closer to their comrades than in the earlier part of the journey. the information which the courier had brought had been so meagre that the exact location of girty's band of warriors was not known. bell had reported only that bryant's station was besieged and that girty was the leader of the howling horde of savages. bryant's station was less than a mile and a half distant. the advancing men were in a bend in the road, on one side of which stretched the primeval forest, while on the other one hundred or more acres had been cleared and planted to corn. the stalks of corn were higher than the head of the tallest man in the band. "come on!" called peleg to israel and his friends. "let the men who are riding go around by the road and we'll cut across lots through this cornfield." the suggestion at once was acted upon, and the men on foot, among whom were most of the boys and younger men in the rescuing party, ran into the cornfield where they were soon concealed from the sight of their companions. around them the stalks were standing so high that it would have been an easy matter for one not accustomed to such places to lose his way. meanwhile, the mounted men continued on their way. it was unknown to them, as it was also to their companions in the cornfield, that the keen-eyed indians had been aware of the departure of the courier from bryant's station. indeed, it was suspected afterward that intentionally the red men had permitted him to proceed through their lines. all the warriors apparently were eager for the messenger to return and bring the men who doubtless would respond to his appeal. consequently, when the mounted men drew near the forest opposite the cornfield, they had no information or even suspicion that girty's warriors, concealed behind the trunks of the great trees, were awaiting their coming. steadily advancing, the horsemen soon were drawing near the place where the ambuscade had been formed. meanwhile, peleg and israel, in advance of their comrades, had been moving through the cornfield. they had arrived at a point which they thought must be midway in the great field, when at the sound of a gun both young pioneers stopped short, and israel seized peleg's arm as his face became pale and he said, "what has happened?" there was slight need for peleg to reply to the startling question. on the august air arose the reports of many rifles and the terrifying whoops of the indians. it was impossible for the men in the cornfield to see what was occurring in the road. they were aware of the attack, of course, and there was slight doubt in the mind of any that the entrance of the men on foot into the cornfield had been seen by their watching enemies. "keep close to me," said peleg to his companion. "it is every man for himself, now, but i want you to stay by me. we will take our chances that way." peleg started when a whoop wilder and fiercer than any that had preceded it came from the bend in the road. "i wonder if they got every man," whispered israel, his voice trembling in his excitement. "i do not believe one of our men suspected there was any danger here. not even my father spoke of it." "your father does not always speak of his fears. if it is possible for any one to get away i am sure your father will be safe." "what's that?" whispered israel sharply. from the sounds it was evident that some at least of the mounted men were fleeing from the place. the shots of the indians were plainly heard, and it was clear that they were following the fugitives. perhaps a few had contrived to force their way around the bend. the two anxious young settlers, however, soon were recalled to the perils of their own position. suddenly, not far to their right, they heard a rustling sound, as of the furtive approach of some one moving through the standing corn. "drop!" whispered peleg. "don't move! do not say a word!" the two boys cast themselves upon the ground, each holding his rifle in readiness for instant use. the sound of some one moving in the midst of the corn might indicate the presence of an enemy or of a friend, and until the anxious boys could determine which was near, they remained motionless. all at once the silence which had continued for moments was broken by whoops nearby, and the reports of rifles from within the field. both boys were startled when each looked into the other's face and found his suspicions confirmed. the indians were aware of the presence of the settlers in the cornfield and were stealthily entering from every side of the field at the same time. already some of the unfortunate settlers had been found and their fate had been sealed. the summer stillness was broken by the wild whoops which indicated the success of some warrior in bringing his victim to the ground. there were also calls and cries from the wounded, mingled with the frequent reports of the rifles. the standing corn, a few yards in advance of the place where peleg and israel were lying, now suddenly was drawn apart and the boys saw three painted shawnee warriors in single file stealthily making their way between the tall stalks. they concluded that discovery was not to be avoided, and after peleg had whispered to his companion to follow his example, one after the other the boys raised their rifles and fired upon their enemies. aware that one and perhaps two of the approaching red men had fallen and that the third warrior had darted rapidly away at the discharge of the guns, both boys sprang to their feet, and, crouching low, began to run through the corn. both were too experienced to lose their way easily, and not many minutes had elapsed before peleg, without speaking, laid his hand warningly on his friend's shoulder. instantly both stopped and listened. peleg believed that they had arrived near the border of the field. he was fearful now that reserves had been stationed so that from whatever side the unfortunate settlers might attempt to escape they would be met by the bullets of the watching warriors. both boys listened intently until several minutes had elapsed. "we had better separate here," whispered israel. peleg hesitated a moment and then quietly nodded his assent. the possibility of escape, slight as it was, would be increased if they proceeded singly rather than together. "you know the way to the station?" whispered peleg. israel nodded his head, and, moving to a place twenty feet to his left, turned, and in a course parallel to the one peleg was following, cautiously continued on his way toward the border of the field. when peleg came near to the edge of the field he stopped once more and peered cautiously all about him, listening for sounds that might indicate the presence of his enemies. from behind him still were heard the shouts and shrieks that were mingled with the reports of the guns and the whoops of the excited indians. somehow, in spite of his peril, the beat of the young settler's heart seemed to be almost normal. he watched a little field mouse that fearlessly peered up at him from the ground. he even counted the swings of a spider making her web between the swaying branches of an enormous stalk of corn. apparently the fighting was confined to the farther side of the field. only infrequent sounds of the conflict were heard at his right and left, while from the region before him there had been almost no sounds of conflict at all. was the border in front of him unguarded? or was it doubly dangerous because the indians were attempting from the other three sides to drive the unfortunate men into a trap? stealthily peleg still crept forward. after each step he paused and looked keenly about him as he listened for sounds which might indicate renewed peril. he had seen nothing of israel since his friend had left him. suddenly he was startled to hear what evidently were the sounds of a struggle between two men nearby. the laboured breathing and an occasional exclamation which he heard alike convinced him of this. with increasing anxiety peleg crept forward. he was not molested when he came to the end of the row, but before him he saw a contest which threatened to terminate speedily as well as fatally for israel boone. the son of the great scout was in the hands of a white man, and was struggling desperately. his contestant, however, plainly was much the stronger. peleg saw the face of the man distinctly, and he assured himself that never before had he looked upon so villainous a countenance. the man's face was distorted and discoloured by his efforts, and the perspiration streamed down his cheeks leaving furrows behind it. in spite of his excitement, peleg asked himself if the man's face had ever been washed. the necessity for quick action, if his friend was to be rescued, caused peleg instantly to raise his rifle to his shoulder and fire. israel's contestant dropped to the ground as peleg had seen an ox collapse from the blow of an axe. instantly darting to the side of his friend, peleg whispered, "come!" "that is simon girty!" gasped israel, looking down into the face of the fallen man before him. startled as peleg was by the words of his companion, he did not wait to verify them, but turned back at once into the cornfield. as soon as he had gone a short distance, bidding israel follow him, he turned to his left, and, still running swiftly and silently, the boys advanced a hundred yards; they then turned abruptly to their right in the direction of the side of the field where they had first entered. although mystified by the action of his companion, israel did not protest as he followed peleg in his flight. chapter xxvi the white shawnee again again turning to his left, peleg, still followed by his friend, ran swiftly toward the border of the cornfield. the cries and whoops in a measure had died away, and from what he could hear peleg concluded that some of his friends had escaped from the field and were being pursued in their flight toward the fort. when peleg and israel found they were near the road, on the opposite side of which stood the forest where the indians had made their ambuscade, they peered cautiously in all directions, but were unable to see any of their enemies. that another band of warriors had followed in pursuit of the men who had escaped from the first attack and from the fight in the cornfield was most likely, they concluded. peleg whispered: "the safest place for us is where the indians were hidden. they have gone from there and will not come back to look for any of us." israel nodded his head in assent, and, firmly grasping their rifles, the boys darted across the road and gained the shelter of the trees. when the two young scouts were convinced that their immediate presence had not been discovered, peleg said to israel: "are you sure you can find your way if we again separate?" "yes," answered israel. "but the indians are between us and the fort. do you think we can ever get through?" "we must," said peleg. "the folk at bryant's station are in such danger that not one of us must fail them now." the words hardly had been spoken when there was a sharp report of a rifle, and a bullet passed so near them that both boys heard it singing on its way. moved by a common impulse, they turned and dashed into the forest. whether or no any of their enemies were hiding behind the trees toward which they were running neither knew. they were chiefly intent upon speed now, and ran on for several minutes, well knowing that their lives depended upon the success of their efforts. at last, breathless, both halted for a rest, and peleg said to his companion, "i am sure it will be better for us to separate now. you know the way, and can look out for yourself. i shall come, too, and if we succeed in getting through, it had better be before night." "yes," assented israel. "if we wait until dark and then creep up to the fort, the guards will be likely to fire upon us, mistaking us for indians." with these words israel departed. peleg watched his friend as long as he remained within sight, and then began with caution to retrace the way over which they had come. keeping a firm grip upon singing susan, peleg darted from tree to tree and did not venture from each refuge until he was convinced that no one was near him. his attempt to proceed was interrupted, however, by the report of a rifle, and again a bullet whistled uncomfortably close to his head, tearing some splinters from the tree at his elbow. the young scout at his utmost speed darted into the wood at his right. he was aware that a swift flight could not long be maintained because of his recent exertions. where a refuge might be found he did not know. but just then he noticed the trunk of what appeared to be a huge hollow tree leaning over a shallow brook, across which he must leap if he continued his flight. he entered the stream, ran swiftly a few steps with the current, and then retraced his way to the tree. it was but the work of a moment for him to climb to the broken top, and great was his relief when he saw that the tree indeed was hollow. without thought of where he might fall he dropped into the welcome opening. he fell several feet before the decayed wood provided a foothold strong enough to enable him to stand. fortunately the hollow of the tree was larger than his body, and although he was cramped and almost blinded by the decayed mass, he nevertheless managed to reach his hunting-knife, and, making a small opening through the soft wood, peeped out to see if his enemies were within sight. as he did so his fears were aroused that the tree itself might fall. it was a mere shell and so decayed that he was surprised that his descent had not torn it asunder. at that moment a wild cry, plainly from the road, came to his ears. then shouts were followed by the reports of guns and answering whoops from the indians. anxious for his friend israel, peleg turned once more to ascertain if any of his enemies were near his hiding-place. he was hopeful that his trail could not be followed farther than the bank of the little brook, although he was sufficiently familiar with indian ways to know that the red men, if they really were pursuing him, would run in either direction along the banks until they found the place where he had left the water. he smiled as he recalled how he had been standing in the stream when he had thrown his arms around the trunk of the bending tree. singing susan was still held, but it would be impossible for him in his cramped position to make use of her musical voice. suddenly peleg was startled to behold an indian step forth from the forest and stand for a moment on the bank of the stream almost directly beneath him. his surprise increased when he recognized the warrior as henry. he had believed that the white shawnee, as henry had loved to call himself, had been killed in the attack on boonesborough. his brave deed in extinguishing the fire that had been kindled by the burning arrow had been followed, as peleg and others had believed, by his death. at least every one had seen him fall from the roof and roll to the ground. it is true, his body had not been recovered, but there were other bodies which had similarly disappeared. when his first feeling of astonishment had passed and peleg was convinced that it indeed was henry who was beneath him, a feeling of intense anger swept over the young settler. henry was white, and yet had renounced his allegiance to his own people and gone back to the shawnees, and with them he was now making war upon his own nation! there was little in his present appearance to distinguish him from other braves of the tribe. he wore the scalp-lock and was clad in the indian garb. peleg's problem in part was solved when at that moment the rotten wood gave way beneath him, and the tree, unable longer to support the weight of the young scout, fell with a crash to the ground. as it struck the bank the tree was rent asunder, and to the white shawnee's astonishment peleg scrambled to his feet from out of the wreckage. before he could brush the dust from his eyes and bring singing susan to his shoulder henry leaped forward and placed both hands upon the barrel of the rifle, saying, "no shoot broder." "you are no brother of mine!" said peleg. "you are a shawnee and not a white shawnee, either! you are fighting us!" "no fight broder," repeated henry. "broder show way to fort." for some strange reason which peleg was unable to explain even to himself, he said abruptly: "lead the way, then! if you can take me safely through the line of these savages, i shall never forget you." the young scout was eager to inquire of his companion what had befallen him and why he had returned to the shawnees. his present peril, however, was so great that he restrained his impulse, and in silence followed henry as he led the way toward bryant's station. occasionally a halt was made when from some nearby place shots were heard indicating that the scattered settlers were being pursued either in small detachments or individually, for the terrified men had scattered when first the ambuscade had been discovered. when henry, who apparently was aware of the location of the besieging braves, drew near the fort he stopped and said: "now go." peleg looked about him, and, unable to discover any of his enemies nearby, followed the advice which had been given him, and, placing his hat on the end of the barrel of singing susan as a token of his peaceful intentions, approached the gate. he was at once admitted, and his relief was great when the first to greet him was israel boone. "how many are here?" asked peleg. "i do not know," answered israel. "i have heard that only six of our men were killed or wounded. when we all started toward lexington they might have chased us all the way and taken the fort there, because there was nobody left to fight for it." "how many indians were in that ambuscade?" asked peleg. "i hear there were three hundred." "how did you get to the fort?" "i ran straight ahead for an hour," replied israel with a smile. "how did you come?" "henry got me through the lines." "henry!" demanded israel in surprise. "henry! i thought he was dead." "so did i, but he is very much alive. i had no time to ask him how he came to be here. i was thinking mostly of getting inside the fort." "it is a comfort to know that at least girty will not lead any more----" israel stopped speaking as a lusty shout was heard from a stump that stood near one of the bastions, and the two young defenders to their amazement beheld simon girty himself standing erect upon the stump and waving a cloth which at some time in its history may have been white. in response to this hail every man ran to hear what the renegade leader of the indians had to say. they were soon to know the purpose for which girty, on his hands and knees, had crept to the place where he now was standing. "what do you want?" shouted one of the defenders. "i have come," replied girty in a loud voice, "to save your lives. we have more than six hundred warriors here, and by to-morrow we shall have more. some of our friends will bring cannon, and when we have them we can blow every cabin in bryant's station into flinders. if we storm your fort, as we sure can do when we get our cannon, i will not promise that one life will be spared. you know the redskins well enough to understand how i shall not be able to hold them back. if you surrender now, i give you my word of honour that not a hair of the head of any one of you shall be hurt. i am simon girty, and you know you can rely upon every word i speak." a derisive cry from several of the defenders greeted this assertion, but when peleg and israel looked about them they were aware that many of the men had been strongly moved by girty's appeal. chapter xxvii the struggle in the ravine before any conference of the defenders could be held, one of the younger men leaped to the wall to reply to girty's plea. "you know who i am, don't you?" called girty. "indeed i do know!" shouted young reynolds: "everybody south of the falls of ohio knows that you are simon girty. i have a good-for-nothing cur dog which i have named simon girty, or simon dirty, he looks so much like you. if you have any reinforcements or artillery, bring them up! but let me warn you that if you or any of those naked rascals with you ever get into this fort we shall not use our guns upon them. we have no powder to waste on such wretches. we have cut some big bunches of birch switches and have scattered them all through the fort; and that is just what we cut them for--to thrash you and your rascally comrades. and let me tell you," he continued, "that you are not the only ones who are expecting reinforcements! we have received word that the whole country is aroused and marching to help us, simon girty!" he shouted. "if you and your gang of murderers stay twenty-four hours longer before the fort you will never be able to leave. your scalps will be drying in the sun on the roofs of our cabins." a loud laugh from his friends greeted the words of the young backwoods orator, and it was plain that the spirit which young reynolds had displayed had aroused the drooping courage of his companions. many of the men were aware that on more than one occasion the indians had indeed brought cannon with them, and by their aid had succeeded in destroying two of the stations. all became silent when simon girty once more stood up to reply. "it is too bad," began the renegade, "it's a pity that such people should be tomahawked and scalped! i can protect you now, if you will surrender, but i give you fair warning if you do not i shall not be able to hold back my warriors." a derisive shout greeted this declaration, and in apparent sorrow simon girty at once withdrew. it was not known within the fort that he instantly ordered preparations to be made for raising the siege. throughout the night not a sound was heard, and when daylight came the indian camp was deserted! when peleg and israel sought the place where the warriors had encamped they found the fires still burning brightly and even pieces of meat left on the roasting-sticks. "you see!" said israel gleefully. "they left just a little while before daylight." "yes," said peleg, "that is when they usually roast their meat. i wonder if they are all really gone?" the rejoicing at bryant's station was great when it was known that the indians had departed. before noon the fighting force of white men was increased to one hundred and sixty-seven. among those who entered came daniel boone, or colonel boone as some now called him, since he had received his commission from colonel clark. "what does this mean?" demanded israel when he saw his younger brother daniel among the men in the assembly, "what are you doing here?" "i think i have as good a right to come as you," retorted boone's younger son. "i am almost seventeen." "and old enough to know better," laughed peleg, who was fond of the boy and many a time had taken him with him on his expeditions into the forest. the officers, who had hastened to the place as soon as reports of its peril had been brought, now assembled, and at once called the men of bryant's station to a conference. "it is known," explained colonel todd, "that colonel logan has collected a strong force in lincoln and that it will be here within twenty-four hours. if we wait for his coming we shall be that much stronger when we start in pursuit of girty and his savages. what do you think?" he asked, addressing boone, who stood leaning upon his rifle in the rear of the assembly. "it will be wise to wait," replied boone quietly. "i have never found it to be a mistake to get ready before you attempt to do anything. girty, according to his story, has treble our numbers. the trail which the shawnees have left behind is so plain and so broad that i am suspicious that they have made signs which they hope will lead us to pursue them. my advice is to wait until colonel logan shall come with his men." the younger members of the force, however, were unwilling to delay. to them appearances were convincing that the indians had fled because they were alarmed. now was the time, they declared, when the savages ought to be chased and taught a lesson! if there should be a delay even of a day in following them, the indians would gain such an advance that they could not be overtaken and punished for their evil deeds. the fiery zeal of the young men was not to be denied. against the counsel of boone and others of the older scouts, who had long experience in dealing with their indian enemies, a swift pursuit instantly was begun. many of the men were mounted on horses, but the entire mass, horse and foot, kept well together. the eager party had not gone far from bryant's station before a halt was called, when it was discovered that the retiring indians had turned into the buffalo road and, almost as if they were attempting to make their trail still more evident, it was noticed that they had chopped many of the trees, on either side with their hatchets. boone shook his head when he discovered these indications of apparent carelessness in the band they were following. "my opinion is," he said soberly to colonel todd, "that girty is trying to lead us on. just as our men ran into their trap on the way to bryant's station, i am afraid now that they will be led into another." "but it is too late to go back," said colonel todd. "yes, i am afraid our men will not go back now. my only word of advice to you is to go ahead cautiously." "will you be one of the advance guard?" "if you so desire." "at least you are not afraid, and you will not see what is not there." "i shall do my best," said boone quietly. as peleg, who was standing nearby and had heard the conversation, looked into the face of his friend he became aware that the years of anxiety had left their mark upon his rugged countenance. there was, however, a deeper expression of gentleness on the face of the great scout which in no way detracted from the impression of strength which his entire body still produced. orders were soon given to camp for the night in the forest, and on the following day the little army arrived at the lower blue licks. just as the force, proceeding without any form of order, arrived at the southern bank of the licking, some of the men saw several indians climbing the rocky ridge on the opposite side. the red men halted when the kentuckians appeared, looked at them intently a few minutes in silence, and then, as calmly and leisurely as if no enemies were near, disappeared over the top of the hill. a halt of the white men was made at once, and several of the officers held a consultation. apparently there were differences of opinion among the leaders, for after a few minutes had elapsed colonel todd summoned daniel boone and inquired his opinion as to what had best be done. all the officers were now very serious. the great scout, leaning upon his rifle, spoke in the deep, quiet tones he usually used: "my opinion is that our situation is critical and difficult. the force before us without question is ready for battle and outnumbers us largely." "why do you think that?" inquired colonel todd. "because of the easy and slow retreat of the indians who just went over the crest of yonder hill. i am familiar with all this region and i am fearful they are trying to draw us on. about a mile ahead of us there are two ravines, one on either side of the ridge. there the indians can hide and attack us at the same time, both in front and on our flanks, almost before we could know they were there." "what do you think is the best thing to do, then?" inquired colonel todd seriously. "my advice," said boone, "is to do one of two things: either wait for the coming of colonel logan, who without doubt is on his way to join us; or, if it is decided to attack the indians without waiting for him to come up, then my advice is that half our force ought to go up the river, cross the rapids, and fall upon the indians from that side at the same time the others attack them from the front." "i am afraid that cannot be done," said colonel todd, shaking his head. "whatever is done," said boone quietly, "my advice to you is to go over the ground carefully before the men cross the river here. send some scouts ahead. i have never found, colonel todd, that any man lost by being prepared for what might befall him." every man in the little assembly was listening with deep attention to the great scout who was a man of silence unless his advice was sought. when he ceased some urged the adoption of his recommendation to wait for the coming of colonel logan and his men. there were others, however, who were strongly in favour of advancing at once. in the midst of the warm discussion major mcgary, one of the young officers who was unable to endure the thought of being near an enemy and not fighting, let out a wild whoop. at the same moment he waved his hand over his head, spurred his horse into the river and then shouted in his loudest tone, "let all who are not cowards follow me!" instantly the mounted men dashed into the river, every one apparently striving to be the first to gain the opposite shore. the men on foot also rushed into the stream, which for a time seemed to be a rolling mass of men and water. no order had been given and no order now was desired. through the deep river horses and men staggered forward, with mcgary still leading the way. they gained the opposite shore where the unprotected nature of the ground seemed to forbid their advance. trampled by the buffalo, every bush and low tree had been stripped bare. multitudes of rocks blackened by the sunlight were to be seen on every side. no scouts were sent in advance and none acted on the flanks. the contagious example of major mcgary acted like magic, and men and horses went forward as if every one was doing his utmost to outstrip his neighbour. along with the others went daniel boone, his two boys, and peleg. the expression of boone's face had not changed since his sober advice had been disregarded by his impulsive comrades. but he was not one to draw back when his friends were rushing into action. suddenly the men in front halted. they had arrived at the place mentioned by the scout, where the two ravines met. a small body of indians appeared for a moment and fired at the approaching settlers. instantly mcgary and the men with him returned the fire, although they were at a great disadvantage because they were standing upon a bare and open ridge, while their enemies were in a ravine in which the bushes partly concealed the warriors. as the reports of the guns were heard, the men in the rear rushed forward to assist their friends. but before they were able to gain the ridge they were stopped by a terrible fire from the ravine which was on their flank. they halted, and it was almost as if they had been shut in by the jaws of some enormous beast. there was no cover, and a terrible fire was being poured into them from front and side, while their enemies still were hidden from sight. gradually, however, the indians pushed out from the ravine as the fire became fiercer. indeed they were striving to extend their lines and turn the right of the kentuckians so that their retreat would be cut off. as soon as this was made clear by the increase of the firing from that quarter, the men in the rear attempted to fall back, and then by breaking through the attacking party, gain their only way of escape--to the river. their actions, in part misunderstood by their companions, created what was almost a panic. from the ravine to the river the sight was indescribable. above the reports of the guns rose the shrieks and cries of the wounded and the wild and merciless whoops of the indians. many of the mounted men escaped, but those who were fighting on foot were in deadly peril. daniel boone, in the thick of the fight, saw his boy, israel, fall lifeless before the guns of the indians. even the death of his son, however, did not prevent the great scout from becoming aware that he himself was almost entirely surrounded by the frantic, howling, whooping mob of warriors. chapter xxviii at the lower blue licks it was in such crises that the great scout best displayed the qualities which had made him a marked man among the pioneers. it had been impossible for him to rescue the body of his fallen son. around him on every side were heard shouts and cries and the continual report of the rifles. whatever occurred, daniel boone was never long at a loss how to act. controlling his feelings, he turned to the men who were near him and said quietly, "come with me!" as the men obediently followed, the scout, who was familiar with the entire region, instead of running toward the ford as most of the fugitives now were doing, dashed into the ravine where many of the indians previously had been concealed. apparently they had now left to join in the wild pursuit of the demoralized settlers. boone and his comrades were not to escape, however, without attracting the attention of some of the howling indians. a half dozen or more discovered the fleeing settlers and with wild whoops started in swift pursuit. it was here that boone's knowledge of the region, as well as his coolness, came to his aid. leading the way to a place in the ravine where there was a narrow passage between the rocks, he ordered his companions to precede him, while he himself raised his rifle with deliberation and fired at the approaching indians. the entire band halted, for their own rifles were not loaded at the time and they were depending upon a similar condition among the whites. the red men were now relying on their tomahawks. as soon as the band halted, boone waited a moment to assure himself that his companions were safe, and then, running swiftly, rejoined them. when the fleeing men came to the end of the ravine, once more they found a small band of their foes awaiting them, and with wild cries they started toward them. but the great scout, in spite of the need of haste, had bidden his companions to reload in preparation for this very emergency. after receiving the fire from their guns, the indians dropped back, while the white men, quickly making use of the advantage thus afforded, were able to escape to the woods beyond. "we shall now be able to make our way to bryant's station," said boone. "there will be no indians to interfere with us from this time on." his words proved to be correct, and by the middle of the afternoon the half-dozen men with the great scout arrived safely at the fort. throughout the remainder of the day many of the men who had so confidently gone forth in the morning came straggling back to the fort. peleg, who had been among those who rushed to the ford, returned to bryant's station when it was nearly dusk. he had secured the aid of two others, and the three were carrying young daniel boone, who also had been shot in the fight at the licks. it was soon discovered that boone's younger son was not seriously wounded. when the welcome information was received the face of the great scout remained unchanged in its expression, though the deathly pallor, that for a moment had spread over it when he had been informed of what had befallen his boy, disappeared. "'tis a wonder," said peleg, "that any of us are left alive to tell the story. some of us ran up the stream and swam across. young dan was as brave as any man in the crowd. even after he had been shot in the shoulder he did not give up, but he swam across the stream, keeping up with the rest of us. the men who could not swim were the ones that were shot down or were made prisoners without being able to do anything to defend themselves." "were any shot after you had crossed the river?" inquired boone. "i do not know of any," replied peleg. "but from the ravine clear down to the ford the loss was heavy. one of the bravest deeds i ever saw in my life was that of young aaron reynolds--he is the one who made us laugh when simon girty mounted the stump and gave us his speech. reynolds was on horseback, and about halfway between the battle ground and the ford he found captain patterson completely worn out. the captain had dropped in his tracks, he was so exhausted, for you see he had been wounded three or four times in the fights we had with the indians two or three years ago." "i remember that he was," said boone. "the indians were almost ready to close up on the captain, but just at that moment reynolds saw what was going on. he jumped from his saddle, helped captain patterson to mount, and then turned and ran on foot as fast as he could go. he ran like a deer after he was out of the main road, then jumped into the river right where you said you crossed, and swam to the other side. there he had some serious trouble, though. he was wearing a pair of buckskin breeches and they became so heavy and full of water when he was in the river that he could not run very fast when he struck the shore. when he sat down and tried to get rid of a part of the water some of the indians rushed up and before he knew it he was their prisoner." "did you say he is here now?" inquired boone. "yes, sir. i was afraid the indians would tomahawk him, but they kept to their regular plan of not putting any of their prisoners to death until they get back to their own country, so reynolds wasn't troubled very much at the time. they left him in charge of three of the braves while the others started for some more of our men who were nearby. the three indians were so excited when they saw our men that two of them left reynolds in charge of the third while they ran to join in the chase with the others. then the indian that had reynolds in his charge started for the woods." "were they both armed?" asked boone. "reynolds had had his rifle taken away from him, but the indian had a tomahawk and a rifle in his hands. after they had gone a little way the indian stooped to tie the string of his moccasin and aaron instantly jumped upon him, knocked him down with his fist and then ran for the woods. captain patterson has just come in and he says he is going to give aaron two hundred acres of the best land he owns." such of the bodies as had been recovered were now being brought to the fort, and the fact that many of the men of bryant's station had been made prisoners by the attacking indians increased the feeling of gloom that settled upon the place. among the men who had fallen was colonel todd, who had sought the advice of the great scout and then did not follow it. long before nightfall colonel logan and his men arrived at bryant's station. in his force were no less than four hundred and fifty men. upon their arrival they learned from the men who had succeeded in returning to the fort of the fate which had befallen the band which colonel todd had led against the indians. waiting to hear no more, greatly alarmed for his friends and suspecting that only a part of the disaster had been reported, colonel logan at once led his men over the way by which the defenders of the fort had gone in their untimely pursuit of their wily foe. [illustration: "silently the men crossed the ford"] with colonel logan went daniel boone and peleg, as well as many others of the defenders. the great scout showed plainly the suffering through which he was passing. two of his boys had been shot by the relentless shawnees and his third son had received a severe wound. apparently boone did not believe that his sufferings were to be relieved by anything his friends could do to aid him. he had seldom spoken since the men had departed from the station, but peleg was confident that he understood the purpose which was urging the gentle-hearted hunter forward. the second day the advancing soldiers came near to the place where the fight had occurred. long before they had arrived, however, peleg had shuddered when he discovered flocks of circling buzzards that were hovering over the battle ground. he glanced into the face of his companion when the discovery had been made, and knew that the scout also understood the meaning of their presence. when the advancing band approached the bank of the river they discovered many of the bodies still floating near the shore. they were the unfortunate victims that had been shot by the indians after they had rushed into the stream. a silence, indescribable, intense, awful, settled over all the men. there were tears in the eyes of some of the hardiest of the settlers at the fearful sight upon which they looked. no man was able to recognize among the putrid bodies the face of his lost friend. silently the men crossed the ford and advanced toward the ravine. in the scene of the recent fight the sight was even more heartbreaking. here, too, the bodies of the many who had fallen could no longer be distinguished one from another. daniel boone, unmindful of the presence of his comrades, had been searching quietly among the bodies for that of his missing boy. even the men who were most eager in their search for their friends stopped a moment as they watched the man in his agonizing and fruitless quest. the great scout soon turned to colonel logan and said: "'tis no use, colonel. we must give the poor fellows decent burial here and now." the men at once carried out the bidding which their leader gave. silently the settlers, for the moment all thoughts of vengeance gone from their minds, dug trenches wherever the soil permitted, and in these the bodies of their dead and mutilated friends were buried. there were many faces in the band down which the tears were rolling while this task was being accomplished. the manner of the great scout, however, was unchanged. only the deepening of the lines in his face and his unusual pallor gave indications of the strain through which he was passing. his manner still was silent and self-controlled, as in the days when the joyous things of life had more often been his portion. when the gruesome task at last was finished, it was daniel boone himself who said to colonel logan in reply to the latter's inquiries: "it is useless now to try to follow the shawnees." "why do you say that?" inquired the colonel. "because by this time they are far beyond our reach. they have lost no time, you may be sure." "how many captives do you think they have taken with them?" "not many," said boone. "but there are some sixty-seven of our men missing." "yes," assented boone, "but we have accounted for nearly sixty this day." "i am told," suggested the colonel, "that they will put every prisoner to death, or so many of them as may be required to make good any loss they themselves have had." the great scout shook his head as he replied: "the indians have not lost as many as we." "why do you say that?" "because the advantage was all with them. they greatly outnumbered us, and in a good part of the fight they were sheltered by the rocks while our men were fighting in the open. it was the bloodiest fight i was ever in." "and to you one of the saddest," suggested the colonel. boone nodded his head but did not speak. "i cannot understand," continued the colonel, "why it is that you take your own troubles so quietly. you certainly have suffered more than most men on the border, and yet i fancy the man has yet to be born who has heard you complain." "and why should i complain?" inquired boone, smiling as he looked into the face of his friend. "it does not make my own griefs less to try to have another share them. that is something no one can do. my heart, at least, must bear its own burden. if any one thinks that his troubles are less than those that come to his friends, he is probably mistaken. my experience has led me to believe that almost every one has about all he can bear. there are only two classes of people, at least as far as i have observed--and i am well aware how little i know in this particular--but as i said--there are only two classes of people that cry and laugh easily." "who are they?" "children and savages. neither class has learned to control itself. a strong man shows his strength, at least in my humble judgment," boone added modestly, "by being able to refrain from useless words, and by not whining over his troubles." "i think you are correct," said colonel logan musingly. "now, then," he continued after a moment, "is it your judgment that the best thing for us to do is to return to bryant's station?" "it is." "then if it is a good thing to do it will be well for us to do it quickly. i shall see that the order is given. we have some stirring days before us because i am sure it will never do to let the shawnees believe for any length of time that they have been able to defeat the white men." chapter xxix to the meeting-place the judgment of daniel boone was accepted by all the men in the band. indeed there were many now who were blaming others as well as themselves for not having listened to the word of the wise old scout before they had entered into the unequal struggle with the indians at blue licks. swiftly and seriously the men retraced their way to bryant's station, where they were dismissed by colonel logan with the understanding that they would respond if he should call for their help in the near future. this he fully expected to do. in a rude wagon daniel boone and peleg carried the wounded boy back to his home. the wound itself was not believed to be serious, although naturally after the tragedies which had occurred in his family daniel boone was anxious for his son. daniel morgan boone, or "young dan," as he sometimes was called by the settlers, to distinguish him from his father, made light of his experiences and even declared that he was prepared to ride his horse back to boonesborough instead of being carried in the jolting wagon. his protest, however, was not heeded, and in a short time the boonesborough men were back in their settlement. to all it now was evident that daniel boone held a place in the regard of the settlers such as he never before had won. his deep sorrow over the distressing tragedies which had resulted in the loss of two promising sons, and his willingness to do all in his power to aid his friends: these qualities won him sympathy and affection in addition to the respect in which he was held because of his excellent judgment. the simple manner of the great scout, his skill as a hunter, his knowledge of the indians, and his enduring friendship, were more highly appreciated with every passing day. shortly after the return of boone and his companions, the scout said to peleg, "i have just received word from colonel george rogers clark from the falls of the ohio." "what does he want?" asked peleg quickly. the sturdy colonel in control of the forces of the entire region was known to be a man of action, and one whose activities were familiar to all the settlers. "he sends me word," said boone quietly, "that he plans to raise a force of one thousand men to go against the indian towns." "why does he do that?" "he has two reasons: one is that the people are so discouraged and disappointed by the recent successes of the indians that many are thinking of withdrawing from kentucky. the other reason is that he thinks the indians ought not to be permitted to rest upon the victories which they have won, and that the battle of blue licks and the fight at bryant's station must be avenged, or the shawnees and the wyandottes will soon be more active than they have been." "what do you think?" inquired peleg. "it is not for me to say," replied boone, his rare smile lighting his face for a moment as he spoke. "but you think what you do not say," persisted peleg. "i think colonel clark is doing the only thing which will bring help to our stations. either the indians or we are to live in this country. it is a pity that we cannot say, the indians _and_ we; but from the feeling they have shown, and the way in which i know many of the whites look upon them, i am afraid such a plan will be impossible. there is then only one thing for us to do." "what is that?" "it must be decided once for all whether the country is to be occupied by the white men or by the red. there can be but one answer. however," continued boone, "i have little time to discuss these matters with you, now. it is a time for action, and much as you and i may dislike to leave our homes, we cannot lightly regard such a summons as colonel clark has sent us." "what is the plan?" "he proposes to raise an army of one thousand men, as i said, and march to destroy the indian villages." "where do we meet?" "at the falls of the ohio. i have seen colonel logan, and he is to assemble his men and march in one body to the meeting-place. my own judgment is that it would be better for the force to split up into smaller parties, but that is not for me to say. i have, however, arranged with colonel logan for you and six other men to go as a band of scouts to the north of the route we are to take, and at the same time have several bands move to the south. i do not believe there will be any danger before we arrive at the meeting-place, but it is well to provide for what may happen before it comes to pass. as you know, that has always been my plan. i do not think i ever had a fight with an indian that i did not try to think what he would do, or what i would do if i were in his place, before the real contest began." "are you to lead the scouts on the south?" "that is for the king to say," replied boone, smiling as he quoted the well-known saying of sam oliver. the following morning peleg, as leader of his little band of scouts, departed for the place of assembly. the advance to the falls of the ohio would require three days or more. it was not believed that there would be anything more than occasional attacks on the main body by small bands of indians, for few braves would dare to oppose the coming of this great army. in peleg's little band was sam oliver, the hunter. sam now was plainly showing the effects of the passing years. he was suffering from rheumatism acquired by exposure in the many winters during which he had been known throughout the settlements as a great hunter. his visits to the stations were more frequent than formerly, and he remained longer than in the preceding years. he was still sensitive, however, concerning his physical strength and skill, and refused to listen to any suggestion that he was not in condition to accompany the younger men on their way to the meeting-place of the army. "peleg," said sam oliver, when the party, all mounted, had set forth on their expedition, "i know a little indian town about seventy-five miles from here where we can get some horses." "is it on our way?" "it is not far from the river. if we can get a dozen or more horses it will make the heart of colonel clark rejoice." in explanation of the hunter's words, it may be said that stealing horses from the indians was not looked upon as any crime by the early pioneers. such a conviction may have been due in part to the fact that the tribes and white settlers were usually in a state of war with one another. the indians' intense distrust of the early settlers had, as we know, long ago deepened into enduring hatred. there were few who believed the indians were governed by any other than treacherous, bloodthirsty motives. so intense had become this belief along the border that it was well-nigh impossible for the men of that time to look upon the simple questions of right and wrong in any way that might favour the red men or even do them simple justice. to them they simply were enemies that must be driven from the region or exterminated. late in the following afternoon sam oliver, when his friends halted, donned his indian garb. in his disguise he was scarcely to be distinguished from one of the warriors. "i have learned the lingo, too," he said laughingly. "a good many times i have gone right into their villages and no one has suspected that i was a white man. i want to get about fifteen horses," continued sam, "and i want almost as much to get one of the indians alive." "what for?" demanded peleg in surprise. it was seldom that prisoners were made of the warriors at that time, because whenever a fight occurred it was usually a struggle to the death. the indians, however, occasionally, as we know from the experiences of the great scout himself, not only made captives of their prisoners, but at times adopted them into their tribes in place of young braves that had been killed in battle. "i want one for a pet," laughed sam oliver. "i would sooner have a rattlesnake," declared one of the party. "that is what i used to say," said sam, "but then that was years ago when i was young and slender. i know more about them now, and if i can get one alive i am going to make a pet of him." "you will be making a mistake," declared schoolmaster hargrave, who also was one of peleg's band. it had been long since he had wielded the ferrule or had taught the boys and girls in boonesborough. in recent years he had been toiling in the fields, as had the great scout and peleg. he was, however, scarcely more successful in raising tobacco than he had been in training the children in his school. the title of "schoolmaster" still clung to him, and when sam oliver laughed loudly and turned to answer his protest, he said, "well, schoolmaster, i can understand how you do not like the indians. you had some pretty wild experiences yourself, in the schoolhouse. i understand that two or three of the boys disguised themselves the way i have and put you out through the window. is that true?" whether the statement was true or not it was never explained, for the hunter suddenly warned his companions to become silent as they were approaching the village he was seeking. advancing with three of his companions and leaving peleg and the remainder of the party behind to await their return, sam stealthily began to make his way toward the little indian village which he said was located only a few yards distant from the spot where a halt had been made. sam was absent only two hours. his approach was heard by his waiting companions long before the hunter could be seen. it was plain, too, that he had been successful. the noise of snapping branches and an occasional whinny indicated that sam was not returning empty-handed. "did i not tell you what i would do?" boasted the hunter, when he returned. "i said i wanted a dozen horses. i have six, so that i am only half as happy as i ought to be." "you are happier now than you soon will be," retorted peleg, "unless we leave this part of the country right away." the horses which had been secured were all young and only partly broken. it was impossible for the party to mount them, and there were times when it was difficult even to lead them by the leathern straps which were fastened about their necks. sam acknowledged the seriousness of the situation, and no urging was required to make the men push forward rapidly. when night fell they selected for their camp a spot on the bend of a little stream. two of the men were assigned positions in the rear of the camp to watch for any pursuing indians. there was no fear of an attack from the opposite side of the stream. at midnight the guard was relieved, and as it was peleg's turn to take the position, he said quietly, "i can do this alone. all the rest of you turn in and get your sleep." his directions were speedily followed. the night passed without alarm, and the young scout was beginning to think that either the warriors of the village were aware of the plan of colonel clark, and had departed to join their own bands, or that they were absent from the village at the time, and had not yet learned of sam's theft. the first faint streaks of the dawn had appeared, and peleg, taking a little bucket, stepped to the brook to secure some running water. the fire which had been kept alive throughout the night was burning low. when peleg returned to the camp he was startled when he discovered by the dim light that the water in his bucket was muddy. there could be but one explanation, and the young scout hastily aroused his companions. "the brook was not muddy last night, but it is now," said the young leader. "to my mind that shows that we are being followed, and the indians are coming down the stream to creep close to us." just then the schoolmaster was seized with sharp pains and began to groan and writhe in his suffering. no one understood the nature of the attack, and the simple remedies which were used apparently produced no relief. at last the suffering man was covered with a blanket and placed near the ashes of the fire. all the men except peleg then lay down once more upon the ground. a strenuous day was awaiting them, and whether master hargrave was ill or not, they must get their necessary rest. they were inclined to believe, too, after their long wait, that no indians were near them. the stream might have been muddied by any one of half a dozen other means. probably a 'coon had been the guilty party. and yet all unknown to the little body of settlers a band of twelve warriors had been furtively approaching them in the very manner peleg had suspected. their noiseless footsteps had even brought them within a few yards of the camp. only the coming of the morning was required to enable them to attack. chapter xxx conclusion the light of the rising sun had appeared when the crouching indians together fired upon the silent little camp. by some strange chance almost all the bullets took effect in the body of the suffering schoolmaster. there was not even a cry from the stricken man, and as the indians sent forth a wild whoop every one in the camp leaped to his feet and fled from the spot. there had been no time for plans to be made, and consequently every man fled by himself. they were followed by the shots and the cries of the pursuing indians, but no one knew what had befallen his comrade. peleg, who was fully dressed and better equipped than his friends for flight, with singing susan in his hand, suddenly fell as he ran along the border of a swamp which he had not noticed before. the warriors swept past him, all believing that the young scout had been shot, and that his scalp might be secured when they returned. waiting only until the howling band had passed him, peleg made his escape. he sped swiftly back in the direction of the camp, hoping to secure one of the stolen horses. when he arrived, however, his disappointment was keen when he found that not one of the horses was still there. exerting himself to the utmost, and still gripping singing susan, peleg ran swiftly into the forest in the direction of the meeting-place which colonel clark had selected. several hours elapsed before the young scout arrived at the rendezvous. before night fell three of his recent companions also appeared, but sam oliver was not of their number, and in fact he was never heard of again. daniel boone was now present, and when he and peleg were together as darkness fell over the camp boone said: "i am more hopeful now that we shall soon have peace than i have ever been before." "just now," suggested peleg with a laugh, "i am thinking more of something good to eat than i am of getting into the indian villages." "that suggests the one mistake which i fear has been made. in his eagerness, the colonel has assembled his men before he has secured supplies. the result is that almost every man is hungry to-night." "i think i can endure it if the rest of the men do not complain," said peleg sturdily. "i have not been with you through all these years without learning that i must not cry if everything i want does not come to me just when i want it." "that is well. i do not think we will remain here long. it may be that we shall start within a few hours. all the men are eager to be gone, and there is nothing to be gained by delay. without sufficient supplies for our horses as well as our men, the sooner we start the better it will be for us all." "are all here who are expected?" inquired peleg. "there are about one thousand here now, including the regulars." this conversation was interrupted by the announcement that they would depart at once. there was a sufficient number of horses in the camp to provide one for peleg and for others who had come on foot. just previous to the start the great scout explained to peleg, "we are not far from one of the largest villages of the indians. it may be that we shall come to it before morning. that will depend upon the pace at which our men advance." the morning dawned, and still no sign of the first of the indian villages had been seen. not a trace of a warrior had been discovered throughout the night, nor had any been seen when several hours of the new day had passed. whether or not the indians had been informed of the approach of their enemies was not known. steadily the hungry men pressed forward, their conviction that the time had arrived for them to obtain lasting relief from the attacks of the treacherous shawnees being even stronger than their feeling of hunger. peleg and the great scout were in the front lines, if indeed the advancing body could be said to be moving with any appearance of order. it is true the men kept closely together, but the nature of the ground over which they were moving and the forests through which they passed made any approach to military order well-nigh impossible. the men near peleg abruptly halted when not far before them on the opposite shore of a large pond they spied a solitary indian. the warrior was standing as motionless as the nearby trees as he gazed steadily at his approaching enemies. suddenly he turned and fled into the forest, disregarding the calls of the men and even unmindful of the few scattered shots which followed him. "who was that?" whispered peleg to daniel boone. "it was henry." "i believe it was," declared peleg excitedly. "what will he do now?" "he will give the alarm to the village. we are not more than a mile from it now, and he will be there long before our horses can carry us over such ground as we have had for the past few miles." just at that moment there was a sharp call for an advance. the entire body at once responded, although the hungry horses were in no condition for swift action. the words of the great scout were fulfilled when the force drew near the indian village. not one of its people was to be seen. fires were still smouldering and even the meat which was being roasted and the corn that was boiling in the kettles had been abandoned in the precipitate flight of the indians. the discovery of the food was perhaps more welcome to the hungry men than would have been the sight of their foes. at all events, a halt was made, and such food as could be obtained was speedily allotted. at the right of the village a large field of corn was seen, and the discovery that the corn was in the ear and ripe for food was good news indeed. it was not long before the hunger of every man was appeased, in a measure at least, and the entire force was ready for the further commands of colonel clark. the village was set on fire in several places, and flames were also kindled in the field. in less than an hour the men departed, leaving behind them only the smoking embers of what a short time before had been a prosperous village of the red men. colonel clark now urged his men forward with increasing speed. at times the force divided and the task of burning certain villages was assigned to the different bands. at other times the entire force proceeded as one body. but their enemies still had not been seen. occasionally a solitary indian would crawl within gunshot when the camp was pitched, discharge his gun, and then instantly flee; and once a small party of warriors, mounted upon superb horses, advanced boldly within gunshot. the red men coolly surveyed the little army, but when a force was sent to attack them they rode away so swiftly that pursuit was useless. village after village was burned to the ground, and rich fields of corn were left in ruins. the pioneers were determined to rid themselves once and for all of further possibilities of attacks by the ferocious shawnees. the alarm over the advance of colonel clark had spread throughout the entire region, and with one accord the red men had abandoned their homes and fled into the wilderness beyond. when the attacking forces at last disbanded and the men returned to their homes, daniel boone and peleg barnes went back with their friends into kentucky. the warfare with the indians was ended. the kentucky homes were now free from the attacks of the shawnees or cherokees. peleg was no longer a boy. the years that had passed during these pioneer days had made of him a man. he now had his own home and a tract of land adjoining that of his great friend, daniel boone. not a word was heard concerning henry. there were occasional vague reports of the presence of a white man among the shawnees, but whether or not this referred to "the white shawnee" was never known. as for daniel boone, it seemed as if the days of his peril were ended. the region which he had opened up for the incoming people had now become well settled. the sound of the axe was heard more frequently than the rifle. prosperity smiled upon the efforts of the sturdy settlers, and the steadily advancing civilization and the spread of education wrought wonders among the people. in the diary of daniel boone there occurs the following: "two darling sons and a brother i have lost by savage hands which have also taken from me valuable horses and abundance of cattle. many dark and sleepless nights have i spent, separated from the cheerful society of man, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness." another writer has left the following: "he (boone) has left behind him a name strongly written in the annals of kentucky, and a reputation for calm courage softened by humanity, conducted by prudence, and embellished by a singular modesty of deportment. his person was rough, robust, and indicating strength rather than activity; his manner was cold, grave, and taciturn; his countenance homely but kind; his conversation unadorned, unobtrusive, and touching only upon the needful. he never spoke of himself unless particularly questioned." as the years passed he showed more and more the spirit which has been described by one of his admirers in the following words: "there never beat in man a kindlier or more philanthropic heart. while he was a stranger to selfish and sordid impressions he was alike above mean actions; and he lived and toiled for others, amid hardships and sufferings that would have crushed thousands of hearts." the simple-hearted scout, shrewd in his dealing with the indians, was honest and straightforward with the men of his own race, and looked for similar treatment from them. one can therefore imagine his surprise and indignation when he was informed that he had no legal right to an acre of the land which he had discovered, and into which he had led many families that already were sharing in the steadily increasing prosperity. the clearing he had made, the acres he had cultivated, he was informed, were not his property now, but belonged to a man _who had signed certain papers_! boone intensely loved kentucky. its rocks and trees, its rivers, its forests, its very soil, were dear to his heart. in kentucky he had experienced his deepest sorrows and many of his highest joys. perplexed as well as disheartened, the great scout departed from the settlement which in a large measure was his own work. he was homeless in a land in which he had helped so many to secure homes for themselves. deep as was boone's sorrow, he was, as we know, a man whose feeling did not find expression in useless words. quietly he returned to the banks of the delaware where he had been born, and then went on to virginia. on the borders of the great kanawha he dwelt for five years in the woods with his dogs and gun. meanwhile his son and a brother had gone out into the remote and almost unknown land beyond the mississippi river. their reports and appeals were so strong, that at last, when the great scout was sixty years of age, once more accompanied by his faithful wife, he journeyed away from civilization and went to join his sons in the faraway wilderness. the name of the great scout was so well-known and his character was so much admired that the spanish governor at once made him a present of eighty-five hundred acres of land in what is now the state of missouri. here the great scout in a measure renewed the experiences of his early life. by working steadily and saving the money which he received from his crops and his furs he acquired a considerable sum. he then returned to kentucky and looked up every man to whom he owed any money through the loss that had come to him by his inability to retain his land in the region he had loved. it was not long, however, before "he went back to missouri, his heart lighter and also his pocketbook." when the scout was seventy-five years of age, he still was a great hunter. friendly with the indians in the region, he paddled in his light canoe over the creeks and the little streams in the new territory, and it is said that even along the banks of the great missouri river he set many of his traps for the beaver. as long as the spanish and french were in control of the missouri country, boone continued to hold his land safely; but when napoleon sold the vast territory to the united states boone once more suffered a heavy loss, for his own government refused to recognize his claim to any part of the region. it seemed almost as if the closing days of the great scout were to end in darkness. through his friends, daniel boone now appealed to the legislature of kentucky to see that justice was done him. eager to recognize the services of the man who had done so much for their state, the legislature urged congress to do justice to the white-haired old scout. after some delay the petition was granted, and a gift of eight hundred and fifty acres of land was voted daniel boone. it was in december, , when daniel boone received word of this gift, but his relief and pleasure were lessened by the death of his wife. selecting a choice spot that overlooked the river for her grave, the old scout said that when he, too, should die he wished to be buried by her side. seven years later, when he was eighty-five years old, this last request of daniel boone was granted. missouri, however, was not to be the final resting-place of the famous old scout and his wife. a quarter of a century later the legislature of kentucky requested the children of boone to permit the people of the state for which he had done so much to bring the bodies of the great scout and his wife to frankfort, kentucky. to-day, on a beautiful site overlooking the banks of the kentucky river, looking down upon the city of frankfort, a fitting monument marks the place where all that is mortal of daniel boone lies resting. the end [illustration: logo] the country life press garden city, n. y. available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustration. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/lifetimesofcolda elli [illustration: daniel boone.] the life and times of col. daniel boone, hunter, soldier, and pioneer. with sketches of simon kenton, lewis wetzel, and other leaders in the settlement of the west. "_of all men who passes for in life and death most lucky, of the great names which in our faces stare, is daniel boone, backwoodsman of kentucky._ _crime came not near him--she is not the child of solitude. health shrank not from him, for her home is in the rarely-trodden wild._" by edward s. ellis, author of "the life of colonel david crockett," "ned in the block-house," "ned in the woods," etc. [illustration] philadelphia: porter & coates. copyright, , by porter & coates. introduction. daniel boone was the ideal of the american pioneer--brave, cool, self-reliant, a dead shot with his rifle, a consummate master of woodcraft, with sturdy frame, hopeful at all times, and never discouraged by disasters which caused many a weaker spirit to faint by the way. all that the pen of romance depicts in the life of one whose lot is cast in the western forests, marked the career of boone. in the lonely solitudes he encountered the wild animal and the fiercer wild man; and he stood on the bastions at boonesborough through the flaming sun or the solemn hours of night, exchanging shots with the treacherous shawanoe, when every bullet fired was meant to extinguish a human life; he was captured by indians three times, his companions were shot down at his side, his daughter was carried away by savages and quickly rescued by himself and a few intrepid comrades, his oldest boy was shot dead before he set foot in kentucky, and another was killed while bravely fighting at blue licks; the border town named after him was assaulted and besieged by overwhelming bodies of british and indians, his brother was slain and he himself underwent all manner of hardship and suffering. yet through it all, he preserved his honest simplicity, his unswerving integrity, his prudence and self-possession, and his unfaltering faith in himself, in the future of his country, and in god. he lived through this crucial period to see all his dreams realized, and kentucky one of the brightest stars in the grand constellation of the union. such a life cannot be studied too closely by american youth; and in the following pages, we have endeavored to give an accurate description of its opening, its eventful progress and its peaceful close, when, in the fullness of time and in a ripe old age, he was finally laid to rest, honored and revered by the great nation whose possessions stretch from ocean to ocean, and whose "land is the fairest that ever sun shone on!" contents. chapter i. page birth of daniel boone--fondness for hunting--an alarming absence--a pedagogue of the olden time--sudden termination of young boone's school education--removal to north carolina--boone's marriage--his children chapter ii. social disturbances in north carolina--eve of the american revolution--boone's excursions to the west--inscription on a tree--employed by henderson and company--the "regulators" of north carolina--dispersed by governor tryon--john finley--resolution to go west chapter iii. the party of exploration--daniel boone the leader--more than a month on the journey--on the border of kentucky--an enchanting view--a site for the camp--unsurpassed hunting--an impressive solitude--no signs of indians chapter iv. boone and stuart start out on a hunt--captured by indians and disarmed--stuart's despair and boone's hope--a week's captivity--the eventful night chapter v. the escape--the hunters find the camp deserted--change of quarters--boone and kenton--welcome visitors--news from home--in union there is strength--death of stuart--squire boone returns to north carolina for ammunition--alone in the wilderness--danger on every hand--rejoined by his brother--hunting along the cumberland river--homeward bound--arrival in north carolina--anarchy and distress--boone remains there two years--attention directed towards kentucky--george washington--boone prepares to move westward chapter vi. leaving north carolina--joined by a large company at powell's valley--glowing anticipations--attacked by indians in cumberland gap--daniel boone's eldest son killed--discouragement--return to clinch river settlement--the check providential--boone acts as a guide to a party of surveyors--commissioned captain by governor dunmore, and takes command of three garrisons--battle of point pleasant--attends the making of a treaty with indians at wataga--employed by colonel richard henderson--kentucky claimed by the cherokees--james harrod--the first settlement in kentucky--boone leads a company into kentucky--attacked by indians--erection of the fort at boonesborough--colonel richard henderson takes possession of kentucky--the republic of transylvania--his scheme receives its death-blow--perils of the frontier--a permanent settlement made on kentucky soil chapter vii. boone rejoins his family at the clinch river settlement--leads a company of immigrants into kentucky--insecurity of settlers--dawn of the american revolution--british agents incite the indians to revolt against the settlements chapter viii. comparative quiet on the frontier--capture of boone's daughter and the misses callaway by indians--pursued by boone and seven companions--their rescue and return to their homes chapter ix. general uprising of the indians--the border rangers--attack upon boonesborough--repulse of the assailants--second attack by a larger force and its failure--arrival of forty-five men--investment of logan's fort--timely arrival of colonel bowman with reinforcements--attack upon harrodsburg chapter x. a diner-out--the "hannibal of the west"--election of general clark and gabriel jones as delegates to the virginia legislature--their journey to the capital--general clark obtains the loan of a large supply of ammunition--erection of the county of kentucky--general clark attacked and pursued by indians on his voyage down the ohio--conceals the ammunition and delivers it safely at the border stations--general clark marches upon kaskaskia and captures the obnoxious governor rocheblave--governor hamilton of detroit organizes an expedition against the settlements--general clark captures fort st. vincent and takes governor hamilton a prisoner--captures a valuable convoy from canada and forty prisoners--secures the erection of important fortifications by virginia chapter xi. boone leads a party to the blue licks to make salt--capture of boone and surrender of the entire party--conducted to detroit--his captors refuse to exchange him--he is adopted by the shawanoes--he discovers a formidable expedition is to move against boonesborough--the attack postponed--boone leads a party against an indian town on the scioto--encounter with a war party--returns to boonesborough--the state invested by captain duquesne and a large force--boone and the garrison determine to defend it to the last--better terms offered--treachery suspected--the attack--the siege raised chapter xii. the peculiar position of boonesborough--boone rejoins his family in north carolina--returns to boonesborough--robbed of a large amount of money--increased emigration to the west--colonel rogers and his party almost annihilated-- captain denham's strange adventure chapter xiii. colonel bowman's expedition--its disastrous failure--death of boone's son--escape of boone--colonel byrd's invasion-- capture of ruddell's and martin's station--daring escape of captain hinkston chapter xiv. colonel clark's invasion of the indian country--boone is promoted to the rank of colonel--his brother killed at blue licks and boone narrowly escapes capture--attack upon the shelbyville garrison--news of the surrender of cornwallis--attack upon estill's station--simon girty the renegade--he appears before bryant's station, but withdraws chapter xv. arrival of boone with re-enforcements--pursuit of the indian force--boone's counsel disregarded--a frightful disaster--reynold's noble and heroic act--his escape chapter xvi. general clark's expedition--a dark page in american history-- colonel crawford's disastrous failure and his own terrible fate--simon girty chapter xvii. adventures of the spies white and m'clelland--daring defence of her home by mrs. merrill--exploits of kernan the ranger chapter xviii. the three counties of kentucky united into one district-- colonel boone as a farmer--he outwits a party of indians who seek to capture him--emigration to kentucky--outrages by indians--failure of general clark's expedition chapter xix. general harmar's expedition against the indians--colonel hardin ambushed--bravery of the regulars--out-generaled by the indians--harmar and hardin court-martialed--general st. clair's expedition and its defeat chapter xx. the brilliant victory of mad anthony wayne brings peace to the frontier--boone loses his farm--he removes to missouri--made commandant of the femme osage district--audubon's account of a night with colonel boone--hunting in his old age--he loses the land granted him by the spanish government--petitions congress for a confirmation of his original claims--the petition disregarded chapter xxi. last days of colonel boone--reinterment of the remains of himself and wife at frankfort--conclusion general simon kenton. chapter i. birth of kenton--desperate affray with a rival--flees to the kentucky wilderness--he and two companions attacked by indians--one is killed and the survivors escape--rescued, after great suffering--kenton spends the summer alone in the woods--serves as a scout in the dunmore war--kenton and two friends settle at upper blue lick--joined by hendricks, who meets with a terrible fate chapter ii. kenton and his friends visit boonesborough--desperate encounter with indians--proceeds with two companions to reconnoitre an indian town on the little miami--captured while making off with a number of horses--brutal treatment--bound to the stake and runs the gauntlet--friendship of simon girty, the renegade--finally saved by an indian trader--removed to detroit, and escapes--commands a company in general clark's expedition--receives good news--visits virginia--death of his father--reduced to poverty--removes to urbana, ohio--elected brigadier-general--his conversion--his last days lewis wetzel. birth of lewis wetzel--his father killed by indians, and himself and brother carried off prisoners--their remarkable escape--murder of an indian--serves in crawford's expedition--pursued by four indians, and kills three--escape from the custody of general harmar--wetzel's hunts for indians--assists a relative to recover his betrothed from savages--old age and death life and times of colonel daniel boone. chapter i. birth of daniel boone--fondness for hunting--an alarming absence--a pedagogue of the olden time--sudden termination of young boone's school education--removal to north carolina--boone's marriage--his children. daniel boone was born in exeter township, bucks county, pennsylvania, on the th of february, , so that he was just three years the junior of washington. daniel had six brothers and four sisters, he being the fourth child of squire boone, whose father landed at philadelphia from england, october , , bringing with him two daughters and nine sons. the township of exeter, as it is now known in pennsylvania, was named by the elder boone after the city in england near which he was born. there is good authority for believing that the boone family, when living in the mother country, were attached to the established church; but, when they had resided some time amid the peaceful surroundings and gentle influences of the friends and followers of george fox, they inclined to their religious belief, though it will hardly be claimed that daniel boone continued orthodox throughout his adventurous life. in those days, the educational advantages given youth were very meagre, and frequently none at all. the old-time pedagogue was a man stern and repelling to children, knowing little of the true means of imparting knowledge. about the only branch he handled with any skill was that which came from the nearest tree; and, had he possessed the ability to teach, he lacked, in the generality of cases, the education necessary. a century and a half ago, exeter township abounded with game, and the town itself was a pioneer settlement of the most primitive order, consisting of log-houses almost entirely surrounded by forests, in whose depths roamed bears, panthers, deer, and the smaller game so attractive to sportsmen. it was these which were to educate young boone more than were the crude means and the tippling teacher in whose charge he was placed. nothing delighted the lad more than to wander for hours through the woods, gun in hand, stealing among the cool shadows, behind the mossy rocks and along the purling streams, with the soft tread of the indian, while the keen eyes of the young hunter searched tree-top and bush for the first signs of game, and his ear was ever strained to catch the cautious footstep of the wild beast as it crept faintly over the leaves. thus in the grand school of nature was the great pioneer trained. while yet a small boy, he became noted for his unerring aim with the rifle, and the skill with which he read the "signs" among the trees, that were as closed volumes to others. the privilege of wandering with gun and dog was all the happiness he asked, and as an inevitable consequence of this mode of life, he grew sturdy, strong, active, and capable of immense exertion without fatigue. it is in just such nurseries as this that the great explorers and pioneers of the world are educated. one morning, daniel shouldered his rifle, and whistling to his dog, the two plunged into the woods for one of their usual hunts. the sun was just rising in a clear sky, the air was crisp and invigorating, and the prospect was all that the heart of the young hunter could wish. those of his relatives who saw him depart thought nothing of it, for the sight was a very common one with him and his brothers, and young as they were, they learned among the rudiments of their training the great fundamental truth to trust in god and themselves. as the shades of night closed over settlement and forest, the boy daniel was expected home, though the family had no special misgiving when the hours passed without bringing him, it being supposed that he had penetrated so far into the wilds that he preferred to encamp for the night rather than take the long tramp home. but, when the second day had passed, and he failed to appear, the parents were in great distress, for it seemed certain that some fatal accident must have overtaken their child. the mature and experienced hunter is always in peril from wild beasts or the wilder human beings who prowl and skulk through the wilderness, and many a man who has braved the dangers of a score of years, has fallen a victim to the treacherous biped or quadruped, who has sought his life with greater cunning than he has done his own work. it was impossible therefore for them to feel anything but the most painful anxiety for their boy, and, unable to remain idle longer, they called upon their neighbors, and a search-party was organized. the trail made by the lad was too faint to be followed successfully, and the parties scattered and hunted for traces as best they could. hours passed by, every man doing his utmost to discover the fate of the boy, who they hoped was still living somewhere in the depths of the wilderness, though it would seem scarcely possible that, if alive, he was not in a suffering or helpless condition. but the shouts and reports of their guns remained unanswered, and they pushed forward, hoping against hope. the bonds of sympathy are nowhere stronger than in such frontier settlements, where a common feeling of brotherhood exists, and the men who were searching for the lost daniel, were hardly less anxious concerning him than were the parents themselves. suddenly someone descried a faint, thin column of smoke rising from a nondescript sort of structure, and hurrying toward it, they saw one of the most primitive of cabins, made of limbs and brush and sods of grass piled together. stealing around to the rude entrance, they peeped in, and saw daniel himself, looking like an old hunter who had settled down for the season. on the earth-floor of his structure were strewn the skins of the game he had shot, while he was cooking the choicest pieces before the smoking fire. he was only three miles from home, but it might as well have been a hundred, for all the additional comfort it afforded his friends and parents. the lad looked up with an expression of surprise, wondering what all the excitement was about; and when he found they were hunting for him, it was hard to understand the necessity for doing any such thing. it was not the first time he had been alone in the woods, and he thought he was as well able to take care of himself as were any of the older pioneers who came to look for him. however, as he was a dutiful son, and had no wish to cause his parents any unnecessary alarm, he gathered up his game and peltries, and went back home with the hunters. nothing can be more pleasant to the american boy than just such a life as that followed by daniel boone--wandering for hours through the wilderness, on the look-out for game, building the cheery camp-fire deep in some glen or gorge, quaffing the clear icy water from some stream, or lying flat on the back and looking up through the tree-tops at the patches of blue sky, across which the snowy ships of vapor are continually sailing. but any parent who would allow a child to follow the bewitching pleasures of such a life, would commit a sinful neglect of duty, and would take the surest means of bringing regret, sorrow, and trouble to the boy himself, when he should come to manhood. the parents of young boone, though they were poor, and had the charge of a large family, did their utmost to give their children the rudiments of a common school education, with the poor advantages that were at their command. it is said that about the first thing daniel's teacher did, after summoning his boys and girls together in the morning, was to send them out again for a recess--one of the most popular proceedings a teacher can take, though it cannot be considered a very great help in their studies. while the pupils were enjoying themselves to their fullest bent, the master took a stroll into the woods, from which he was always sure to return much more crabbed than when he went, and with his breath smelling very strongly of something stronger than water. at times he became so mellowed, that he was indulgence itself, and at other times he beat the boys unmercifully. the patrons of the school seemed to think their duty ended with the sending of their children to the school-house, without inquiring what took place after they got there. one day daniel asked the teacher for permission to go out-doors, and receiving it, he passed into the clear air just at the moment that a brown squirrel was running along the branch of a fallen tree. instantly the athletic lad darted in pursuit, and, when the nimble little animal whisked out of sight among a dense clump of vine and bushes, the boy shoved his hand in, in the hope of catching it. instead of doing so, he touched something cold and smooth, and bringing it forth, found it was a whiskey bottle with a goodly quantity of the fiery fluid within. "that's what the teacher comes out here for," thought daniel, as his eyes sparkled, "and that's why he is so cross when he comes back." he restored the bottle to its place, and returned to the school-room, saying nothing to any one until after dismissal, when he told his discovery to some of the larger boys, who, like all school-children, were ever ripe for mischief. when such a group fall into a discussion, it may be set down as among the certainties that something serious to some one is sure to be the result. the next morning the boys put a good charge of tartar emetic in the whiskey bottle, and shaking it up, restored it to its former place of concealment. then, full of eager expectation, they hurried into school, where they were more studious than ever--a suspicious sign which ought to have attracted the notice of the teacher, though it seems not to have done so. the irish instructor took his walk as usual, and when he came back and resumed labor, it may be imagined that the boys were on the tip-toe of expectation. they had not long to wait. the teacher grew pale, and gave signs of some revolution going on internally. but he did not yield to the feeling. as might have been expected, however, it increased his fretfulness, and whether he suspected the truth or not, he punished the boys most cruelly, as though seeking to work off his illness by exercising himself with the rod upon the backs of the lads, whose only consolation was in observing that the medicine taken unconsciously by the irate teacher was accomplishing its mission. matters became worse and worse, and the whippings of the teacher were so indiscriminate and brutal, that a rebellion was excited. the crisis was reached when he assailed daniel, who struggled desperately, encouraged by the uproar and shouts of the others, until he finally got the upper hand of the master, and gave him an unquestionable trouncing. after such a proceeding it was not to be expected that any sort of discipline could be maintained, and the rest of the pupils rushed out-doors and scattered to their homes. the news of the outbreak quickly spread through the neighborhood, and daniel was taken to task by his father for his insubordination, though the parent now saw that the teacher possessed not the first qualification for his position. and the instructor himself must have felt somewhat the same way, for he made no objections when he was notified of his dismissal, and the school education of daniel boone ended. it was a misfortune to him, as it is to any one, to be deprived of the privilege of storing his mind with the knowledge that is to be acquired from books, and yet, in another sense, it was an advantage to the sturdy boy, who gained the better opportunity for training himself for the great work which lay before him. in the woods of exeter he hunted more than ever, educating the eye, ear, and all the senses to that wonderful quickness which seems incredible when simply told of a person. he became a dead shot with his rifle, and laid the foundations of rugged health, strength and endurance, which were to prove so invaluable to him in after years, when he should cross the ohio, and venture into the perilous depths of the dark and bloody ground. boone grew into a natural athlete, with all his faculties educated to the highest point of excellence. he assisted his father as best he could, but he was a nimrod by nature, instinct and education, and while yet a boy, he became known for miles around the settlement as a most skilled, daring, and successful hunter. when he had reached young manhood, his father removed to north carolina, settling near holman's ford, on the yadkin river, some eight miles from wilkesboro'. here, as usual, the boy assisted his parents, who were gifted with a large family, as was generally the case with the pioneers, so that there was rarely anything like affluence attained by those who helped to build up our country. while the boones lived on the banks of the yadkin, daniel formed the acquaintance of rebecca bryan, whom he married, according to the best authority attainable, in the year , when he was about twenty years of age. there is a legend which has been told many a time to the effect that boone, while hunting, mistook the bright eyes of a young lady for those of a deer, and that he came within a hair's-breadth of sending a ball between them with his unerring rifle, before he discovered his mistake. but the legend, like that of jessie brown at lucknow and many others in which we delight, has no foundation in fact, and so far as known there was no special romance connected with the marriage of boone to the excellent lady who became his partner for life. the children born of this marriage were james, israel, jesse, daniel, nathan, susan, jemima, lavinia, and rebecca. chapter ii. social disturbances in north carolina--eve of the american revolution--boone's excursions to the west--inscription on a tree--employed by henderson and company--the "regulators" of north carolina--dispersed by governor tryon--john finley--resolution to go west. the early part of daniel boone's married life was uneventful, and the years glided by without bringing any incident, event or experience to him worthy the pen of the historian. he toiled faithfully to support his growing family, and spent a goodly portion of his time in the woods, with his rifle and dog, sometimes camping on the bank of the lonely yadkin, or floating down its smooth waters in the stillness of the delightful afternoon, or through the solemn quiet of the night, when nothing but the stars were to be seen twinkling overhead. but daniel boone was living in stirring times, and there were signs in the political heavens of tremendous changes approaching. there was war between england and france; there was strife along the frontier, where the indian fought fiercely against the advancing army of civilization, and the spirit of resistance to the tyranny of the mother country was growing rapidly among the sturdy colonists. north carolina began, through her representatives in legislature, those measures of opposition to the authority of great britain, which forecast the active part the old pine tree state was to take in the revolutionary struggle for liberty and independence. during the few years that followed there was constant quarreling between the royal governor and the legislators, and it assumed such proportions that the state was kept in continual ferment. this unrest and disturbance were anything but pleasing to boone, who saw the country settling rapidly around him, and who began to look toward the west with the longing which comes over the bird when it gazes yearningly out from the bars of its cage at the green fields, cool woods, and enchanting landscapes in which its companions are singing and reveling with delight. boone took long hunting excursions toward the west, though nothing is known with exact certainty as to the date when he began them. the cherokee war which had caused much trouble along the carolina frontier was ended, and he and others must have turned their thoughts many a time to the boundless forests which stretched for hundreds and thousands of miles towards the setting sun, in which roamed countless multitudes of wild animals and still wilder beings, who were ready to dispute every foot of advance made by the white settlers. such a vast field could not but possess an irresistible attraction to a consummate hunter like boone, and the glimpses which the north carolina woods gave of the possibilities awaiting him, and the growth of empire in the west, were sure to produce the result that came when he had been married some fifteen or more years and was in the prime of life. previous to this date, the well known abundance of game in tennessee led many hunters to make incursions into the territory. they sometimes formed large companies, uniting for the prospect of gain and greater protection against the ever-present danger from indians. it is mentioned by good authority, that among the parties thus venturing over the carolina border into the wilderness, was one at the head of which was "daniel boone from the yadkin, in north carolina, who traveled with them as low as the place where abingdon now stands, and there left them." some years ago the following description could be deciphered upon an old beech-tree standing between jonesboro and blountsville: d. boon cilled a. bar on in the tree year . this inscription is generally considered as proof that boone made hunting excursions to that region at that early date, though the evidence can hardly be accepted as positive on the point. it was scarcely a year after the date named, however, that boone, who was still living on the yadkin, entered the same section of the country, having been sent thither by henderson & company for the purposes of exploration. he was accompanied by samuel callaway, a relative, and the ancestor of many of the callaways of tennessee, kentucky, and missouri. the latter was at the side of boone when, approaching a spur of the cumberland mountains, upon whose slopes they saw multitudes of bisons grazing, the great pioneer paused, and surveying the scene for a moment, exclaimed, with kindling eyes: "i am richer than he who owned the cattle on a thousand hills, for i own the wild beasts of a thousand valleys." the sight was indeed one which might have stirred the heart of a hunter who could grasp the possibilities of the future of those favored regions. daniel boone may be considered as having undergone a preliminary training from his earliest boyhood for the work which has identified his name indissolubly with the history of kentucky. he was what may be called a born pioneer, but there were causes at work in north carolina which led to his departure for the kentucky wilderness, of which the general reader is apt to lose sight in studying his character. the approach of the american revolution in the former state, as in many others, was marked by social disturbances frequently amounting to anarchy. there were many scotch traders, who had accumulated considerable wealth without having gone through the labor and perils which the natives underwent in providing for their families. these foreigners adopted an expensive and showy style of living, altogether out of keeping with the severe simplicity that marked that of the colonists. nothing was more natural than that this assumption of superiority in the way of social position should roil and excite resentment among those less favored by fortune. they were not alone in this offensive course: the officers and agents of the royal government were equally ostentatious in display and manner of living, and the exasperating snobbishness spread to the magistrates, lawyers, clerks of court, and tax gatherers, who demanded exorbitant fees for their services. the clergymen of the established church became oppressive in their exactions, and, as we have stated, society itself was threatened with revolution before the rattle of musketry at bunker hill "was heard around the world." petitions were sent to the legislature for relief by the suffering citizens, who were in much the same distressing situation in which ireland has been many a time since. these prayers were treated with indifference or open contempt, for there are none more reckless and blind than those who are traveling close to the edge of the political volcano rumbling at their feet. there is a limit beyond which it is always dangerous to tempt the endurance of a people, who now began meeting together, and formed themselves into associations for correcting the evils around them. it was these people who received the name of "regulators," and who helped to increase the disturbances in that particular section of the country. they deliberately decided "to pay only such taxes as were agreeable to law, and applied to the purpose therein named, and to pay no officer more than his legal fees." the history of the state records many acts of violence which were inevitable from this condition of affairs. the final collision between the "regulators" and a strong force of the royal governor tryon at alamanance, in which the rebels were badly defeated, occurred in may, , but the disturbances continued with more or less violence until the breaking out of the revolution, when the mills of god ground so "exceeding fine," that the grievances were removed forever. it was in such a community as this that daniel boone lived, and he and his family were sufferers. what more natural than that he should cast his eyes longingly toward the west, where, though there might be wild beasts and wild men, he and his loved ones could be free from the exasperating annoyances which were all around them? the perils from indians were much less alarming to them than were those of the tax-gatherer. indeed, in all probability, it lent an additional attractiveness to the vast expanse of virgin wilderness, with its splashing streams, its rich soil, its abundance of game and all that is so enchanting to the real sportsman, who finds an additional charm in the knowledge that the pleasure upon which he proposes to enter is spiced with personal danger. one day a visitor dropped in upon boone. he was john finley, who led a party of hunters to the region adjoining the louisa river in kentucky in the winter of , where they spent the season in hunting and trapping. the hunter called upon boone to tell him about that land in which he knew his friend was so much interested. we can imagine the young man, with his rifle suspended on the deer-prongs over the fire, with his wife busy about her household duties and his children at play, sitting in his cabin and listening to the glowing narrative of one who knew whereof he was speaking. finley told him of the innumerable game, the deer and bison, the myriads of wild turkeys, and everything so highly prized by the sportsman; he pictured the vast stretches of forest in which the hunter could wander for hours and days without striking a clearing; of the numerous streams, some large, some small, and all lovely to the eye, and it needed no very far-seeing vision to forecast the magnificent future which lay before this highly favored region. it must have been a winsome picture drawn by finley--aided as it was by the repelling coloring of the scene of his actual surroundings--made so hateful by the oppressive agents of the foreign government which claimed the colonies as her own. when finley was through, and he had answered all of his friend's questions, and told him of his many hunting adventures in kentucky, boone announced that he would go with him when he should make his next visit. he had already been drawn strongly toward the region, and he wished to see with his own eyes the favored land, before removing his family thither. the acquisition of such a person was so desirable, that he was sure to be appreciated by those who knew him best, and whether appointed to that position or not, his own matchless resources and natural powers were certain to fix upon him as the leader of the adventurous characters who had decided to explore the dangerous wilderness of kentucky. chapter iii. the party of exploration--daniel boone the leader--more than a month on the journey--on the border of kentucky--an enchanting view--a site for the camp--unsurpassed hunting--an impressive solitude--no signs of indians. daniel boone now entered upon that epoch in his life, which has interwoven his name with the history of kentucky, and indeed with the settlement of the west, for though he was not venturing into the wilderness with the intention of remaining there, yet his purpose of "spying out the land" was simply the first step in his career of pioneer of the dark and bloody ground. the party of exploration, or rather of hunting, numbered a half dozen: john finley, james moncey, john stuart, william cool, joseph holden, and daniel boone, who was chosen the leader. it was a strong company, for all the men were experienced hunters, unerring rifle-shots, and well aware of the dangers they were to encounter. on the first of may, , the party set out for kentucky in high spirits, and eagerly anticipating the enjoyment that was to be theirs, before they should return from the all-important expedition. they had selected the most enchanting season of the year, and it is easy to imagine with what glowing anticipation they ventured upon the journey, which was to be more eventful, indeed, than any member of it imagined. it was a long distance from north carolina, across the intervening stretch of stream, forest and mountain, to kentucky, with all the temptations to the hunter to turn aside, temptations which it is safe to conclude overcame them many a time, for, when a full month had passed, not one of the party had stepped within the confines of the dark and bloody ground. but, though they were moving slowly, they were steadily nearing the promised land, and on the th of june the men, bronzed and toughened by the exposure to which they had been subjected, but still sturdy and resolute, began climbing the precipitous slope of a mountain on the border of kentucky. the six who had left north carolina more than a month before were there, attired in their rough hunting costume, and with their ambition and purpose as strong as ever. each wore the hunting-shirt of the forest ranger made of dressed deerskins. the leggins were of the same material, and the feet were protected by strong, comfortably fitting moccasins. there were fringes down the seams of the leggins, just as seems to be the favorite custom with many of the red-men in donning their picturesque costumes. although these dresses might be attractive to the eye, yet such a purpose was the last that entered the minds of the wearers, who constructed them for use only. their under garments were of cotton, so coarse that it would have been like sackcloth to many a man of modern days; they carried, as a matter of course, the powder-horn, rifle, hatchet, bullet-pouch, and the other indispensables of a hunter. it was near the close of the day, and though the party were pretty well exhausted, yet they pushed on, feeling in many respects like those who, for the first time in their lives, are to gaze upon the land which is more enchanting to them than all the world beside. ere the sun sank behind the immense expanse of wilderness, and just when its splendors were illuminating the skies with the glories of the fading day, the hunting party reached the summit of the mountain, and gazed off over kentucky. the panorama spread out before them was a most entrancing one, their vision extending over hundreds of square miles, with the rich vales watered by the beautiful streams, the forest alternating with broad natural clearings, with vast stretches of level country upon which the myriads of moving specks were recognized by the experienced eye as bisons, and over which they knew the deer dashed and other wild animals roamed with scarcely a fear of their natural enemy, man. there was many a league in whose solemn depths a human foot had never yet penetrated, and whose echoes had never been awakened by the shot of the rifle. there they lay as silent as at "creation's morn," and the denizens of the woods waxed strong and wandered at will, without fear of the deadly bullet whistling from behind the tree or mossy rock. true, among these cool woods and within many of the dark recesses the red indian ventured, and now and then the sharp whiz of his arrow was heard, and the barbed weapon flashed among the green leaves as it pierced the heart of the unsuspecting natives of the wood. but where there were such multitudes of wild beasts these deaths were scarcely noticeable, and the white hunters knew that it was a sportsman's paradise that lay spread at their feet. the picture of these six pioneers who paused on the crest of the mountain as the sun was setting, and looked off over the kentucky wilderness, is that which has been selected by the artist, who has immortalized the scene on canvas, and all will agree that he could not have chosen a more inviting subject. the surface upon which they looked down was rolling, level far beyond, but quite hilly nearer the base of the mountain, while it all possessed the indescribable charm of variety, and it could not have been more enchanting to the wearied spectators. finley had been there before, and, though they may have thought that some of the stories he told were overdrawn, they could well afford to believe them now, when they came to gaze upon the attractive country. aye, they stood on the very borders of the land, and they determined that they would venture within it on the morrow. although they had left home at the most delightful season of the year, yet the spring proved to be a severe one, and their journey had been delayed by stormy weather, so that the glowing panorama at their feet was robed in more roseate colors from its very contrast to that through which they had passed so recently. assuming positions of rest, the group feasted their eyes to the full, and we can well imagine the expressions of delight which escaped them, as they constantly caught sight of new and novel scenes and pointed them out to each other. there lay the region in which they would probably make their future home, whither they would bring their families, and where they would encounter the toil, privation and danger, which invariably attend the pioneers of every country. under such circumstances, the time, place and surroundings were invested with a peculiar interest, which could not have been theirs at any other period or under any different conditions. the sun went down behind the wilderness, and night gradually overspread the scene. the hunters had not caught sight of a single human being beside themselves, and now that darkness had come, they made their preparations to encamp for the night. they were veterans at this business, as they showed by avoiding such a conspicuous position as they then occupied. the flash of a camp-fire on the mountain-top would have been seen for many miles over the wilderness, and though they had discovered nothing of the red-men, yet it was reasonable to suppose that many of them would look out from the dark recesses at the unwonted spectacle and would suspect the true cause. and so, from a prudent habit they had formed, they moved down to a neighboring ravine, where they camped for the night. the spot was favorable in every respect, the gorge being so deep, and surrounded by such a dense thicket, that the glimmer of the camp-fire was not likely to be seen by any one, unless he ventured close enough to hear the murmur of the voices of the hunters as they gathered together for their evening meal. near them lay a tree that had been uprooted by some recent storm, and which offered the advantages the hunters could not fail to appreciate at sight. the huge trunk was used for the rear wall of the camp, as it may be termed, while logs and brush were gathered and piled on two sides, leaving the front open, where the fire was kindled against another log. thus they were secured against any chill during the cold night, while no wild animal was likely to venture across the magic ring of fire, in case he was attracted to the spot. it was decided not only to make this their resting-place for the night, but their headquarters during their visit to kentucky. accordingly, their camp was strengthened, as may be said, a roof being made more substantial than ornamental, but sufficient to keep out the rain, and the front was narrowed in, so that no matter how sudden or violent the changes of weather, they were well protected against them. their greatest safeguard, however, lay in their own hardy constitutions and rugged health, which they had acquired from their active out-door life long before venturing into this wild region. this visit to kentucky was extended all through the summer and autumn until the dead of winter, during which time they made the camp in the gorge their headquarters. they had many a glorious hunt, as may well be supposed, and it would be unsafe to estimate the numbers of bisons, deer, wild turkeys, bear and other species of game that fell victims to the unerring marksmen. it is unnecessary to say that they lived like princes, and grew stronger, sturdier, and more hopeful. although separated from their families to which they were tenderly attached, there was an indescribable charm about this wild out-door life that rendered the social annoyances to which they were subjected at home all the more distasteful. they felt that if a band of worthy colonists could be gathered, and a venture made into kentucky, the future was sure to be all they could wish. beyond question, this preliminary visit to kentucky settled the future not only of boone himself, but of others who were associated with him. it seems an extraordinary statement to make, and yet it is a fact that, during that entire summer and autumn and a goodly portion of the winter which they spent there, they never once saw an indian--the very enemy which it was to be supposed they would alone dread, and who would be the most certain to molest them. when it is remembered that the indians had made so much trouble on the carolina frontiers, this is all the more remarkable, until we recollect that kentucky at that day, and for years after, was regarded by the red-men as a sort of neutral hunting ground, no particular tribe laying claim to it. but it was territory into which each possessed an equal right to venture and wage deadly hand-to-hand encounters--while all united with an undying enmity to drive back any white man who presumed to step foot upon the dark and bloody ground. it must have been, too, that the indians scattered through the region were not expecting any visitors. kentucky at that time belonged to the colony of virginia. the shawanoes, cherokees, and chickasaws frequently ventured into the region to hunt, but the iroquois had ceded all their claim to the grounds to great britain at fort stanwix, in , so that it will be understood that boone and his companions were not venturing into indian territory at all, though it is not to be supposed that any estray red-men whom they might encounter in their hunts would be likely to regard the exact status of the matter. the hunters preferred not to encounter them at all, but were cautious in their movements, and "put their trust in god and kept their powder dry." accordingly, as we have stated, they prosecuted their hunting through the sultry summer months, alternating with storm and sunshine, and enjoying themselves to the fullest bent of which such spirits are capable. autumn came, cool and invigorating, and winter with its biting winds and piercing cold followed, making the primitive cabin in the mountain gorge a most inviting spot in which to spend their leisure hours. they smoked their pipes after the evening meal, and held friendly converse as the hours wore on, when they stretched out and slept through the solemn stillness, broken now and then by the mournful cry of some wild animal, until morning again dawned. many of the excursions which they made had led them far into the interior, and, as may be supposed, they kept their eyes and ears open. they had not only failed to meet an indian, but failed to catch sight of a wigwam, or the smoke of a camp-fire other than their own; so that, as we have repeated, they were justified, if any one could have been, in believing that the last peril to which they were likely to be exposed, was that from red-men. and yet it was precisely that danger which was impending over them, and which descended when it was least expected. chapter iv. boone and stuart start out on a hunt--captured by indians and disarmed--stuart's despair and boone's hope--a week's captivity--the eventful night. on the morning of december , , daniel boone and his friend john stuart left camp, and started out on a hunt. it was the shortest day in the year, so it is to be supposed that they were desirous of improving it to the utmost, although they had become so accustomed to such excursions, that there was no special expectation excited by their venturing forth together for a hunt through the woods. experienced as they were in woodcraft, they saw nothing to cause the slightest misgivings. their keen eyes, as they roamed around the horizon, detected no faint wreath of smoke stealing upward through the tree-tops, telling where the camp of the treacherous shawanoe was kindled; the listening ear detected no skillfully disguised bird-call trembling on the crisp air to warn them of the wily red-man skulking through the cane, and waiting until they should come within reach of their bow or rifle. after leaving camp, the friends followed one of the numerous "buffalo paths" through the cane, and in a few minutes were out of sight of their comrades left behind. the air was keen and invigorating, and they traveled carelessly along, admiring the splendid growth of the timber and cane, showing what an unsurpassed soil awaited the pioneers who should settle in these valleys, and turn up the sod for the seed of the harvest. where the game was so plentiful, there was no likelihood of the hunters suffering from lack of food. the buffaloes were so numerous that they were able to approach the droves close enough to reach them with the toss of a stone. stuart and boone enjoyed themselves, as they had done on many a day before, until the declining sun warned them that it was time to turn their faces toward camp, if they expected to spend the night with their friends in the rude but comfortable cabin. they did so, and the sun had not yet gone down behind the line of western forest, when they reached a small hill near the kentucky river, and began leisurely moving to the top. it was at this juncture, that a party of indians suddenly sprang up from the canebrake and rushed upon them with such fierceness that escape was out of the question. it was not often that daniel boone was caught at disadvantage, but in this instance he was totally outwitted, and it looked for the moment as if he and his companion had walked directly into a trap set for them. the pioneers were too prudent to attempt anything in the nature of resistance when the result could but be their almost instant death, for the indians outnumbered them five to one, were fleet as deer, and understood all the turnings and windings of the forest. accordingly, boone and stuart quietly surrendered, hoping for the best, but expecting the worst. as might be supposed, the indians disarmed the hunters, and made them prisoners at once. stuart was terribly alarmed, for he could not see the slightest ground for hope, but boone, who possessed a most equable temperament, told him to keep up heart. "as they haven't killed us," said the pioneer, "it shows they intend to spare us for a time, at least." "only to torture us to death hereafter," thought his terrified companion. "i don't doubt that such are their intentions, but between now and the time, we may find our chance. be obedient and watchful--doing nothing to provoke them, but be ready when the right minute comes." this was good advice, and stuart was sensible enough to follow it in spirit and letter. it might have been expected that if a couple of hunters intended to strike a blow for liberty, they would do so pretty soon after their capture--that is, as soon as the darkness of night was in their favor--but it was only characteristic of boone that a full week passed before he made the first attempt to escape. during those seven days they could not fail to catch glimpses, as it were, of freedom, and to be tempted to make a desperate dash, for many a time it is the very boldness of such efforts that succeeds. but boone never lost his prudence of mind, which enabled him to abide his time. stuart, too, acted as he suggested, and they very effectually concealed their eagerness to escape. however, it was not to be expected that the indians would be careless enough to allow them to get away, and they maintained a most vigilant watch upon them at all hours of the day and night. when tramping through the wilderness or in camp, when hunting, or sitting around the smoking logs, the suspicious red-men were near them. when the hour came to sleep, the prisoners were placed so as to be surrounded, while a strong and vigilant guard was appointed to watch over them until daylight. boone and stuart affected quite successfully an indifference to their situation, and, inasmuch as they had not sought to take advantage of what might have been intended as traps in the way of opportunities to get away, it was only natural for the captors to conclude that the white men were willing to spend an indefinite time with them. what the ultimate intentions of these indians were, can only be conjectured, for they were a long distance from their lodges, but those who ventured upon hunting excursions within the dark and bloody ground were of the fiercest nature, and as merciless as bengal tigers, as they proved in many a desperate encounter with the settlers; and it is no more than reasonable to suppose that they meant in the end to burn them at the stake, while they danced about the scene with fiendish glee, just as they did a few years later with colonel crawford and other prisoners who fell into their hands. at last the week ended, and at the close of the seventh day, the indians encamped in a thick canebrake. they had been hunting since morning, and no opportunity presented that satisfied boone, but he thought the time was close at hand when their fate was to be decided. the long-continued indifference as shown by him and his companion had produced its natural effect upon the indians, who showed less vigilance than at first. but they knew better than to invite anything like that which was really contemplated, and, when the night was advanced, the majority of the warriors stretched out upon the ground in their blankets, with their feet toward the fire. it had been a severe day with all of them, and the watchful boone noticed that the guard appointed over him and his companion were drowsy and inattentive, while maintaining a semblance of performing their duty. "it must be done to-night," was the conclusion of the pioneer, who was sure the signs were not likely to be more propitious. he lay down and pretended slumber, but did not sleep a wink: his thoughts were fixed too intently upon the all-important step he had resolved must be taken then or never, and he lay thus, stretched out at full length before the hostile camp-fire, patiently awaiting the critical moment. chapter v. the escape--the hunters find the camp deserted--change of quarters--boone and kenton--welcome visitors--news from home--in union there is strength--death of stuart--squire boone returns to north carolina for ammunition--alone in the wilderness--danger on every hand--rejoined by his brother--hunting along the cumberland river--homeward bound--arrival in north carolina--anarchy and distress--boone remains there two years--attention directed towards kentucky--george washington--boone prepared to move westward. it was near midnight when, having satisfied himself that every warrior, including the guard, was sound asleep, boone cautiously raised his head and looked towards stuart. but he was as sound asleep as the indians themselves, and it was a difficult and dangerous matter to awaken him, for the indian sleeps as lightly as the watching lioness. the slightest incautious movement or muttering on the part of the man would be sure to rouse their captors. but boone managed to tell his companion the situation, and the two with infinite care and caution succeeded in gradually extricating themselves from the ring of drowsy warriors. "make not the slightest noise," whispered boone, placing his mouth close to the ear of stuart, who scarcely needed the caution. the camp-fire had sunk low, and the dim light thrown out by the smouldering logs cast grotesque shadows of the two crouching figures as they moved off with the noiselessness of phantoms. having gained such immense advantage at the very beginning, neither was the one to throw it away, and stuart followed the instructions of his companion to the letter. the forms of the indians in their picturesque positions remained motionless, and it need hardly be said that at the end of a few minutes, which seemed ten times longer than they were, the two pioneers were outside the camp, and stood together beneath the dense shadows of the trees. it was a clear, starlit night, and the hunters used the twinkling orbs and the barks of the trees to guide them in determining the direction of their camp, towards which they pushed to the utmost, for having been gone so long, they were naturally anxious to learn how their friends had fared while they were away. boone and stuart scarcely halted during the darkness, and when the sun rose, were in a portion of the country which they easily recognized as at no great distance from the gorge in which they had erected their cabin more than six months before. they pressed on with renewed energy, and a few hours later reached the camp, which to their astonishment they found deserted. the supposition was that the hunters had grown tired or homesick and had gone home, though there is no certainty as to whether they were not all slain by the indians, who seem to have roused themselves to the danger from the encroachments of the whites upon their hunting-grounds. it was a great disappointment to boone and stuart to find themselves alone, but they determined to stay where they were some time longer, even though their supply of ammunition was running low, and both were anxious to hear from home. the certainty that the indians were in the section about them, as the friends had learned from dear experience, rendered it necessary to exercise the utmost caution, for, if they should fall into their hands again, they could not hope for such a fortunate deliverance. instead of using the headquarters established so long before, they moved about, selecting the most secret places so as to avoid discovery, while they were constantly on the alert through the day. but both were masters of woodcraft, and boone probably had no superior in the lore of the woods. it is said of him that, some years later, he and the great simon kenton reached a river from opposite directions at the same moment, and simultaneously discovered, when about to cross, that a stranger was on the other side. neither could know of a certainty whether he confronted a friend or enemy, though the supposition was that he was hostile, in which event the slightest advantage gained by one was certain to be fatal to the other. immediately the two hunters began maneuvering, like a couple of sparrers, to discover an unguarded point which would betray the truth. it was early morning when this extraordinary duel opened, and it was kept steadily up the entire day. just at nightfall the two intimate friends succeeded in identifying each other. a man with such esquimau-like patience, and such marvelous ingenuity and skill, was sure to take the best care of himself, and during the few days of hunting which followed, he and stuart kept clear of all "entangling alliances," and did not exchange a hostile shot with the red-men. in the month of january, they were hunting in the woods, when they caught sight of two hunters in the distance among the trees. boone called out: "hallo, strangers! who are you?" "white men and friends," was the astonishing answer. the parties now hastened towards each other, and what was the amazement and happiness of the pioneers to find that one of the men was squire boone, the younger brother of daniel, accompanied by a neighbor from his home on the far-off yadkin. they had set out to learn the fate of the hunting party that left north carolina early in the spring, and that had now been so long absent that their friends feared the worst, and had sent the two to learn what had become of them, just as in these later days we send an expedition to discover the north pole, and then wait a little while and send another to discover the expedition. no one could have been more welcome to the two pioneers, for they brought not only a plentiful supply of ammunition, but, what was best of all, full tidings of the dear ones at home. squire boone and his companion had found the last encampment of their friends the night before, so they were expecting to meet them, though not entirely relieved of their anxiety until they saw each other. it can be imagined with what delight the four men gathered around their carefully guarded camp-fire that evening, and talked of home and friends, and listened to and told the news and gossip of the neighborhood, where all their most loving associations clustered. it must have been a late hour when they lay down to sleep, and daniel boone and stuart that night could not fail to dream of their friends on the banks of the distant yadkin. the strength of the party was doubled, for there were now four skillful hunters, and they had plenty of ammunition, so it was decided to stay where they were some months longer. it seems strange that they should not have acted upon the principle that in union there is strength, for instead of hunting together, they divided in couples. this may have offered better prospects in the way of securing game, but it exposed them to greater danger, and a frightful tragedy soon resulted. boone and stuart were hunting in company, when they were suddenly fired into by a party of indians, and stuart dropped dead. boone was not struck, and he dashed like a deer into the forest. casting one terrified glance over his shoulder, he saw poor stuart scalped as soon as he fell to the earth, pierced through the heart by the fatal bullet. this left but three of them, and that fearfully small number was soon reduced to two. the hunter who came from north carolina with squire boone was lost in the woods, and did not return to camp. the brothers made a long and careful search, signaling and using every means possible to find him, but there was no response, and despairing and sorrowful they were obliged to give over the hunt. he was never seen again. years afterward the discovery of a skeleton in the woods was believed to indicate his fate. it is more than probable that the stealthy shot of some treacherous indian, hidden in the canebrake, had closed the career of the man as that of stuart was ended. the subsequent action of boone was as characteristic as it was remarkable. it is hard to imagine a person, placed in the situation of the two, who would not have made all haste to return to his home; and this would be expected, especially, of the elder brother, who had been absent fully six months longer than the other. and yet he did exactly the opposite. he had fallen in love with the enchantments of the great kentucky wilderness, with its streams, rivers and rich soil, and its boundless game, and he concluded to stay where he was, while squire made the long journey back to north carolina for more ammunition. daniel reasoned that when squire rejoined his family and acquainted them with his own safety, and assured the wife and children that all was going well with him, the great load of anxiety would be lifted from their minds, and they would be content to allow the two to make a still more extended acquaintance with the peerless land beyond the cumberland mountains. accordingly squire set out for his home, and it should be borne in mind that his journey was attended by as much danger as was the residence of the elder brother in kentucky, for he was in peril from indians all the way. daniel boone was now left entirely alone in the vast forests, with game, wild beasts and ferocious indians, while his only friend and relative was daily increasing the distance between them, as he journeyed toward the east. imagination must be left to picture the life of this comparatively young man during the three months of his brother's absence. boone was attached to his family, and yet he chose deliberately to stay where he was, rather than accompany his brother on his visit to his home. but he had little time to spend in gloomy retrospection or apprehensions, for there were plenty of indians in the woods, and they were continually looking for him. he changed his camp frequently, and more than once when he lay hidden in the thick cane and crawled stealthily back to where he had spent the previous night, the print of moccasins in the earth told him how hot the hunt had been for him. indian trails were all about him, and many a time the warriors attempted to track him through the forest and canebrakes, but the lithe, active pioneer was as thorough a master of woodcraft as they, and he kept out of their way with as much skill as tecumseh himself ever showed in eluding those who thirsted for his life. he read the signs with the same unerring accuracy he showed in bringing down the wild turkey, or in barking the squirrel on the topmost limb. often he lay in the canebrake, and heard the signals of the indians as they pushed their search for the white man who, as may be said, dared to defy them on their own ground. boone could tell from these carefully guarded calls how dangerous the hunt was becoming, and when he thought the warriors were getting too close to his hiding-place, he carefully stole out and located somewhere else until perhaps the peril passed. there must have been times when, stretched beneath the trees and looking up at the twinkling stars, with the murmur of the distant river or the soughing of the night-wind through the branches, his thoughts wandered over the hundreds of miles of intervening wilderness to the humble home on the bank of the yadkin, where the loved wife and little ones looked longingly toward the western sun and wondered when the husband and father would come back to them. and yet boone has said, while admitting these gloomy moments, when he was weighed down by the deepest depression, that some of the most enjoyable hours of his life were those spent in solitude, without a human being, excepting a deadly enemy, within hail. the perils which followed every step under the arches of the trees, but rendered them the more attractive, and the pioneer determined to remove his family, and to make their home in the sylvan land of enchantment just so soon as he could complete the necessary arrangements for doing so. on the th of july, , squire boone returned and rejoined his brother, who was glad beyond description to receive him, and to hear so directly from his beloved home. during the absence of the younger, the other had explored pretty much all of the central portion of kentucky, and the result was that he formed a greater attachment than ever for the new territory. when squire came back, daniel said that he deemed it imprudent to stay where they were any longer. the indians were so numerous and vigilant that it seemed impossible to keep out of their way; accordingly they proceeded to the cumberland river, where they spent the time in hunting and exploration until the early spring of . they gave names to numerous streams, and, having enjoyed a most extraordinary hunting jaunt, were now ready to go back to north carolina and rejoin their families. but they set out for their homes with not the slightest purpose of staying there. they had seen too much of the pleasures of the wood, for either to be willing to give them up. in north carolina there was the most exasperating trouble. the tax-gatherer was omnipresent and unbearably oppressive; the social lines between the different classes was drawn as if with a two-edged sword; there were murmurs and mutterings of anger in every quarter; governor tryon, instead of pacifying, was only fanning the flames; ominous signs were in the skies, and anarchy, red war and appalling disaster seemed to loom up in the near future. what wonder, therefore, that daniel boone turned his eyes with a longing such as comes over the weary traveler who, after climbing a precipitous mountain, looks beyond and sees the smiling verdure of the promised land. he had determined to emigrate long before, and he now made what might be called the first move in that direction. he and his brother pushed steadily forward without any incident worth noting, and reached their homes in north carolina, where, as may well be supposed, they were welcomed like those who had risen from the dead. they had been gone many months, and in the case of daniel, two years had passed since he clasped his loved wife and children in his arms. the neighbors, too, had feared the worst, despite the return of squire boone with the good news of the pioneer, and they were entertained as were those at court when columbus, coming back from his first voyage across the unknown seas, related his marvelous stories of the new world beyond. daniel boone found his family well, and, as his mind was fixed upon his future course, he began his preparations for removal to kentucky. this was a most important matter, for there was a great deal to do before the removal could be effected. it was necessary to dispose of the little place upon which they had lived so long and bestowed so much labor, and his wife could not be expected to feel enthusiastic over the prospect of burying herself in the wilderness, beyond all thought of returning to her native state. then again boone was not the one to entertain such a rash scheme as that of removing to kentucky, without taking with him a strong company, able to hold its own against the indians, who were certain to dispute their progress. it is easy to understand the work which lay before boone, and it may be well believed that months passed without any start being made, though the great pioneer never faltered or wavered in his purpose. matters were not improving about him. the trouble, distress, and difficulties between the authorities and the people were continually aggravated, and the revolution was close at hand. at the end of two years, however, boone was prepared to make the momentous move, and it was done. the farm on the yadkin was sold, and he had gathered together a goodly company for the purpose of forming the first real settlement in kentucky. during the few years immediately preceding, the territory was visited by other hunters, while boone himself was alone in the solitude. a company numbering forty, and led by colonel james knox, gathered for a grand buffalo hunt in the valleys of the clinch, new river, and holston. a number of them skirted along the borders of tennessee and kentucky. while they were thus engaged, others penetrated the valleys from virginia and pennsylvania, and among them was a young man named george washington. as is well known, his attention had been directed some time before to the lands along the ohio, and he owned a number of large claims. he clearly foresaw the teeming future of the vast west, and he was especially desirous of informing himself concerning the lands lying in the neighborhood of the mouth of the kanawha. at that particular date, the virginians were converging toward the country south of the river, and there were many difficulties with the indians, who then as now are ready to resist entrance upon their hunting-grounds, even though the immigrants are backed by the stipulations of a recently signed treaty. chapter vi. leaving north carolina--joined by a large company at powell's valley--glowing anticipations--attacked by indians in cumberland gap--daniel boone's eldest son killed--discouragement--return to clinch river settlement--the check providential--boone acts as a guide to a party of surveyors--commissioned captain by governor dunmore, and takes command of three garrisons--battle of point pleasant--attends the making of a treaty with the indians at wataga--employed by colonel richard henderson--kentucky claimed by the cherokees--james harrod--the first settlement in kentucky--boone leads a company into kentucky--attacked by indians--erection of the fort at boonesborough--colonel richard henderson takes possession of kentucky--the republic of transylvania--his scheme receives its death-blow--perils of the frontier--a permanent settlement made on kentucky soil. on the th of september, , daniel boone and his family started to make their settlement in kentucky. he had as his company his brother squire, who had spent several months with him in the wilderness, and they took with them quite a number of cattle and swine with which to stock their farms when they should reach their destination, while their luggage was carried on pack-horses. at powell's valley, not very far distant, they were joined by another party, numbering five families and forty able-bodied men, all armed and provided with plenty of ammunition. this made the force a formidable one, and they pushed on in high spirits. when night came they improvised tents with poles and their blankets, and the abundance of game around them removed all danger of suffering from the lack of food, for it was but sport to bring down enough of it to keep the entire company well supplied. the experience of the boones, when they passed through this region previously, taught them to be on their guard constantly, for the most likely time for the indians to come is when they are least expected, and the leaders saw to it that no precaution was neglected. and yet it is easy to see that such a large company, moving slowly, and encumbered by women and children and so much luggage and live-stock, was peculiarly exposed to danger from the dreaded indians. on the th of october they approached cumberland gap. the cattle had fallen to the rear, where they were plodding leisurely along, with several miles separating them from their friends in front, when the latter suddenly heard the reports of guns coming to them through the woods. they instantly paused and, looking in each other's pale faces, listened. there could be no mistaking their meaning, for the reports were from the direction of the cattle in the rear, and the shouts and whoops came from the brazen throats of indians, who had attacked the weak guard of the live-stock. boone and his friends, leaving a sufficient guard for the women and children, hurried back to the assistance of the young men, who were in such imminent peril. there was sore need of their help indeed, for the attack, like the generality of those made by indians, was sudden, unexpected, and of deadly fierceness. when the panting hunters reached the spot, they found the cattle had been stampeded and scattered irrecoverably in the woods, while of the seven men who had the kine in charge, only one escaped alive, and he was badly wounded. among the six who lay stretched in death, was the oldest son of daniel boone, slain, as may be said, just as he was about entering upon the promised land. the disaster was an appalling one, and it spread gloom and sorrow among the emigrants, who might well ask themselves whether, if they were forced to run the gauntlet in that fearful fashion, they would be able to hold their own if spared to reach kentucky? a council was called, and the question was discussed most seriously. daniel boone, who had suffered such an affliction in the loss of his child, strenuously favored pushing on, as did his brother and a number of the other emigrants, but the majority were disheartened by the disaster, and insisted on going back to their homes, where, though the annoyances might be many, no such calamity was to be dreaded. the sentiment for return was so strong that the boones were compelled to yield, and turning about, they made their way slowly and sadly to clinch river settlement, in the southwestern part of virginia, a distance of perhaps forty miles from where they were attacked by indians. it would be difficult to look upon this occurrence in any other light than a most serious check and misfortune, as certainly was the case, so far as the loss of the half dozen men was concerned, but the turning back of the rest of the party was unquestionably a providential thing. it was a short time previous to this, that the historical logan episode took place. the family of that noted chief and orator were massacred, and the fierce dunmore war was the consequence. this was impending at the very time boone and the others were journeying toward kentucky, and breaking out shortly afterwards, extended to the very section in which the emigrants expected to settle, and where in all probability they would have suffered much more severely had they not turned back for the time. nothing could change the purpose of boone to enter into kentucky, and to make his home there. although obliged from the sentiment of his friends to withdraw for a time, he looked upon the check as only a temporary one, and was confident that before long he would be firmly fixed in what he called the "land of promise." boone was not to be an idle spectator of the famous dunmore war going on around him. in the month of june, , he and michael stoner were requested by governor dunmore of virginia to go to the falls of the ohio, for the purpose of guiding into the settlement a party of surveyors, sent out some months before. boone and his friend promptly complied, and conducted the surveyors through the difficult and dangerous section without accident, completing a tour of eight hundred miles in a couple of months. shortly afterward boone rejoined his family on clinch river, and was there when governor dunmore sent him a commission as captain, and ordered him to take command of three contiguous garrisons on the frontier, during the prosecution of the war against the indians. boone, who had proven his coolness and intrepidity many a time, was equally prompt in discharging the responsible duty with which the governor honored him. it is believed that the pioneer was present at the famous battle of point pleasant, which perhaps was the most furious contest ever waged with the indians on virginia soil. the shawanoes, delawares, mingoes, wyandots and cayugas, to the number of , and under the leadership of such famous chiefs as logan, cornstock, elenipsico, red-eagle and others, made a fight against general lewis and his brave virginians, not only with bravery, but with a skill which came within a hair's-breadth of annihilating the entire force of whites as utterly as was that of general custer more than a century later. finally, however, the sanguinary fight terminated in favor of the virginians, by a skillful maneuvre at the proper moment, and the savages were completely routed. not long afterward a treaty of peace was made in which the indians surrendered all claim to kentucky. as the six nations had done the same six years before, it may be said that all the aboriginal title to kentucky was extinguished when boone settled there. dunmore's war having terminated with the utter overthrow of the combined tribes, the militia that had been called into service were discharged, and boone returned to his family on clinch river. he had already become known as a hunter and explorer possessing great daring and shrewdness, and those were the days when such men were needed in wresting the western wilderness from the grasp of the wild indian, who was sure to fight the advancing hosts of civilization with the treacherous fierceness which the barbarian always displays in defending its young. boone, therefore, had been home but a short time, when he received a request from a company of north carolinians, who proposed purchasing a large tract of land lying to the south of kentucky river from the cherokee indians, to attend their treaty to be held at wataga in march, , with a view of negotiating with them, and determining the boundaries of the purchase. this association was known as colonel richard henderson's company, and it was one of the most extraordinary that was engaged at any time in opening up our western territory. when the boones returned from their first visit to kentucky, it is scarcely necessary to say that they gave glowing descriptions of its wonderful attractiveness for the hunter and settler. these accounts spread over north carolina and created great excitement, one of the direct results being the formation of colonel henderson's company. the originator was a man of education, wealth and energy, and he displayed such ability and daring in its management, that he frightened off most of his rivals, or led them to enlist under his banner. at that time the entire country lying within the natural lines formed by the ohio, kentucky and cumberland rivers was claimed by the cherokee indians, who lived within the boundaries of north carolina. previously, however, virginia had given an impetus to the exploration and adventure in kentucky, by presenting to her officers and soldiers western lands by way of bounties for their services in the british army, in the old war between france and england. it was required that these lands should be surveyed by the claimants, who were also given a large discretion in locating their claims. the first of these was made upon the kanawha in the year , and the second was on the south side of the ohio the following year. the business having begun it was pressed vigorously forward. extensive tracts were surveyed on the north fork of the licking and numerous salt licks, and other especially desirable spots were taken up. the year was notable for arrivals in kentucky of those who were entitled to lands, besides scores of others who went to indulge in speculation, and to secure the most valuable sections before they could be taken by others. among those daring explorers and hunters was james harrod, at the head of a party of kentuckians from the shores of the monongahela. they followed the kentucky river into the interior, and left it at a place afterwards known as "harrod's landing." moving further westward they located themselves in a beautiful and attractive section, where they erected the first log-cabin ever built in kentucky. this was near the present town of harrodsburg, in the spring of , and this place, therefore, may claim to be the oldest settlement in kentucky. harrodsburg is now the capital of mercer county, and is thirty miles south of frankfort, with a population of about , . it is an attractive summer retreat, and enjoys a fine reputation for its mineral waters. as we have stated, the most remarkable of the many associations formed for the settlement of kentucky was that organized by colonel richard henderson of north carolina. it was intended to obtain by purchase from the cherokee indians their right to the same, and then to take possession of the immense area. as soon as the organization of the company was effected, daniel boone was fixed upon to conduct the negotiations with the cherokees. as might have been anticipated, he met with perfect success, and colonel henderson went to wataga, a small place on the holston river, where, in solemn council, on the th of march, , he delivered to them a consideration in merchandise, for which he received in return a deed to kentucky, signed by all the leading chiefs. this was a most important step indeed, but another of no less importance remained to be taken, and that was to assume possession of the territory claimed by colonel henderson. this gentleman was too energetic and clear-sighted to delay such a necessary measure, and his wisdom was further shown by fixing upon captain daniel boone for the carrying out of his intentions. a small company of brave and trustworthy men were at once selected, who were sent to kentucky under the direction of boone, with instructions to open a road from the holston to the kentucky river, and to erect a station at the mouth of otter creek, on the latter stream. this was serious business, and none appreciated it more than boone and his companions, who knew that the treaty signed with the chiefs would not afford them the slightest protection against the treacherous indians. they proceeded with the greatest care and caution, keeping their most vigilant sentinels on the lookout at night, while every man, it may be said, was on guard through the day. they pushed steadily forward, until they reached a point about fifteen miles from where boonesborough stands, using all the dispatch possible, and escaping molestation up to that time. but at the place named, they were suddenly fired upon by indians, who, springing up from their ambush, attacked them with great ferocity. two of the whites were killed and two wounded, but they repulsed their assailants a few minutes later. boone and his friends lost no time in pressing ahead; but three days later, they were fired upon by indians again, and two of their number were killed and three wounded. well might kentucky be named the dark and bloody ground, for its soil has been crimsoned with the life-current of its earliest pioneers, from the very hour they first placed foot within its borders. the settlers, however, had no thought of turning back, but fought their way, as may be said, to the kentucky river, which they reached on the st of april, , and began the erection of the fort of boonesborough at a salt lick, about two hundred feet from the south bank of the river. a few days later, the indians shot one of the men, but the others paused in their work only long enough to give their late comrade a respectful burial, and to shed a few tears of sympathy over his loss, when they resumed cutting and hewing the logs and placing them in position. they continued steadily at work, and the fort was finished by the middle of june following, when, having satisfactorily discharged his duty, boone returned to his family at the clinch river settlement. kentucky was formally taken possession of on the th of april, , which, it may be stated, was on the very day that colonel richard henderson reached the age of forty years, there being about two months difference between his age and that of daniel boone. henderson was a native virginian, who had been a judge in the superior court of the colonial government of north carolina; but the halls of justice were shut up by the anarchy occasioned by the regulators, and he engaged a number of the most influential of north carolinians in the utopian scheme of founding the republic of transylvania. it was with this grandiloquent project in their mind, that kentucky was taken possession of on the date named, and everything considered necessary was done for laying the foundation stones of the model republic in the heart of american territory. the death-blow of the grand scheme was received before it was fairly born. governor martin of north carolina issued a proclamation, declaring the purchase of the lands by colonel henderson and his association from the cherokees illegal; but, as a matter of equity, the state subsequently granted , acres to the company. virginia did the same thing, granting them an equal number of acres bounded by the ohio and green rivers. tennessee claimed this tract, but gave in compensation therefor the same number of acres in powell's valley. thus ended the attempt to found the transylvania republic, but the original projectors of the movement acquired individual fortunes, and colonel henderson himself, when he died, ten years later, was the possessor of immense wealth, and was loved and respected throughout the entire territory. the old fort at boonesborough, being the first real foothold gained by the pioneers, was sure to become most prominently identified with the indian troubles that were inevitable. it was to be a haven of safety to many a settler and his family, when the whoop of the vengeful shawanoe or miami rang through the forest arches, and the sharp crack of the warrior's rifle sent the whizzing bullet to the heart of the white man who had ventured and trusted his all in the wilderness. it was to be the lighthouse on the coast of danger, warning of the peril that lay around and beyond, but offering protection to those who fled to its rude shelter, as the cities of the olden times received and spread their arms over the panting fugitive escaping from his pursuers. the old fort was a most notable figure in the history of the west, a hundred years ago. there have been gathered in the structure of logs and slabs, the bravest men who ever trailed the red indian through the wilderness. there those mighty giants of the border, boone, kenton, wells, m'clelland, the wetzel and mcafee brothers, m'arthur, and scores of others converged from their long journeyings in the service of the government; and, closing about the fire, as they smoked their pipes, they told of the hand-to-hand encounter in the silent depths of the woods, of the maneuvering on the banks of the lonely mountain stream, of the panther-like creeping through the canebrake on the trail of the indian, of the camps at night, when the shawanoes were so plentiful that they did not dare close their eyes through fear that their breathing would betray them, of the smoking cabin with the mutilated forms of husband, wife, and babe showing that the aboriginal tigers had been there, of the death-shots, the races for life, and the days of perils which followed the daring scout up to the very stockades of boonesborough. sometimes one of the rangers of the wilderness would fail to come into the fort when expected. there would be mutual inquiries on the part of those who had been accustomed to meet him. perhaps some one would say he was scouting for the government, but nothing would be known with certainty, and a suspicion would begin to shape itself that he had "lain down," never to rise again. perhaps some ranger in threading his way through the long leagues of trackless forests would stop to camp from the snow which was whirling and eddying about him, while the wintry wind moaned and soughed through the swaying branches overhead; and mayhap, as he cautiously struck flint and steel in the hidden gorge, he saw dimly outlined in the gathering gloom the form of a man, shrunk to that of a skeleton, in which the spark of life had been extinguished long before. the bullet-hole in the chest, or the cleft made in the skull by the fiercely-driven tomahawk, showed why it was the scout had been missing so long, and why his cheery voice and ringing laugh would never be heard again. boonesborough, as we have stated, stood about feet from the kentucky river, one of its angles resting on its banks near the water, and extending from it in the form of a parallelogram. the length of the fort, allowing twenty feet for each cabin and opening, was with a breadth of feet. the houses were built of rough logs, and were bulletproof. they were square in form, one of the cabins projecting from each corner, the remaining spaces along the sides being filled with cabins, constructed more with an eye to strength than beauty. on the side facing the river was a large strong gate moving on wooden hinges, and a similar one was placed on the opposite side. the cabins along the four sides were connected by pickets, which consisted of slabs, sharpened at one end and driven deep into the ground. such forts would be of little account in these days, but they were effective against the indians who followed such desultory warfare, and who were thus compelled, as may be said, to transfer the advantage which they naturally sought to their enemies. a frontier fort like boonesborough did not afford that absolute protection which would allow the garrison to lie down and slumber in peace, certain that all danger was removed. the indian was wily and catlike by nature; he knew the advantage of mining, and took naturally to the most insidious methods of warfare; but the whites, if vigilant, were sure to detect such demonstrations, and they possessed the power to countermine, and defeat any and every movement of the savages. besides this, and above all, the garrison possessed a shelter from which to aim their deadly rifles, and they might well scorn the attempt of any force of warriors that could be gathered together. the fort with its cabins was completed in the early summer of , including also the cabins and buildings intended for the friends and families who were expected to join them a few months later. colonel henderson and a couple of the proprietors visited the place, and gave it its name in honor of the great pioneer who had built it. these leaders took with them some forty new settlers, a large number of pack-horses, and a goodly supply of such articles as were needed at a frontier-post like boonesborough. and now it will be admitted that boone and his employers were fully warranted in believing that at last a permanent settlement had been planted on kentucky soil. chapter vii. boone rejoins his family at the clinch river settlement--leads a company of immigrants into kentucky--insecurity of settlers--dawn of the american revolution--british agents incite the indians to revolt against the settlements. daniel boone showed his faith in the success of the enterprise, by announcing his intention of bringing his family into kentucky to stay as long as they lived. accordingly he proceeded to the clinch river settlement, where he gave more glowing accounts than ever of the beauties and attraction of the new country. the result was inevitable. the stories of foreign lands never lose any of their brilliant coloring when they come from the mouth of one who has passed through the enchanting experiences of which he tells us. what though he speaks of the deadly peril which lingers around the footsteps of the explorer, is it not one of the laws of this strange nature of ours that the attraction is thereby rendered the greater? is it not a sad fact that the forbidden pleasure is the one that tastes the sweeter? boone set his neighbors to talking, and by the time his family was ready to move to kentucky, a number were fully as eager as he to go to the new country. the pioneer was chosen to lead them. they turned their backs forever upon north carolina in the autumn of , and facing westward, set out for their destination. when they reached powell's valley, several other families were awaiting them, and, thus re-enforced, the company numbered twenty-six men, four women, five boys and girls--quite a formidable force, when it is remembered they were under the leadership of daniel boone, to whom the trail had become so familiar during the preceding years. this little calvacade wound its way through cumberland gap, all in high spirits, though sensible of the dangers which, it may be said, hovered about them from the very hour they left clinch river. good fortune attended the venture, and for the first time of which we have record, the entire journey was made without the loss of any of their number at the hands of the indians. never forgetting that the utmost vigilance was necessary to insure this exemption, if such insurance be considered possible, boone permitted nothing like negligence, either when on the march or in camp. but, in recalling those first expeditions to the west, one cannot help wondering at their success. had the indians shown a realizing sense of the strength in union, which they displayed at the battle of point pleasant, the thames, and in the defeats of st. clair, crawford and others, they could have crushed out these attempts at settlement, and postponed the opening up of the country for many years. what more easy than to have concentrated several hundred of their warriors, and, waiting until the little companies of settlers had penetrated too far into their territory to withdraw, led them into ambush and annihilated every man, woman and child? but they chose, when not engaged in their rare movements on a large scale, to fight in a desultory fashion, firing from behind the tree or from the covert, or watching for the unsuspecting settler to appear at the door of his cabin. this manner of fighting made the feeling of uncertainty general, for no man could know when the peril threatened his wife and little ones, nor when the spiteful attack would be made by some small band of warriors, venturing from the main body and relying upon their own celerity of movement to escape before the settlers could rally in time to strike back. this species of warfare, we say, was extremely perilous to the settlers and pioneers, but it could never become an effective check to the advancing hosts of civilization, which were beginning to converge from a dozen different directions upon the fair forests and fertile plains of kentucky. when boone and his party reached the headwaters of dick's river, a halt was made, and a division took place. several of the families preferred to settle at harrodsburg--the cabin of harrod having been erected there the year previous. with mutual good wishes, therefore, they separated from the main company, and pushing resolutely forward, reached their destination in safety. as a matter of course, there was but the one haven which loomed up invitingly before daniel boone,--that was the station named after himself, and which was now at no great distance away. he and the main body reached it without molestation, and they helped to swell the numbers that were already making boonesborough the strongest post in the west. it is one of the facts of which the pioneer was proud throughout his long, eventful life, that his wife and daughter were the first white women who ever "stood upon the banks of the wild and beautiful kentucky." but, as we have stated, settlers, speculators, surveyors, and adventurers were converging to the dark and bloody ground, which was receiving an influx almost daily--the most of the new-comers being of a character desirable and useful to a new country. the latter part of was specially noteworthy for the number of settlers who entered kentucky. the majority of these made their rendezvous at boonesborough, which soon became what might be called the headquarters of the pioneers. many attached themselves to boone's colony, others went to harrodsburg, while some, having completed the survey of their lands, returned home. it was during these stirring days that boone received visits from kenton, the mcafees and other men, who became so noted afterward as scouts and border rangers. those were momentous times in the colonies, for, as the reader will observe, our forefathers were on the very verge of the american revolution. the country was trembling with excitement from one end to the other. in the spring of the year occurred the battle of lexington, when was fired the shot that was "heard around the world," and the war opened between great britain and the colonies. men left the plow in the furrow, the shop and their homes, and hastened to arms, while boone and his brother colonists were planting their homes hundreds of miles beyond the frontiers of the carolinas. many believed the treaties previously made with the indians would protect them from molestation at their hands, but in this expectation the pioneers were wofully disappointed. it was necessary for the mother country to put forth the most gigantic efforts to subdue her american colonies, or she would be confronted with rebellions among her colonial possessions all around the globe. despite the treaties with the aborigines, english emissaries were soon at work, inciting the indians to revolt against the intruders upon their soil. there is good reason to believe that more than this was done, and great britain furnished the tribes with guns and ammunition, with which to give practical expression to their enmity toward the white settlers in kentucky and tennessee. the american indian, as a rule, does not require much persuasion to begin the work of rapine and massacre, as we have found from dealing with him ourselves. when they have received their supplies from our government agents, and have had their usual "palaver" with the peace agents, they are fully prepared to enter upon the war-path. the student of western history will recognize the date named as the beginning of the most troublous times on the kentucky frontier. the settlers had planted themselves on the soil with the purpose of remaining, and they were prepared to defend their homes against all comers. but the most resolute bravery and consummate woodcraft cannot give absolute protection from such a foe as the original american. the sturdy settler who plunged into the woods, with his glittering axe in hand, was not secure against the shot from behind the tree which bordered his path, and the plowman who slowly guided his team to the opposite end of the clearing, could have no guarantee that one of the painted warriors had not been crouching there for hours, waiting with his serpent-like eyes fixed upon him, until he should reach the spot in order to send a bullet through his heart; the mother, busy with her household duties, was not sure that the leaden messenger would not be aimed, with unerring skill, the moment she showed herself at the door, nor could she be assured that when her little ones ventured from her sight, they would not be caught up and spirited away, or that the tomahawk would not be sent crashing into their brain. the sounds of what seemed the hooting of owls in the dead of night were the signals which the indians were exchanging as they crept like panthers from different directions upon the doomed cabin; the faint caw of crows, apparently from the tops of the trees, were the signals of the vengeful warriors, as they approached the house which they had fixed upon as the one that should be burned and its inmates massacred. there was the fort known as harrod's old cabin and boonesborough, while other rude structures were reared in the clearings with the intention of being used as a protection against the red-men. these served their good purpose, and many a time saved the settlers from the peril which stole upon them like the insidious advance of the pestilence that smites at noonday,--but they could give no security to the lonely cabins with the stretches of forest between and the faint trail connecting them with the fort. when the shawanoes and miamis came, it was like the whirlwind, and many a time they delivered their frightful blows, withdrew, and were miles away in the recesses of the woods, where pursuit was impossible, before the garrison at the station could answer the call for help. but, as we have said, these frightful atrocities and dangers could not turn back the tide of emigration that was pouring westward. the trail which boone had marked from holston to boonesborough was distinct enough for the passage of pack-horses, and the long files which plodded over the perilous path always had their heads turned to the westward. the flat-boats that swung slowly with the current down the ohio were pierced with bullets from the shores, and, in some instances, nearly all the occupants were picked off by the indian marksmen; but had it been in the power of these cumbrous craft to turn back, they would not have done so. the american pioneer is daunted by no danger, baffled by no difficulty, and discouraged by no adversity. the time had come for opening up the western wilds, and nothing but the hand of providence himself could stop or delay the work. chapter viii. comparative quiet on the frontier--capture of boone's daughter and the misses callaway by indians--pursued by boone and seven companions--their rescue and return to their homes. it was the summer of , and the colonies were aflame with war. those were the days which tried men's souls, and the skies were dark with discouragement and coming disaster. there were many hearts that could only see overwhelming failure in the momentous struggle in which the country was engaged. for a time, comparative quiet reigned in the neighborhood of boonesborough. the settlers improved the time to the utmost. while some hunted and fished, others cleared the land, and a promising crop of corn had been put in the rich soil. only one of the colony had been shot by indians during the preceding winter, the band which did it having withdrawn before any retaliatory measures could be taken. on the afternoon of the seventh of july, miss betsey callaway, her sister frances, and a daughter of daniel boone entered a canoe under the bank of the river, as children would naturally do to amuse themselves. betsey was a young lady, but the other two were about thirteen years of age,--all bright, joyous girls, who had no thought of danger, as they paddled about the rock where the frail boat had been moored. they were laughing and paddling, when suddenly a rustling among the overhanging bushes arrested their attention, and, turning their gaze, they saw with consternation the painted face of an indian warrior. the girls were almost paralyzed with terror. the savage warned them by signs to make no outcry, through penalty of being brained with the tomahawk griped in his hand. they could only huddle together in terror and await his pleasure, whatever it might be. the sinewy indian then stepped cautiously into the canoe, and took up the paddle, which he handled with the skill peculiar to his people. with scarcely the slightest plash, he silently forced it out from the undergrowth and started for the other shore. the terrified girls looked appealingly in the direction of the stockades, but they dare make no outcry. the stalwart savage dipped the paddle first on one side and then on the other, and the canoe rapidly neared the shore, beneath whose overhanging bushes it glided the next moment like an arrow. turning toward the girls, the indian signified that they were to leave the boat, and the poor girls could do nothing less. several other warriors who were in waiting, joined them, and the journey was instantly begun toward the interior. no more unfavorable time for the captives could have been selected. it was late in the afternoon, and before anything like pursuit could be organized it would be night, and the trail invisible. the indians would use all the woodcraft at their command, and doubtless the morning would see them many miles removed from the settlement. the captors took the very precautions of which we have spoken, directing their steps toward the thickest cane, where they separated and made their way through it with the utmost caution, with a view of rendering their footprints so faint that pursuit would be out of the question. having assured themselves, so far as they could, that their trail was hidden from the scrutiny of the settlers, the indians with the three girls made another turn, and striking a buffalo path, pushed forward without delay. the girls had been reared in a society where outdoor life and exercise were a part of their creed, and they stood the unwonted task forced upon them with much greater fortitude than would have been supposed. they walked nimbly along, taking great consolation in each other's company, though they were almost heartbroken at the thought that every mile through the gloomy forest was taking them so much further away from their loved ones, and lessened in the same degree their chances of rescue by their friends at boonesborough. it being midsummer, they did not suffer from cold, and but for their terror of their ultimate fate, they would have cared nothing for the jaunt. still, as children will feel under such circumstances, they had strong hopes that their parents and friends would soon be in close pursuit of the indians. and such indeed was the case. for it was not long before the girls were missed at boonesborough, and search made for them. some one had seen them in the canoe, and when it was discovered that the boat was left on the opposite side of the river, and when the keen eyes of the pioneers were able to detect the imprint of moccasins along the shore where the craft had been moored on their side, there could be no doubt of what it meant. the girls had been captured and carried away by indians. it can be well understood that great excitement spread among the families of boonesborough, all of whom were drawn together by the closest ties of friendship, and who shared in each other's joys and woes. the whole male force were ready to start at a moment's notice to the rescue. but that was not the way in which to secure them, for it would have been equally effective for a hunting party to go in search of the timid antelope with drums and banners. what was needed was a small company of hunters, brave, swift of foot, clear-headed and skilled in the ways of the woods. they should be men who could trail the red indian where the imprints of his moccasined feet were invisible to ordinary eyes, and who, when the critical emergency should come, were sure to do just the right thing at the right time. there were plenty such in boonesborough, and there could be no difficulty in finding them. at the head, of course, stood daniel boone himself, and he selected seven others who could be relied on in any emergency; but, by the time the pursuit could be begun, the shades of night were settling over wood and river, and it was out of the question to attempt anything like an intelligent search for the girls. in such a case there is no basis for reasoning, for though it may seem certain to the veteran hunter that his enemy has taken a certain course in order to reach his distant lodge, yet the morning is likely to show that he has gone on a different route altogether. the american indian, who is educated from his infancy in cunning and treachery, is likely to do that which is least expected and provided against; and boone, therefore, did not make the mistake of acting upon any theory of his own which was likely to cause him to lose many precious hours of pursuit. but it was the season when the days were longest, and at the earliest streakings of the morning light, the eight pioneers were on the other side of the river, looking for the trail of the indians. the delicate imprints were discovered almost instantly by the keen-eyed hunters, who started on the scent like bloodhounds, eager to spring at the throats of the savages. but the pursuit was scarcely begun, when they were confronted by the very difficulty which they anticipated. the indians, as we have shown, had separated and made their way through the thickest cane with such extreme care, that they succeeded in hiding their trail from the lynx eyes of even boone himself. in such an emergency, the pursuers could only fall back on their own resources of calculation and observation. they noticed that the tracks all pointed in one general direction, and there was, therefore, a basis for deciding the side of the cane where they emerged. acting upon this theory, they made a circuitous journey of fully thirty miles, and sure enough, struck the trail just as they hoped rather than expected. boone showed his woodcraft now by forming a reasonable theory and acting promptly upon it, for, though he may have been right, still he would have lost all the advantage by a failure to follow it up instantly. recalling the unusual precautions taken by the indians to throw their pursuers off their trail, boone was convinced that the savages would believe that these precautions had accomplished their purpose, and they would therefore relax their vigilance. their course, as a consequence, would be followed more easily. accordingly, boone and his comrades changed the route they were following, with the idea of crossing the path of the indians. they had not gone far when they discovered it in a buffalo path, where it was quite evident that, from the careless manner in which the red-men were traveling, they had no suspicion of their pursuers being anywhere in the vicinity. this was favorable to boone and his companions, but they understood the delicacy and danger of the situation, which was of that character that they might well tremble for its success, even with the great advantage gained. none knew better than they the sanguinary character of the american indian. the very moment the captors should see that it was impossible to retain the prisoners, they would sink their tomahawks in their brains, even though the act increased their own personal peril tenfold. it was all-important that the pursuit should be vigorously pressed, and at the same time it was equally important that the savages should be kept in ignorance of the men who were trailing them so closely. as silently, therefore, as shadows, the pioneers, with their guns at a trail, threaded their way through the forest and dense canebrakes. their keen and trained vision told them they were gaining rapidly upon the indians, who were proceeding at that leisurely gait which was proof that they held no suspicion of danger. the settlers had already traveled a long distance, and even their iron limbs must have felt the effects of journeying full forty miles through the wilderness,--but they pushed on with renewed vigor, and, as the day advanced, observed signs which showed unmistakably that they were close upon the captors. the pursuers slackened their gait and advanced with the extremest caution, for only by doing so could they hope to succeed in the rescue of the young girls. suddenly the figures of the warriors were discerned through the trees a short distance ahead. they had stopped, and were in the act of kindling a fire, evidently meaning to encamp for the night. the indians were startled at the same moment by sight of the whites hurrying toward them, and not one of the dusky red-skins could misunderstand what it meant. had it been possible for such a misunderstanding, they were undeceived the next instant. the pursuers showed their earnestness by not waiting a moment for the warriors to rally, but four bringing their rifles to their shoulders, took a quick aim and fired into the party. the smoke of the powder had scarcely time to curl upward from the muzzles of the guns, when the whole eight charged straight into camp on a dead run, and with the fury of tigers. when the indians saw those figures coming, they had no time to slay the amazed captives, but, snatching up only one of their guns, they scattered pell-mell for the wood. as they went at headlong haste, boone and one of his men fired, while still on a dead run. each fugitive was "hit hard," but he managed to get away in the gathering darkness, and it may safely be concluded that none of the survivors looked upon that particular expedition against the settlers at boonesborough in any other light than a failure. the joy of the three girls over the rescue must be left to the imagination of the reader. they were terrified almost out of their senses when captured, but they knew they would soon be missed from home, and their friends would be on the trail, but they were old enough to understand the vast disadvantages under which they would be placed, knowing that no pursuit could be instituted until the morrow. and then, too, they knew the meaning of the extreme precaution taken by the indians in separating and walking so carefully through the densest of the canebrakes. and, as mile after mile was placed behind them, and the warm summer day drew to a close, many a misgiving must have saddened their hearts, as they looked through the gathering shadows and failed to see anything of the loved forms. but they had come, bursting into camp like thunderbolts,--the indians had fled in terror, and the girls were restored to their friends without a hair of their heads being harmed. the place where the recapture took place was thick with cane, and some of the pursuers would have been glad to keep on and inflict further chastisement upon the indians,--but that was impracticable, and, as the girls were out of danger, the party turned about and started back toward boonesborough, where they arrived without mishap or further adventure, and where, as may well be supposed, their return created joy and thanksgiving throughout the entire settlement. this incident, one of the most romantic of the innumerable occurrences of the border, possessed a significance which some of the settlers failed to see. the presence of the indians so near boonesborough and the daring abduction was not done by what may be called an irresponsible company of warriors. on the contrary, they were one of the many scouting parties sent out to make observations of all the settlements along the border, with a view of organizing a combined movement against them. the agents of england, who had been so industriously at work for months with the indians of the west, used means which at last accomplished their purpose, and, while hostilities were being pushed with such vigor in the east against the struggling colonies, it threatened to assume a more desperate and sanguinary character in the west. the red men had been aroused to action, and their manner of warfare was as fierce and merciless as that prosecuted by the east india sepoys, nearly a century later, against great britain. it was not long before the danger was plainly seen, and so profound was the fear excited by the surety of the coming war, attended, as it was certain to be, by the most atrocious massacres, that hundreds of speculators made all haste to leave the imperiled country and return to their former homes in the east. chapter ix. general uprising of the indians--the border rangers--attack upon boonesborough--repulse of the assailants--second attack by a larger force and its failure--arrival of forty-five men--investment of logan's fort--timely arrival of colonel bowman with reinforcements--attack upon harrodsburg. there was a deliberation and completeness in the preparations of the indians against the settlements along the western border which, if possible, lent additional terrors to the danger that was soon to break upon them. the scouts who came in to boonesborough, harrodsburg, and other points, from their long journeys through the forest, reported the tribes everywhere making ready for the warpath. there were gatherings at their towns, councils, turbulent assemblies, throwing of the tomahawk, shooting matches, running races, and that general excitement which to the experienced forest ranger can mean but the one thing. the months passed, the breaking out of hostilities was delayed, and immigrants kept dropping in, as may be said, until the month of july, , when nearly fifty men came in one company and settled in the immediate vicinity of boonesborough. this was a most welcome addition indeed, for it was evident to all that the hour was at hand when every arm would be needed in the defence of their homes and firesides. boone knew what was going on among the surrounding tribes, and he threw away no chances and neglected no precautions. his vigilant sentinels were always on duty, day and night, and nothing was more certain than that the garrison could not be taken by surprise. besides this, kenton, brady, m'clelland, the mcafee brothers, and other rangers, were constantly moving over the long stretches of forest, making tours of observation to the indian villages and gathering points, so that no excuse existed for the whites being surprised. in the month of april, , the sentinels at boonesborough discovered suspicious signs in the woods immediately surrounding them. the signals and moving figures showed that a large body of indians were gathering in front of the stockades, and there could be no doubt that an attack was intended upon the station. the settlers were ready, and when the red men opened fire, they received such a fierce fusillade in return, that no doubt could exist as to the injury inflicted. the indian fights from the bushes and hidden places, and is at disadvantage when he is forced to attack a foe who is equally protected. from behind the trees the warriors aimed their rifles, and the flashes of flame here, there, and everywhere among the green vegetation, showed where they stood, with their black eyes sighting along the barrels, waiting to fire at whatever point showed any probability of exposing a white enemy to their accurate aim. but beyond the stockades and in the blockhouses were the kentucky riflemen, whose unerring aim, whose steady nerve and cool courage have never been surpassed, and whose skill in the use of their favorite weapon has made them renowned throughout the world. their guns were thrust out of the loopholes, and the pioneers seized the first chance offered, no matter how slight. perhaps the jet of fire behind some tree or among some dense bushes disclosed nothing of the warrior who caused it, but an instant later, maybe, the bronzed face of the indian was cautiously exposed for a single instant, as he peered out to see the result of his carefully-aimed shot. that second was enough, for the half dozen kentuckians watched for just such an opportunity, and like lightning the sharp, whiplike crack of as many rifles broke the stillness, and the red skin rolled over backward, his skull riddled by bullets, while the smoke of his own gun was curling upward from its muzzle, and the death-yell trembled half uttered on his coppery lips. the indians killed one settler and wounded four others, while it was never known how many of their own number were shot. they fought bravely, but soon saw they had attempted an impossibility and withdrew. boone knew better than to believe this was the end. on the contrary, he and his comrades were convinced it presaged more serious danger to the settlement. in this supposition he was right, for on the great national anniversary following, the indians reappeared with fully double their former force, and began what was intended as a regular siege of boonesborough. it is not to be supposed the red-men knew or had any idea of the associations connected with that particular date, for the declaration of independence was just a year old; but the fourth of july is not a fortunate day for a foe to assail an american force, and so it proved in this instance, for the whole attack and its result was but a repetition of that of three months previous. the indians fought with great courage, accepting every chance offered, and killing one man and wounding four, precisely as they did in april. the vigilant kentuckians saw seven of the warriors drop before their fire, and it is not improbable that others were slain or at least wounded. the fight was kept up with little intermission for two days and nights, at the expiration of which time the assailants became convinced that no hope of success remained to them, and they drew off as before. thus it came to pass that boonesborough, while in its very infancy, underwent two fierce attacks from the indians. immediately after the second, came the forty-five men from the east, and no further disturbance or molestation took place during that year, which was one of great material advancement on the part of the settlement. those who joined it continued to be of the right material, and they came with the ambition to rear themselves homes in the western wilderness, where their families could live in comfort and safety. the first step necessary, and in fact about all the steps necessary, could be summed up in the single word--_work_. and they put forth all their energies toward clearing broad spaces of the surrounding forest, and putting the rich virgin soil under cultivation. it was of that fertile, vigorous nature that it but needed the opportunity to bring forth, some a sixty and some a hundred fold. it was like that of the famous green isle of the sea,--"tickle it with a straw, and it would laugh a harvest." meantime the other stations and settlements were given a taste of indian warfare and peril. logan's fort was invested by a large force of indians in the month of may, , and it was placed in imminent danger, for it was not so strong as harrodsburg or boonesborough, and the investing red-skins were overwhelming in numbers. the siege continued for several days and nights, during which it became plainer and plainer that the warriors were certain to subdue it, in which case the garrison would be put to death. but at the very hour when despair was settling over the hearts of the brave defenders, colonel bowman appeared with a re-enforcement, and the indians were scattered like chaff in the wind. two months previous the fort at harrodsburg was attacked, but the savages were bravely resisted, and they retired with a slight loss, having wounded four of the whites, one of whom afterward died. chapter x. a diner out--the "hannibal of the west"--election of general clark and gabriel jones as delegates to the virginia legislature--their journey to the capital--general clark obtains the loan of a large supply of ammunition--erection of the county of kentucky--general clark attacked and pursued by indians on his voyage down the ohio--conceals the ammunition and delivers it safely at the border stations--general clark marches upon kaskaskia and captures the obnoxious governor rocheblave--governor hamilton of detroit organizes an expedition against the settlements--general clark captures fort st. vincent and takes governor hamilton a prisoner--captures a valuable convoy from canada and forty prisoners--secures the erection of important fortifications by virginia. one day a boy sixteen years old, who lived four miles above harrodsburg, went out in the woods to hunt game. the name of the lad was ray, and he afterward became the general of that name who is so closely identified with the settlement of the west. like all boys in kentucky he was a good shot, and he was not out long before he brought down a small blue-wing duck, which he picked, dressed, and roasted to a rich, juicy brown, building his fire on the brow of a hill, a few rods east of his home. just as young ray had gotten the bird in a shape to delight the palate of an epicure, a fine, soldierly-looking man came out of the woods and called in a cheery voice: "how do you do, my young man?" the boy looked up in surprise and said-- "i am very well, sir, thank you." "what is your name?" "ray, and i live in the house down yonder." "ain't you afraid to hunt alone in the woods, when the indians are making so much trouble?" "well, i try to be careful, but there is danger in these times everywhere, as it seems to me; but won't you help me eat this duck which is now ready for the table?" "i'm obliged to you, for i am quite hungry." accordingly he sat down and attacked the duck, which he remarked was very toothsome, especially when a person was so a-hungered as he, and complimenting the boy upon his culinary skill, he kept at work until there wasn't a particle left for young ray, who was somewhat astonished and not altogether enthusiastic over the style in which his visitor disposed of the bird. "but," said general ray afterward, "he would have been welcome to all the game i could have killed, when i afterward became acquainted with his noble and gallant soul." when the meal was finished, the visitor thanked the lad for his hospitality and said: "my name is clark, and i have come out to see what you brave fellows are doing in kentucky, and to give you a helping hand if necessary." young ray conducted him to harrodsburg, where he spent some time in carefully noting the capacity of the station in the way of defence against the attacks that were pretty certain to be made very soon. the gentleman was general george rogers clark, who at the time was a major in the army, and was engaged in forming his grand scheme for the conquest of the british posts in the northwest. he was one of the most conspicuous figures of the times, and is known in history as the "hannibal of the west." the first visit which he made to the frontier was in , when he spent several days at harrodsburg. his military genius was so well known that the command of the irregular troops in kentucky was given him. he remained in the west until autumn, when he went back to virginia, but returned to kentucky the succeeding year, which was the occasion of his introduction to the embryo general ray, as we have just related. at a public meeting of the settlers at harrodsburg, held on the th of june, , general george rogers clark and gabriel jones were chosen to represent the territory in the colony of virginia. the all-important point at that critical juncture was whether virginia would consider the colony under her protection and render her the assistance she needed against the combinations of the indians. it will be borne in mind that colonel henderson claimed kentucky by virtue of purchase from the cherokees, and if such claim was recognized, then no protection could be demanded from virginia, no more than from pennsylvania. in general clark's judgment the wiser course was for the people to appoint agents with the power to negotiate with virginia, and in the event of the state refusing to acknowledge the claim of the colony upon her, then general clark proposed to use the lands of kentucky as a fund with which to obtain settlers and establish an independent state. the sovereign people had determined otherwise, and with many misgivings as to their recognition, general clark and his colleague set out for the capital of virginia. the way was long, and there were no public conveyances of which to take advantage. when they reached williamsburg, the legislature had adjourned _sine die_. thereupon gabriel jones made his way to the settlements on the holston, while general clark, with the resolution to accomplish something for the imperiled settlers on the frontier, proceeded to the home of governor henry, who was lying sick in his room. the governor was so impressed by the statements of clark, that he gave him a letter to the executive council of the state, and, with this document, the officer hastened to that body, and briefly but graphically depicting the needs of the colony, asked the council to loan him five hundredweight of powder to be used in the defence of the several stations. the members of the council expressed themselves as anxious to do everything in their power for the endangered colonists, but there was a threatened legal entanglement, which prevented them from making the loan in the manner desired. on account of the efforts of colonel henderson and company, the inhabitants of kentucky had not yet been recognized as citizens, and until that important question was settled, the utmost that could be done was to loan the ammunition to the kentuckians as friends, at the same time holding general clark personally responsible, in case of the failure of the state to give citizenship to the colonists. general clark lost his patience with this proposition. he had made his way to virginia at great personal risk, to obtain the gunpowder, and he was ready to give his utmost services in defending the colony, but he could not admit the justice of becoming responsible for the value of the ammunition so sorely needed by the settlements, and he therefore declined to receive it upon such terms. rather than do so, he announced that he would go back to kentucky, put in operation his original scheme, and use all the resources of the territory to erect it into an independent and sovereign state. this determination general clark declared in a letter to the council, after taking time to deliberate fully over the proposition. its reception produced a result which he hardly dared hope. the council called him before it, reconsidered their action, and ordered that the powder be sent to pittsburg at once, where it was to be turned over to general clark to be used in the defence of the settlements of kentucky. this took place in the latter part of august, and in the autumn of the same year the memorial was laid before the virginia legislature. the delegates could not be admitted to seats, but, before the session was over, they secured legislative action that marked an epoch in the history of the colony, which was its erection into the county of kentucky, by which it was entitled to a separate county court, two justices of the peace, a sheriff, constables, coroners, and militia officers. thus to general clark must be given the credit of securing the first political organization of kentucky, by which it was entitled to representation in the virginia assembly, and to a separate judicial and military establishment. having accomplished this important purpose, general clark and gabriel jones made ready to start to kentucky again. the powder and a large quantity of lead were still at pittsburg, awaiting them, and they proceeded to that point and took charge of the supplies. with seven boatmen they started on their voyage down the ohio. general clark felt the importance of making all possible haste in the matter, for the indians were sure to attempt its capture if they knew of the prize passing through their country. by some means or other they learned the truth, and the boat, with its small crew, was scarcely out of sight of pittsburg, when the indians appeared along the banks and began firing upon it with the hope of disabling the crew. then they entered their canoes and began a pursuit of the boat containing the ammunition. without offering resistance, general clark devoted his energies to flight, and his men plied their oars with such success that they held the advance all the way to the mouth of limestone creek, where general clark resorted to stratagem to save the valuable property in his hands. his men had rowed with such unremitting energy that they could not hold out much longer. the boat was therefore turned up limestone creek, speeding along between the banks with such swiftness, that it kept out of sight of the indians for a long time. at the proper point, the craft was run ashore, the men sprang out, and the powder was concealed in the bushes. then the boat was turned adrift, and the little party started overland for harrodsburg, where they arrived without mishap. a few days later, the general returned with a strong force, recovered all the ammunition, delivered it at harrodsburg, without the loss of a pound, and shortly after it was distributed among all the stations, which were thus provided with the indispensable means of defending themselves against the impending assaults. it will be admitted that general george rogers clark did a most important service for kentucky in thus furnishing her with ammunition, and in securing her erection into the county of kentucky: but this did not end his services, and when it was least expected by his enemies, he assumed the offensive. general clark possessed rare military gifts, as he demonstrated on more than one important occasion. the governor of the canadian settlements in the illinois country was using his utmost endeavor to incite the indians to devastate the american frontier. this being established beyond question, the governor of virginia placed two hundred and fifty men under clark, with permission to march against the settlements. he descended the ohio, landed and hid his boats, and then started overland for his destination, his soldiers carrying the small amount of provisions they had on their backs. these were soon exhausted, and, for two days, they ate nothing but roots and a few berries, but all the time pushed vigorously forward. as silently as phantoms, and as totally unexpected, it may be said, they appeared before kaskaskia in the dead of night. the place was captured before anything like resistance could be thought of. this was a noteworthy exploit, for kaskaskia but a short time before had resisted a much larger force. general clark understood the value of promptness and celerity in military movements, and without an hour's unnecessary delay he sent out detachments against three other towns, which in every instance were captured, the obnoxious governor rocheblave himself being one of the prisoners. he was sent to virginia, there being found among the papers on his person instructions from quebec to do his utmost to rouse the indians against the settlers, and even to go to the extent of offering bounties for the scalps of americans. the illinois settlers transferred their allegiance to virginia, which owned the territory by right of charter and conquest, and, in the autumn of , erected it into the county of illinois--thus sealing an act of brilliant generalship on the part of clark, which has few parallels in the history of the west. the danger, instead of being over, only deepened, for hamilton, the governor of detroit, was a resolute official, and, burning under the smart inflicted by the audacious american officer, began the organization of an overwhelming force of british and indians, with which to move up the ohio, to fort pitt, capturing all the settlements on the way, purposing also to lay siege to fort kaskaskia itself. this was alarming tidings to clark, who saw no probability of being able to hold the country, though he resolved to make its re-conquest dear to the invaders. the forces which governor hamilton was gathering far outnumbered his and were equally experienced, and their march up the country promised to be practically irresistible. besides this, the governor gathered hundreds of indians, who were thirsting for the opportunity for massacre and plunder. thus, never in the history of the frontier did a more portentous cloud gather in its sky. in this hour of gloom and almost despair, general clark learned that governor hamilton, who had reached fort st. vincent--now known as vincennes--had divided his force, by sending most of the indians against the adjoining settlements. this opportunity was similar to those the great napoleon was so quick to perceive, nearly a half century later, and which did so much to establish his marvelous military genius in the eyes of the world. it was in the dead of winter, being february, , and yet the runner had scarcely come into kaskaskia with the important tidings, when general clark, with one hundred and fifty picked men, was threading his way through the wilderness in the direction of vincennes. fortunately the weather was unusually mild, but when within nine miles of the enemy, they reached the drowned lands of the wabash, where they were compelled to wade to their armpits for a long distance, and to use so much caution in advancing, that it was five days before the entire body got safely across. on the rd of february, the american force appeared before the fort, and general clark demanded its surrender. this was promptly refused, and clark made his preparations to take it. as the garrison had not expected them, he began a siege, carefully investing it as best he could, and confident that it could not hold out long. so it proved. at the end of eighteen hours it was surrendered by governor hamilton, the americans not losing a man. the governor was sent a prisoner to williamsburg, and a large quantity of stores fell into the hands of general clark. this was a brilliant achievement indeed, but it was not all. general clark captured a convoy from canada on its way to the post which had just surrendered, and secured the mail, $ , , and forty prisoners. shortly after an express arrived from virginia, thanking him and his gallant companions for the reduction of the kaskaskia country; and not long after, virginia, through the agency of general clark, extended her western establishments and erected a number of fortifications. chapter xi. boone leads a party to the blue licks to make salt--capture of boone and surrender of the entire party--conducted to detroit--his captors refuse to exchange him--he is adopted by the shawanoes--he discovers a formidable expedition is to move against boonesborough--his escape and arrival at boonesborough--the attack postponed--boone leads a party against an indian town on the sciota--encounter with a war party--returns to boonesborough--the state invested by captain duquesne and a large force--boone and the garrison determine to defend it to the last--better terms offered--treachery suspected--the attack--the siege raised. we have been compelled, in the preceding chapter, to carry forward for a few years the history of the military and political movements connected with the earlier history of kentucky in order to give an intelligent idea of the work performed by its great pioneer daniel boone. during the exciting military occurrences to which we have referred, boonesborough was stirred by a startling disaster. the settlement was greatly in need of salt, and, as it was a work of extreme difficulty and danger to secure its importation from the atlantic states, the much simpler method was resorted to of having it manufactured at the blue licks, where there was such an abundance of brackish water that the work was easily done. collecting some thirty men, boone set out for the blue licks which were at no great distance, and they began immediately the process of evaporating the water and collecting the saline deposit. salt is one of the prime necessities of life, and they were desirous of making enough of it to last them for a long time to come. the operation of salt-making is not a complicated one, even in these modern days, and there was scarcely the work to keep the whole thirty men busy all the time. as might be supposed, boone spent many hours in hunting. it is probable that the indians, learning of the weakened condition of boonesborough, had determined on attacking it with a force which promised to insure its capture. for this purpose they gathered two hundred warriors and started for the settlement, without boone or any of his party suspecting the danger that was moving down upon their friends. still further, knowing that the unsuspicious white men were engaged at the licks, the large force of indians turned in that direction and advanced with the noiselessness of so many shadows. daniel boone, at that juncture, was alone, hunting in the woods, when he came face to face with the two hundred warriors, who appeared as suddenly as if cast up by the earth. without stopping to parley, boone whirled about and started on a dead run, darting in and out among the trees, doing his utmost to dodge the bullets that he expected would be sent after him, and to place himself beyond sight of the indians, who were desirous of securing so renowned a man as he. but boone was not so young as when he had his former desperate encounters with the red men, and the dozen warriors who instantly sped after him were among the fleetest of their tribe. the pioneer made good progress, but as he glanced furtively over his shoulder every few seconds, he saw that the savages were gaining rapidly upon him, and his capture was certain. he held out as long as there was the slightest hope, but soon abruptly halted and surrendered. there is something singular in the consideration which the indians showed boone on more than one occasion. it will be remembered that when he and stuart were captured, they were kept day after day, until they gained a chance to escape; and, in the present instance, the captors conducted him back to the main body, where he was still held a prisoner, no harm being offered him. this was at a time when the fury of the savages was stirred to the highest point against the settlers, and when the treacherous bullet, the crashing tomahawk, the deadly knife and the smoke of the burning cabin were more typical of the manner of warfare, than were any of the amenities of civilized, contending forces. it may have been the indians recognized the importance of the capture they had made in the person of the great daniel boone, for they treated him kindly and conducted him back to the blue licks, where the rest of the settlers were encamped. there, upon the solemn promise of the indians to spare their lives and give them good treatment, boone surrendered the entire command to them. boone was court-martialed for this act, and, whether he deserved credit for it or not, is hard to determine. such a daring officer as general clark never would have surrendered under such circumstances, and thirty frontiersmen of to-day would give a good account of themselves against an aboriginal force of ten times their number. on the other hand, the partisans of the pioneer plead that he saw that it was unquestionably the best thing to be done, inasmuch as the majority of the indians would turn back with their prisoners, and thus boonesborough would be saved from an attack, which, in its weakened condition, it would scarcely be able to resist. it will be seen that this is not a conclusive argument by any means, for if the war party had appeared before the stockades with the thirty prisoners and threatened to put them to the torture, before the eyes of their families, they could have secured any terms they chose. on the other hand, the two hundred savages could have exterminated the little band in the woods as utterly as did sitting bull and his warriors the forces of general custer nearly a hundred years later. it may be set down, therefore, that the court-martial which acquitted boone, voiced the sober second thought of his friends in this much disputed matter. there is reason to believe that the indians felt a genuine admiration for the pioneer, for they kept in spirit and letter the agreement they made respecting the treatment of himself and comrades. the capture of so large a force, including the leader himself, was an achievement on the part of the indians calling for great self-congratulation, as they started with their captives for old chillicothe, on the miami. old chillicothe was the principal town of the shawanoes who had taken boone, and as it was in the depth of winter, the march through the wilderness occupying three days was very severe. on this journey the indians treated the whites well, sharing their food with them, and only showing by their unremitting vigilance that they regarded them in the light of prisoners. they were kept at the shawanoe village several weeks, and then the pioneer and ten of his men were conducted to detroit (which at that time was a british garrison), and, with the exception of boone, were presented to the commandant, who showed them much consideration. the commandant was desirous of securing boone, and requested the indians to bring him in, but they refused. a number of prominent gentlemen in detroit, who knew of the pioneer, joined with the officer in offering a large reward for boone, with the purpose of exchange, or of sending him back to his family at boonesborough. the shawanoes were deaf to the proffers, and, to end the annoyance, started for their villages on the miami, taking the leader with them. the truth was, the red-men had formed a feeling of strong friendship for their famous prisoner, and were determined to adopt him. it was with such an intention that they left detroit and made their way through the woods to their own towns, occupying more than two weeks in the journey. reaching their destination at last, boone was formally adopted into the shawanoe tribe. respecting this novel ceremony, peck, the biographer of boone, says: "the forms of the ceremony of adoption were often severe and ludicrous. the hair of the head is plucked out by a painful and tedious operation, leaving a tuft some three or four inches in diameter on the crown for the scalp-lock, which is cut and dressed up with ribbons and feathers. the candidate is then taken into the river in a state of nudity, and there thoroughly washed and rubbed, 'to take all his white blood out.' this ablution is usually performed by females. he is then taken to the council-house, where the chief makes a speech, in which he expatiates upon the distinguished honors conferred on him. his head and face are painted in the most approved and fashionable style, and the ceremony is concluded with a grand feast and smoking." boone had now been changed from a white to a red man; that is, in the eyes of the red-men themselves, and his native shrewdness and cunning told him that his true course was so to conduct himself as to give the shawanoes the impression that he shared their opinion with them. having received the ceremony of adoption, and well aware of the strong friendship the members of the tribe felt for him, he knew he was in no personal danger, so long as he chose to remain one of them. but nothing could be further from his intentions than that of spending any considerable time with the shawanoes, but he was well aware that but one opportunity of escape would be offered him; should he fail, no second chance would present itself. it will therefore be seen that no precaution was to be neglected that promised to add to the prospect of success. he could not but feel anxious concerning his wife and children, and he was uneasy over the situation of boonesborough; so much so, that he resolved to seize the first opportunity of leaving, and to press his efforts with such vigor that he could scarcely fail. he adopted his old custom of pretending to be satisfied with his condition, and of holding no thought of running away. although little else was left for him to do, it was not to be expected that it would deceive the indians or lead them to relax their vigilance to any perceptible extent. they must have known it was the very stratagem he had adopted successfully a few years before with their people, besides being the one which would naturally occur to a prisoner. in the month of june, , a company of shawanoes went to the sciota licks to make salt, taking boone with them. he thought the chance promised to be a good one for getting away, and he was on the alert. but the indians were equally so, and they kept him so busy over the kettles that he dared not make the attempt. finally, having secured all they wished of salt, they started homeward again, and reaching old chillicothe, boone's heart was filled with consternation at the sight of warriors in their paint, fully armed and ready to march upon boonesborough. this was a formidable force indeed, more than double that against which the garrison had ever been forced to defend themselves, and it seemed to the pioneer as if the settlement, his family and all his friends were doomed to destruction. it was now or never with boone: if his escape was to prove of any benefit to others than himself, it would not do to delay it any longer. the settlers were unaware of their danger and unless duly warned, were likely to fall victims to shawanoe cunning and atrocity. boone determined to leave within the succeeding twenty-four hours, no matter how desperate the chance, and once beyond sight of his captors, he would push forward night and day until he could reach boonesborough. but eager as he was to go, no opportunity presented itself that day or evening. his active brain continued busily at work, and, before he closed his eyes in snatches of fitful slumber, he had decided on the course to pursue. he rose early the next morning, and started out for a short hunt, as he had frequently done, for such a stratagem promised to give him more chance of getting a good start of his pursuers, it being naturally supposed that the hour of a hunter's return is one of the most uncertain occurrences in this world. the pioneer was one hundred and sixty miles from boonesborough, but he was scarcely out of sight of the indians, when he headed straight for the settlement, and ran like a man who realizes it is a case of life and death. it was a long distance to tramp, where the need was so urgent, but the fugitive was spurred on by the strongest of all incentives. he did not spare himself. he had concealed enough for one meal about his person before starting, and this was all he ate while making the long journey occupying five days. he did not dare to stop long enough to shoot any game, for fear his pursuers would be upon him. he took many precautions to conceal his trail, but was fearful that the piercing eyes of the shawanoes would not be deceived. he was apprehensive, too, that if he should fire his gun, the report would bring his vengeful captors upon him. climbing some elevation, he looked searchingly back over the route traveled, for sight of the smoke of the tell-tale camp-fire, or that of the moving figures close on his trail. but he saw none, and at the close of the fifth day, tired, hungry, and worn, he made his appearance in front of the boonesborough stockade and was admitted with amazement and delight by his friends, who believed he had been killed long before. so general, indeed, was this belief in his death that his wife and family had moved back to their home in north carolina some time previous. just as he had feared, he found the station in the very condition to fall a prey to the indians. its immunity from attack for months previous had induced carelessness and indifference, and had the immense war party of shawanoes appeared at the same time with the pioneer, the fort could not have held out an hour before a vigorous attack. but boone's presence inspired courage, and the garrison and settlers set to work instantly. everything was done to put the station in the best possible state for defence. there was not an hour to lose, for it was supposed the savages would be directly upon the heels of the pioneer, and a constant and vigilant lookout was maintained. but the hours passed, and no indians appeared: in fact, the escape of boone proved the salvation of the settlement named after him, in a manner altogether unsuspected. shortly after the flight of the pioneer, another of his friends succeeded in getting away, and he came into the station with the gratifying news that the march against boonesborough had been postponed for three weeks on account of the flight of boone, whose purpose was divined at once by the indians. this postponement was a most providential thing, not only for boonesborough itself, but for all the stations along the frontier, for it gave them time in which to make every preparation for the attacks which were foreshadowed by the indian spies that were encountered in every direction. finally boone determined to make an offensive movement, with a view of striking something like fear into the hearts of the indians who were meditating these attacks, and exciting a corresponding degree of confidence among his friends. on a bright morning early in august, with nineteen picked men, he left the station and started for one of the indian towns on the sciota, intending to effect its capture before anything like an effective resistance could be made. to accomplish such a work in an indian country, requires the utmost secrecy and celerity of movement. no time, therefore, was lost on the road, when once the start was made, and, threading their way rapidly through the forest, they advanced straight toward the indian town, and were within a few miles, when, to their astonishment, they encountered thirty of its warriors who were hurrying to join the main body that at that moment was marching against boonesborough. the instant the forces caught sight of each other, a regular bushwhacking fire began, lasting only a few minutes, when the indians broke and fled, having one brave killed and two wounded. none of the whites were hurt, and they captured several horses and such property as the indians could not take away with them. two of the swiftest runners were instantly sent to the indian town, and they came back with news that it was evacuated. the flank movement, therefore, of the settlers had accomplished nothing. only one thing remained to be done: the indians were moving upon boonesborough, but there was a possibility of boone and his men getting there ahead of them. they turned about and the race began. on the sixth day, boone found himself at the same distance from boonesborough as was the main body; by the exercise of great care, he and his men avoided observation and got ahead of them, reaching the station on the seventh day, while the formidable enemy made their appearance before the town on the eighth day. the war party was a large one, indeed, and looked irresistible. it had the british banners flying, and was commanded by captain duquesne, with eleven other canadian frenchmen and a number of the most prominent indian chiefs, while the woods seemed to be literally alive with warriors. many a settler, as he looked out upon the scene, felt that resistance to such a force was useless and the end of boonesborough was close at hand. captain duquesne, with great confidence in his ability to capture the place, sent in a demand to captain boone to surrender it at once in the name of his britannic majesty. boone, in reply, asked to be allowed two days in which to consider the summons, and duquesne granted the request. boone at once summoned his friends to council, and found, when they were gathered, that there were only fifty; but, after a full interchange of views, they decided to defend the station to the last man. the investing force numbered at the least calculation fully ten times as many as they, and a prolonged resistance would be sure to excite them to the highest degree of fury; but the resolution was unanimous, and there was no faltering on the part of the intrepid commander or any of his comrades. at the expiration of the two days, boone appeared at one of the bastions and announced his intention of defending the place, at the same time thanking the french commander for his courtesy in giving him the forty-eight hours in which to make his preparations against attack. captain duquesne was surprised and disappointed over this decision, for he seems to have been confident that the settlers, after soberly thinking over and discussing the matter, would see not only the uselessness, but the suicidal folly of a resistance, which would exasperate the indians, who would be irrestrainable in their vengeance, after the fall of the station. the british commander was so anxious to secure the surrender of boonesborough, that he immediately proposed more advantageous terms, making them so liberal, indeed, that boone and eight of his companions accepted the invitation to go outside with a view of holding a conference. boone and his escort went forth in good faith, but they had not been in the clearing long when it became evident that a trap was set and treachery intended. by a sudden concerted movement, the whites escaped from the shawanoes, who were seeking to surround them, and dashing into the gates, closed them and hastened to the bastions, where they stood ready to answer the british captain at the muzzle of the rifle. the fight commenced at once, a hot fire being opened from every direction upon the fort, but the pioneers returned it so sharply, and with such precision, that the indians were forced to shelter themselves behind stumps and trees, from which they could discharge their guns with less certainty of aim. captain duquesne gained a more appreciative idea of the skill of the kentucky marksmen than he had ever held before, for the station was not only well guarded on every side, but it seemed impossible for a warrior to show himself for a second without being perforated by some settler, whose rifle sent out its sharp, whiplike crack, whenever an "opening" presented itself. so ceaseless was the vigilance of the whites, and so accurate and deadly their aim, that captain duquesne quickly perceived that despite the overwhelming numbers at his command, he would have to try some other method other than the desultory firing, which promised to accomplish absolutely nothing at all. he therefore determined to undermine and blow up the garrison. it was not quite two hundred feet from the fort to the bank of the river, where the canadians and indians at once began digging in the direction of the stockades. but the dangerous work of mining is always open to defeat by countermining, as was proven by the gallant defenders of fort presq'isle, when they were so sorely pressed, and boone instantly set his men at work. as the dirt was cast up, it was also thrown over the pickets, the purpose being that captain duquesne should be apprised that his scheme was discovered, and the settlers were engaged in the same proceedings. boone learned what the besiegers were doing, by observing that the water below the fort was muddy, while it was clear above. captain duquesne saw that it was idle to prosecute this method of attack, when the enemy were countermining, and he gave it over. but he had with him, as we have shown, the most formidable force that in all the history of boonesborough was ever gathered before it, and he doubted not that it must fall before a regular siege. accordingly he invested it, intending to starve the garrison into submission, if no other method presented itself, for there was nothing to be feared in the way of re-enforcements coming to the assistance of the defenders. the siege lasted nine days. during this time, the settlers had only two men killed, while some of the besiegers were constantly falling before their deadly rifles. they could accomplish nothing, and captain duquesne decided to raise the siege. chapter xii. the peculiar position of boonesborough--boone rejoins his family in north carolina--returns to boonesborough--robbed of a large amount of money--increased emigration to the west--colonel rogers and his party almost annihilated--captain denham's strange adventure. it must have caused captain duquesne great mortification to come to this conclusion, after setting out with a force ten times as great as that against which he contended, and with every reason to count upon success; but his provisions were almost exhausted, and nearly every time he heard the sharp crack of a rifle from the defences it meant that he had one less warrior than before. the prospect of his triumph was diminishing slowly, but none the less steadily, day by day. under such circumstances there was but one thing to do, and that was to raise the siege. this was done at the close of the ninth day after the attack, having lost, as is stated, thirty-seven men, with a much larger number wounded. boonesborough was never again subjected to a formidable assault by indians. it had gone through its crucial period, and there was many a day and hour when it seemed certain that the advanced station in the wilderness must succumb to the hordes of indians who, like so many fierce bloodhounds, were bounding against the stockades. a peculiar condition of the settlement of the west now acted as a shield to boonesborough. between the site of the station and the ohio river were continually springing up smaller stations, and many of these were so weak as to invite attack, while boonesborough had proved her powers of resistance. the indians were too wise to pass beyond the weaker stations with a view of attacking one further away and much stronger. it therefore came to pass, as already stated, that the siege of which we have made mention was the last danger to which boonesborough was subjected. something like peace and quietness came to the station, where every stockade was pierced with bullets, and the settlers began more earnestly the work of clearing the land for cultivation. the opportunity having presented itself for the first time, boone set out for north carolina to join his family. as they were mourning him for dead, their excitement and delight possibly may be imagined, when the hardy hunter came smilingly out of the woods, and, catching up his little ones in his arms, kissed them over and over again and pressed his happy wife to his heart. he had a strange story to tell them of his captivity among the indians--his escape, his tramp through the forest, the attack upon boonesborough and the repulse of the british and indians, and finally his long journey over mountain and wood to rejoin them. boone stayed in north carolina all winter with his family, who doubtless would have been glad to remain there still longer; but the fires of the revolution were flaming and bringing great suffering and privation, and the pioneer showed that boonesborough could never again be placed in serious peril. the following summer, therefore, boone and his family went back to the station, where he set the good example of devoting his energies to the cultivation of the tract of land which belonged to him, and to assisting other immigrants that were pouring into the country. this was a work as substantial in its way as roaming the woods in search of game, as was his favorite custom in his earlier days. and yet, while thus engaged, he was subjected to a great annoyance if not humiliation. he was openly accused of cowardice for his surrender of his party at the blue licks the preceding year. colonel richard callaway and colonel benjamin logan brought charges against him, which, as hinted in another place, led to his trial by court-martial. his two friends were induced to do this as an act of justice to boone, and with a view of setting at rest the accusations continually made in certain quarters. without giving the particulars of the court-martial, it is sufficient to mention as its direct result, captain boone's promotion to the rank of major and his increased popularity with all his citizens. a misfortune, however, overtook the pioneer, which probably caused him more mental suffering than anything that took place during his long, eventful life. a commission having been appointed by legislature to settle kentucky land claims, major boone attested his faith in the future of the young state by gathering all his funds, with which he started for richmond, with the intention of investing the entire amount in lands. on the road he was robbed of every dollar. boone makes no mention of the distressing circumstance in his autobiography, and none of the particulars are known; but, as he had a great many sums entrusted to him by friends, it will be understood that this misfortune amounted in reality to a public calamity. however, the robbery did not impair the confidence which was generally felt in boone's integrity. those who knew him best, knew he was the soul of honor,--one who would undergo privation and suffering at any time rather than inflict it upon others. the opinion of the people is best shown in the following letter written by colonel thomas hart, of lexington, kentucky, dated grayfields, august , : "i observe what you say respecting our losses by daniel boone. (boone had been robbed of funds in part belonging to t. and n. hart). i had heard of the misfortune soon after it happened, but not of my being partaker before now. i feel for the poor people who, perhaps, are to lose their preemptions; but i must say, i feel more for boone, whose character i am told suffers by it. much degenerated must the people of this age be, when among them are to be found men to censure and blast the reputation of a person so just and upright, and in whose breast is a seat of virtue too pure to admit of a thought so base and dishonorable. i have known boone in times of old, when poverty and distress had him fast by the hand; and in these wretched circumstances, i have ever found him of a noble and generous soul, despising every thing mean; and therefore i will freely grant him a discharge for whatever sums of mine he might have been possessed of at the time." there was general peace, so to speak, along the frontier, and that part of our country took immense strides in the march of civilization; and yet the year is noted for the occurrence of one of the bloodiest battles that ever was fought in that portion of the west. in the autumn of the year, colonel rogers, who had been to new orleans to procure supplies for the posts on the upper mississippi, made his way back until he came opposite the present site of cincinnati. as he reached that point he discovered the indians coming out of the mouth of the little miami, in a large number of canoes, and crossing to the kentucky side of the ohio. he determined at once to attempt a surprise, with a view of cutting them off, as they effected a landing. the ohio was quite low at that season, and was very shallow on the southern shore, a long sand-bar extending along the bank. colonel rogers landed his men, some seventy in number, upon this bar, and started them for a point a short distance away, where he hoped to effect the capture of the entire party of indians. but rogers had made a most fearful miscalculation. they had scarcely started toward the spot, when they were fiercely attacked by a large force of indians, numbering fully two hundred. they first poured in a terrible volley and then springing to their feet, rushed upon the panic-stricken whites, with their knives and tomahawks. before this hurricane-like charge, colonel rogers and more than forty of his men were almost instantly killed. those who were not shot down, made a frenzied flight to the river, with the warriors at their heels. but the guards left in charge of the boats were so terrified by the disaster, that they hurriedly rowed out in the river again, without waiting to take their imperiled comrades aboard. caught thus between two fires, the remnants turned about, and, making a desperate charge upon their enemies, succeeded in forcing their way through the furious warriors, and those who survived managed to reach harrodsburg. in this battle, or massacre, as it may well be called, sixty whites, including the commander, colonel rogers, were killed, a loss only equaled by that of the blue licks some time previous. the disaster spread a gloom over the frontier, and awakened a dread in some quarters that the indians would be roused to combined action against the settlements, and that a long series of disasters were likely to follow. it was at this battle that an incident took place, almost too incredible for belief, but it is established upon the best authority. among those who were wounded by the terrific volley poured into the whites was captain denham, who was shot through both hips in such a manner that the bones were broken, and he was deprived of the use of his legs. nevertheless he managed to drag himself to the top of a fallen tree hard by, where he hid himself until the battle was over and the indians gone. his condition was deplorable, for as his friends had fled, he could not expect any assistance, and it looked indeed as if it would have been a mercy had he been killed outright. however, he kept up a brave heart and was able to reach the side of the river to drink, when his consuming thirst came upon him. thus he lived until the close of the second day, when he discovered that some one else was hiding near him. whoever he was, the captain concluded it must be a wounded person and most likely one of his own race, inasmuch as the indians always take off their wounded when the opportunity is presented them. accordingly the captain hailed him, and sure enough found it was a comrade, who was wounded in both arms, so as to make them useless. both were plucky soldiers, and as there seemed to be a man "between them," they formed a strange partnership. the captain did the shooting, while his friend carried him about on his shoulders, from place to place. in this manner they existed until the th of september, when they hailed a passing flat-boat, which took them to louisville, where they eventually recovered and lived many years afterward. chapter xiii. colonel bowman's expedition--its disastrous failure--death of boone's son--escape of boone--colonel byrd's invasion--capture of ruddell's and martin's station--daring escape of captain hinkston. an invasion of the indian country is always popular on the frontier, and when colonel bowman, known to be a good soldier, issued his call for volunteers, shortly after the massacre of colonel rogers and his command, there was no lack of responses. he requested them to meet at harrodsburg, for the purpose of moving against the indian town of chillicothe, and there in a short time were gathered three hundred men, among them being the veteran indian fighters, harrod and logan, each holding rank as captain, but boone was not a member of the expedition. the company was a formidable one, and it started from harrodsburg in the month of july, pressing forward through the woods with such celerity and skill that it reached the neighborhood of the indian towns at nightfall without its approach being suspected. here a consultation was held, and it was decided to attack the place at the favorite hour of the savages--just before the break of day--and the plan of assault was agreed upon. advancing close to the indian town, the little army separated into two equal divisions, colonel bowman retaining command of one, while captain logan led the other. the latter officer was to move half way round the town, while the colonel was to go the other way, until they met, when the superior officer would give the signal for an attack "all along the line." captain logan obeyed his orders promptly, and, reaching the point agreed upon, halted and awaited his superior. but unaccountably colonel bowman did not appear. logan remained motionless until his impatience gave way to uneasiness, as he saw the minutes slipping by, and he determined to find out the cause of the delay. his men were concealed in the long grass, when the light of day broke over the woods, but logan, moving here and there, could learn nothing of his superior. several of his own men, in shifting their positions, the better to hide themselves, attracted the attention of some indian dogs, which instantly set up a barking. this brought out a warrior, who moved cautiously in the direction where the object that alarmed the canine seemed to be. he probably had no thought that white men were near at hand, and he might have been made prisoner, but, as is often the case, and as seems to have been the rule on the frontier, at the very crisis the whites committed a fatal piece of carelessness. one of the hunters fired his gun. as quick as lightning the truth flashed upon the warrior, and whirling about, he ran like a deer to his cabin. in an incredibly short space of time, the entire village was alarmed. logan plainly heard the shawanoes hurrying the women and children to the woods, through the cover of a ridge stretching between them and the other division of soldiers. meantime the warriors prepared themselves for the attack, by gathering with their guns in a strong cabin, doubtless intended as a fort or means of defence, while logan and his men took possession of a number of lodges from which the savages had withdrawn. he determined upon using the material of these simple structures as shields in reaching the stronghold of the shawanoes, and his men were about to make the advance, confident of success, when orders came from colonel bowman to retreat at once. the colonel discovered that the indians had not been completely surprised, as was intended, and he thought it too dangerous to venture upon an attack under such conditions--hence the order to captain logan to extricate his force while there was opportunity of doing so. the order was received with amazement, but there was no choice but to obey, "though they knew some one had blundered." the position of the assailants was such that an orderly retreat was difficult, and it soon became impossible; the men felt that each must look out for himself, and they broke and scattered for the wood, running the gauntlet of the destructive fire of the warriors, who shot, as may be said, at their leisure. after the loss of several lives logan's force got out of its dangerous advanced position, joined the other division under command of colonel bowman, and the retreat was continued in the direction of harrodsburg with some semblance of order. but nothing gives a foe greater courage than the sight of a retreating opponent, and when the shawanoes saw the strong force of volunteers hurrying away, they too rushed from their fort and assailed them. there were less than fifty warriors, while the whites numbered almost six times as many, and yet the retreat was continued in the face of the insignificant number of savages, who fired upon them from every point of vantage, the settlers continually falling back, as did the british before the galling shots of the volunteers at lexington. there have been those who defended the course of colonel bowman in this distressing affair, and who insist that his only course was to retreat before the attack of a much more numerous force than his own, but it seems clear he lost his head from the moment he came in sight of the village. he failed to comply with his share of the movement as arranged by himself, and when the shawanoes rallied and pursued his men, instead of turning about and scattering them, he continued retreating in a disorderly fashion, giving no orders, but allowing every one to do as he thought best. but some of his subordinates were better officers than he, and when the colonel halted his force in the worst possible position, logan, harrod, and several others mounted the pack-horses and dashed through the woods in the direction of the galling shots. the noted blackfish was leading the warriors, and unless checked, the indications were that the whites would be cut off to a man. captains logan and harrod, with their brave comrades, charged wherever they caught sight of indians, or whenever the flash of a gun was seen, and after some vigorous work, they killed the chief blackfish and dispersed the rest of his warriors. the road thus cleared, colonel bowman's crippled command continued its retreat, and finally reached harrodsburg without further molestation. the expedition had proven itself one of that long list of failures and disasters which mark the history of military expeditions against the indians on the frontier from the earliest settlement down to the massacre of custer and his command. the revolution was approaching its close, it being the year , and hundreds of settlers from the east had swarmed into kentucky and taken up land. in their eagerness to acquire possession, they almost forgot the danger which hung over them, laying themselves so invitingly open to attack, that the british and indians took up the gauntlet which, it may be said, was thus thrown in their faces. the conquest of kentucky was a favorite scheme with the british, and in the summer of , a formidable invasion was made under the direction of colonel byrd, at the head of six hundred indians and canadians, and with six pieces of artillery. his first demonstration was against ruddell's station, on the licking. this had a weak garrison, and when captain ruddell was confronted with the formidable force and summoned to surrender, he saw that it would be folly to refuse. the artillery at the command of his foe could speedily batter the fort to pieces, and he agreed to capitulate on condition that his garrison should be under the protection of the british. colonel byrd readily agreed to this reasonable stipulation, and the gates were thrown open. the instant this was done, the indians poured tumultuously in, and laying hold of the soldiers claimed them as prisoners. captain ruddell remonstrated indignantly with colonel byrd at this violation of his agreement, but the british colonel, although he did his best to restrain his indians, was unable to do so. colonel byrd seems to have been a gentleman, and, when the indians proposed to attack martin's station, a short distance off, and which they were confident of capturing, he refused to move and threatened to withdraw from kentucky altogether, unless the chiefs and sachems should pledge themselves that in every case the prisoners taken should be given in charge of him, the indians confining themselves entirely to the plunder and booty obtained. the agreement was made on the part of the leaders, and then colonel byrd marched against martin's station. the artillery he took along undoubtedly proved irresistibly persuasive in almost every instance, for he captured the station with little difficulty, and the indian chiefs compelled their warriors to adhere to the pledge they had given. the indians now became eager to attack bryant's station, but colonel byrd did not seem to have much enthusiasm over the invasion of kentucky, and he declined to go further. he collected his stores, and, placing them upon boats, retreated to licking forks, where his indians withdrew, taking with them the prisoners captured at ruddell's station. among the captives was captain john hinkston, a noted indian fighter, who, as may be supposed, was on the alert for a chance to get away from his captors, knowing, as he did, that he was liable to suffer torture at their hands. on the second night, succeeding the separation of the indians from the command of colonel byrd, the warriors halted close to the river. when they started to build a camp-fire, the fuel was found to be so wet that it was fully dark before they could get the flames going, and so many of the guard were called upon to assist in the difficult work that captain hinkston made a sudden dash, broke through the lines, and amid a storm of hastily aimed bullets succeeded in reaching the shelter of the woods. as night had just settled, hinkston felt secure in his escape, though the indians immediately scattered and began such a vigorous search that he heard them moving in all directions about him, sometimes so close that he could almost touch them, and was forced to stand as motionless as the tree trunks beside him, lest they should detect his cautious movements. but he gradually worked away from the indian camp, when the vigor of the hunt had relaxed somewhat, and, starting in the direction of lexington, kept going all night; for, as he was confident the shawanoes would take his trail at daylight, it was important that he should make all progress while the opportunity was his. his hopes rose as hour after hour passed, and he was congratulating himself on the goodly distance made, when to his consternation he came directly up to the very indian camp from which he fled long before. he had committed that error which people lost in the woods are so prone to commit, that of walking in a circle instead of in a straight line. as may be supposed, hinkston was startled, and he did not stand long surveying the smoking camp-fires, with the grim warriors gathered about them; but turning once more, he re-entered the woods, making his way with so much caution, that whatever might happen, he was sure of not repeating the blunder committed. the night was so cloudy and dark, that he was deprived of the compass of the hunter, the stars in the sky, and he wet his finger and held it over his head. this enabled him to tell the direction of the wind which was gently blowing, and by repeating the act, he was enabled to pursue substantially the same direction through the night, so that when daylight came, he was sure of one thing, he had placed a goodly number of miles between him and his enemies. he was so worn out that he crept close to a fallen tree, where he slept several hours. when he awoke he found he was surrounded by a dense fog, which shut out objects a dozen feet distant. the moisture was dripping from the leaves, and the day was as dismal as can be imagined; but such weather served to help conceal his trail, and he was hopeful that none of the keen-eyed indians would succeed in tracing him to his resting-place. but the shawanoes were prosecuting a most vigorous search, and he stepped along with the greatest care, glancing to the right and left, expecting every minute to see some brawny warrior suddenly spring out of the fog upon him. on the right he would hear the call of a turkey, answered a moment by another on the left, followed perhaps by a general chorus from all points of the compass. those wild turkeys were indians signaling to each other, and they frequently approached so close, that more than once hinkston felt it impossible to break through the fiery ring that was closing about him. sometimes the pursuers varied their signals by imitating the howling of wolves, or the bleating of fawns, and they were often so close that discovery would have been inevitable but for the london-like vapor which enveloped the trembling fugitive. but good fortune waited on captain hinkston, and he finally extricated himself from the perilous vicinity and reached lexington without harm. chapter xiv. colonel clark's invasion of the indian country--boone is promoted to the rank of colonel--his brother killed at blue licks and boone narrowly escapes capture--attack upon the shelbyville garrison--news of the surrender of cornwallis--attack upon estill's station--simon girty the renegade--he appears before bryant's station, but withdraws. this same year was noteworthy for two memorable incidents in the history of kentucky. the first was colonel byrd's invasion, and the other was the retaliatory invasion of the indian country by the gallant colonel clark, and his attack upon the shawanoe towns. the prisoners taken by the indians at ruddell's station were kept by their captors, who released a few after the expiration of several years, but a great many perished by the tomahawk and knife. byrd's invasion created great excitement, and the proposed retaliatory measure of colonel clark was received with enthusiasm. the brave settlers rallied to his standard from every direction, and in a short time he had a full thousand men under his command. such a force, composed of such material, might well be considered invincible, for no combination of indians could have been formed on the frontier capable of checking its march. colonel clark, at the head, marched directly into the indian country, spreading devastation wherever he went. the towns were burned and the corn-fields laid waste--a piece of cruelty, but war is always cruel--and by destroying their crops, the warriors were given something else to do besides forming expeditions against the frontier settlements. no attempt was made to check the advance of colonel clark, and his force having inflicted an incalculable amount of injury, withdrew and disbanded. only one skirmish had taken place; that was at an indian village where about twenty men were killed on each side. in the same year the organization of the militia of kentucky was perfected. colonel clark was appointed brigadier-general and commander-in-chief of all the militia. major daniel boone was advanced to the rank of colonel, and with pope and trigg held second rank, floyd, logan and todd holding first. a singular fatality seemed to attach itself to blue licks, already the scene of several disasters to the whites. in october, , boone and his brother visited the place, and had scarcely reached it when they were fired upon by a number of indians in ambush, and the brother fell dead. boone himself dashed into the woods and fled for life, the indians pursuing with the help of a dog. the latter clung so close to the heels of the fugitive, that, when he got a safe distance, he turned about and shot him, then resuming his flight, he soon placed himself beyond all danger from the savages. in march, , a number of straggling indians entered jefferson county at different points, and hiding along the paths, treacherously shot down several settlers. this served as a reminder to the pioneers that it was too soon to count upon any degree of safety from the red men. in fact there was a state of continual unrest along the border. among those killed in the manner mentioned, was colonel william linn. captain whitaker, with the resolve to punish the assassins, started in hot pursuit of them. striking their trail, he followed it rapidly to the ohio, where he entered several canoes purposing to cross and continue the pursuit. he supposed that the warriors had already gone over, but such was not the case, the indians being concealed on the kentucky shore. just as captain whitaker and his men were pushing off, the savages fired, killing and wounding nine of them, but the others turned with such fierceness, that the indians were put to flight, several of their number being left dead. in the succeeding month a small station near shelbyville, which had been founded by boone, became so alarmed that the settlers determined to remove to bear's creek. while engaged in doing so, they were attacked by indians and many killed. colonel floyd hastily gathered twenty-five men and started in pursuit, but he was ambushed, half his party killed, and he himself would have been tomahawked, but for the assistance of the noted scout, captain wells, who helped him off the ground. toward the close of , news reached kentucky that lord cornwallis had surrendered at yorktown, that the war was ended, and the independence of the american colonies secured forever. it is impossible to imagine the delight which thrilled the country at this joyful tidings. america now took her place among the nations, and began that career of progress, advancement and civilization which has made her people the foremost of the world. the settlers along the frontier believed their day of security and safety had come at last, and that now they might give their whole attention to the development of the country. but the hope was an unsubstantial one. the american indians, as a rule, are as regardless of treaties as are we, and they showed no disposition to recognize the fact that the war was over and the dawn of universal peace had come. in may, , twenty-five wyandots suddenly appeared in front of estill's station, and after killing one man, and taking a prisoner, retreated. captain estill, with an equal force, started in pursuit, and overtook them at hinkston's, where he savagely attacked them. his lieutenant, miller, showed the white feather, failed to carry out instructions, and captain estill and nine of his men were killed and scalped, the indians also losing their leader and half their warriors. simon girty the renegade figures as an actor in the darkest deeds in the history of the west. he was a soldier at the fierce battle of point pleasant, but was so maltreated by his commander, general lewis, after the battle, that he forswore his race, and became one of the leaders of the indians and the most merciless enemy of the settlers. in the month of august, a runner arrived at bryant's station with news that girty, at the head of a large force of indians, was pushing through the woods with the intention of capturing the station. immediate preparations were made to receive them, and when the indians appeared, on the th of august, everything possible had been done to put the place in the best form of defence. girty was at their head, as had been announced, and he at once advanced to the clearing and summoned the settlers to surrender, telling them that no other course was left, for, besides the large force under him he had a number of re-enforcements marching to join him with artillery. the sound of the last word was alarming to most of the settlers, but reynolds, one of their number, took upon himself to answer girty, who had assured them of honorable treatment in case of capitulation, and the tomahawk in the event of their failure to accept the terms. the answer of reynolds to this demand was of the most insulting nature. he laughed at the threats of girty and challenged him to make them good; he said he was the owner of one of the mangiest and most worthless curs ever seen, and that he put the last crowning disgrace upon the poor dog by naming him "girty;" that if he had military artillery or re-enforcements, he was invited to exhibit them, and that, finally, if girty remained two hours longer before the fort, they would go out and scalp him and all the warriors he had with him. this was an emphatic reply to the question, and girty expressed in turn his regret that the settlers were so blind to the fate of themselves and those dependent upon them; but he had given them fair warning, and their blood must be on their own heads. they had deliberately chosen to disregard the proffer of peace and safety, and the world could not blame him now for carrying out his threat--that of putting every one to death with the tomahawk. the resistance which they had determined to offer would only excite the indians to the highest point of fury, and they would now be irrestrainable. thereupon simon girty went back to where his indian allies were awaiting him, placed himself at their head, and then deliberately turned about and marched away, without firing a shot at the station! chapter xv. arrival of boone with re-enforcements--pursuit of the indian force--boone's counsel disregarded--a frightful disaster--reynold's noble and heroic act--his escape. on the morning succeeding the departure of girty and his indians from the front of bryant's station, boone reached the place with re-enforcements, among them being his son israel and his brother samuel. before the day closed, colonel trigg came in from harrodstown, and colonel todd from lexington, each with a similar force, so that the retreat of the noted renegade was the best thing that could have taken place for his own personal safety. the company that gathered within the station was a curious one--numbering about two hundred, one-fourth of whom were commissioned officers. a noisy consultation was held, and amid much uproar and wrangling, it was resolved to pursue the indians at once, without awaiting the arrival of colonel logan, who was known to be approaching with a large force, and was certain to arrive within the succeeding twenty-four hours. accordingly the pursuit was begun without delay, and it proved most easy to keep up, for the retreat of girty and his indians was marked by such a broad and plain trail that there could be no mistaking it. the bushes had been bent down, the bark was hacked off the trees with tomahawks, and articles were strewn along the way with most remarkable prodigality. indeed there was so much pains taken to show the trail that boone and his older companions were alarmed. they believed girty had caused it to be done for the very purpose of drawing them in pursuit, and boone spoke to many of the officers. but they laughed at his fears and pressed forward with the ardor of kentuckians who see the certainty of a fierce struggle close at hand, where the victory is likely to be on their side. when the settlers reached blue licks--an ominous name for them--they discovered several indians on the other side of the licking, who leisurely retreated into the woods, without showing any special alarm over the pursuit of the kentuckians. as it was certain that girty and his whole force were immediately in front, another consultation was held; for the pursuers began to feel the need of care and caution in their movements. after a long discussion, all turned to boone, who they felt was the best qualified to advise them in the emergency. the grave face and manner of the great pioneer showed that he appreciated the danger. "our situation is a critical one," said he; "you know nothing of the nature of the country on the other side of the licking, and the indians have acted in such a manner that i'm satisfied they have laid an ambush for us. in my opinion, we have the choice of two courses: the first is to divide our men and send one half up the river to cross it at the rapids and attack in the rear, while the rest make a simultaneous assault in front. but the other course and the one which i most earnestly urge is to await the coming of colonel logan and his re-enforcements. we have a strong body in front of us, and we have been taught more than one lesson by the disasters of the past few years, which we cannot afford to forget to-day. at any rate, we ought not to try to cross the river until we have sent forward spies to learn the number and disposition of the troops." these were the words of wisdom and prudence, but they fell upon unwilling ears, and the majority bitterly opposed the advice of the old pioneer. they insisted that the indians were fleeing in alarm, and that such delay would give them time to get away unscathed, while the proposal to divide the settlers would so weaken them that the indians would fall upon the detachments separately and destroy them. it may be said there was reason in the last objection, but none in the former. it is probable there was little discipline in this wrangling assemblage which was engaged in discussing a most momentous question, for while the arguments were going on, major mcgary sprang upon his horse, spurred him at full gallop toward the river, calling upon all those who were not cowards to follow him. the next instant he was plunging through the stream, and the whole shouting rabble rushed tumultuously after him. there was no semblance of order as they shouted, struggled, and hurried pell-mell to their doom. simon girty, the renegade, from the woods on the other side, must have smiled grimly, as he saw his victims doing everything in their power to hasten their own destruction, just as the majority of the expeditions against the indians did before and have done since. the soldiers hastened forward, until they reached the point against which boone had warned them--the heading of two ravines. they had scarcely halted, when a party of indians appeared and opened fire upon them. mcgary returned the fire, but his position was disadvantageous, being on an exposed ridge, while, as usual, the shawanoes were in a ravine with plenty of opportunity to conceal themselves, while picking off the whites. the majority of the settlers had not yet come up, but they were hurrying forward in the same wild disorder, and continued rushing up the ridge, in time to meet the fire from the indians which grew hotter and more destructive every minute. although placed at such disadvantage, the whites fought with great bravery, loading and shooting rapidly, though without any attempt at discipline and regularity. the fact was, the whites saw they were entrapped, and each and all were fighting for their very lives. had the warriors been given their choice of ground, they would have selected in all probability that taken by the respective combatants, for nothing could have been more in favor of girty and his savages. the indians gradually closed in around the whites, loading and firing with great rapidity, while the settlers fell fast before the bullets rained in upon them from every quarter. among the officers, todd, trigg, harland and mcbride were soon killed, and daniel boone's son israel, while gallantly doing his duty, fell pierced by bullets. the savages gaining confidence from their success continued to extend their line, so as to turn the right of the kentuckians, until they got in their rear and cut off their retreat to the river. the soldiers saw what the indians were doing, for the heavy fire indicated it, and they became panic-stricken. at once every one thought of saving only himself, and a tumultuous, headlong rush was made for the river. as a matter of course, the savages did not allow the invitation to pass unaccepted, and they swarmed down upon the demoralized whites, tomahawking them without mercy. most of the horsemen escaped, but the slaughter of the foot soldiers was terrible. nearly all of those who were in major mcgary's party were killed, and at the river the scene became appalling. horsemen, foot soldiers, and painted indians were mingled in fierce confusion, fighting desperately in the water, which was crowded from shore to shore. a score of soldiers, having got across, halted and poured a volley into the red men, which checked them for a few minutes; but they quickly rallied and resumed the massacre and pursuit, the latter continuing for fully twenty miles. more than sixty kentuckians were killed, a number made prisoners; and another disaster was added to the long roll of those which mark the history of the attempts at civilization in the west. daniel boone bore himself in this fight with his usual intrepidity and coolness, doing his utmost to check the hurricane-like rush of the indians, and endeavoring to rally those around him into something like organized resistance. could this have been done, the renegade girty and his merciless horde would have been routed, for some of those who fought on his side admitted years afterward that they were once on the very point of breaking and fleeing in disorder. but boone saw his son and many of his closest friends shot dead, and himself almost surrounded by indians, before he comprehended his imminent personal peril. the ford which was looked upon by most of the settlers as the only door of escape was crowded with fugitives, and several hundred warriors were between him and the river. instead of seeking to reach the stream, he turned toward the ravine from which the shawanoes themselves had emerged, and, with several comrades, made a desperate dash for it. there was firing all along the line at the few who took this exceptional means, and several small parties sprang after them. boone and his companions were fleet of foot, but he succeeded in eluding their enemies more by strategy than speed, and finally brought his friends to the river bank at a point so far below the ford that they were invisible to the indians. here they swam across and then started for bryant's station, which they reached without further molestation. such an utter rout and irretrievable disaster is always marked by some extraordinary incidents. reynolds, who made the insulting reply to simon girty, when he demanded the surrender of bryant's station, was in the battle and fought furiously against the renegade and his allies, but was forced back by the turbulent tide which, once set in motion, swept everything before it. reynolds was making for the river, when he overtook an officer on foot who was so weak from wounds received in a former engagement with the indians, that he could not keep up with the fugitives, and, indeed, was so exhausted, that he was ready to fall fainting to the ground. reynolds sprang from his horse and helped the officer upon it, and then told him to do the best he could. the captain did so and saved himself. reynolds was now placed in great peril, but he made a plunge into the river, and soon carried himself by powerful strokes to the other side, where he was immediately made prisoner. the shawanoes, at this juncture, were so engaged in capturing and killing the fugitives, that they could not leave very large guards to keep those who fell into their hands. thus it came about that the guard placed over reynolds was a single indian, but he was tall and muscular, and would have preferred to tomahawk his prisoner and join in the general massacre. reynolds did not give him time to debate the matter, but, turning quickly upon the warrior, dealt him a blow which felled him like an ox, and then, before he could rise, reynolds was in the woods, speeding for life. one of the first men whom he encountered, after reaching the settlement, was the officer to whom he had given his horse, when there was no other means by which he could be saved. the officer appreciated the favor, and showed it by making reynolds a present of two hundred acres of land. chapter xvi. general clark's expedition--a dark page in american history--colonel crawford's disastrous failure and his own terrible fate--simon girty. kentucky now approached an eventful period in her history. as we have stated, the career of daniel boone is woven in the very warp and woof of the narrative of the early days of the west, and in order to reach a proper understanding of the life and character of the great pioneer, it is necessary to carry the two along together. the defeat and massacre at blue licks excited a profound shock and indignation along the frontier, and the feeling was general that necessity demanded the chastisement of the indians, who would be likely otherwise to continue their depredations. the gallant and clear-headed officer, general george rogers clark, the "hannibal of the west," issued a call for volunteers to assemble at bryant's station. the general was so popular, and the confidence in him so universal, that hundreds flocked to the rendezvous, where, in a brief time, he placed himself at the head of one of the most formidable forces ever raised in that portion of the country during its early days. the indians were too wise to meet this army in anything like open battle. they carefully kept out of its way, expending their energies in picking off stragglers, and occasionally sending in a stray shot from some point, from which they could flee before it could be reached by the infuriated soldiers. general clark pushed forward, burned several indian towns, and laid waste many fields. a few prisoners were taken, and a few killed, when the expedition returned and disbanded. this was the only enterprise of the kind that was set on foot by kentucky during the year , which, however, was marked by one of the darkest deeds on the part of white men, which blacken the pages of our history. on the th of march, colonel daniel williamson, with a body of men, marched to the moravian town of gnadenhutten, where he obtained possession of the arms of the christian indians through treachery, and then massacred one hundred of them in as cruel and atrocious manner as that shown by nana sahib at cawnpore. the harvest of such an appalling crime was rapine and death along the frontier, as it has been demonstrated many a time since. these outrages became so numerous that colonel william crawford organized an expedition in western pennsylvania, numbering men, with which he started against the wyandot towns on the sandusky. his force in fact was nothing but an undisciplined rabble, and no one could predict anything but disaster, when it should penetrate the indian country. it was this lack of discipline that had given the death-blow to so many expeditions against the tribes on the frontier, and which is the strongest ally an enemy can have. early in june, colonel crawford's force reached the plains of sandusky, straggling along like the remnants of a defeated army, and so mutinous that numbers were continually straying back, deserting openly and caring nothing for the wishes or commands of their leader. colonel crawford saw that a crisis was approaching, and calling a council, it was agreed that if a large force of indians was not encountered within the succeeding twenty-four hours, they would withdraw altogether from the country. a thousandfold better would it have been had they done so at once. within the succeeding hour, scouts came in with the news that a large body of savages were marching against them, and at that moment were almost within rifle-shot. the proximity of danger impressed itself upon the soldiers and officers, who made hurried preparations to receive the warriors that appeared shortly after, swarming through and filling the woods by the hundred. the whites were eager for battle and they opened upon them at once, keeping up a hot galling fire until dark, when the indians drew off. the soldiers slept on their arms. at daylight the fight was renewed, but it assumed the nature of a skirmish more than that of a regular battle. the indians had suffered severely, and they were more careful of exposing themselves. they took advantage of the trees and bushes, firing rapidly and doing considerable damage. but the soldiers were accustomed to such warfare, and they not only held their own ground, but maintained a destructive, though desultory fire which was more effective than that of the enemy. the most alarming fact was that the indians were not only waiting for re-enforcements but were receiving them all through the day. the spies of colonel crawford reported that other warriors were continually coming in, it being evident that runners had been sent out by the chiefs to summon all the help they could command. this caused a great deal of uneasiness on the part of the whites, who saw the probability of an overwhelming force gathering in front of them, with the awful sequel of massacre, which had marked so many expeditions into the indian country. at sunset, when the second day's battle ceased, an anxious consultation was held by the officers of crawford's command, at which the momentous question was discussed as to what was to be done. the conviction was so general that they would be attacked by a resistless force, if they remained on the ground another day, that it was agreed to retreat during the night. as the savage force was already very large and was hourly increasing, it will be understood a withdrawal could only be accomplished by the utmost secrecy, and amid the most profound silence. it was decided, therefore, that the march should begin at midnight, in perfect silence, and preparations were made to carry out the decision of the council of officers. at a late hour the troops were arranged in good order, and the retreat was begun. a few minutes after, some confusion and the firing of guns were noticed in the rear and threatened a panic, but the soldiers were speedily quieted, and the withdrawal resumed in an orderly manner. probably it would have been continued as intended, but, at the critical moment, some terrified soldier called out that the indians had discovered what they were doing and were coming down upon them in full force. the retreat at once became a rout, every man feeling that scarcely a hope of escape remained. the cavalry broke and scattered in the woods, and the desperate efforts of colonel crawford, who galloped back and forth, shouting and seeking to encourage them to stand firm, were thrown away. as if it was decreed that nothing should be lacking in this grotesque tragedy, the men shouted and yelled like crazy persons, so that the impression went to the astounded indians that "the white men had routed themselves and they had nothing to do but to pick up the stragglers." the sequel can be imagined. the warriors sprang to the pursuit and kept it up with the ferocious tenacity of blood-hounds, all through the night and into the succeeding day. the massacre went on hour after hour, until over a hundred of the soldiers had been killed or captured, and still another frightful disaster was added to those which already marked the history of the development of the west. among the prisoners captured were two--dr. knight, the surgeon of the company, and colonel crawford himself. dr. knight and the colonel were taken at the close of the second day, the latter having incurred unusual danger from his anxiety respecting the fate of his son. their captors were a small party of delawares, who carried them to the old wyandot town. just before reaching it, a halt was made, and the celebrated chief, captain pipe, painted dr. knight and colonel crawford black. this meant they had already been doomed to death by being burned at the stake! their immediate experience did not tend to lessen their terrors. as they moved along, they continually passed bodies of their friends that had been frightfully mangled by their captors, who were evidently determined that the massacre of the christian indians should be fully avenged. when near the indian town, they overtook five prisoners who were surrounded by a mob that were tormenting them by beating and taunting. suddenly the indians sprang upon them with a yell, and every one was tomahawked. colonel crawford was turned over to a shawanoe doctor, and surgeon knight went along with them. a few minutes previous, simon girty, the renegade, rode up beside them and became more fiendish in his taunts than the indians. he had been acquainted with colonel crawford years before, and had special cause for enmity, because the colonel had used his efforts to defeat girty for some military office he was eager to obtain. he now commented upon their appearance (being painted black and of course in great distress of mind), and he assured them that their death at the stake was one of the certainties of the immediate future. he laughed and swore and was in high spirits, as well he might be; for, inspired as he was by the most rancorous hatred of his own race, he had been gratified that day by assisting in one of the most dreadful disasters to the settlers that had ever occurred on the frontier. when the village was reached, colonel crawford seized a forlorn hope of escaping by appealing to a shawanoe chief named wingenund, who had frequently visited his house, and between whom quite a strong friendship existed. when the chief learned that colonel crawford was painted black, he knew that nothing could save him, and he withdrew to his own lodge that he might not witness his sufferings; but crawford sent for him, and the chief could not refuse to go to his friend. their meeting was quite affecting, the chief showing some embarrassment and pretending to be uncertain of the identity of the prisoner, through his paint. "you are colonel crawford, i believe." "yes, wingenund, you must remember me." "yes, i have not forgotten you; we have often drank and eaten together, and you have been kind to me many times." "i hope that friendship remains, wingenund." "it would remain forever, if you were in any place but this, and were what you ought to be." "i have been engaged only in honorable warfare, and when we take your warriors prisoners we treat them right." the chief looked meaningly at the poor captive and said, "i would do the most i can for you, and i might do something, had you not joined colonel williamson, who murdered the moravian indians, knowing they were innocent of all wrong and that he ran no risk in killing them with their squaws and children." "that was a bad act--a very bad act, wingenund, and had i been with him, i never would have permitted it. i abhor the deed as do all good white men, no matter where they are." "that may all be true," said the chief, "but colonel williamson went a second time and killed more of the moravians." "but i went out and did all i could to stop him." "that may be true, too, but you cannot make the indians believe it, and then, colonel crawford, when you were on the march here, you turned aside with your soldiers and went to the moravian towns, but found them deserted. our spies were watching you and saw you do this. had you been looking for warriors, you would not have gone there, for you know the moravians are foolish and will not fight." "we have done nothing, and your spies saw nothing that your own people would not have done had they been in our situation." "i have no wish to see you die, though you have forfeited your life, and had we colonel williamson, we might spare you; but that man has taken good care to keep out of our reach, and you will have to take his place. i can do nothing for you." colonel crawford begged the chief to try and save him from the impending fate, but wingenund assured him it was useless, and took his departure. shortly afterward the indians began their preparations for the frightful execution. a large stake was driven into the ground, and wood carefully placed around it. then crawford's hands were tied behind his back, and he was led out and securely fastened to the stake. at this time, simon girty was sitting on his horse near by, taking no part in the proceedings, but showing by his looks and manner that he enjoyed them fully as much as did the executioners themselves. happening to catch the eye of the renegade, colonel crawford asked him whether the indians really intended to burn him at the stake. girty answered with a laugh that there could be no doubt of it, and crawford said no more. he knew that it was useless to appeal to him who was of his own race, for his heart was blacker and more merciless than those of the savages who were kindling the fagots at his feet. the particulars of the burning of colonel crawford have been given by dr. knight, his comrade, who succeeded in escaping, when he, too, had been condemned to the same fate. these particulars are too frightful to present in full, for they could only horrify the reader. colonel crawford was subjected to the most dreadful form of torture, the fire burning slowly, while the indians amused themselves by firing charges of powder into his body. he bore it for a long time with fortitude, but finally ran round and round the stake, when his thongs were burned in two, in the instinctive effort to escape his tormentors. the squaws were among the most fiendish of the tormentors, until the miserable captive was driven so frantic by his sufferings that he appealed to girty to shoot him and thus end his awful sufferings. this dying request was refused, and at the end of two hours nature gave out and the poor colonel died. simon girty assured dr. knight that a similar fate was awaiting him, and knight himself had little hope of its being averted. a son of colonel crawford was subjected to the same torture, but, as we have stated, dr. knight effected his escape shortly afterward. simon girty, the most notorious renegade of the west, remained with the indians until his death. he became a great drunkard, but took part in the defeat and massacre of st. clair's army in , and was at the battle of the fallen timbers, three years later. fearful of returning to his own kindred at the end of hostilities, he went to canada, where he became something of a trader, until the breaking out of the war of , when he once more joined the indians and was killed at the battle of the thames. chapter xvii. adventure of the spies white and m'clelland--daring defence of her home by mrs. merrill--exploits of kennan the ranger. the block-house garrison at the mouth of hocking river was thrown into considerable alarm on one occasion by the discovery that an unusual number of indians were swarming in their town in the valley. such a state of affairs, as a rule, means that the savages are making, or have made, preparations for a serious movement against the whites. to ascertain the cause of the presence of so many warriors in that section, two of the most skillful and daring rangers of the west were sent out to spy their movements. these scouts were white and mcclelland, and the season on which they ventured upon their dangerous expedition was one of the balmy days in indian summer. the scouts made their way leisurely to the top of the well-known prominence near lancaster, ohio, from whose rocky summit they looked off over the plain spreading far to the west, and through which the hocking river winds like a stream of silver. from this elevation, the keen-eyed scouts gazed down upon a curious picture--one which told them of the certain coming of the greatest danger which can break upon the frontier settlement. what they saw, and the singular adventures that befell them, are told by the reverend j. b. finley, the well-known missionary of the west. day by day the spies witnessed the horse-racing of the assembled thousands. the old sachems looked on with their indian indifference, the squaws engaged in their usual drudgery, while the children indulged unrestrainedly in their playful gambols. the arrival of a new war party was greeted with loud shouts, which, striking the stony face of mount pleasant, were driven back in the various indentations of the surrounding hills, producing reverberations and echoes as if so many fiends were gathered in universal levee. on several occasions, small parties left the prairie and ascended the mount from its low and grassy eastern slope. at such times, the spies would hide in the deep fissures of the rocks on the west, and again leave their hiding-places when their unwelcome visitors had disappeared. for food, they depended on jerked venison and corn-bread, with which their knapsacks were well stored. they dare not kindle a fire, and the report of one of their rifles would have brought upon them the entire force of indians. for drink, they resorted to the rain-water which still stood in the hollows of the rocks; but, in a short time, this source was exhausted, and mcclelland and white were forced to abandon their enterprise, or find a new supply. to accomplish this, m'clelland, being the oldest, resolved to make the attempt. with his trusty rifle in hand and two canteens slung over his shoulders, he cautiously descended, by a circuitous route, to the prairie skirting the hills on the north. under cover of the hazel thicket, he reached the river, and turning the bold point of a hill, found a beautiful spring within a few feet of the stream now known by the name of cold spring. filling his canteens, he returned in safety to his watchful companion. it was now determined to have a fresh supply of water every day, and the duty was performed alternately. on one of these occasions, after white had filled his canteens, he sat watching the water as it came gurgling out of the earth, when the light sound of footsteps fell on his ear. upon turning around he saw two squaws within a few feet of him. the eldest gave one of those far-reaching whoops peculiar to indians. white at once comprehended his perilous situation. if the alarm should reach the camps or town, he and his companion must inevitably perish. self-preservation compelled him to inflict a noiseless death on the squaws, and in such a manner as, if possible, to leave no trace behind. ever rapid in thought and prompt in action, he sprang upon his victims with the rapidity and power of the lion, and grasping the throat of each, sprang into the river. he thrust the head of the eldest under the water, and while making strong efforts to submerge the younger (who, however, powerfully resisted him), to his astonishment, she addressed him in his own language, though in almost inarticulate sounds. releasing his hold, she informed him she had been a prisoner ten years, and was taken from below wheeling; that the indians had killed all the family; that her brother and herself were taken prisoners, but he succeeded, on the second night, in making his escape. during this narrative, white had drowned the elder squaw, and had let the body float off down the current, where it was not likely soon to be found. he now directed the girl to follow him, and, with his usual speed and energy, pushed for the mount. they had scarcely gone half way, when they heard the alarm-cry, some quarter of a mile down the stream. it was supposed some party of indians, returning from hunting, struck the river just as the body of the squaw floated past. white and the girl succeeded in reaching the mount, where m'clelland had been no indifferent spectator to the sudden commotion among the indians. parties of warriors were seen immediately to strike off in every direction, and white and the girl had scarcely arrived before a company of some twenty warriors had reached the eastern slope of the mount, and were cautiously and carefully keeping under cover. soon the spies saw their foes, as they glided from tree to tree and rock to rock, till their position was surrounded, except on the west perpendicular side, and all hope of escape was cut off. in this perilous position, nothing was left but to sell their lives as dearly as possible. this they resolved to do, and advised the girl to escape to the indians and tell them she had been taken prisoner. she said, "no! death in the presence of my own people is a thousand times better than captivity and slavery. furnish me with a gun, and i will show i know how to die. this place i will not leave. here my bones shall lie bleaching with yours, and, should either of you escape, you will carry the tidings of my death to my few relatives." remonstrance proved fruitless. the two spies quickly matured their means of defence, and vigorously commenced the attack from the front, where, from the very narrow backbone of the mount, the savages had to advance in single file, and without any covert. beyond this neck, the warriors availed themselves of the rocks and trees in advancing, but, in passing from one to the other, they must be exposed for a short time, and a moment's exposure of their swarthy forms was enough for the unerring rifles of the spies. the indians, being entirely ignorant of how many were in ambuscade, grew very cautious as they advanced. after bravely maintaining the fight in front, and keeping the enemy in check, the scouts discovered a new danger threatening them. the foe made preparation to attack them on the flank, which could be most successfully done by reaching an isolated rock, lying in one of the projections on the southern hill-side. this rock once gained by the indians, they could bring the whites under point-blank range without the possibility of escape. the spies saw the hopelessness of their situation, which it appeared nothing could change. with this impending fate resting over them, they continued calm and calculating, and as unwearied as the strongest desire of life could produce. soon m'clelland saw a tall, swarthy figure preparing to spring from a covert, so near to the fatal rock that a bound or two would reach it, and all hope of life would then be gone. he felt that everything depended on one single advantageous shot; and, although but an inch or two of the warrior's body was exposed, and that at the distance of eighty or a hundred yards, he resolved to fire. coolly raising his rifle, shading the sight with his hand, he drew a bead so sure that he felt conscious it would do the deed. he touched the trigger with his finger; the hammer came down, but, in place of striking fire, it broke his flint into many pieces! he now felt sure that the indian must reach the rock before he could adjust another flint, yet he proceeded to the task with the utmost composure. casting his eye toward the fearful point, suddenly he saw the warrior stretch every muscle for the leap, and with the agility of a panther he made the spring, but, instead of reaching the rock, he uttered a yell and his dark body fell, rolling down the steep to the valley below. some unknown hand had slain him, and a hundred voices from the valley below echoed his death cry. the warrior killed, it was evident, was a prominent one of the tribe, and there was great disappointment over the failure of the movement, which, it was considered, would seal the doom of the daring scouts. only a few minutes passed, when a second warrior was seen stealthily advancing to the covert, which had cost the other indian his life in attempting to reach. at the same moment the attack in front was renewed with great fierceness, so as to require the constant loading and firing of the spies to prevent their foes from gaining the eminence. still the whites kept continually glancing at the warrior, who seemed assured of the coveted position. suddenly he gathered his muscles and made the spring. his body was seen to bound outward, but instead of reaching the shelf, for which it started, it gathered itself like a ball and rolled down the hill after his predecessor. the unknown friend had fired a second shot! this caused consternation among the shawanoes, and brave as they unquestionably were, there was no one else who tried to do that which had cost the others their lives. feeling that they had no ordinary foe to combat on the hill, the savages withdrew a short distance to consult over some new method of attack. the respite came most opportunely to the spies, who had been fighting and watching for hours and needed the rest. it suddenly occurred to m'clelland that the girl was not with them, and they concluded that she had fled through terror and most probably had fallen into the hands of the indians again, or what was equally probable, she had been killed during the fight. but the conclusion was scarcely formed, when she was seen to come from behind a rock, with a smoking rifle in her hand. rejoining the astonished and delighted spies, she quickly explained that she was the unsuspected friend who shot the two warriors when in the very act of leaping to the point from which they expected to command the position of the defenders. while the fight was at its height, she saw a warrior advance some distance beyond the others, when a rifle-ball from the scouts stretched him lifeless. without being seen, the girl ran quickly out to where he lay and possessed herself of his gun and ammunition. subsequent events showed what good use she made of the weapon. her life among the indians taught her to see on the instant the point which the warriors would strive to secure, and, which secured, would place the spies at their mercy. she crawled under some brush, and carefully loading the rifle, held it ready for the critical moment. it was a singular coincidence, in which the girl must have perceived the hand of providence, that the second warrior who advanced to the spot was recognized by her as the identical wretch who led the company which killed nearly all her family and who carried her away a prisoner. she made sure, when she pulled trigger upon him, that the bullet should go straight to the mark! m'clelland and white appreciated the value of the ally who had joined them, for, without those well-aimed shots of hers, the two must have fallen before the rifles of the shawanoes. they congratulated her on her nerve and skill, and assured her, that her achievements alone had placed them in a position in which they could feel there was some hope of escape. as night approached, dark and tumultuous clouds rolled up from the horizon, and overspreading the skies rendered the night like that of egypt. as the spies felt that their withdrawal from the dangerous spot must be effected, if effected at all, before the rise of the morning's sun, they saw how much the inky blackness of sky and earth was likely to embarrass them. however, as the girl was intimately acquainted with the topography of the country immediately surrounding them, it was decided that she should take the lead, the others following close after her. the great advantage likely to accrue from such an arrangement was that, if they encountered any indians, as they were more than likely to do, her knowledge of their tongue would enable her to deceive them. they had not gone a hundred yards when the wisdom of this course was demonstrated. a low "whist" from the guide admonished the spies of danger, and, as agreed beforehand, they sank flat upon their faces and waited for the signal that all was right, before going further. peering cautiously through the dense gloom, they became aware that the girl was missing, and she was gone so long that they were filled with serious misgivings. finally her shadowy figure came out of the gloom, and she told them she had succeeded in having two sentinels removed whose position was such that it would have been impossible for them to get by undiscovered. in the same noiseless manner the flight was resumed, and the three phantoms, moved along through the gloom for a half hour, when they were startled by the barking of a dog close to them. instantly white and m'clelland cocked their guns, but their guide whispered that they were now in the very middle of the village, and their lives depended on the utmost silence and secrecy. they needed hardly to be assured of that, and they signified that her directions would be followed implicitly. a minute later they were accosted by a squaw from an opening in her wigwam; the guide made appropriate reply, in the indian tongue, and without pause, moved on. her voice and manner disarmed suspicion, and the three were not disturbed. only a short distance further was passed, when the girl assured them they were beyond the limits of the village, and the great danger was ended. she had shown extraordinary wisdom and shrewdness in leading the spies out of their great peril. she knew the shawanoes had their sentinels stationed at every avenue of escape, and instead of taking those which it would seem most natural to follow under the circumstances, she adopted the bold plan of disarming all these precautions by passing directly through the center of the village. the very boldness of the plan proved its success. the fugitives now made for the ohio river, and, at the end of three days' hard travel, they safely reached the block-house. their escape prevented the contemplated attack by the indians, and the adventure itself is certainly one of the most remarkable of the many told of the early days of ohio and kentucky. among the members of mr. finley's church was a quiet, plain-looking woman who was mild, gentle, and consistent in her talk and conversation. and yet this mrs. merril was the heroine of the following wonderful exploit: in , the house of mr. merril, in nelson county, was assaulted by indians. he was fired upon and fell wounded into the room. the savages attempted to rush in after him, but mrs. merril and her daughter succeeded in closing the door. the assailants began to hew a passage through it with their tomahawks; and, having made a hole large enough, one of them attempted to squeeze into the room. undismayed, the courageous woman seized an axe, gave the ruffian a fatal blow as he sprang through, and he sunk quietly to the floor. another, and still another, followed till four of their number met the same fate. the silence within induced one of them to pause and look through the crevice in the door. discovering the fate of those who had entered, the savages resolved upon another mode of attack. two of their number clambered to the top of the house, and prepared to descend the broad wooden chimney. this new danger was promptly met. mrs. merril did not desert her post; but directed her little son to cut open the feather bed, and pour the feathers upon the fire. this the little fellow did with excellent effect. the two savages, scorched and suffocated, fell down into the fire, and were soon dispatched by the children and the wounded husband. at that moment a fifth savage attempted to enter the door; but he received a salute upon the head from the axe held by mrs. merril, that sent him howling away. thus seven of the savages were destroyed by the courage and energy of this heroic woman. when the sole survivor reached the town, and was asked, "what news?" a prisoner heard his reply: "bad news! the squaws fight worse than long knives." william kennan, a noted scout and ranger, was the hero of many extraordinary incidents. he had long been remarkable for strength and activity. in the course of the march from fort washington, he had repeated opportunities of testing his astonishing powers in those respects, and was admitted to be the swiftest runner of the light corps. on the evening preceding the action, his corps had been advanced in front of the first line of infantry, to give seasonable notice of the enemy's approach. as day was dawning, he observed about thirty indians within one hundred yards of the guard-fire, approaching cautiously toward the spot where he stood, in company with twenty other rangers, the rest being considerably in the rear. supposing it to be a mere scouting party, and not superior in number to the rangers, he sprang forward a few paces in order to shelter himself in a spot of peculiarly rank grass, and, after firing with a quick aim at the foremost indian, fell flat upon his face, and proceeded with all possible rapidity to reload his gun, not doubting for a moment that his companions would maintain their position and support him. the indians, however, rushed forward in such overwhelming masses, that the rangers were compelled to flee with precipitation, leaving young kennan in total ignorance of his danger. fortunately, the captain of his company had observed him, when he threw himself in the grass, and suddenly shouted aloud: "run, kennan, or you are a dead man!" he instantly sprang to his feet, and beheld the indians within ten feet of him, while his company were more than one hundred yards in front. not a moment was to be lost. he darted off, with every muscle strained to the utmost, and was pursued by a dozen of the enemy with loud yells. he at first pressed straight forward to the usual fording-place in the creek, which ran between the rangers and the main army; but several indians, who had passed him before he arose from the grass, threw themselves in his way and completely cut him off from the rest. by the most powerful exertions, he had thrown the whole body of pursuers behind him, with the exception of one young chief, probably meeshawa, who displayed a swiftness and perseverance equal to his own. in the circuit which kennan was obliged to make, the race continued for more than four hundred yards. the distance between them was about eighteen feet, which kennan could not increase, nor his adversary diminish. each for the time put his whole soul in the race. kennan, as far as he was able, kept his eye upon the motions of his pursuer, lest he should throw the tomahawk, which he held aloft in a menacing attitude, and, at length, finding that no other indian was at hand, he determined to try the mettle of his pursuer in a different manner, and felt for his knife in order to turn at bay. it had escaped from its sheath, however, while he lay in the grass, and his hair almost lifted the cap from his head when he found himself wholly unarmed. as he had slackened his space for a moment, the indian was almost within reach of him when he started ahead again; but the idea of being without arms lent wings to his flight, and for the first time he saw himself gaining ground. he had watched the motions of his pursuer too closely to pay proper attention to the nature of the ground before him, and suddenly found himself in front of a large tree, which had been blown down, and upon which had been heaped brush and other impediments to the height of eight or nine feet. the indian, heretofore silent, now gave utterance to an exultant shout, for he must have felt sure of his victim. not a second was given to kennan to deliberate. he must clear the obstacle in front or it was all over with him. putting his whole soul into the effort, he bounded into the air with a power which astonished himself, and, clearing limbs, brush, and everything else, alighted in perfect safety on the other side. an exclamation of amazement burst from the band of pursuers bringing up the rear, not one of whom had the hardihood to attempt the same feat. kennan, however, had no leisure to enjoy his triumph. dashing into the creek, where the high banks would protect him from the fire of the enemy, he ran up the edge of the stream until he found a convenient crossing place, and rejoined the rangers in the rear of the encampment, panting from the fatigue of exertions which had seldom been surpassed. but little breathing time was allowed him. the attack instantly commenced, and was maintained for three hours with unabated fury. when the retreat took place, kennan was attached to major clark's battalion, which had the dangerous service of protecting the rear. the corps quickly lost its commander, and was completely disorganized. kennan was among the hindmost when the flight commenced, but exerting those same powers which had saved him in the morning, he quickly gained the front, passing several horsemen in his flight. here he beheld a private in his own company, lying upon the ground with his thigh broken, who, in tones of distress, implored each horseman as he hurried by to take him up behind. as soon as he beheld kennan coming up on foot, he stretched out his hands and entreated him to save him. notwithstanding the imminent peril of the moment, his friend could not reject such an appeal, but, seizing him in his arms, placed him upon his back, and ran in this manner several hundred yards. at length the enemy was gaining upon them so fast, that kennan saw their death was certain unless he relinquished his burden. he accordingly told his friend that he had used every exertion possible to save his life, but in vain; that he must relax his hold about his neck, or they would both perish. the unhappy man, heedless of every remonstrance, still clung convulsively to kennan's back, until the foremost of the enemy, armed with tomahawks alone, were within twenty yards of them. kennan then drew his knife from its sheath, and cut the fingers of his companion, thus compelling him to relinquish his hold. the wounded man fell upon the ground in utter helplessness, and kennan beheld him tomahawked before he had gone thirty yards. kennan, relieved from his burden, darted forward with the activity which once more brought him to the van. here again he was compelled to neglect his own safety to attend to that of others. the late governor madison, of kentucky, who afterward commanded the corps which defended themselves so honorably at the river raisin, was at that time a subaltern in st. clair's army. being a man of feeble constitution, he was totally exhausted by the exertions of the morning, and was found by kennan sitting calmly upon a log, awaiting the approach of his enemies. kennan hastily accosted him, and inquired the cause of his delay. madison, pointing to a wound which had bled profusely, replied he was unable to walk further, and had no horse. kennan instantly ran back to the spot where he had seen an exhausted horse grazing, caught him without difficulty, and having assisted madison to mount, walked by his side till they were out of danger. fortunately, the pursuit ceased soon after, as the plunder of the camp presented irresistible attractions to the indians. the friendship thus formed between these two young men continued through life. kennan never entirely recovered from the immense exertions he was constrained to make during this unfortunate expedition. chapter xviii. the three counties of kentucky united into one district--colonel boone as a farmer--he outwits a party of indians who seek to capture him--emigration to kentucky--outrages by indians--failure of general clark's expedition. kentucky now enjoyed a season of repose. the revolution was ended, the independence of the colonies recognized, and the cession of the british posts in the northwest was considered inevitable. the indians had not the same incentives to warfare and massacre as heretofore, though murder was so congenial to their nature, and their hatred of the whites was so intense, that it was unsafe to trust to any regard of treaties on their part. the year , although marked by few stirring incidents, was an important one in the history of kentucky. she still belonged to virginia, but the subject of separation was discussed among the people, and it was apparent to all that the day was not far distant when she would be erected into an independent state; but she organized on a new basis, as may be said. the three counties were united in one district, having a court of common law and chancery, for the whole territory. the seat of justice was first established at harrodsburg, but was soon after removed to danville, which continued the capital and most important town in the state for a number of years. upon the cessation of hostilities between england and the colonies, it was stipulated that the former were to carry away no slaves, were to surrender to the united states her posts in the northwest, and were permitted to collect the legal debts due her from our citizens. each party violated these conditions. virginia peremptorily forbade the collection of a single debt within her territory until every slave taken away was returned; while england, on her part, refused to surrender a post until all the debts due her subjects had been legally recognized and collected. the result of these complications was that england held her posts in the northwest for ten years after the close of the war. colonel boone, as was his custom, devoted himself to his farm, and was engaged in the cultivation of considerable tobacco, though he never used the weed himself. as a shelter for curing it, he had built an enclosure of rails which was covered with cane and grass. the raising of tobacco has become so common of late in many states of the union, that nearly all understand the process. boone had placed the plants so that they lay in three tiers on the rails, the lowermost one having become very dry. one day, while in the act of removing the lower pile, so as to make room for the rest of his crop, four stalwart indians entered, carrying guns. when boone looked down into the grinning faces of the warriors, he understood what it meant: they had come to take him away prisoner, as he had been taken before. "we got you now, boone," said one of them; "you no get away; we carry you to chillicothe." boone, of course, had no gun at command, as he was not expecting any such visit, while each of the shawanoes carried a rifle and held it so as to command him. when boone looked more narrowly into their faces, he recognized one or two of the shawanoes who had captured him five years before near the blue licks. he affected to be pleased, and called back, with a laugh, "how are you, friends? i'm glad to see you." but they were not disposed to wait, for they had ventured, at considerable risk, to steal thus close to the settlement, in their eagerness to secure such a noted prisoner as colonel boone. they, therefore, pointed their guns at him in a menacing way, and suggested that the best plan for him to induce them not to pull the triggers was to descend immediately. "i don't see as there is any help for it," was the reply of the pioneer, "but, as i have started to shift this tobacco, i hope you'll wait a few minutes till i can shift it. just watch the way i do it." the four warriors were unsuspicious, and, standing directly under the mass of dry pungent stuff, they looked up at the pioneer as he began moving the rails. he continued talking to his old acquaintances, as though they were valued friends, who had just dropped in for a chat, and they turned their black eyes curiously upon him, with no thought of the little stratagem he was arranging with such care and skill. by and by boone got a large pile of the tobacco in position directly over their heads, and then suddenly drew the rails apart, so as to allow it to fall. at the same instant, with his arms full of the suffocating weed, he sprang among them and dashed it into their faces. distributing it as impartially as he could, in the few seconds he allowed himself, he dashed out of the shed and ran for his house, where he could seize his rifle, and defend himself against twice the number. great as was his danger, he could not help stopping, when he had run most of the distance, and looking back to see how his visitors were making out. the sight was a curious one. the eyes of the four warriors were full of the smarting dust, and they were groping about, unable to see, and resembling a party engaged in blind-man's buff. these warriors were able to speak english quite well, and they used some very emphatic expressions in the efforts to put their feelings into words. if they expected to find boone in these aimless gropings they were mistaken, for he reached his cabin, where he was safe from them, had they been in the full possession of their faculties. when the shawanoes had managed to free their eyes to some extent from the biting, pungent dust, they moved off into the woods and made no more calls upon the pioneer. emigration to kentucky increased, and new settlements were continually forming. strong, sturdy settlers erected their cabins in every quarter, and the forests were rapidly cleared. livestock increased in numbers, and naturally a brisk trade sprang up in many commodities. trains of pack-horses carried goods from philadelphia to pittsburgh, where they were taken down the ohio in flat-boats and distributed among the various settlements. as the expression goes, in these later days, everything was "booming" in kentucky during those years, and the territory made immense strides in material wealth and prosperity. most of the immigrants came from north carolina and virginia, and they were hospitable, enterprising, vigorous and strongly attached to each other. the time for "universal peace," along the frontier had not yet come; small affrays were continually occurring between the settlers and indians, and in the spring of , an incident of a singular nature took place. a mr. rowan, with his own and five other families, was descending the ohio, one flat-boat being occupied by the cattle, while the emigrants were in the other. they had progressed a considerable distance, when, late at night, they were alarmed by the number of indian fires which were burning for a half mile along the banks. the savages called to the whites and ordered them to come ashore, but, without making any reply, the settlers continued floating silently down the river. finding their orders disregarded, the savages sprang into their canoes and paddled rapidly toward the boats; but, in this instance, certainly silence proved golden, for the unnatural stillness which continued seemed to awe the indians, who, after following the craft awhile, drew off without inflicting the slightest injury. most likely they were fearful of a surprise, in case of an open attack. in the month of march, , a settler named elliot was killed and his family broken up, and while thomas marshall was descending the ohio, he was hailed in the fashion often adopted by the decoys employed by the indians. in this instance, however, the white man said he was a brother of the notorious simon girty, and he wished to warn the settlers against their danger. he admonished them to be on the watch every hour of the day and night, and under no circumstances to approach the shore. he added the remarkable information that his brother repented the hostility he had shown the whites, and intended to return to them, if they would overlook his former enmity. but, as simon remained a bitter enemy until his death, nearly thirty years later, his repentance could not have been very sincere. a brief while after this, captain ward was attacked on the river and all his horses were killed, his nephew also falling a victim. in october an emigrant party was fired into, and six slain, then another company lost nine; and the desultory warfare was pushed with such persistency by the savages, that the settlers demanded that the indian country should be invaded and a blow delivered which would prove effectual in keeping them away for a long time to come. the situation of affairs became so exasperating that general clark, in accordance with the fashion, issued his call for volunteers, and in a brief space of time a thousand veterans flocked about him at the falls of the ohio. this was an army which, if properly handled, was irresistible and could have marched straight through the indian country, laying the fields and towns waste and dispersing any force the tribes could combine against them. but, from the first, it encountered two most serious difficulties: general clark had lost prestige from his habits of intoxication, which unfitted him to assume the leadership of such an important enterprise, where a man needed to be cool, collected, and with the command of every faculty of his being. but for this one fatal weakness, which has stricken so many a genius to the dust, clark would have risen to far greater eminence, and would have reached and held the position through life to which his commanding genius entitled him. the provisions for the soldiers were sent down the river in keel boats, but the obstructions delayed them, and, when two weeks passed without their arrival, the dissatisfaction of the men broke out in open insubordination. desertions began, and in one instance, it is said, three hundred soldiers left in a body. general clark protested, begged and entreated, but all in vain. his force went to pieces, like snow melting in the sun, and he was finally forced to return to kentucky, humiliated beyond measure. whenever any such movement was started by the whites, the indians kept themselves informed of every step of its progress. their spies were out and allowed no incident, however slight, to escape their observation. it was natural, therefore, that when they saw the formidable force break up and go to their homes, they should conclude that the settlers were afraid to invade their territory, with the lesson of the former repeated failures before their eyes. the indians were stimulated to greater audacity than ever, and it may be said that the whole border became aflame with the most murderous kind of warfare. chapter xix. general harmar's expedition against the indians--colonel hardin ambushed--bravery of the regulars--outgeneraled by the indians--harmar and hardin court-martialed--general st. clair's expedition and its defeat. the outrages upon the part of the indians became so alarming that congress was forced to see that the only way to check them and to give anything like security to the frontier, was to send a regularly-organized army into the country, which should so cripple the power of the combined tribes that they would be compelled to sue for peace. a force of eleven hundred men was therefore organized and placed under the command of general harmar, who was directed to march against the indian towns of the northwest. in the latter part of september, harmar, at the head of this large body, moved against the villages on the miami. the savages, as a matter of course, knew of their coming, and were gone. general harmar laid waste their cornfields and applied the torch to their lodges, making the destruction as complete as possible. discovering a fresh trail, he detached one hundred and eighty of his men, and placing them under the command of colonel john hardin and ensign hartshorn, sent them with orders to move with all speed with a view of overtaking the fugitives. pursuit was pushed with great vigor, when the whole force ran directly into ambush and were assailed on all sides by a large force of indians. at the beginning of the attack, the militia, numbering five-sixths of the whole force, broke and scattered, while the few regulars stood their ground and fought bravely, until nearly every man was shot down. when night came, the indians held a jollification dance over the dead and dying soldiers, and the great victory they themselves had again obtained. among the witnesses of the curious scene were ensign hartshorn (who, having stumbled over a log in the tall grass, was prudent enough to lie still where he was unnoticed) and colonel hardin, who was sunk to his chin in mud and water, where he stayed until he gained an opportunity of crawling out. he and hartshorn succeeded in rejoining the main body. the news of the frightful slaughter so discouraged general harmar that he broke up his camp and began a retrogade movement toward the settlements. when a few miles from the indian towns which he had burned, he halted and sent out colonel hardin with three hundred militia and sixty regulars. they were victimized more shamefully than before. it seems unaccountable how men in such circumstances, and with the crimson lessons of the preceding few years before them, could be so deceived as were the leaders of the expeditions in the west. colonel hardin had not advanced far, when a small company of warriors showed themselves and succeeded with little difficulty in drawing off the militia in pursuit of them--the very purpose of the stratagem--and then the main body of savages attacked the regulars in overwhelming force and with tiger-like ferocity. although unused to such fighting, the regulars stood their ground like spartans, and loaded and fired with great accuracy and rapidity. the warriors dropped like autumn leaves, and had there been only a few hundred of them, the soldiers would have routed them very quickly; but re-enforcements continued to swarm forward, the woods were alive, and every tree and bush seemed to conceal a savage who aimed with deadly effect at the brave soldiers. the latter stood and fought until only ten men were left, including their intrepid commander. these escaped, while fifty were killed--the fight, scarcely heard of in this day, being one of the most remarkable exhibitions of bravery ever given in the history of our country. just about the time the little force was practically annihilated, the militia came back, so as to take their turn in offering themselves as victims to indian treachery and bravery. the warriors were ready for them, and they were attacked with the same fierceness. the horrible massacre went on until two-thirds of the militia were slain, when the others scattered for the main body. it would seem that mismanagement could not go further, and the indignation against harmar and hardin was so intense that they were court-martialed. hardin obtained a unanimous acquittal, as did harmar; but the latter felt the disgrace so keenly that he resigned his commission in the army. one of the inevitable results of these repeated blunders on the part of the soldiers was the renewal of the indian outrages, which became bolder than ever. the condition of kentucky was so critical that congress appointed st. clair, governor of the northwest territory, major-general, and he was instructed to raise a new regiment for the defence of the frontier. general st. clair was given command of the expedition, and it was the crowning act of imbecility and disgrace on the part of those who had in charge the protection of the border. arthur st. clair was born at edinburgh, scotland, and was in the prime of life when he assumed command of the expedition against the western tribes. it was he who in the month of june, , was besieged in ticonderoga by burgoyne's troops and compelled to evacuate the fort with great loss. his career in the revolution had not been creditable to him, and there was no man in whom the kentuckians had less confidence than he. when it became known that he was to lead the large force against the indians, the dissatisfaction was universal, and the predictions of failure were heard in every quarter. the distrust was so deep that his call for volunteers received no response. it was intended that his command should consist of two thousand regular troops, composed of cavalry, infantry and artillery. these rendezvoused at fort washington, the site of cincinnati, in september, . kentucky finally sent forward a thousand of her militia, but they so disliked service under st. clair, that the most of them deserted and returned to their homes. the chief object of this formidable campaign was to establish a series of posts, extending from the ohio to the maumee; and by leaving a garrison of a thousand men on the latter river, it was believed that the neighboring tribes could be kept in a state of submission. fort jefferson was established close to the present boundary line between ohio and indiana, but the progress of the army was so snail-like that desertions became numerous. a month passed before the march was resumed, and the impatient kentuckians left by scores. in one instance at least a whole detachment drew off and went home. the principal guide and scout attached to the expedition was a chickasaw chief, who saw what was certain to be the result of this wholesale insubordination, and he with his few warriors also left. the wiser course would have been for st. clair to have done the same, for nothing but irretrievable disaster stared him in the face. st. clair, however, pressed forward, and on the d of november, he encamped upon a tributary of the wabash. indians were seen continually, but they kept beyond reach. the regulars and levies encamped in two lines, covered by the stream, while the militia were a quarter of a mile in advance on the other side of the river. beyond these, captain clough was stationed with a company of regulars, with orders to intercept the advance of the enemy. colonel oldham was directed to send out patrols of twenty-five men each, through the woods to prevent the insidious approach of the indians. no attack was made, but during the succeeding night, captain clough was rendered uneasy by the discovery that the woods were full of savages, who were evidently carrying out some pre-arranged plan, for the tribes had proven long before their ability to outgeneral the whites in fighting battles in the forest. the captain reported his discovery to general butler, who failed to notify the commanding general, and, at sunrise, the indians made a furious charge upon the camp of the militia. the regulars, as usual, fought with the greatest daring, and the militia, as usual, displayed the greatest cowardice, breaking and fleeing in a panic. the regulars were enabled to hold the savages in check for a short time, but the panic of the militia was irretrievable. there were none quicker to perceive this than the indians themselves, who immediately massed and poured a terribly destructive fire into the advance, the artillery and the second line. the surprise was complete, but credit must be given st. clair and his officers, who were personally brave, and who fought with the utmost daring, striving at great personal risk to rally the men. chapter xx. the brilliant victory of mad anthony wayne brings peace to the frontier--boone loses his farm--he removes to missouri--made commandant of the femme osage district--audubon's account of a night with colonel boone--hunting in his old age--he loses the land granted him by the spanish government--petitions congress for a confirmation of his original claims--the petition disregarded. while the stirring events recorded in the preceding chapter were taking place, daniel boone, like every one else, was advancing in years, and the prime of his life was passed before a lasting peace was gained by the american settlers on the frontier. disaster followed disaster, until congress at last did the thing which it ought to have done long before. "mad anthony" wayne, the hero of stony point and a dozen revolutionary battlefields, was appointed to assume the military management of affairs in the west. this appointment was made in april, , when he became major-general and commander-in-chief, and he led an expedition against the defiant combination of tribes, encountering them in august, , when he utterly defeated and overthrew them. he compelled the treaty of greenville, which ended all danger from any combination of the aborigines--nothing of the kind developing itself, until the great tecumseh roused his race against the americans in the war of . boone now applied himself with great industry to the cultivation of his farm near boonesborough. he soon made it one of the finest and most valuable pieces of land in the country; but, like many a man in his position, he fell a victim to the rapacious speculator, who took advantage of the intricacies and elasticity of the law. boone felt such a dislike of legal forms, and in fact of everything that pertained to them, that he failed to secure the title of his land locations. before he suspected his danger, he found himself deprived of all his possessions, the right to which he never dreamed would be questioned. the great pioneer had reached that period in life when it would be supposed that he was too feeble to begin over again, but, although the misfortune was a great blow to him, he did not lose courage. he removed to point pleasant, on the kanawha river, in virginia, where he stayed several years, tilling the ground with his usual industry, and indulging also in his favorite pastime of hunting. one day, when he returned from hunting, he received a call from a number of friends who had been on a tour across the missouri. they gave such fervid accounts of the richness of the soil and the abundance of game, that the heart of the old pioneer was fired again as it was forty years before. he determined to emigrate to missouri with the purpose of spending the remainder of his days there. accordingly, with his household goods and family, he turned his back forever upon the land of his early sufferings and triumphs. this removal was probably made in , though the precise date is unknown. at the time named, spain owned the country, then called upper louisiana, and the fame of the renowned pioneer had extended to that comparatively remote region. the lieutenant-governor, residing at st. louis, promised him ample portions of land, and boone took up his residence in the femme-osage settlement, some miles west of st. louis. don charles d. delassus, the lieutenant-governor, presented boone with a commission, in , as commandant of the femme-osage district--an office which included both civil and military duties. boone accepted the office, and discharged the duties connected with it with great credit, up to the time when the territory was purchased by the united states in . boone lived with his son, daniel m., until the date named, when he changed his residence to that of his son nathan, with whom he tarried six years, when he became a member of the family of his son-in-law, flanders callaway. it was at this period that the great naturalist audubon spent a night with boone, the account of which is so interesting, that we venture to give it the reader: "daniel boone, or as he was usually called in the western country, colonel boone, happened to spend a night with me under the same roof, more than twenty years ago. we had returned from a shooting excursion, in the course of which his extraordinary skill in the management of the rifle had been fully displayed. on retiring to the room appropriated to that remarkable individual and myself, i felt anxious to know more of his exploits and adventures than i did, and accordingly took the liberty of proposing numerous questions to him. the stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests approached the gigantic. his chest was broad and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise, and perseverance; and when he spoke, the very motion of his lips brought the impression that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true. i undressed, whilst he merely took off his hunting-shirt, and arranged a few folds of blankets on the floor, choosing rather to lie there, as he observed, than on the softest bed. when we had both disposed of ourselves, each after his own fashion, he related to me the following account of his powers of memory, which i lay before you, kind reader, in his own words, hoping that the simplicity of the style may prove interesting to you: "'i was once,' said he, 'on a hunting expedition on the banks of the green river, when the lower parts of this state (kentucky) were still in the hands of nature, and none but the sons of the soil were looked upon as its lawful proprietors. we virginians had for some time been waging a war of intrusion upon them, and i, amongst the rest, rambled through the woods in pursuit of their race, as i now would follow the tracks of any ravenous animal. the indians outwitted me one dark night, and i was unexpectedly as suddenly made a prisoner by them. the trick had been managed with great skill, for no sooner had i extinguished the fire of my camp, and laid me down to rest in full security, as i thought, than i felt myself seized by an indistinguishable number of hands, and was immediately pinioned, as if about to be led to the scaffold for execution. to have attempted to be refractory would have proved useless and dangerous to my life; and i suffered myself to be removed from my camp to theirs, a few miles distant, without uttering even a word of complaint. you are aware, i dare say, that to act in this manner was the best policy, as you understand that by so doing i proved to the indians at once that i was born and bred as fearless of death as any of themselves. "'when we reached the camp, great rejoicings were exhibited. two squaws and a few pappooses appeared particularly delighted at the sight of me, and i was assured by very unequivocal gestures and words, that, on the morrow, the mortal enemy of the redskins would cease to live. i never opened my lips, but was busy contriving some scheme which might enable me to give the rascals the slip before dawn. the women immediately fell a searching my hunting-shirt for whatever they might think valuable, and, fortunately for me, soon found my flask filled with _monongahela_ (that is, reader, strong whisky). a terrific grin was exhibited on their murderous countenances, while my heart throbbed with joy at the anticipation of their intoxication. the crew immediately began to beat their bellies and sing, as they passed the bottle from mouth to mouth. how often did i wish the flask ten times its size, and filled with aqua fortis! i observed that the squaws drank more freely than the warriors, and again my spirits were about to be depressed, when the report of a gun was heard in the distance. the singing and drinking were both brought to a stand, and i saw, with inexpressible joy, the men walk off to some distance and talk to the squaws. i knew they were consulting about me, and i foresaw that in a few moments the warriors would go to discover the cause of the gun having been fired so near their camp. i expected the squaws would be left to guard me. well, sir, it was just so. they returned; the men took up their guns and walked away. the squaws sat down again, and in less than five minutes had my bottle up to their dirty mouths, gurgling down their throats the remains of the whisky. "'with what pleasure did i see them becoming more and more drunk, until the liquor took such hold of them that it was quite impossible for these women to be of any service. they tumbled down, rolled about, and began to snore; when i, having no other chance of freeing myself from the cords that fastened me, rolled over and over towards the fire, and, after a short time, burned them asunder. i rose on my feet, stretched my stiffened sinews, snatched up my rifle, and, for once in my life, spared that of indians. i now recollect how desirous i once or twice felt to lay open the skulls of the wretches with my tomahawk; but, when i again thought upon killing beings unprepared and unable to defend themselves, it looked like murder without need, and i gave up the idea. "'but, sir, i felt determined to mark the spot, and, walking to a thrifty ash sapling, i cut out of it three large chips, and ran off. i soon reached the river, soon crossed it, and threw myself deep into the canebrakes, imitating the tracks of an indian with my feet, so that no chance might be left for those from whom i had escaped to overtake me. "'it is now nearly twenty years since this happened, and more than five since i left the whites' settlements, which i might probably never have visited again had i not been called on as a witness in a lawsuit that was pending in kentucky, and which i really believe would never have been settled, had i not come forward and established the beginning of a certain boundary line. this is the story, sir: "'mr. ---- moved from old virginia into kentucky, and having a large tract granted him in the new state, laid claim to a certain parcel of land adjoining green river, and, as chance would have it, took for one of his corners the very ash-tree on which i had made my mark, and finished his survey of some thousands of acres, beginning, as it is expressed in the deed, 'at an ash marked by three distinct notches of the tomahawk of a white man.' "'the tree had grown much, and the bark had covered the marks; but, somehow or other, mr. ---- heard from some one all that i have already said to you, and thinking that i might remember the spot alluded to in the deed, but which was no longer discoverable, wrote for me to come and try at least to find the place of the tree. his letter mentioned that all of my expenses should be paid, and, not caring much about once more going back to kentucky, i started and met mr. ----. after some conversation, the affair with the indians came to my recollection. i considered for a while, and began to think that after all, i could find the very spot, as well as the tree, if it was yet standing. "'mr. ---- and i mounted our horses, and off we went to the green river bottoms. after some difficulties--for you must be aware, sir, that great changes have taken place in those woods--i found at last the spot where i had crossed the river, and, waiting for the moon to rise, made for the course in which i thought the ash-tree grew. on approaching the place, i felt as if the indians were there still, and as if i were still a prisoner among them. mr. ---- and i camped near what i conceived the spot, and waited until the return of day. "'at the rising of the sun, i was on foot, and after a good deal of musing, thought that an ash-tree then in sight must be the very one on which i had made my mark. i felt as if there could be no doubt of it, and mentioned my thought to mr. ----. 'well, colonel boone,' said he, 'if you think so, i hope it may prove true, but we must have some witnesses; do you stay hereabout, and i will go and bring some of the settlers whom i know.' i agreed. mr. ---- trotted off, and i, to pass the time, rambled about to see whether a deer was still living in the land. but ah! sir, what a wonderful difference thirty years make in a country! why, at the time i was caught by the indians, you would not have walked out in any direction for more than a mile without shooting a buck or a bear. there were then thousands of buffaloes on the hills of kentucky; the land looked as if it never would become poor; and to hunt in those days was a pleasure indeed. but when i was left to myself on the banks of green river, i dare say for the last time in my life, a few _signs_ only of deer were to be seen, and, as to a deer itself, i saw none. "'mr. ---- returned, accompanied by three gentlemen. they looked upon me as if i had been washington himself, and walked to the ash-tree, which i now called my own, as if in quest of a long-lost treasure. i took an axe from one of them, and cut a few chips off the bark. still no signs were to be seen. so i cut again until i thought it was time to be cautious, and i scraped and worked away with my butcher-knife until i _did_ come to where my tomahawk had left an impression in the wood. we now went regularly to work, and scraped at the tree with care until three hacks, as plain as any three notches ever were, could be seen. mr. ---- and the other gentlemen were astonished, and i must allow i was as much surprised as pleased myself. i made affidavit of this remarkable occurrence in presence of these gentlemen. mr. ---- gained the cause. i left green river forever, and came to where we now are; and, sir, i wish you a good night.'" * * * * * spain seemed glad to do honor to the great pioneer, daniel boone, who was so well known at that time, that no less a poet than lord byron rendered tribute to his daring and achievements. spain gave him a tract of land, numbering , acres, which was meant as a recognition of his services to the government. the law as it then existed, required, in order to make his title good, that the grant should be confirmed by the representative of the crown at new orleans, and another condition was that the grantee should reside upon it himself. as it would have been inconvenient on the part of boone to comply with the latter provision, the commandant at st louis, who was his warm friend, assured him that his title could be perfected without acceding to the requirement. boone's dear experience in kentucky should have been remembered, but he left everything to his friends, and when louisiana came into the possession of the united states, it was found that boone had not the shadow of a legal title to the lands presented him, and the commissioners had no choice, according to their instructions, but to reject his claim entirely. this was a serious blow, but the only one who could be censured was boone himself. however, there was no fear of his coming to want, for he not only had a large number of immediate relatives, all of whom were strongly attached to him, but the states of kentucky and missouri would never permit any such disgrace. boone liked missouri, for the people were kind and hospitable and game was plenty. he could never lose his fondness for the woods, and as the beaver were numerous and their furs valuable, he made considerable money by gathering and selling the peltries. at the end of several years he had amassed enough funds to carry out an intention which does him great credit. when he removed from kentucky he was obliged to leave several debts behind him, the memory of which disturbed him not a little. he now made a journey to the state, where he paid every creditor in full, and returned to missouri with just half a dollar in his pocket. "now i am ready to die," said he; "i have paid all my debts, and when i am gone, no one shall be able to say i was a dishonest man." it would scarcely be expected that in his old age, and in the new country to which he had emigrated, he would be subjected to danger from the indians, and yet he was placed in peril more than once. his principal companion on his hunting excursions was a black boy about half grown. while thus engaged they were attacked by a small party of osage indians, who, however, were not long in learning that the old fire still burned brightly, for they were speedily scattered without having inflicted any injury upon either of the hunters. on another occasion, while boone was hunting entirely alone, he discovered that a large encampment of indians was in the neighborhood, and he had reason to believe that a number of the warriors were hunting for him. boone, it will be remembered, was quite an old man, and it must have recalled the scenes of nearly forty years before, when he alternately hunted and hid in the kentucky wilderness, before the foot of any other white man had penetrated the solitudes. for nearly three weeks the pioneer lived that life over again, hiding in the deepest recesses of the forest, carefully concealing his trail and cooking his food only at the dead of night, so that the smoke should not be seen by the indians, who finally took their departure, without being able to catch a glimpse of the old hunter. his love for the woods knew no abatement with advancing years, and he spent hours, days, and even weeks, in wandering in the grand old forests, breathing the pure fresh air, shooting the timid deer, maneuvering against the indians, who tracked him many a mile, and returning to his home wearied, but with the same genial good nature, which was one of his distinguishing traits in his early days. in the year , colonel boone petitioned congress for a confirmation of his original claims, and knowing that such petitions cannot have too great weight, he sent a memorial to the general assembly of kentucky, asking their assistance in obtaining the desired confirmation from congress. that legislature by a unanimous vote, passed the following preamble and resolutions: "the legislature of kentucky, taking into view the many eminent services rendered by colonel boone, in exploring and settling the western country, from which great advantages have resulted, not only to this state, but to his country in general; and that, from circumstances over which he had no control, he is now reduced to poverty, not having, so far as appears, an acre of land out of the vast territory he has been a great instrument in peopling; believing, also, that it is as unjust as impolitic, that useful enterprise and eminent services should go unrewarded by a government where merit confers the only distinction; and having sufficient reason to believe that a grant of ten thousand acres of land which he claims in upper louisiana, would have been confirmed by the spanish government, had not said territory passed, by cession, into the hands of the general government; wherefore, "_resolved_, by the general assembly of the commonwealth of kentucky, that our senators in congress be requested to make use of their exertions to procure a grant of land in said territory to said boone, either the ten thousand acres to which he appears to have an equitable claim, from the grounds set forth to this legislature, by way of confirmation, or to such quantity in such place as shall be deemed most advisable, by way of donation." while his memorial was pending in congress, the wife of boone died at the age of seventy-six years. his memorial was strongly supported by the most distinguished members from the west, but no action could be secured upon it until the th of december, , when the committee on public lands made a report, in which the justice of boone's claims was admitted, and congress was recommended to give him one thousand arpents, or acres of land. the act for the confirmation of the title passed on the th of february, . as every emigrant to louisiana was entitled by law to precisely that number of acres, it is difficult to justify the treatment which boone received at the hands of the law-makers of the country. the pioneer was never given any other recognition of his services; and as he was growing old, his relatives, all of whom were tenderly attached to him, saw that no want of his was not fulfilled so far as it was possible for human kindness to fulfill it. he devoted himself mainly to hunting, and, when at home, carved powder-horns and made trinkets for his descendants, some of whom were to the fourth and fifth generation. these last he frequently gathered around his knees and told of his many thrilling adventures with the indians, long years before they were born, while he entertained the older friends on the long, dismal wintry evenings, with his narrative of his experiences on the dark and bloody ground, in the days that tried men's souls. chapter xxi. last days of colonel boone--reinterment of the remains of himself and wife at frankfort--conclusion. the hunting days of colonel boone at last came to an end. he had passed his three score and ten, and the iron limbs and hardy frame were compelled to bend before the infirmities of age, to which hercules himself must succumb in the end. so long as he was able, he kept up his hunting expeditions in the wood, but on one occasion, he was taken violently ill, and made his preparations for death, his only companion being the negro boy, who had been with him many times before. he was brought to recognize at last the danger of going beyond the immediate reach of his friends, and for ten years he did not do so. he was held in great affection and respect by his numerous friends and relatives, and he was a more than welcome visitor at the hearthstone of each. the harsh treatment received at the hands of the government could not embitter such a sweet nature as his, and he showed no resentment over the fact that the land upon which he had toiled in the vigor of his early manhood, and whose labors had made it exceptionally valuable, passed to the hands of a stranger without cost or claim. as the stream of life neared the great ocean beyond, it assumed a serene and majestic flow, which comes only from the assurance that no storms are awaiting the bark which has been tossed so long on the waves of suffering, danger and disaster. in the summer of , the well known american artist, chester harding, visited boone and painted an excellent portrait of him. the old pioneer was so feeble that he had to be supported by a friend while sitting for the likeness. boone at this time made his home with his son-in-law, flanders callaway, and he was continually visited by distinguished citizens and foreigners, who, having heard of the exploits of the explorer of the wilderness, hastened to look upon him ere the opportunity should pass forever. some years before his death he had his coffin made, and kept it in the house. his temperate habits, the active out-door life of his earlier days, and his regard for the laws of health, naturally resulted in a ripe old age, marked by the gradual decay of the vital powers, and unaccompanied by any pain, as should be the case with all mankind. it was not until the month of september, , that the premonition of his coming end unmistakably showed itself. he was attacked by a species of fever, which did not prove severe, for he soon recovered, and afterward visited his son major nathan boone. he was attacked again, was confined to his bed three days, and peacefully passed away on the th of september, in the eighty-sixth year of his age. the legislature of missouri was in session at the time, and as soon as the news reached it, adjourned, after passing a resolution that its members should wear the usual badge of mourning for twenty days. he was laid by the side of his wife, who died a number of years before, an immense concourse attending the funeral. there the remains of the two lay for a quarter of a century, when an interesting ceremony took place. the consent of the family having been obtained, the coffins were disinterred and removed to frankfort, kentucky, and there placed in the new cemetery. the ceremonies were touching and impressive. nearly three quarters of a century had passed since the daring hunter and pioneer, in the flush of early manhood, had threaded his way through the trackless forests from the old pine state, and, crossing mountain and stream, braving all manner of dangers, had penetrated the solitudes of kentucky and laid the foundation of one of the grandest states of the union. there were a few old men who had known boone, and they were present from different parts of the state, with hundreds of friends, descendants and relatives. the hearse was hung with lilies and evergreens, and the ceremony was one which can never be forgotten by those who took part in or witnessed it. a stirring and powerful address was delivered by senator j. j. crittenden, in which eloquent tribute was done the daring hunter, the intrepid scout, and matchless pioneer. in closing the biography of colonel daniel boone, we feel that the reader of these pages, shares with us in our admiration of the stern integrity, the unquestioned bravery, the clear self-possession, and the honest simplicity of the most illustrious type of the american pioneer, who, long before his death, had fixed his place high and enduring in the history of our country. toward the close of the latter part of the century, colonel boone dictated his autobiography to a friend, and nothing can be more appropriate as an illustration of his character than these few closing words, with which we lay down our pen: "my footsteps have often been marked with blood; two darling sons and a brother have i lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses and cattle. many dark and sleepless nights have i been a companion for owls, separated from the cheerful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold--an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. "what thanks, what ardent and ceaseless thanks are due to that all-superintending providence which has turned a cruel war into peace, brought order out of confusion, made the fierce savages placid, and turned away their hostile weapons from our country. "may the same almighty goodness banish the accursed monster, war, from all lands, with her hated associates, rapine and insatiable ambition! "let peace, descending from her native heaven, bid her olives spring amid the joyful nations; and plenty, in league with commerce, scatter blessings from her copious hand!" general simon kenton. chapter i. birth of kenton--desperate affray with a rival--flees to the kentucky wilderness--he and two companions attacked by indians--one is killed and the survivors escape--rescued, after great suffering--kenton spends the summer alone in the woods--serves as a scout in the dunmore war--kenton and two friends settle at upper blue lick--joined by hendricks, who meets with a terrible fate. the fame of simon kenton, hunter and pioneer, is scarcely second to that of daniel boone; he was fully as courageous and equally skilled in woodcraft, while personally more winning in manner. had the opportunities of boone been his, he would have achieved a fame scarcely less; but such as he was, no history of the west would be complete without mention of boone's intimate friend, simon kenton. of the early years of kenton little is known, and it is not likely that they were marked by anything worthy of mention. he was born in fauquier county, virginia, may th, . his parents were very poor, and simon led a life of drudging toil on a farm, until he was sixteen, at which age he was unable to read or write his name. the young man, however, was strong, robust, very athletic, good looking, and with a pleasing, musical voice. he was just the kind of youth to become popular among the rough spirits of the border, and it was at that time that an incident occurred which marked an era in his life. young as kenton was, he was a rival of another in the esteem of an attractive young lady of the neighborhood; and, as the lady herself seemed unwilling to decide as to who was her preference, kenton and his rival agreed to decide it by a bout at fisticuffs. the conflict took place, but, through the treachery of his rival, kenton was terribly beaten. he had no choice but to submit to the outrage in silence, but, like dr. winship, the modern samson, he determined to get strong, and then punish the one who had treated him so foully. within the year or two succeeding, kenton reached the stature of six feet, and, confident of his own strength and skill, he called upon his former rival and asked him to try conclusions again with him. the other was also a powerful man and gladly accepted the challenge, for he hated kenton intensely, and resolved to give him such a terrific punishment that he would never be able to annoy him again. at first, the rival got the best of kenton and injured him severely; but the future scout was full of grit, and he managed to secure the upper hand, when he administered such a chastisement that when he released his man he seemed to be gasping in death. kenton looked at him for a moment, and was so certain he could not live a half hour longer, that he was seized with a panic and fled. he did not dare even to return home for a change of clothing, but faced toward the west and ran as though his pursuers were in sight. feeling no doubt that his rival was dead, he was sure his avengers would be at his heels, and he scarcely rested during the day. when, however, he reached the neighborhood of the warm springs, the settlements were so sparse that he drew a sigh of relief, and felt that he was in no immediate peril from the officers of the law. still kenton did not dare pause for any length of time, and he was walking forward when he came upon a jerseyman named johnson, who was journeying in the same direction. it is at such times that the heart craves companionship, and the two men affiliated at once. johnson was driving a pack-horse before him, and seemed pretty well tired out; but he was full of pluck, and it took but a few minutes for the two adventurers fully to understand each other. as a proof of the fear which kenton felt that his pursuers might overtake him, it may be stated at this point that he changed his name to simon butler, with a view of rendering it more difficult to identify him. the new friends penetrated the wilderness of the alleghanies, relying under heaven upon their own prowess and bravery. both were skillful marksmen, and they had no difficulty in securing all the game they needed, while they kept unceasing watchfulness against the prowling indians, who, at that day, were liable to spring upon them at any time. they pushed steadily forward until they reached a small settlement at the forks of the monongahela; there they separated, and, so far as known, never saw each other again. at the settlement was a small company under the leadership of john mahon and jacob greathouse, who had just made ready to explore the country below them. embarking in a large canoe, they floated down the river until they reached the province's settlement. here kenton formed the acquaintance of two young men, named yager and strader, the former of whom had once been a captive among the indians. he fired the heart of kenton by his glowing accounts of the region of kentucky, which he declared was a hunter's paradise. "there is no richer soil in the world," said yager; "vegetation is so luxuriant that it will strike you with wonder, and the herds of buffalo and elk which roam through those woods are so immense that you wouldn't believe me if i were to tell you the numbers." kenton was sure there was some foundation for the positive assertions of yager, and he listened eagerly to what he had to add; "the region has no white men in it; any one who chooses to hunt there can do so. i have gone with the indians many a time on their hunting excursions, and i could lead you through the same. if you will go with us, i will do so." kenton accepted the proposition with great enthusiasm, declaring that he would start at once. yager and strader were equally hopeful, and in a short time the three were drifting down the ohio in a single canoe. yager had lived among the indians in his childhood, and while he entertained a vivid recollection of the incidents, he could not be positive concerning the distances between certain points. he was unable to say how far down the river they would have to go to find the place where the indians crossed from ohio into kentucky to hunt, but he was sure he would recognize the spot the instant he saw it, for it was very different from any other point on the stream, and was indelibly fixed in his memory. they were so anxious to reach the promised land, as it seemed to be to them, that the men rowed strongly and continuously, keeping at the oars far into the night. there can be no question as to yager's honesty, but he was led astray by his own impressions; the crossing he was seeking was a great deal further away than he believed. kenton and strader began to think they were a long time in arriving at a point so near at hand. when they expressed their dissatisfaction, yager still insisted, and the lusty arms were plied again with renewed vigor. but, though the keen eyes scrutinized the shore on either hand with a watchfulness which could not be mistaken, they failed to discover anything resembling the crossing, which yager had described so often and so vividly that the others saw it distinctly in their mind's eye. kenton and strader were not angered, but they rallied their companion on his error, and suggested that he was describing and they were searching for a place which never had an existence, unless it was in the imagination of the former indian captive. finally, yager admitted that he didn't understand how it was, unless they had passed the crossing in the night. "there _is_ such a place," he asserted with great positiveness, "for i saw it more than once, when i was a child with the indians, and i remember it so well, that i would recognize it on the instant. it must be that we went by it in the night." after awhile, they agreed to return and explore the country more thoroughly. they did so, visiting the land in the neighborhood of salt lick, little and big sandy, and guyandotte. they finally wearied of hunting for that which it seemed impossible to find, and, locating on the great kanawha, devoted themselves to hunting and trapping. they found the occupation so congenial, that they pursued it for two years, exchanging their furs and peltries with the traders at fort pitt, for such necessaries as hunters require. the period passed by these three men on the kanawha will be recognized by the reader as a momentous one; for not only were the fires of the revolution kindling, but the embers of war along the border were fanning into a blaze that was to sweep over thousands of square miles of settlement and wilderness, and to bring appalling disaster to the west. nothing gives a more vivid idea of the insecurity of the pioneers of kentucky and ohio, than the bloodhound-like persistency with which the red men hunted down all invaders of their soil. boone and his party, which might have been considered strong enough to take care of themselves against any ordinary war party, were attacked before they caught more than a glimpse of the fair land; while the settler, who builded his cabin close to the frowning block-house, was shot down on his own threshold. kenton and his two companions had spent months enjoying their free, open life in the woods, when the red men came down upon them like the whirlwind. it was in the month of march, , while they were stretched out in their rude tent, chatting and smoking, that the dark woods around them suddenly flamed with fire, and a volley was poured in upon them, followed by the fierce shouts of the warriors, who seemed to swarm up from the very earth. poor strader was riddled with bullets, and scarcely stirred, so instant was his death. by wonderful good fortune, neither of the others was injured, and, leaping to their feet, they bounded into the woods like frightened deer, the bullets whistling all about them and their ferocious enemies at their heels. the gathering darkness and their own fleetness enabled them speedily to place themselves beyond reach of the savages; but their plight was a pitiable one. so desperate was their haste, that neither had time to catch up blanket, gun or a scrap of provisions; an instant's pause would have been fatal. and now they found themselves in the gloomy woods, with the chilling wind cutting them to the bone, and without the means even of starting a fire. the brave fellows, however, did not despair. they felt that while there was life there was hope, and they determined to make for the ohio without delay. had they possessed their guns, it would have been an easy matter to secure such game as they needed, and to kindle a fire, but with undaunted hearts and with their knowledge of woodcraft which enabled them to determine the direction to the ohio, they started for the river. during the first two days, they allayed the pangs of gnawing hunger by chewing succulent roots, while the bark on the trees was a sufficient guide to keep them going in the right direction. the miserable nourishment, however, soon told, and the third day found them much weaker, though with their courage undiminished. they grew feeble very fast, and both were seized with a violent nausea, caused by the unwelcome substances they had taken into their stomachs to satisfy the pangs of hunger. their condition became so much worse on the fourth day, that, strong men as they were, they felt it was useless to strive longer. they threw themselves on the ground with the intention of waiting for death, but when they assumed the prone position, they seemed to rally both in body and spirits, and, after awhile, they would rise and press forward again. on the fifth day, death appeared near to them, and they were scarcely able to crawl. they staggered and crept along for about a mile, and, just as the sun was setting, found themselves on the bank of the ohio, which was a beautiful river indeed to them. almost at the same moment, they came upon a party of traders, and saw they were saved, for the men gave them the provisions they needed, and were anxious to do all in their power for the emaciated and distressed hunters. but the story told by the latter filled them with such alarm for their own safety, that they prepared to leave such a perilous section without delay. hastily gathering their effects together, they made all haste to the little kanawha, where they encountered another exploring party under the leadership of dr. briscoe, who furnished kenton with a new rifle and ammunition. yager had had enough of the wilderness, and he stayed with his new-found friends. but kenton, with his gun and powder, felt like a giant refreshed, and, bidding the others good-bye, plunged alone into the woods. he spent the following summer in hunting, just as daniel boone did under somewhat similar circumstances, and, toward the close of the season, made his way back to the little kanawha. here he found an exploring party under the direction of dr. wood and hancock lee, who were descending the ohio with the purpose of joining captain bullitt, whom they expected to find at the mouth of the scioto, with a company of pioneers so large that nothing was to be feared from the indians. kenton willingly accepted the invitation to join them, and the descent of the stream was resumed. they moved at a leisurely pace, often stopping on the way to examine the country. they were not disturbed by the indians until they reached the three islands. there, to their dismay, they discovered such a formidable body of warriors, that they were compelled to abandon their canoes precipitately, and they hurried across the country in a diagonal direction for green brier county, virginia. the journey was a most uncomfortable one, for they were in constant danger from the red men, and were afraid to pause long enough to secure and prepare the necessary food. to add to their troubles, the leader of the party, dr. wood, while tramping along was bitten by a venomous snake, known as the copperhead. the physician applied all the remedies at his command, but, for several days, he lay at the point of death and unable to move. despite the great danger of pausing on the way, the party were compelled to go into camp for a couple of weeks on account of their leader's condition. at the end of that time, however, he had so far recovered that the journey was resumed, and they reached the settlements without further mishap. kenton was so sorely troubled by the recollection of the affray with his rival several years before, whom he supposed to be dead, that he was afraid to remain in virginia. accordingly, he built a canoe on the banks of the monongahela, paddled to the mouth of the great kanawha, and resumed his hunting, which he prosecuted with great success until the spring of . then it was that a brief but virulent war broke out between the indians and colonies, caused, as will be remembered, by the murder of the family of the celebrated mingo chief, logan. the part played by kenton in this campaign was the important one of scout, in the execution of which duties he tramped over the country around fort pitt and a great deal of the present state of ohio. there still lingered in the mind of the daring kenton a strong faith in the statements made to him by yager that there were sections of the surrounding country with a wonderfully rich soil, abundant vegetation, and immense numbers of game. he determined to make search for it, and met with little difficulty in persuading two friends to join in the hunt. a strong canoe was constructed and stocked with provisions, and the trio paddled down the river to the mouth of big bone creek, on which the famous big bone lick stands. there they landed, and spent several days in exploring the surrounding country; but they were disappointed; nothing answering the representations of yager was discovered. entering their canoe once more, they ascended the river to the entrance of cabin creek, a short distance above maysville. with faith undiminished, they resolved upon a more thorough exploration. in the prosecution of this purpose they came upon may's lick, where they saw that the surrounding soil possessed unusual richness. striking the well-known great buffalo track, they followed it for a few hours, when they reached the lower blue lick. the flats upon each side of the river were swarming with thousands of buffalo that were attracted thither by the salt, while a number of magnificent elk were seen upon the crests of the ridges which surrounded the brackish springs. "this is the place!" exclaimed the delighted kenton; "this is the promised land that yager saw! we need go no further!" his companions agreed with him, and the delighted pioneers engaged in hunting at once. they could not fail to bring down a great many buffaloes and elk, when the splendid game had scarcely seen enough of their great enemy, man, to learn to fear him. when they became surfeited with the sport, the three crossed the licking, and, after a long tramp, came upon another buffalo trace, which led them to the upper blue lick, where they saw the same bewildering abundance of game. fully satisfied now that they had discovered the richest and most promising section of all the west, they returned to their canoes, and went up the river as far as green bottom, where they had left their peltries, some ammunition, and a few agricultural implements, with the view of cultivating the inviting soil. they lost no time in hurrying back and beginning the clearing of the land. an acre was denuded of trees in the middle of a large canebrake, planted with indian corn, and a cabin erected. this was on the spot where washington now stands. the pioneers were in high spirits; for after a long search they had found the land they sighed for, and the future looked promising and bright. they settled down to hard work, and were confident that the fertility of the soil would yield them large returns. while strolling about the woods one day, with no particular object in view, they were surprised to meet two men, named hendricks and fitzpatrick, who were in a sad plight. in descending the ohio, their canoe had been upset by a sudden squall, and they were forced to swim ashore, without being able to save anything from the wreck. they had been wandering though the woods for several days, and would have perished soon had they not come upon the little party of pioneers. kenton had been in a similar predicament, and could not fail to sympathize with them. he urged them to join the diminutive settlement he had started at washington, and trust to providence to bring them out right in the end. hendricks agreed to stay, but fitzpatrick had had enough of the wilderness, and was so homesick that he only asked to get out of the unfriendly country and back to the monongahela. kenton and his companions went with him as far as maysville, gave him a gun and some ammunition, assisted him across the river, and bade him good-by. pity it was that hendricks did not accompany him, as the sequel will prove. while kenton and his two brother pioneers were doing this neighborly kindness for the one, hendricks was at the cabin which had been erected a few days before. he had been left there without a gun, but with plenty of provisions, and no one dreamed of his being in danger. the three men, having seen fitzpatrick off, hastened back to the clearing, pleased at the thought of the companion they had gained, and regretting that the other man had not consented to join them. when they reached the rough cabin they were somewhat alarmed to see nothing of hendricks, and the quick eyes of the hunters observed that something unusual had taken place. a number of bullet-holes were noticed in the timbers, which were chipped in other places by the leaden missiles, while some of the articles of hendricks were scattered around in a way which could leave no doubt he had been visited by indians. the fact that he had no weapon with which to defend himself, caused his friends to fear the worst, and with rapidly beating hearts they began an investigation, not knowing how close the peril was to them. they had not hunted far, when they discovered a thin column of smoke rising from a ravine near at hand. certain that a large war party of savages was near them, the three men were seized with a panic and fled in the greatest terror. it was a curious thing for kenton to do, for he was certainly one of the bravest of men. it would have been expected that he would insist on an investigation before such a precipitate flight, and it was always a source of deep regret to him in after-life that he did not do so. having reached a safe point, the trio hid themselves in the cane until the evening of the next day, when they once more ventured back to the clearing, and then approached the ravine from which they had seen the smoke of a camp-fire ascending. smoke was still visible, and when they ventured closer they were horrified to find only the charred bones of their late companion! he had been burned at the stake, and in all probability was alive when the others first saw the vapor on the previous day. had they not been so terrified by the belief that a large war party was at hand, they might have saved him. as we have said, it was the source of the deepest regret to kenton that he did not reconnoitre the spot, when such a possibility of rescue existed. chapter ii. kenton and his friends visit boonesborough--desperate encounter with indians--proceeds with two companions to reconnoitre an indian town on the little miami--captured while making off with a number of horses--brutal treatment--bound to the stake and runs the gauntlet--friendship of simon girty, the renegade--finally saved by an indian trader--removed to detroit, and escapes--commands a company in general clark's expedition--receives good news--visits virginia--death of his father--reduced to poverty--removes to urbana, ohio--elected brigadier-general--his conversion--his last days. simon kenton and his two friends stayed at washington until the following september, undisturbed by indians, though they were never entirely free from apprehension of a visit from them. in the month named they visited the lick, where they encountered a white man, who told them most important news. the interior of kentucky had been settled in several places, and there was a thriving pioneer station at boonesborough. kenton and his friends were glad to learn this, for they had seen enough of the perils of the woods to long for the society of some of their own race. they immediately left their dangerous home, and, visiting the smaller settlements, made a prolonged stay at boonesborough, where they were most gladly welcomed. during the two sieges of the place which we have described, kenton was one of the garrison, and served with great efficiency as a spy and scout until the summer of , when boone came back from captivity and formed the plan for the attack upon the indians at paint creek. this expedition, which has already been referred to elsewhere, proved to be a most eventful one to kenton, who acted as spy. after crossing the ohio, he kept a considerable distance in advance, on the alert for the first evidence of indians. he was suddenly startled by hearing a loud laugh from an adjoining thicket, which he was on the point of entering. like a flash the scout sprang behind a tree and with cocked rifle awaited the explanation. he had but a few minutes to wait, when two indians emerged from the thicket, mounted on a pony. both were laughing and chatting in high spirits, and with no thought of anything like danger. they had been on some marauding expedition against the whites, and had met with such success that they seemed as elated as a couple of children. kenton held his place until they approached within easy distance, when he took careful aim and fired. the well-aimed shot killed the first and badly wounded the second, while the frightened pony whirled about and dashed into the thicket. kenton instantly ran up to the slain indian to scalp him, in accordance with the barbarous practice of the border, when a rustling on his right caused him to look up. to his amazement, there were two indians not twenty yards distant, both of whom were in the act of taking aim at him. the scout sprang aside at the instant both fired, and though the bullets whizzed close to his eyes he was uninjured. there could be no doubt that the neighborhood was a most undesirable one just then, for other warriors were near by, and kenton lost no time in taking to the shelter of the woods. fleet as he was, he had no more than reached shelter, when a dozen indians appeared on the margin of the canebrake and the situation of the scout became most serious; but, at this critical moment, boone appeared with his party, who opened a brisk fire upon the indians. the attack was so spirited that they broke and scattered, and kenton was relieved from his perilous position. boone, as we have stated elsewhere, immediately returned to boonesborough, but the intrepid kenton determined to learn more of the indians, and if possible to repay them for the attack they had made upon him. accompanied by a friend named montgomery, they approached the indian town not far off, and stationed themselves near a cornfield, expecting the red men would enter it for the purpose of roasting the ears. with that characteristic patience of the border scouts, they stayed beside the cornfield the entire day waiting and watching for a shot at some of the warriors. but during the time not a single one appeared, though the whites could hear the voices of the children playing near at hand. the scouts were greatly disappointed, for they had been confident of seeing some warrior, but night came without such an opportunity having presented itself, and they were forced to ask themselves the question whether they would go back empty handed, so to speak, or whether they would incur some additional risk for the sake of accomplishing something by way of retaliation. as the best they could do, they stealthily entered the indian town late at night, picked out four good horses, made all haste to the ohio, which they crossed in safety, and on the succeeding day reached logan's fort without disturbance. this was an extraordinary achievement, for the indians and settlers were in such open hostility that it may be said the former were constantly on the alert to prevent just such surprises. colonel bowman, at the fort, requested kenton, montgomery and a mr. clark to undertake a more difficult and dangerous task for him: that was a secret expedition to one of the indian towns on the little miami, against which the colonel meditated an expedition, and about which, of course, he was desirous of gaining all the information possible. the duty was a congenial one to the three men, who reached the village without discovery, made a careful reconnoissance by night, and were then ready to return home. well would it have been for them had they done so, but the subsequent conduct of kenton shows that his repeated escapes and continued immunity at the hands of the savages, had rendered him reckless, and caused him to estimate too highly perhaps his own prowess and skill as compared with theirs. at this time, unfortunately, they discovered an enclosure where the indians kept their horses. like all borderers they dearly loved that kind of property, and could not resist the temptation. more than that, instead of selecting the best, they took the whole lot and started for the ohio. such a wholesale proceeding created a good deal of confusion despite the care of the three scouts, and the indians speedily discovered what was going on. they poured out of their wigwams and lodges, in great excitement, all eager to prevent the loss of their property, while the whites showed an equal eagerness to get away with it. instead of abandoning the animals and attempting to save themselves, they foolishly continued their effort to escape with them all. one rode in front leading the animals, and the other two remained at the rear and lashed them into a gallop, through the woods, while the excited indians came whooping and shrieking after them. it was a wild, break-neck proceeding, but the scouts kept it up until they reached the edge of an impenetrable swamp, where, for the first time since starting, they came to a stand-still and listened for their pursuers. not a sound was heard, to indicate they were anywhere in the neighborhood, and the whites congratulated themselves on what looked like a remarkable achievement. but they were certain to be pursued, and skirting the swamp, they continued their flight in the direction of the ohio, which was a long way distant. the horses were pressed to the utmost, the riders frequently changing animals, through the night, the next day, and most of the following night. the next morning they stood on the northern bank of the ohio. the wind was blowing strongly, and the river was so boisterous that the crossing was sure to be difficult. at the same time they knew that their pursuers would not delay, and must be close behind them. a hurried consultation was held, and it was agreed that kenton should swim the animals over while montgomery and clark constructed a raft to transport the baggage. accordingly kenton led the animals into the river, while he swam at their side, but the stream had become so rough that he was forced away from them, and all he could do was to save himself from drowning. the horses being left to themselves turned about and swam back to the shore they had left a short time before. this exasperating performance was repeated until kenton became so exhausted that he was forced to lie down on the shore until he could recover his strength and wind. a council of war, as it might be called, was then held and the question considered was whether they should abandon the animals and attend to their own safety, or risk their lives by waiting where they were until the ohio should become calmer, in the hope of getting them to the other side. nothing can show the great admiration of the men of the border for the noblest of all animals, than their immediate and unanimous agreement that they would never desert their horses. the scouts committed the inexplainable blunder of staying where they were, knowing, as they must have known, that the infuriated warriors were rapidly coming up on their trail, and could be at no great distance behind them. the wind continued churning the water all through the day, and did not abate until the next morning. then, when they tried to force the steeds into the water, they refused and some of them broke away. the infatuated scouts lost more valuable time in the vain attempt to recapture them and, as was inevitable, the indians soon made their appearance. they were in such numbers, and so well armed, that it was useless to fight them, and clark had sense enough to take to his heels. he succeeded in effecting his own escape. montgomery was shot down and scalped, while kenton was seized from behind, when on the very point of assailing a warrior in front, and pinioned. others speedily gathered, beat and shook the scout, and pulled his hair, until he was tortured almost to death. "steal hoss of indian, eh!" they exclaimed again and again as they beat him over the head with their ramrods. when they had pounded him until they were tired, kenton was thrown on his back, and his arms stretched out at full length. pieces of saplings were then fastened to his arms and legs in such a manner that the poor fellow was literally unable to stir hand or foot. while thus engaged they continued to beat and curse him in broken english. when he was strapped in his immovable position he was left until morning. no pen can picture the utter horror and misery of such a night, with arm and legs outstretched and with body incapable of any motion excepting a slight turn of the head. it was a literal crucifixion, without the erection of the cross. knowing the indians so well, he did not entertain a particle of doubt that he would be put to death with the most fearful torture that can be imagined. the fury of the indians against kenton seemed to increase rather than diminish. it would have been a very easy matter to tomahawk or slay him with knife or rifle, when he was so helpless, but that would have ended the matter and deprived them of the enjoyment they counted upon at such times. in the morning they gave a mazeppa performance, by tying kenton fast to an unbroken colt and turning him loose. the horse, however, seemed to have more pity than his cruel masters, for after galloping a short distance about the others, he came back and rejoined them, continuing with the others until nightfall, when kenton was taken off and fastened by buffalo thongs to the stakes of saplings as before. for three days the terrible march continued, when the indian town of chillicothe was reached. the arrival of the prisoner created great excitement, and the chief blackfish beat kenton over the naked shoulders with hickory sticks until the blood flowed, and the poor fellow was almost delirious with agony. all the cries he heard during this fearful punishment were those of fury. these soon changed to a demand that he should be tied to the stake, and it was done. his clothing was torn from his body, his hands fastened above his head, and the indians danced about him beating and whooping and jeering at the prisoner, who expected every minute that the fire would be kindled at his feet. ordinarily this would have been done, but the desire to continue the torture was so great that the savages deferred the last awful tragedy, until they should extract more sport from the victim. he was kept in this trying position until late at night, when he was released. it seemed as if it were intended that simon kenton should go through every form of indian torture, for, on the morrow, he was led out and forced to run the gauntlet. the preparations for this were so complete, and the indians so numerous with their clubs and all sorts of weapons, that it can scarcely be doubted that kenton would have been beaten to death, had he undertaken to speed the entire distance between the two long rows of indians. instead of doing so, he darted aside and after doubling upon his pursuers, plunged into the council house, receiving only a few blows from the warriors standing near. within this lodge was held the council to determine what course should be taken with their prisoner. there was no thought or releasing him, but some might prefer to delay the enjoyment of his death by torture no longer, while others were inclined to think it was too pleasant for them to allow the amusement to terminate so soon. a comparison of views and a ballot showed that the majority were in favor of deferring his taking off a short while longer. his execution, therefore, was suspended for the time, and it was agreed to take him to an indian town on mad river, known as waughcotomoco. "what is to be done with me after we get there?" asked kenton of the renegade who interpreted the sentence to him. "burn you at the stake," was the reply, accompanied by a brutal oath, as the white savage strode away. kenton was given back his clothing, and was not bound while on the road, as it was deemed impossible for him to escape from among his numerous, vigilant captors. but, as there could be no doubt that his death by torture was fully determined, the prisoner was resolved on one desperate effort to escape, for in no sense could a failure result in making his condition worse than before. he deferred the attempt until they were so close to waughcotomoco, that the party exchanged signal whoops with the warriors of the town who began flocking thither to see the prisoner. feeling that it was then or never, kenton uttered a shout and broke away like a frightened deer, the indians following him, some on foot, and some on horseback. his great fleetness might have enabled him to escape, but while he was running from those behind, he came directly upon a party who were riding from the village to meet the others, and before he was hardly aware of his danger he was recaptured. after suffering great indignities, they reached waughcotomoco, where kenton was forced to run the gauntlet again and was badly hurt. he was then taken to the council-house, where he sat in despair, while the warriors consulted as to the precise means of his death. while they were thus engaged, simon girty and three companions came in with a white woman and seven children as prisoners. kenton was taken away to make room for these, and as their fate now became a matter of debate, the session was protracted until a late hour. the verdict, however, was inevitable, and on the morrow, simon girty, the notorious renegade, gave himself the extreme pleasure of communicating the news to the hapless prisoner. during this interview girty was astounded to discover in the prisoner his former comrade, who had served with him as a spy in dunmore's expedition. that was before girty had foresworn his race, and the two men became warmly attached to each other. girty was greatly agitated, and instantly set to work to secure the release of the prisoner. the difficulty of this task can scarcely be imagined, for such a request was unprecedented; but girty persevered, making the most ardent appeals and begging and insisting, until it was put to a vote, when it was agreed that the prayer, coming from one who had served them so faithfully as had the renegade for three years, could not be denied, and it was granted. kenton now remained a prisoner among the indians for three weeks, during which girty treated him with unvarying kindness. indeed his conduct in this extraordinary matter is the single bright spot in the career of one of the most terrible wretches that ever lived. at the end of the time mentioned, however, another council was held, and despite the strenuous efforts of girty, kenton was condemned to death at the stake. there now seemed no possible hope, and, telling his friend he had done all he could for him, girty shook his hand and bade him good-by. but kenton's remarkable good fortune did not desert him. the great chief logan gave him his friendship and did what he could to save him, when kenton was brought to his village, which was a short distance away. his interference, however, seemed to be unavailing, and he was started for sandusky under a strong escort, that being the place fixed upon for his final death by torture. there, however, when kenton had abandoned all hope, an indian agent by the name of drewyer interested himself in his behalf, and by an ingenious statagem secured his removal to detroit. he thus became a prisoner-of-war, as detroit was in the possession of the british, and his situation was immeasurably improved. he was sure to be treated in a civilized manner, and in process of time would be set free. the situation, however, was anything but agreeable to kenton, who was continually seeking for some way of escape. none presented itself for a long time, and he remained working for the garrison on half-pay until the summer of . it was at this time that the longed-for opportunity presented itself, through the kindness of the wife of an indian trader. kenton knew well enough that it would never do to plunge into the wilderness without rifles and ammunition, and she agreed to furnish him and two kentuckians with the indispensable articles. it was no small task for a lady to secure three guns and ammunition without the assistance of any one, but she succeeded in doing so. in the early summer of that year, the indians around detroit engaged in one of their periodical carousals. it was at night, and before giving themselves over to their brutish indulgence they stacked their guns near the house of the lady. without difficulty she secured three of the best, and hid them in her garden. previous to this she had gathered some extra clothing and the required ammunition, which were hidden in a hollow tree outside the town. she managed to communicate with kenton, who, at the appointed time, appeared at the garden with his friends, got the guns, and thanking his preserver most fervently and receiving her best wishes in return, bade her good-by and hastened away with his companions. there was no difficulty in stealing out of town, which was full of drunken indians, but it never would have done to wait; both they and the guns would be missed in the morning, and search would be immediately made. the hollow tree was easily found, and hastily equipping themselves with what was stored there, they plunged into the wilderness and started on their long and dangerous journey for louisville, kentucky. leaving the commonly-traveled route, they first headed for the prairies of the wabash, and pushed on like veteran pioneers who knew they were continually in danger of pursuit. they lost no time on the road, nor did they cease to use continual vigilance. they were over a month making their way through the solitudes, but finally reached louisville, without accident, in the month of july, . kenton had become so accustomed to his rough, adventurous life, that he chafed under the quiet and restraint of the town. slinging his rifle over his shoulder, therefore, he struck into the woods alone and tramped to vincennes to see his old friend, major clark. he was warmly greeted, but he found everything so dull and hum-drum that he re-entered the wilderness, and after a long journey reached harrodsburg, where he was received with as much delight as though he were daniel boone himself. in the famous expedition of general clark against the indians, described elsewhere, simon kenton commanded a company of volunteers from harrod's station, and was one of the bravest officers of that formidable campaign against the red men, whose outrages were becoming so serious that the blow was determined upon as a means of forcing them to stay within their own lines. it will be remembered that the command of general clark numbered over a thousand men, and it will be understood that it was the most effective demonstration that, up to that time, had ever been undertaken on the frontier. chillicothe, pickaway, and numerous smaller towns were burnt and all the crops destroyed. it can well be believed that when they reached pickaway and the indians made a stand, the arm of simon kenton was nerved with tenfold power, for it was there, two years before, that he had been compelled to run the gauntlet and was beaten almost to death. it was with the memory of the terrible sufferings of that time that he led his company into action, and he fought, as did they, like richard coeur de lion. the warriors made a brave resistance, but were unable to withstand the furious attack, and soon were scattered like chaff, leaving their dead and wounded on the field. this campaign brought peace and quietness to the frontier during the following two years. kenton engaged in hunting, or in assisting surveying parties, until , when he received the most startling news of his life. for eleven years he had been a wanderer in the woods, oftentimes in indescribable peril, suffering almost death over and over again, and never free from the remorse caused by that encounter with his rival so long before in virginia, whom he believed he left dying upon the ground and from whose presence he fled like cain from the vengeance of men. but at the time mentioned kenton received proof that the man was not killed in that desperate affray, but had recovered, and was then alive and well, as was also the aged father of kenton. it can scarcely be conceived how great a burden these tidings lifted from the heart of simon kenton, who was no longer afraid to reveal his identity and make inquiries about his friends. it was like entering upon a new and joyous life. kenton commanded another company in general clark's campaign in the autumn of , and, as before, acted as the guide of the army, his knowledge of the country and his consummate woodcraft rendering his services indispensable in that direction. while this campaign was only one of the numerous similar ones which have marked the settlement of the west, and which, sad to say, were too often accompanied by overwhelming disaster, it was rendered memorable to kenton by a singular and impressive engagement into which he entered. it was when the army was on its return, when opposite the mouth of the licking, nov. th, , that captain mccracken, who was dying from a wound received in battle, suggested that all the pioneers of the expedition who might be living fifty years from that day, should meet on the spot to celebrate the semi-centennial of the campaign. it was at the suggestion of the dying soldier that colonel floyd drew up the resolution, and the meeting a half century later was agreed upon. the purpose accomplished, the volunteers were disbanded, and kenton went back to harrod's station, where he was always most gladly welcomed. he had acquired considerable land, which was rapidly increasing in value. with a few families he began a settlement, which prospered greatly. the soil was very fertile, they were industrious, and they were blessed with abundant crops. the circumstances being favorable, kenton made a journey to virginia to visit his father and friends. thirteen years had passed since he had fled, believing himself a murderer, and now, among the first to take his hand, after he entered the familiar place, was his former rival in love. he and his wife greeted the handsome pioneer with great cordiality, and all resentment was buried in the happiness of the meeting. kenton was thankful indeed to find his aged father in good health, though his mother had been dead a number of years. accompanied by his parent and the rest of the family, he started for kentucky, intending that his father should spend the rest of his days with him. such was the case, indeed, but the days proved fewer than the affectionate son supposed they would be. the parent was very feeble, and when red stone fort was reached, he quietly died. he was buried on the banks of the monongahela, and kenton, with the remainder of the family, arrived at the settlement in the winter of . kentucky was rapidly filling up with emigrants at this time, though, as is well known, the indians were very troublesome. kenton saw that the land was certain to become valuable, and he determined to occupy the fertile section around his old camp near maysville, which he had occasion to remember so well. he made the venture in the summer of , with a company of pioneers; but the indians were so dangerous that they were forced to retire for the time. a few months later kenton went back with a few friends, built a block-house, and soon after was joined by several families. settlers continued to flock thither, and the country prospered, despite the hostility of the red men. kenton, by his foresight, had secured the right and title to a large quantity of valuable land. one thousand acres of this he gave to arthur fox and william wood, and on it they laid out the town of washington. despite the severe blow administered by general clark, the savages committed so many depredations that a retaliatory campaign was determined upon. seven hundred volunteers gathered under colonel logan and invaded the indian country, inflicting much damage, and returning with only a trifling loss. the guide of this expedition was simon kenton, who also commanded a company; but it was scarcely home again when the indians renewed their depredations with such persistency that kenton appealed to his old friends to rally once more, and to "carry the war into africa." it was promptly done, he assuming the part of captain and of guide as before. chillicothe was burned, and the expedition returned without losing a man. by this time kenton was acknowledged as the leader in the frontier settlement. he possessed a great deal of valuable land, was a master of woodcraft, and in all the troubles with the indians was looked to for protection and assistance. during the half-dozen years following, his services in the latter respect were beyond estimate. he demonstrated his skill in the ways of the woods by ambushing a party of dusky marauders who had come down to devastate the border, and by inflicting such severe loss that the others fled in terror and never attempted to molest the settlement again. but this period will be recognized by the reader as the eventful one of general anthony wayne's expedition against the combined indian tribes of the west. disaster had followed disaster, until the united states government saw the necessity of ending the troubles by a campaign which should be resistless, and crushing in its effects. simon kenton, at the time of wayne's expedition, was a major, and with his battalion he joined the forces at greenville. it may be said that his reputation at that time was national, and he was recognized as one of the most skillful and intrepid pioneers of the west. his bravery, activity and knowledge of "wood lore," inspired confidence everywhere, and linked his name inseparably with the settlement of the west. his foresight in taking up the valuable lands was now shown by the results. they appreciated so rapidly in value with the settlement and development of the country, that he became one of the wealthiest settlers in kentucky. but singularly (and yet perhaps it was not singular either), the same misfortune overtook him that befell daniel boone and so many others of the pioneers. the rapacious speculators, by their superior cunning, got all his land away from him, until he was not worth a farthing. worse than that they brought him in debt, and his body was taken upon the covenants in deeds to lands, which he had in point of fact given away. he was imprisoned for a full year on the very spot where he built his cabin in , and planted the first corn planted north of the kentucky river by a white man, and where for many a time he had braved hunger, death, and undergone suffering in its most frightful forms. he was literally reduced to beggary by the cruel rapacity of the land sharks, and in he removed to ohio and settled in urbana. kenton's remarkable sweetness of character, despite the fact that he was one of the most terrible of indian fighters, was such that he scarcely ever uttered a word of complaint. no man had endured more than he for kentucky and ohio, and no one had ever been treated more shabbily; yet he loved the "dark and bloody ground" none the less. his services and his ability were appreciated to that extent in ohio that he was elected a brigadier-general of militia, three years after his removal to the state. five years later, that is, in , he was converted and joined the methodist episcopal church. reverend j. b. finley, the well known missionary of the west, relates that his father and kenton met at a camp meeting on the mad river. they were old friends and the interview was a most pleasant one. the meeting was accompanied by a great awakening, during which kenton took the elder finley aside and told him how deeply his heart had been touched, how much he was impressed with his own sinfulness, and how desirous he was of obtaining divine pardon. he bound the minister to keep the whole matter a secret, and the two knelt down in prayer in the woods. kenton was speedily converted, and springing to his feet, ran shouting back to camp meeting, with the minister panting after him. the old indian fighter outran his pastor, and when mr. finley reached his congregation, the other had gathered a great crowd about him, and, with a glowing face, was telling the news of his conversion. "i thought this was to be a secret," called out mr. finley, "and here, general, you are proclaiming it to every one." "it's too glorious to keep," was the reply of kenton. he continued a devout and humble christian for the rest of his life. his voice was remarkably sweet and musical, and he was fond of singing. he took part in many religious exercises and meetings, and entered into the service of his divine master with the same ardor he had shown in that of his country, during his early and mature manhood. in , kenton joined the kentucky troops under governor shelby, with whose family he was a great favorite. he was then nearly threescore years of age, but he was rugged, strong, and as patriotic as ever. he took part in the battle of the thames, fighting with the same bravery that was natural to him from boyhood. it was the last engagement in which he bore a hand, and respecting it the following incident is worthy of note: in the month of may, , ayres lefargee, who died at poplar plain, kentucky, was buried at decatur, illinois. he was a soldier of the war of , in the fourth regiment of kentucky troops under governor shelby, and was present at the battle of the thames in which the great shawanoe chieftain tecumseh was killed. after the battle he went with captain matthews and simon kenton to the spot where the chief fell. "turn the body over," said kenton, and, upon lefargee doing so, they found seven bullet-holes in it. lefargee always claimed that tecumseh was killed by a soldier named dave gealding. this question has never been satisfactorily settled, though the claim of colonel richard m. johnson seems as good as that of any one. his horse had fallen, and while he was endeavoring to extricate himself, a distinguished looking indian who, it was claimed by many that knew him, was tecumseh, made a rush for colonel johnson. "i didn't stop to ask him his name," said colonel johnson, when questioned about it afterwards, "for there was no time for explanations, but i fired, when, had i waited five seconds longer, he would have brained me with his upraised tomahawk." the war of finished, kenton returned to the obscurity of his humble cabin, where he lived until , when he removed to the headwaters of mad river, logan county, ohio, near the very spot where, many years before, he had been tied to the stake by the indians, when they condemned him to death. it seemed impossible for the old pioneer to escape the annoyance of the land-sharpers. he was still the owner of many large mountain tracts of kentucky, but he was "land poor," in its fullest sense, and these were forfeited for taxes. kenton became so worn out, and so distressed by poverty, that in , when nearly seventy years old, he rode to frankfort, while the legislature was in session, to petition that body to release these comparatively worthless lands from the claims upon them for unpaid taxes. the old hunter was clothed in dilapidated garments, and his rickety horse looked so woe-begone that the wonder was how he could carry such a large man as he was. but when it became known that simon kenton was in town, it caused an excitement like that which the arrival of the menagerie and circus excites. there was no one in the capital of kentucky who had not heard of the wonderful exploits of kenton, and the tall handsome figure of the hunter, with his mild prepossessing features, would have attracted attention anywhere. it was hard to believe that this old gentleman with his gentle blue eyes, his soft musical voice, and his humble christian bearing, was the hurricane-like fighter, who had torn the reeking scalp from the head of the fierce savage, who had run the gauntlet more than once, who had trailed the red indian through the gloomy depths of the forest and who had lived in the wilderness in storm and sunshine, week after week and month after month, when he never closed his eyes with certainty he would not be awakened for an instant by the crash of the tomahawk as it clove his skull in twain. but this was simon kenton, and the crowds began to gather. general thomas fletcher recognized him and donned him in a good respectable suit of clothing. then he was taken to the capitol and placed in the speaker's chair, where the multitude, in which were the legislators and the most prominent citizens, filed through the building, and were introduced to the great adventurer, who smilingly shook their hands, exchanged a few pleasant words, and blushed like a school boy. it was the proudest day of simon kenton's life, and he had every reason to look back to it with delight, for it resulted in substantial benefit to him. his presence called up so vividly the great services he had rendered the state, and the burning injustice he had suffered, that the legislators at once released all his lands from the tax claims, and shortly after, through the exertions of judge burnet and general vance, of congress, a pension of two hundred and forty dollars a year was obtained for the old hero, who was thus secured against want for the remainder of his life. kenton now lived a quiet life, serene and hopeful, and quietly contemplating the end which he knew was close at hand. he was held in the greatest respect and the strongest affection by his numerous friends, while kentucky itself felt a pride in the brave hunter, scout and pioneer. it will be remembered by the reader, that on the th of november, , simon kenton became a party to an agreement of singular and romantic interest. during the expedition of general clark against the indian towns, kenton as usual acted as guide to the army, which numbered fifteen hundred men. on the return of the force, the pioneers which composed it came to a halt, opposite the licking, and held a conference. captain mccracken, of the kentucky light horse, had received a slight wound in the arm while fighting, and which caused him little concern at the time. but a virulent mortification had set in, and it became evident to all that he had but a short time to live. at his suggestion, colonel floyd brought forward the resolution by which the pioneers who might survive agreed to meet on that same spot, a half century later, to talk over old times. the meeting was held in the unbroken wilderness, abounding with its game and with the fierce red man; and the pioneers were in the flush and vigor of young manhood, with many years of hard, perilous service before them. they all felt that such as should be spared to see the closing of the half century before them, would witness changes and developments in their beloved country, such as awed the imagination when it attempted to grasp it. on that lonely spot, where mccracken closed his eyes and was laid mournfully away in his last long rest by his brave brother pioneers, was the heart of the magnificently growing west. his grave was in sight of the beautiful queen city, and the howling wilderness now blossomed as the rose. as the semi-centennial approached, it was looked forward to with a strong interest by the survivors, who were found to be quite numerous. the lives which these hardy pioneers led were conducive to longevity, provided always the wild indians afforded the opportunity and failed to cut them off in their prime. "and tall and strong and swift of foot are they, beyond the dwarfing city's pale abortions, because their thoughts had never been the prey of care or gain; the green woods were their portions; no sinking spirits told them they grew gray, no fashions made them apes of her distortions. simple they were, not savage; and their rifles, though very true, were not yet used for trifles. "motion was in their days, rest in their slumbers, and cheerfulness the handmaid of their toil. nor yet too many nor too few their numbers; corruption could not make their hearts her soil; the lust which stings, the splendor which encumbers, with the free foresters divide no spoil; serene, not sullen, were the solitudes of this unsighing people of the woods." as the semi-centennial approached, simon kenton, who had passed his fourscore, was deeply solicitous lest he should not be able to be present. he was desirous that every survivor should be at the gathering, and published an address in which he said: "_fellow citizens_:--being one of the first, after colonel daniel boone, who aided in the conquest of kentucky and the west, i am called upon to address you. my heart melts on such an occasion; i look forward to the contemplated meeting with melancholy pleasure; it has caused tears to flow in copious showers. i wish to see once more before i die, my few surviving friends. my solemn promise, made fifty years ago, binds me to meet them. i ask not for myself; but you may find in our assembly some who have never received any pay or pension, who have sustained the cause of their country equal to any other service, and who in the decline of their life are poor. then, you prosperous sons of the west, forget not those old and gray-headed veterans on this occasion; let them return to their families with some little manifestations of your kindness to cheer their hearts. "i may add my prayer: may kind heaven grant us a clear sky, fair and pleasant weather, a safe journey, and a happy meeting and a smile upon us and our families, and bless us and our nation on the approaching occasion. "simon kenton. "urbana, ohio, ." the year will be recognized as the terrible cholera season, when the pestilence smote the land and the whole country was in mourning. men shrank appalled as the multitudes sank on their right and left, and business for the time was paralyzed by the awful scourge which swept from one end of the land to the other. cincinnati was shrouded in deepest gloom by the ravages of the fearful disease, yet when the anniversary came round a large number of the old pioneers met, and the corporation voted them a dinner. general simon kenton, in spite of his anxiety to be present, was unable to appear, owing to his feebleness and indisposition of body. his absence was greatly mourned, for he would have been the prince of all that noble band, could his venerable form have appeared among them. with kenton the sunset of life was as quiet and serene as the close of a summer day. in the month of april, , he quietly died in his home, surrounded by his affectionate family, friends and neighbors, and supported by the sublime faith of the meek, devout christian, who joyfully approaches the dark river and launches out for the other shore. lewis wetzel. birth of lewis wetzel--his father killed by indians, and himself and brother carried off prisoners--their remarkable escape--murder of an indian--serves in crawford's expedition--pursued by four indians, and kills three--escape from the custody of general harmar--wetzel's hunts for indians--assists a relative to recover his betrothed from savages. when one reads of the early days of the great west and of the tornado-like encounters in which the borderers engaged, he finds that there are few more prominent figures than that of lewis wetzel, who was born on the big wheeling, virginia, about the year . he had four brothers, martin, jacob, john and george, and two sisters, susan and christina. martin was the only brother who exceeded lewis in age. the home of the wetzels exposed them to perils from the indians, for it will be recognized by the reader as a spot peculiarly open to assaults from the red men. this was proven by the terrible fate that overtook the family. one day the indians suddenly appeared and made a fierce attack upon the house. several of the smaller children were absent, and during the excitement the mother succeeded in getting away; but the old man was killed and scalped, and lewis, then thirteen years old, and his brother jacob, two years younger, were taken away prisoners. in the fight, lewis received a slight wound from a bullet, but it did not incapacitate him from traveling, and on the second night after the capture the indians encamped on the big lick, twenty miles distant from the river, in what is now ohio, and upon the waters of mcmahon's creek. the prisoners were so young that the captors were justified in considering them of little account, and they did not take the trouble to bind them when they stopped for the night. lewis, however, was old enough to watch for a chance to get away, and when sure all the indians were asleep, he touched his brother and whispered to him to make ready to follow him. they made their way out of the camp without difficulty, but had not proceeded far when they stopped. "i don't like the idea of going home barefooted," said lewis, "you stay here while i go back and get a pair of moccasins for you and a pair for me." the daring lad succeeded in obtaining the necessary articles and soon rejoined his brother; but as they were about to start on again he expressed his dissatisfaction that they had no weapons. "we can't get along without a gun; wait here a little longer and i'll bring one back." and young lewis did as he said he would. now that each had a pair of moccasins, and the elder carried a good rifle, they were prepared for travel, and they plunged into the woods at once. lewis wetzel displayed a knowledge of woodcraft on this occasion which was wonderful in one so young. he discovered the trail and followed it back without difficulty, and knowing he would be pursued, he kept such unremitting watch that he detected the approach of the indians, and he and his brother hid in the bushes until they passed. when they were out of sight, the brothers came back to the trail and followed after the indians. it did not take the latter very long to find they had gone beyond the lads, and they turned about to find them. but, as before, lewis was on the watch, and he and his brother eluded them. shortly after they discovered that two of the warriors were mounted and in hot chase after them; but lewis gave them the slip in the same skilful manner, and reaching wheeling the next day, they constructed a raft and crossed the river. when they came to the ruins of their home and found that their father had been killed and scalped, they were so infuriated that they took a vow to kill every indian that was in their power to kill, so long as they should live. such is the account as generally given, though a different version is entitled to equal credence. this says that the elder wetzel was shot, in , while paddling a canoe near captina, on his return from middle island creek, and that young lewis received his first wound while standing in the door of his own home. be that as it may, there can be no doubt that he and his brother took the barbarous oath as stated, and it is equally a matter of history that they carried it out in spirit and letter. martin wetzel acted the part of a wild beast and committed acts for which no law human or divine can find justification. no red indian ever showed greater perfidy than did he. during colonel brodhead's expedition in , martin wetzel was a volunteer. an indian messenger, under promise of protection, came into camp and held an interview with brodhead. while they were talking in the most friendly manner, martin wetzel stole up behind the unsuspecting red man, and quickly drawing a tomahawk, which he had hidden in his hunting-shirt, struck the indian in the back of the head a blow which stretched him lifeless on the ground. colonel brodhead was exasperated at the atrocious act, yet he dared not punish wetzel, for three-fourths of the army would have rallied in his defence. in the life of daniel boone we gave an account of the campaign of colonel crawford in . lewis wetzel served as a volunteer, being no more than eighteen years of age. the campaign was one of the most frightful disasters that ever occurred in the west, colonel crawford being captured and burned to death at the stake. among the disorganized soldiers who managed to escape the terrible vengeance of the red men, was one named mills, who reached a spring some nine miles from wheeling, where he was forced to leave his horse and go the rest of the way on foot. from wheeling he proceeded to van meter's fort, where he fell in with lewis wetzel, whom he persuaded to go back with him in quest of his horse. wetzel cautioned him against the danger, but mills was determined, and the two made their way back to the spring, where they saw the horse standing tied to a sapling. the scout knew what this meant, but the sight of his animal drew mills forward, and running up to the tree, he began untying him. before he could finish, there was a discharge of rifles from the wood, and mills fell fatally wounded. knowing that the warriors were all around him, the fleet-footed wetzel bounded off like a deer, with four of the swiftest runners speeding after him. the chase was a terrific one, and after a half mile, one of the indians came so close that the fugitive, believing he was on the point of throwing his tomahawk, suddenly whirled about and shot him dead, resuming his flight with the same desperate exertion as before. the art of reloading his gun while on a dead run had been practised by wetzel, until he could do the difficult feat with ease. never was there more urgent need of that peculiar skill than on the present occasion, for at the end of another half mile, a second indian was so close that wetzel turned to fire. before he could do so, the warrior grasped the end of the barrel, and as he was immensely powerful and active, he brought wetzel to his knees, and came within a hair's-breadth of wrenching the weapon from his grasp. the white man, however, during the fierce struggle, managed to get the muzzle of the gun turned toward the savage, when he pulled the trigger, killing him instantly. the struggle was very brief, but during its continuance the other two indians had approached so nigh, that wetzel bounded away again at the highest bent of his speed and soon had his rifle reloaded. then he slackened his pace, so as to allow them to come up, but they were suspicious of the white man who always seemed to have a charged rifle at his service, and they held back. then wetzel stopped and they did the same. several times he wheeled about and raised his gun, when they immediately dodged behind trees. one of them did not conceal his body perfectly, and wetzel fired, wounding him badly. the remaining warrior ran for life, shouting: "_dat white man's gun am always loaded!_" actuated by that intense hate of the indians which marked the career of lewis wetzel and several of his brothers, there was but the single thought of revenge which inspired the muscular arm to deeds as savage as the red man himself ever engaged in. while general harmar was doing his utmost to establish peace with the indians, lewis wetzel and a companion hid themselves near the fort, and, in pure wantonness, the former fired upon a warrior who was riding by. he was so badly wounded that he was barely able to reach the fort, where he died that night. general harmar was so indignant over the murder, which wetzel unblushingly avowed, that he sent captain kingsbury and a squad of men with orders to take wetzel dead or alive. all considerations called for the prompt punishment of the murderer, but his capture was an impossibility, inasmuch as he possessed the fullest sympathy of the frontiersmen, who would have rallied to a man in his defence. when captain kingsbury reached the mingo bottom, and his errand became known, lewis wetzel and a large number of equally reckless companions formed a plan for attacking the party and massacring every one of them. only by the interference of major m'mahan, who persuaded the captain of his danger and induced him to withdraw, was the crime averted. sometime later, however, wetzel was seized while asleep in a cabin, put in irons and carried to the guard-house. he was greatly humiliated by the shame of being handcuffed, and sent for general harmar, to whom he made the characteristic proposal that he should release him among the large party of indians who were around the fort, and allow him to fight it out with them. this of course was declined by the officer, who, however, consented to knock off his irons, but kept on the handcuffs, allowing him to walk about the fort. after wetzel had loosened his limbs by some moderate exercise, he suddenly made a break for the woods and was soon among them. he was fired upon by the guards, and general harmar instantly sent a number of his fleetest runners, including several indians, in pursuit. they almost captured him too, for a couple of the warriors sat down on the log, under which he was crouching, and wetzel afterwards said that his great fear was that his position would be betrayed by the tumultuous throbbing of his heart. the next day he came across a friend who released him from his handcuffs, furnished him with a gun and ammunition, and wetzel paddled down the river for kentucky, where he could feel safe from general harmar. the latter issued a proclamation offering a large reward for the capture of wetzel, but no frontiersman ever made the dangerous attempt to take him, and soon after he joined a party of scouts under major m'mahan. they numbered twenty men, and were organized to punish the indians for murdering a family in the mingo bottom. one of the inducements for enlisting was the offer of a hundred dollars to the man who should bring in the first indian scalp. the scouts had not penetrated far into the hostile country, when they suddenly found themselves in the presence of a large war party. a hasty consultation was held and it was deemed best to withdraw, but wetzel refused to return until he should accomplish something. he announced that he would never be seen at home until he lost his own scalp or brought that of an indian with him. it was a dangerous task he had taken on himself, but he persevered and spent several days in prowling through the woods, hunting for the coveted opportunity. at last he found a couple of warriors encamped by themselves, and he watched by them until the night was far advanced. finally one of them got up and moved away, taking a torch with him, doubtless with the intention of watching a deer lick. wetzel was so anxious to kill both savages that he waited until daylight for the return of the other. he did not show himself, however, and unwilling to wait longer, the merciless white man stole up to where the sleeping warrior lay and slew him with one furious blow of his knife. wetzel reached his home without difficulty and received the one hundred dollars reward for the murder. a singular occurrence took place shortly after this. from the fort at wheeling, there had been heard on several occasions, cries such as would be made by a wounded turkey, and more than once some of the men had crossed over to ascertain the cause. the fact that several soldiers were never seen again, did not arouse a suspicion of the real explanation in the minds of any one excepting that of lewis wetzel. he concluded to make an investigation for himself. cautiously stealing around in the direction of the sound, he approached a deep cavern, the mouth of which was some twenty yards above the river. from this crept forth an indian warrior, who uttered the peculiar call that had lured so many to their death. wetzel waited until he gained a fair sight of the savage, when he took careful aim and the decoy never uttered his deceptive signal again. wetzel supposed that his trouble with general harmar would gradually die out with the lapse of time, but the commander had issued standing orders to his officers to arrest him wherever and whenever he could be found. on his way down the river toward kenawha, wetzel landed at point pleasant, where he roamed about the town with perfect unconcern. while doing so he unexpectedly came face to face with lieutenant kingsbury, who had set out to capture him once before. wetzel expected a desperate encounter with him, and braced himself for the attack; but kingsbury, who was personally brave, saluted him with the order to get out of his sight, and passed on. wetzel thought it wise to leave the neighborhood, and, taking to his canoe, he put off for limestone, which place, and the county town, washington, he made his headquarters for a considerable time after. his skill with the rifle, and his reckless bravery, could not fail to render him a great favorite among the rough men of the border. could his capture have been arranged with perfect safety to those concerned, it is not probable that any one could have been induced to undertake it. one day wetzel was sitting in a tavern in maysville, when lieutenant lawler of the regular army, who was going down the ohio to fort washington with a number of soldiers, landed and discovered him. without a moment's unnecessary delay, he ordered out a file of soldiers, took wetzel aboard the boat, and before the citizens had time to rally, he was delivered to general harmar at cincinnati. the general placed him in irons again, preparatory to his trial for the killing of the indian, and then followed a scene of extraordinary excitement. petitions for the release of wetzel poured in upon general harmar from every quarter, and the indignation became so great that mutterings of a general uprising were soon heard. serious trouble for a time threatened, for passions were roused to a high pitch, and the intensity deepened as the time for the trial approached. finally judge symmes issued a writ of habeas corpus in the case, and abundant security being furnished, wetzel was released. he was escorted in triumph to columbia, where he was treated to a grand supper, including the usual speeches and congratulations, and where no doubt he concluded his friends were right in looking upon him as a model of heroism and chivalry to whom it was an honor to do homage. lewis wetzel hunted indians as most men hunt the deer and buffalo. he looked upon the red man as legitimate game, and many a time has he slung his rifle over his shoulder and plunged into the woods for the express purpose of bringing down one of the race against which he had vowed eternal vengeance. numerous of his barbarous exploits must remain unrecorded, and well would it be could the necessity never arise for a history of any of them, for they do not show the character of an undoubtedly brave man in an attractive light. late one autumn he started out on one of his sanguinary hunts and directed his steps toward the muskingum river. he had not tramped long when he discovered a camp where four indians had established themselves for the winter. not dreaming of any danger, the red men, contrary to their custom, had not taken their usual precautions, and kept neither watch nor sentinels. this was a tempting opportunity, but a single white hunter, no matter how daring and skillful, might well hesitate before attacking four athletic and well-armed warriors; but the hesitation of lewis wetzel was caused only by the necessity for reflecting on the best course to be pursued. he decided to make his attack on the four in the dead of night when all were sound asleep. he therefore waited patiently in the gloom until he saw they were wrapped in profound slumber. then he stole forward, and with his dreadful knife, dispatched three in quick succession, but the fourth darted into the woods and escaped in the darkness. it was near wheeling, while he was engaged on one of his numerous scouts, that he came upon a deserted cabin. it was raining at the time, and he was glad to use the place as a shelter. a few pieces of boards were gathered together in the loft and used as a bed, but before he fell asleep, six indians entered and started a fire, with a view of preparing their evening meal. had the scout been asleep when they entered they would have been certain to discover him by his heavy breathing, and as it was, wetzel scarcely saw how he could escape detection. so he grasped his knife and held himself ready for the desperate encounter which was certain to follow such a discovery. the indians, however, did not dream of the presence of the human tiger that was glaring down upon them from the loft above, and soon the half dozen were unconscious in sleep. feeling that his quarters were dangerous, wetzel cautiously stole out during the darkness and hid himself behind a log which commanded the front of the cabin. in the morning the first warrior who presented himself at the door was shot dead. before the others could comprehend what had taken place the murderer was fleeing like a deer through the woods, and was soon safe from all danger of pursuit. such exploits as these increased the popularity of wetzel, while the attempts made by general harmar to punish him for his crimes deepened the dislike felt toward him for what was regarded as his unjust persecution of a worthy man. not long after the indian-killer accepted the invitation of a relative to visit him on dunkard creek. it was some distance away, and the two men pursued their walk through the woods at a leisurely pace, talking of their hunting adventures, chatting like a couple of school-boys, and with no thought of impending trouble. but when they emerged from the forest into the clearing where the home of the relative stood, a most startling sight met their eyes. the house was a mass of smoking ruins. the indians had been there and left this proof of their ferocity. wetzel carefully examined the trail and found that the party numbered three warriors and one white man, and that they had taken off a single prisoner. the last was the betrothed of the relative of the scout, and, as may well be supposed, he was wild with excitement and fury and determined to pursue them without an instant's delay. but wetzel argued him into something like calmness, and he saw the necessity of placing himself under the control of such a wonderfully skillful woodman as was his companion. the wish of wetzel was to overtake the party before they reached the ohio, though there could be no certainty as to how much start the red men had gained. it was soon seen, however, that they anticipated pursuit, for they had taken the greatest pains to hide their trail. they might have succeeded in the case of ordinary pursuers, but it was impossible to conceal the faint but unerring signs from the keen eye of wetzel, who pushed forward on their path like the bloodhound tracking its victim through thicket and morass. it soon became certain that the savages were making for the river, and feeling quite sure of the particular crossing they would seek, wetzel left the trail altogether, and with his friend hastened to the same place. it was a long distance, but the hunters for the time were tireless, never throwing away a single minute. as it was reasonable to believe that the indians would take a short route to the stream, it can be understood that the pursuers could not hope to gain much in the race after all. when night settled over the great wilderness, they were still a good distance from the ohio. they stopped for a brief while until they could swallow a few mouthfuls of food. then they hastened on again guided by the stars overhead. but even this help was soon taken from them by the heavy clouds which overspread the sky, and shut out the slightest twinkling orb in the firmament. it was useless to seek to go any further, when, with all their cunning, they could not prevent themselves from losing their bearings and most likely going directly back upon the true course. so they halted where they were, until it began to grow light in the east, when they resumed their hurried journey. they had not gone far before they struck the trail again, and one of the first tracks recognized was the imprint of the small shoe worn by the affianced of the young man. the indians, however, were still far ahead, and though the two hunters pushed forward with all the energy possible, they caught no sight of the enemy, as hour after hour passed away. but wetzel was convinced they were gaining, and both were in high hope, for as the afternoon wore to its close, they recognized from the signs around them that they were in the neighborhood of the ohio, and undoubtedly were close upon the indians and their captive. the night had fairly set in when they reached the river side, and they caught the glimmer of the camp-fire of those on the other shore, just below the mouth of the captina. cautiously the two pursuers entered the river and swam across. a few minutes spent in reconnoissance enabled them to locate each member of the party, including the captive. the sight of the young lady drove her betrothed almost frantic, and he insisted on attacking the marauders at once; but wetzel, who was as cool and collected as though no enemy was within a dozen miles, would not permit it. "the first hour of daybreak is the time," said he, "and nothing shall be done until then." his companion had no choice but to obey, though it drove him to madness to remain so near his beloved, without striking a blow in her behalf. the long wearisome hours passed slowly, and at last it began to grow light in the east. the young man was quivering with excitement, but wetzel had been engaged in too many terrific encounters to lose his self-possession at such a critical time. the red men are early risers, when on the march, and as soon as it began to grow light in the east, they were astir. wetzel directed his friend to take sure aim at the renegade, pledging him that he would attend to the indians. they fired simultaneously, and each brought down his man. the lover dashed into camp to his affianced, while the two warriors ran among the trees until they could learn the strength of the attacking party. the dauntless wetzel followed as impetuously as though he had an entire company at his back. as was his custom, he reloaded on the run, and after a short pursuit, fired his gun at random, so as to draw out the savages. it produced the effect, for the warriors, supposing him to be defenceless, came rushing forth, with uplifted tomahawks and whooping in triumph; but wetzel took but a few seconds to reload his gun, when he shot the nearest through the body. as there could be no doubt that his rifle was now unloaded, the single remaining indian made for him with the fury of a panther. wetzel, who was no less active and athletic, dodged from tree to tree and ran here and there, baffling the fatal tomahawk that was on the point of being hurled more than once, until his terrible rifle was ready again, when he wheeled and brought down the indian, who must have wondered in his last moments at the wonderful gun carried by the white man. while lewis wetzel was engaged in these extraordinary forays, several of his brothers were scarcely less active. as they were inspired by the same intense hate which nerved the arms of the more famous scout, it will be readily conceded that the murder of the elder wetzel years before by the indians was repaid with more than interest. after lewis had roamed through the wilderness some time longer, he concluded to make a journey to the extreme south, and for that purpose engaged on a flat-boat bound for new orleans. while in that city he got into some serious difficulty, the precise nature of which is unknown. the result was he suffered imprisonment for two years. it is not improbable that he discovered the difference between breaking the law in the western wilderness and in the crescent city. he finally found his way back to wheeling, where he resumed his roaming through the woods, and soon became involved in his characteristic adventures with the red men. he was returning one day from a hunt, when happening to look up, he observed a warrior in the very act of leveling his gun at him. quick as a flash wetzel dodged behind a tree, the indian doing the same, and they stood facing each other for a considerable time. growing impatient of waiting, the scout resorted to the oft-described trick of placing his cap on the end of his ramrod and projecting it a short distance beyond the trunk. this brought the fire of the savage, and before he could reload the white man shot him. wetzel was known so generally as a daring and skillful scout, that general clarke, while organizing his celebrated expedition to the country beyond the rocky mountains, used his utmost effort to secure him as a member of the company. wetzel was not inclined to go, but he was finally persuaded, and when they started, he was one of the most valuable members. he kept with them for three months and then turned about and came home. some time later he left on a flat-boat, and went to the house of a relative, near natchez, where he died in the summer of . standard and popular books published by porter & coates, philadelphia, pa. waverley novels. by sir walter scott. *waverley. *guy mannering. the antiquary. rob roy. black dwarf; and old mortality. the heart of mid-lothian. the bride of lammermoor; and a legend of montrose. *ivanhoe. the monastery. the abbott. kenilworth. the pirate. the fortunes of nigel. peveril of the peak. quentin durward. st. ronan's well. redgauntlet. the betrothed; and the talisman. woodstock. the fair maid of perth. anne of geierstein. count robert of paris; and castle dangerous. chronicles of the canongate. household edition. vols. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, per vol., $ . ; sheep, marbled edges, per vol., $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, per vol., $ . . sold separately in cloth binding only. universe edition. vols. printed on thin paper, and containing one illustration to the volume. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, per vol., cts. world edition. vols. thick mo. 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sheep, library style, $ . ; half turkey morocco, $ . . vols. i, ii, and iii now ready. the third volume embraces, without abridgment, the fifth and sixth volumes of the french edition, and covers one of the most interesting as well as the most anxious periods of the war, describing the operations of the army of the potomac in the east, and the army of the cumberland and tennessee in the west. it contains full accounts of the battle of chancellorsville, the attack of the monitors on fort sumter, the sieges and fall of vicksburg and port hudson; the battles of port gibson and champion's hill, and the fullest and most authentic account of the battle of gettysburg ever written. * * * * * "the head of the orleans family has put pen to paper with excellent result.... our present impression is that it will form by far the best history of the american war."--_athenaeum, london._ * * * * * "we advise all americans to read it carefully, and judge for themselves if 'the future historian of our war,' of whom we have heard so much, be not already arrived in the comte de paris."--_nation, new york._ * * * * * "this is incomparably the best account of our great second revolution that has yet been even attempted. it is so calm, so dispassionate, so accurate in detail, and at the same time so philosophical in general, that its reader counts confidently on finding the complete work thoroughly satisfactory."--_evening bulletin, philadelphia._ * * * * * "the work expresses the calm, deliberate judgment of an experienced military observer and a highly intelligent man. many of its statements will excite discussion, but we much mistake if it does not take high and permanent rank among the standard histories of the civil war. indeed that place has been assigned it by the most competent critics both of this country and abroad."--_times, cincinnati._ * * * * * "messrs. porter & coates, of philadelphia, will publish in a few days the authorized translation of the new volume of the comte de paris' history of our civil war. the two volumes in french--the fifth and sixth--are bound together in the translation in one volume. our readers already know, through a table of contents of these volumes, published in the cable columns of the _herald_, the period covered by this new installment of a work remarkable in several ways. it includes the most important and decisive period of the war, and the two great campaigns of gettysburg and vicksburg. "the great civil war has had no better, no abler historian than the french prince who, emulating the example of lafayette, took part in this new struggle for freedom, and who now writes of events, in many of which he participated, as an accomplished officer, and one who, by his independent position, his high character and eminent talents, was placed in circumstances and relations which gave him almost unequalled opportunities to gain correct information and form impartial judgments. "the new installment of a work which has already become a classic will be read with increased interest by americans because of the importance of the period it covers and the stirring events it describes. in advance of a careful review we present to-day some extracts from the advance sheets sent us by messrs. porter & coates, which will give our readers a foretaste of chapters which bring back to memory so many half-forgotten and not a few hitherto unvalued details of a time which americans of this generation at least cannot read of without a fresh thrill of excitement." half-hours with the best authors. with short biographical and critical notes. by charles knight. new household edition. with six portraits on steel. vols., thick mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, per set, $ . ; half imt. russia, marbled edges, $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, $ . . library edition. printed on fine laid and tinted paper. with twenty-four portraits on steel. vols., mo. cloth, extra, per set, $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, per set, $ . ; half russia, gilt top, $ . ; full french morocco, limp, per set, $ . ; full smooth russia, limp, round corners, in russia case, per set, $ . ; full seal grained russia, limp, round corners, in russia case to match, $ . . the excellent idea of the editor of these choice volumes has been most admirably carried out, as will be seen by the list of authors upon all subjects. selecting some choice passages of the best standard authors, each of sufficient length to occupy half an hour in its perusal, there is here food for thought for every day in the year: so that if the purchaser will devote but one-half hour each day to its appropriate selection he will read through these six volumes in one year, and in such a leisurely manner that the noblest thoughts of many of the greatest minds will be firmly in his mind forever. for every sunday there is a suitable selection from some of the most eminent writers in sacred literature. we venture to say if the editor's idea is carried out the reader will possess more and better knowledge of the english classics at the end of the year than he would by five years of desultory reading. they can be commenced at any day in the year. the variety of reading is so great that no one will ever tire of these volumes. it is a library in itself. the poetry of other lands. a collection of translations into english verse of the poetry of other languages, ancient and modern. compiled by n. clemmons hunt. containing translations from the greek, latin, persian, arabian, japanese, turkish, servian, russian, bohemian, polish, dutch, german, italian, french, spanish, and portuguese languages. mo. cloth, extra, gilt edges, $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, $ . ; turkey morocco, gilt edges, $ . . "another of the publications of porter & coates, called 'the poetry of other lands,' compiled by n. clemmons hunt, we most warmly commend. it is one of the best collections we have seen, containing many exquisite poems and fragments of verse which have not before been put into book form in english words. we find many of the old favorites, which appear in every well-selected collection of sonnets and songs, and we miss others, which seem a necessity to complete the bouquet of grasses and flowers, some of which, from time to time, we hope to republish in the 'courier.'"--_cincinnati courier._ "a book of rare excellence, because it gives a collection of choice gems in many languages not available to the general lover of poetry. it contains translations from the greek, latin, persian, arabian, japanese, turkish, servian, russian, bohemian, polish, dutch, german, italian, french, spanish, and portuguese languages. the book will be an admirable companion volume to any one of the collections of english poetry that are now published. with the full index of authors immediately preceding the collection, and the arrangement of the poems under headings, the reader will find it convenient for reference. it is a gift that will be more valued by very many than some of the transitory ones at these holiday times."--_philadelphia methodist._ the fireside encyclopaedia of poetry. edited by henry t. coates. this is the latest, and beyond doubt the best collection of poetry published. printed on fine paper and illustrated with thirteen steel engravings and fifteen title pages, containing portraits of prominent american poets and fac-similes of their handwriting, made expressly for this book, vo. cloth, extra, black and gold, gilt edges, $ . : half calf, gilt, marbled edges, $ . ; half morocco, full gilt edges, $ . ; full turkey morocco, gilt edges, $ . ; tree calf, gilt edges $ . ; plush, padded side, nickel lettering, $ . . "the editor shows a wide acquaintance with the most precious treasures of english verse, and has gathered the most admirable specimens of their ample wealth. many pieces which have been passed by in previous collections hold a place of honor in the present volume, and will be heartily welcomed by the lovers of poetry as a delightful addition to their sources of enjoyment. it is a volume rich in solace, in entertainment, in inspiration, of which the possession may well be coveted by every lover of poetry. the pictorial illustrations of the work are in keeping with its poetical contents, and the beauty of the typographical execution entitles it to a place among the choicest ornaments of the library."--_new york tribune._ "lovers of good poetry will find this one of the richest collections ever made. all the best singers in our language are represented, and the selections are generally those which reveal their highest qualities.... the lights and shades, the finer play of thought and imagination belonging to individual authors, are brought out in this way (by the arrangement of poems under subject-headings) as they would not be under any other system.... we are deeply impressed with the keen appreciation of poetical worth, and also with the good taste manifested by the compiler."--_churchman._ "cyclopaedias of poetry are numerous, but for sterling value of its contents for the library, or as a book of reference, no work of the kind will compare with this admirable volume of mr. coates. it takes the gems from many volumes, culling with rare skill and judgment."--_chicago inter-ocean._ the children's book of poetry. compiled by henry t. coates. containing over poems carefully selected from the works of the best and most popular writers for children; with nearly illustrations. the most complete collection of poetry for children ever published. to. cloth, extra, black and gold, gilt side and edges, $ . ; full turkey morocco, gilt edges, $ . . "this seems to us the best book of poetry for children in existence. we have examined many other collections, but we cannot name another that deserves to be compared with this admirable compilation."--_worcester spy._ "the special value of the book lies in the fact that it nearly or quite covers the entire field. there is not a great deal of good poetry which has been written for children that cannot be found in this book. the collection is particularly strong in ballads and tales, which are apt to interest children more than poems of other kinds; and mr. coates has shown good judgment in supplementing this department with some of the best poems of that class that have been written for grown people. a surer method of forming the taste of children for good and pure literature than by reading to them from any portion of this book can hardly be imagined. the volume is richly illustrated and beautifully bound."--_philadelphia evening bulletin._ "a more excellent volume cannot be found. we have found within the covers of this handsome volume, and upon its fair pages, many of the most exquisite poems which our language contains. it must become a standard volume, and can never grow old or obsolete."--_episcopal recorder._ the complete works of thos. hood. with engravings on steel. vols., mo., tinted paper. poetical works; up the rhine; miscellanies and hood's own; whimsicalities, whims, and oddities. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . ; red cloth, paper label, gilt top, uncut edges, $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, $ . ; half russia, gilt top, $ . . hood's verse, whether serious or comic--whether serene like a cloudless autumn evening or sparkling with puns like a frosty january midnight with stars--was ever pregnant with materials for the thought. like every author distinguished for true comic humor, there was a deep vein of melancholy pathos running through his mirth, and even when his sun shone brightly its light seemed often reflected as if only over the rim of a cloud. well may we say, in the words of tennyson, "would he could have stayed with us." for never could it be more truly recorded of any one--in the words of hamlet characterizing yorick--that "he was a fellow of infinite jest, of most excellent fancy."--d. m. moir. the iliad of homer rendered into english blank verse. by edward, earl of derby. from the latest london edition, with all the author's last revisions and corrections, and with a biographical sketch of lord derby, by r. shelton mackenzie, d.c.l. with twelve steel engravings from flaxman's celebrated designs. vols., mo. cloth, extra, bev. boards, gilt top, $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, $ . ; half turkey morocco, gilt top, $ . . the same. popular edition. two vols. in one. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . "it must equally be considered a splendid performance; and for the present we have no hesitation in saying that it is by far the best representation of homer's iliad in the english language."--_london times._ "the merits of lord derby's translation may be summed up in one word, it is eminently attractive; it is instinct with life; it may be read with fervent interest; it is immeasurably nearer than pope to the text of the original.... lord derby has given a version far more closely allied to the original, and superior to any that has yet been attempted in the blank verse of our language."--_edinburg review._ the works of flavius josephus. comprising the antiquities of the jews; a history of the jewish wars, and a life of flavius josephus, written by himself. translated from the original greek, by william whiston, a.m. together with numerous explanatory notes and seven dissertations concerning jesus christ, john the baptist, james the just, god's command to abraham, etc., with an introductory essay by rev. h. stebbing, d.d. vo. cloth, extra, black and gold, plain edges, $ . ; cloth, red, black and gold, gilt edges, $ . ; sheep marbled edges, $ . ; turkey morocco, gilt edges, $ . . this is the largest type one volume edition published. the ancient history of the egyptians, carthaginians, assyrians, babylonians, medes and persians, grecians and macedonians. including a history of the arts and sciences of the ancients. by charles rollin. with a life of the author, by james bell. vols., royal vo. sheep, marbled edges, per set, $ . . cookery from experience. a practical guide for housekeepers in the preparation of every-day meals, containing more than one thousand domestic recipes, mostly tested by personal experience, with suggestions for meals, lists of meats and vegetables in season, etc. by mrs. sara t. paul. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . interleaved edition. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . the comparative edition of the new testament. both versions in one book. the proof readings of our comparative edition have been gone over by so many competent proof readers, that we believe the text is absolutely correct. large mo., pp. cloth, extra, plain edges, $ . ; cloth, extra, bevelled boards and carmine edges, $ . ; imitation panelled calf, yellow edges, $ . ; arabesque, gilt edges, $ . ; french morocco, limp, gilt edges, $ . ; turkey morocco, limp, gilt edges, $ . . the comparative new testament has been published by porter & coates. in parallel columns on each page are given the old and new versions of the testament, divided also as far as practicable into comparative verses, so that it is almost impossible for the slightest new word to escape the notice of either the ordinary reader or the analytical student. it is decidedly the best edition yet published of the most interest-exciting literary production of the day. no more convenient form for comparison could be devised either for economizing time or labor. another feature is the foot-notes, and there is also given in an appendix the various words and expressions preferred by the american members of the revising commission. the work is handsomely printed on excellent paper with clear, legible type. it contains nearly pages. the count of monte cristo. by alexandre dumas. complete in one volume, with two illustrations by george g. white. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . the three guardsmen. by alexandre dumas. complete in one volume, with two illustrations by george g. white. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . there is a magic influence in his pen, a magnetic attraction in his descriptions, a fertility in his literary resources which are characteristic of dumas alone, and the seal of the master of light literature is set upon all his works. even when not strictly historical, his romances give an insight into the habits and modes of thought and action of the people of the time described, which are not offered in any other author's productions. the last days of pompeii. by sir edward bulwer lytton, bart. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . alta edition, one illustration, cts. jane eyre. by charlotte bronte (currer bell). new library edition. with five illustrations by e. m. wimperis. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . shirley. by charlotte bronte (currer bell). new library edition. with five illustrations by e. m. wimperis. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . villette. by charlotte bronte (currer bell). new library edition. with five illustrations by e. m. wimperis. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . the professor, emma and poems. by charlotte bronte (currer bell). new library edition. with five illustrations by e. m. wimperis. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . cloth, extra, black and gold, per set, $ . ; red cloth, paper label, gilt top, uncut edges, per set, $ . ; half calf, gilt, per set, $ . . the four volumes forming the complete works of charlotte bronte (currer bell). the wondrous power of currer bell's stories consists in their fiery insight into the human heart, their merciless dissection of passion, and their stern analysis of character and motive. the style of these productions possesses incredible force, sometimes almost grim in its bare severity, then relapsing into passages of melting pathos--always direct, natural, and effective in its unpretending strength. they exhibit the identity which always belongs to works of genius by the same author, though without the slightest approach to monotony. the characters portrayed by currer bell all have a strongly marked individuality. once brought before the imagination, they haunt the memory like a strange dream. the sinewy, muscular strength of her writings guarantees their permanent duration, and thus far they have lost nothing of their intensity of interest since the period of their composition. captain jack the scout; or, the indian wars about old fort duquesne. an historical novel, with copious notes. by charles mcknight. illustrated with eight engravings. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . a work of such rare merit and thrilling interest as to have been republished both in england and germany. this genuine american historical work has been received with extraordinary popular favor, and has "won golden opinions from all sorts of people" for its freshness, its forest life, and its fidelity to truth. in many instances it even corrects history and uses the drapery of fiction simply to enliven and illustrate the fact. it is a universal favorite with both sexes, and with all ages and conditions, and is not only proving a marked and notable success in this country, but has been eagerly taken up abroad and republished in london, england, and issued in two volumes in the far-famed "tauchnetz edition" of leipsic, germany. orange blossoms, fresh and faded. by t. s. arthur. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . "orange blossoms" contains a number of short stories of society. like all of mr. arthur's works, it has a special moral purpose, and is especially addressed to the young who have just entered the marital experience, whom it pleasantly warns against those social and moral pitfalls into which they may almost innocently plunge. the bar rooms at brantley; or, the great hotel speculation. by t. s. arthur. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . "one of the best temperance stories recently issued."--_n. y. commercial advertiser._ "although it is in the form of a novel, its truthful delineation of characters is such that in every village in the land you meet the broken manhood it pictures upon the streets, and look upon sad, tear-dimmed eyes of women and children. the characters are not overdrawn, but are as truthful as an artist's pencil could make them."--_inter-ocean, chicago._ emma. by jane austen. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . mansfield park. by jane austen. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . pride and prejudice; and northanger abbey. by jane austen. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . sense and sensibility; and persuasion. by jane austen. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . the four volumes, forming the complete works of jane austen, in a neat box: cloth, extra, per set, $ . ; red cloth, paper label, gilt top, uncut edges, $ . ; half calf, gilt, per set, $ . . "jane austen, a woman of whom england is justly proud. in her novels she has given us a multitude of characters, all, in a certain sense, commonplace, all such as we meet every day. yet they are all as perfectly discriminated from each other as if they were the most eccentric of human beings.... and almost all this is done by touches so delicate that they elude analysis, that they defy the powers of description, and that we know them to exist only by the general effect to which they have contributed."--_macaulay's essays._ art at home. containing in one volume house decoration, by rhoda and agnes garrett; plea for art in the house, by w. j. loftie; music, by john hullah; and dress, by mrs. oliphant. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . tom brown's school days at rugby. by thomas hughes. new edition, large clear type. with illustrations after caldecott and others. mo., pp. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . ; half calf, gilt, $ . . alta edition. one illustration, cents. "it is difficult to estimate the amount of good which may be done by 'tom brown's school days.' it gives, in the main, a most faithful and interesting picture of our public schools, the most english institutions of england, and which educate the best and most powerful elements in our upper classes. but it is more than this; it is an attempt, a very noble and successful attempt, to christianize the society of our youth, through the only practicable channel--hearty and brotherly sympathy with their feelings; a book, in short, which a father might well wish to see in the hands of his son."--_london times._ tom brown at oxford. by thomas hughes. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . ; half calf, gilt, $ . . "fairly entitled to the rank and dignity of an english classic. plot, style and truthfulness are of the soundest british character. racy, idiomatic, mirror-like, always interesting, suggesting thought on the knottiest social and religious questions, now deeply moving by its unconscious pathos, and anon inspiring uproarious laughter, it is a work the world will not willingly let die."--_n. y. christian advocate._ sensible etiquette of the best society. by mrs. h. o. ward. customs, manners, morals, and home culture, with suggestions how to word notes and letters of invitations, acceptances, and regrets, and general instructions as to calls, rules for watering places, lunches, kettle drums, dinners, receptions, weddings, parties, dress, toilet and manners, salutations, introductions, social reforms, etc., etc. bound in cloth, with gilt edge, and sent by mail, postage paid, on receipt of $ . . ladies' and gentlemen's etiquette: a complete manual of the manners and dress of american society. containing forms of letters, invitations, acceptances, and regrets. with a copious index. by e. b. duffey. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . "it is peculiarly an american book, especially adapted to our people, and its greatest beauty is found in the fact that in every line and precept it inculcates the principles of true politeness, instead of those formal rules that serve only to gild the surface without affecting the substance. it is admirably written, the style being clear, terse, and forcible."--_st. louis times._ the underground city; or, the child of the cavern. by jules verne. translated from the french by w. h. kingston. with illustrations. standard edition. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . around the world in eighty days. by jules verne. translated by geo. m. towle. with full-page illustrations. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . at the north pole; or, the voyages and adventures of captain hatteras. by jules verne. with illustrations by riou. standard edition. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . the desert of ice; or, the further adventures of captain hatteras. by jules verne. with illustrations by riou. standard edition. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . twenty thousand leagues under the seas; or, the marvellous and exciting adventures of pierre aronnax, conseil his servant, and ned land, a canadian harpooner. by jules verne. standard edition. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . the wreck of the chancellor, diary of j. r. kazallon, passenger, and martin paz. by jules verne. translated from the french by ellen frewer. with illustrations. standard edition. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . jules verne is so well known that the mere announcement of anything from his pen is sufficient to create a demand for it. one of his chief merits is the wonderful art with which he lays under contribution every branch of science and natural history, while he vividly describes with minute exactness all parts of the world and its inhabitants. the ingoldsby legends; or, mirth and marvels. by richard harris barham (thomas ingoldsby, esq.). new edition, printed from entirely new stereotype plates. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . ; half calf, gilt, marbled edges, $ . . "of his poetical powers it is not too much to say that, for originality of design and diction, for grand illustration and musical verse, they are not surpassed in the english language. the witches' frolic is second only to tam o'shanter. but why recapitulate the titles of either prose or verse--since they have been confessed by every judgment to be singularly rich in classic allusion and modern illustration. from the days of hudibras to our time the drollery invested in rhymes has never been so amply or felicitously exemplified."--_bentley's miscellany._ ten thousand a year. by samuel c. warren, author of "the diary of a london physician." a new edition, carefully revised, with three illustrations by george g. white. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . "mr. warren has taken a lasting place among the imaginative writers of this period of english history. he possesses, in a remarkable manner, the tenderness of heart and vividness of feeling, as well as powers of description, which are essential to the delineation of the pathetic, and which, when existing in the degree in which he enjoys them, fill his pages with scenes which can never be forgotten."--_sir archibald alison._ thompson's political economy; with especial reference to the industrial history of nations. by prof. r. e. thompson, of the university of pennsylvania. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . this book possesses an especial interest at the present moment. the questions of free trade and protection are before the country more directly than at any earlier period of our history. as a rule the works and textbooks used in our american colleges are either of english origin or teach doctrines of a political economy which, as walter bagehot says, was made for england. prof. thompson belongs to the nationalist school of economists, to which alexander hamilton, tench coxe, henry clay, matthew carey, and his greater son, henry c. carey, stephen colwell, and james abram garfield were adherents. he believes in that policy of protection to american industry which has had the sanction of every great american statesman, not excepting thomas jefferson and john c. calhoun. he makes his appeal to history in defence of that policy, showing that wherever a weaker or less advanced country has practiced free trade with one more powerful or richer, the former has lost its industries as well as its money, and has become economically dependent on the latter. those who wish to learn what is the real source of irish poverty and discontent will find it here stated fully. the method of the book is historical. it is therefore no series of dry and abstract reasonings, such as repel readers from books of this class. the writer does not ride the _a priori_ nag, and say "this must be so," and "that must be conceded." he shows what has been true, and seeks to elicit the laws of the science from the experience of the world. the book overflows with facts told in an interesting manner. the english people in its three homes, and the practical bearings of general european history. by edward a. freeman, ll.d., author of the "norman conquest of england." mo. cloth, extra, $ . . handy andy. a tale of irish life. by samuel lover. new library edition, with two original illustrations by george g. white. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . "decidedly the best story of the day, full of frolic, genuine fun, and exquisite touches of irish humor."--_dublin monitor._ charles o'malley, the irish dragoon. by charles lever. new library edition, with two original illustrations by f. o. c. darley. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . harry lorrequer. by charles lever. new library edition, with two original illustrations by geo. g. white. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . "the intense spirit and frolic of the author's sketches have made him one of the most successful writers of the day."--_london literary gazette._ "the author is pre-eminent for his mirth-moving powers, for his acute sense of the ridiculous, for the breadth of his humor, and his powers of dramatic writing which render his boldest conceptions with the happiest facility."--_london athenaeum._ "we hardly know how to convey an adequate notion of the exuberant whim and drollery by which this writer is characterized. his works are a perpetual feast of gayety."--_john bull, london._ popular natural history. by the rev. j. g. wood, m.a. from entirely new electrotype plates, with five hundred illustrations by eminent artists. crown vo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . mr. wood is an amusing, instructive, and sensible writer--always doing good work in a good way--and his work on natural history is without doubt his masterpiece. the odes of horace. translated into english verse, with life and notes, by theodore martin. with a fine portrait of horace. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . mr. martin's translation has been commended as preserving--more than any other--the spirit and grace of the original. it is the most successful attempt ever made to render into english the inimitable odes of horace. the memoir prefixed to the volume is a most charming piece of biography. greek mythology systematized. with complete tables based on hesiod's theogony; tables showing the relation of greek mythology and history, arranged from grote's history of greece; and gladstone's homeric tables. with a full index. by s. a. scull. profusely illustrated. mo. cloth, black and gold, $ . . "a book which will prove very useful to the student and man of letters, and of incalculable benefit as a hand-book."--_republic, washington._ "a real want is supplied by this book, which is, in fact, a cyclopaedia of greek mythology, so far as that is possible in a single volume of reasonable size and moderate cost."--_evening mail, new york._ "this text-book on mythology presents the subject in a more practical and more attractive style than any other work on the subject with which we are familiar, and we feel assured that it will at once take a leading position among books of its class."--_the teacher, philadelphia._ the imitation of christ. by thomas a kempis. new and best edition, from entirely new electrotype plates, single column, large, clear type. mo. plain edition, round corners. cloth, extra, red edges, cents; french morocco, gilt cross, cents; limp russia, inlaid cross, red under gold edges, $ . . red line edition, round corners. cloth, black and gold, red edges, cents; cloth, black and gold, gilt edges, $ . ; french morocco, red under gold edges, $ . ; limp russia, inlaid cross, red under gold edges, $ . ; limp russia, solid gilt edges, box circuit, $ . ; limp calf, red under gold edges, $ . ; limp calf, solid gilt edges, box circuit, $ . . the words and mind of jesus and faithful promiser. by rev. j. r. macduff, d.d., author of "morning and night watches." new and best edition, from entirely new electrotype plates, single column, large, clear type. mo. plain edition, round corners. cloth, extra, red edges, cents; french morocco, gilt cross, cents; limp russia, inlaid cross, red under gold edges, $ . . red line edition, round corners. cloth, black and gold, red edges, cents; cloth, black and gold, gilt edges, $ . ; limp calf or russia, red under gold edges, $ . . a dictionary of the bible. comprising its antiquities, biography, geography, natural history, and literature. edited by william smith, ll.d. revised and adapted to the present use of sunday-school teachers and bible students by rev. f. n. and m. a. peloubet. with eight colored maps and over engravings on wood. vo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . ; sheep, marbled edges, $ . ; half morocco, gilt top, $ . . "no similar work in our own or in any other language is for a moment to be compared with dr. smith's dictionary of the bible. the christian and the scholar have a treasure-house on every subject connected with the bible, full to overflowing, and minute even to the telling of mint and cummin."--_london quarterly review._ comprehensive biographical dictionary. embracing accounts of the most eminent persons of all ages, nations, and professions. by e. a. thomas. crown vo. cloth, extra, gilt top, $ . ; sheep, marbled edges, $ . ; half morocco, gilt top, $ . ; half russia, gilt top, $ . . the aim of the publishers in issuing this work is to present in convenient size and at moderate price a comprehensive dictionary of biography, embracing accounts of the most eminent personages in all ages, countries, and professions. during the last quarter of a century so many important events have been enacted, such as the civil war in america and the franco-prussian war of , and such great advances have been made in the line of invention and scientific investigation, that within that period many persons have risen by superior merit to conspicuous positions; and as the plan of this work embraces accounts of the living as well as of the dead, many names are included that are not to be found in other dictionaries of biography. the horse in the stable and the field. his management in health and disease. by j. h. walsh, f.r.c.s. 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fences and farm buildings, farming implements, drainage, plowing, subsoiling, manuring, rotation of crops, care and medical treatment of the cattle, sheep, and poultry; management of the dairy; useful tables, etc. by george e. waring, jr., of ogden farm, author of "draining for profit and for health," etc. new edition, thoroughly revised by the author. with illustrations. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . american ornithology; or, the natural history of the birds of the united states. by alexander wilson and charles lucien bonaparte. popular edition, complete in one volume imperial octavo. pages and nearly illustrations of birds. formerly published at $ ; now published at the low price: cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . ; half morocco, marbled edges, $ . . this large and handsome volume, printed in a superior manner on good paper from the original stereotype plates of the larger edition, contains the life of wilson, occupying pages; a full catalogue of north american birds, furnished by professor spencer f. baird, of the smithsonian institution; complete index, with the names of over birds described in the text, and is illustrated with nearly figures of birds engraved on wood. it is exactly the same size as the larger edition, with the exception that the engravings are reduced in size and are not colored, reproducing every line of the original edition. it is one of the best books of permanent value (strictly an american book) ever published, noted for its beauty of diction and power of description, pre-eminent as the ablest work on ornithology, and now published at a moderate price, that places it within the reach of all. every lover of birds, every school, public or family library should have this book. we know of no other way in which so much pleasure, so much information, and so much usefulness can be had for the price. american chess player's hand-book. teaching the rudiments of the game, and giving an analysis of all the recognized openings. exemplified by appropriate games actually played by paul morphy, harrwitz, anderssen, staunton, paulsen, montgomery, meek, and others. from the works of staunton and others. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, $ . . american gardener's assistant. containing complete practical directions for the cultivation of vegetables, flowers, fruit trees, and grape vines. by thomas bridgman. new edition, revised and enlarged, by s. edwards todd. with illustrations. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . diseases of the horse, and how to treat them. a concise manual of special pathology, for the use of horsemen, farmers, stock raisers, and students in agricultural colleges. by robert chawner. illustrated. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . jersey, alderney, and guernsey cows. their history, nature, and management. edited from the writings of edward p. fowler, george e. waring, jr., charles l. sharpless, prof. john gamgee, c. p. le cornu, col. le couteur, prof. magne, fr. guenon, dr. twaddell, and others, by willis p. hazard. vo. illustrated with about engravings, diagrams, etc. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . the trotting horse of america. how to train and drive him, with reminiscences of the trotting turf. by hiram woodruff. edited by charles j. foster. including an introductory notice by george wilkes, and a biographical sketch by the editor. th edition, revised and brought down to , and containing a full account of the famous "rarus." with a steel portrait of the author, and six engravings on wood of celebrated trotters. mo. cloth, extra, black and gold, $ . . porter & coates' interest tables. containing accurate calculations of interest at / , , , , - / , , - / , , , , and per cent, per annum, on all sums from $ . to $ , , and from one day to six years. also some very valuable tables, calculated by john e. coffin. vo. cloth, extra, $ . . ready reckoner (the improved,) form and logbook. the trader's, farmer's and merchant's useful assistant. containing tables of values, wages, interest, scantling, board, plank and log measurements, business forms, etc. mo. boards, cloth back, illustrated cover, cents. * * * * * * transcribers' note: punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unpaired quotation marks were retained. ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. page : "estray" was printed that way. page : "rendered the greater? is" was printed with a lower-case "is". page : "calvacade" was printed that way. page : "wofully" was printed that way. page : "tomahawk griped in his hand" probably is a misprint for "gripped"; "with scarcely the slightest plash" probably is a misprint for "splash". page : closing quotation mark added after 'my few relatives.' page : "warfare" was misprinted as "war-ware" when split across two lines, and has been changed here. page : "retrogade" appears to be a misprint for "retrograde". page : "give it the reader" may be missing a "to". page : "rallied their companion" may be a misprint for "railed"; closing quotation mark added after 'by it in the night.'