germany turkey and armenia a selection of documentary evidence relating to the armenian atrocities from german and other sources london. j. j. keliher & co., ltd. . table of contents. page a. the invasion of persia . letters from german missionaries in north-west persia b. the six armenian vilayets . van after the turkish retreat . moush. statement by a german eye-witness . erzindjan. statement by two danish red cross nurses, formerly in the service of the german military mission at erzeroum . h--: statement made by a danish red cross nurse . malatia. statement by a german eye-witness c. cilicia and northern syria . exiles from zeitoun. diary of a foreign resident, communicated by a swiss gentleman . information regarding events in armenia published in two periodicals issued by german missionary societies . extracts from the records of a german who died in turkey . narrative of a german official of the bagdad railway . the amanus passes. statements by two swiss ladies, resident in turkey d. aleppo . "a word to the accredited representatives of the german people" by dr. martin niepage, teacher in the german technical school at aleppo . message dated th february, , from a german lady (fräulein o.) e. the places of exile . der-el-zor. letter from a german lady missionary . exiles from the euphrates: report from fräulein o. appendix. reports by mohammedan officers ( ) a.b.'s report ( ) c.d.'s report introduction. the blue book as to the treatment of the armenians which has recently been issued (miscellaneous, no. , ) contains a large mass of evidence relating to facts which, incredible as they are, have been so incontrovertibly established that no doubt as to their existence can possibly be entertained by any reasonable person. the greater part of the documents included in the blue book does not, however, throw much light on the attitude taken by the german public and the german government with reference to the crimes which have been committed. the object of this pamphlet is to bring before the public a collection of documents specially selected for the purpose of throwing light on this subject. some of them are included in the blue book, but the documents nos. , , , and have not, as yet, been published in great britain or the united states. the two documents printed in the appendix have no direct bearing on the questions relating to the german attitude. but as they came into the possession of the british authorities after the publication of the blue book and are of special interest as giving the impressions of two intelligent turkish officers, [ ] it was thought right to include them. a perusal of the documents included in this collection must convince the reader of three things: ( ) that the germans in armenia are as full of indignation, and as anxious to see a stop put to the methods of extermination applied by the turkish government, as the most ardent friends of the armenian cause in this country; ( ) that, owing to the wilful or reckless perversion of the facts in the german press and the german pamphlet-literature, and owing also to the indifference and credulity of the general german public, the true state of things is unknown or ignored by the majority; ( ) that the german government could have stopped the outrages if they had desired to do so and that their non-interference was not in any way due to ignorance of the true facts. one very interesting document which has come to the editor's notice is of too confidential a nature to be reproduced in this place. it is a memorandum written by a distinguished german scholar, whose name for obvious reasons has to be suppressed, but whose good faith and whose critical acumen would be acknowledged by every one of his countrymen whose powers of judgment have not been perverted by the passion of war. this memorandum contains ample evidence of the fact referred to above, that in consequence of the misstatements or suppressions of fact of which german writers on the subject have been guilty, public opinion in germany has entirely failed to realise the horrors of the armenian situation, and that some influential persons even approve of the action of the turkish authorities. the old legend about the unscrupulousness of the armenian traders and their exploitation of turkish innocence and trustfulness--of which the groundlessness is convincingly demonstrated by the author of the memorandum--seems to be firmly believed throughout germany, and is made use of by those german politicians and journalists who approve cruelty, provided only it serves the cause of german world-dominion. thus count reventlow in a passage quoted in the memorandum refers to these matters in the following terms: "the turk is unsuspicious and good-natured; everywhere he furnishes a convenient object for exploitation--up to a certain point and to a certain degree; then despair seizes him and he rises against his tormentors. regrettable as such unlawful self-defence may be from the point of view of civilisation, it is obvious that the armenians ... least of all deserve the pity and the compassionate emotions of the civilized world." the author of the memorandum disposes of this tirade by saying that "it is of course unknown to the writer" of the passage quoted by us "that per cent. of the armenian population, and particularly those who were affected by the deportations, are peasant farmers, who presumably were not engaged in the exploitation of the kurdish brigands by whom they were surrounded.... the assumption that the deportation and annihilation of the armenian race was in the nature of unlawful self-defence is so far removed from the true facts that it does not require any refutation." the whole german press--as stated by the author of the memorandum--reproduced an interview with dr. rifaat, a member of the committee of union and progress, originally published in a danish paper, in the course of which the interviewed politician spoke of "a conspiracy embracing the whole armenian population residing in turkey, threatening the very existence of the country and intended to play constantinople into the hands of the allies." he further stated that the plot was discovered before it had ripened, that many of the conspirators, including the arabian chief abd-ul-kerim, had been arrested and punished, and that of the adherents of the latter were hanged. the author of the memorandum makes the following comment on this statement: "if dr. rifaat knows anything of an arabian conspiracy, it is impossible for us to verify this finding. in any case an 'arabian' conspiracy is not an 'armenian' conspiracy. but the number of the conspirators hanged and the other contents of the 'interview' lead inevitably to the conclusion that dr. rifaat did intentionally mislead public opinion, by representing the plot of the turkish opposition which had already been discovered before the war, [ ] and which aimed at the fall of the present government and the murder of talaat bey and other young turk leaders, as 'a conspiracy embracing the whole armenian population residing in turkey.'" the interview with dr. rifaat is also one of the trump-cards played in a pamphlet published in berlin under the title of "the armenian question" by c. a. bratter, a person describing himself as "a citizen of a neutral state and a german journalist." this pamphlet (which was written in order to counteract the influence of an appeal in favour of the armenians over the signatures of a number of distinguished swiss residents) is minutely analyzed by the author of the memorandum, together with its pretended sources of information; and he demonstrates irrefutably its utter untrustworthiness as well as the bad faith of its writer. he significantly adds: "how forgetful and how uncritical must any reader be to whom it is possible to present such lies." [ ] being ourselves in a position of greater freedom, we can say that this forgetfulness and this want of critical power are not surprising in the german public, having regard to the fact that their government is in close alliance with the perpetrators of the crimes which bratter and other persons of the same mental and moral calibre try to explain away or justify, and which could and would have been prevented long ago if that government had not disregarded the elementary dictates of humanity. the german scholar's memorandum contains some very interesting evidence showing: (a) that the armenian leaders, far from engaging in an anti-turkish conspiracy either before or during the war, were entirely loyal to the turkish government, in fact so loyal that this was made a cause of complaint by some of the turkish opponents of the committee of union and progress; (b) that the policy finally adopted with regard to the armenians was originally opposed by some of the members of the ruling party, but when so adopted was a deliberate policy of extermination; (c) that the acts of resistance on the part of the armenians, which are relied upon as an excuse for their treatment, were isolated acts due in each case to particularly grave provocation; that, in every instance except that of zeitoun, they were later in date than the beginning of the deportations, and were in fact provoked by the fear of suffering the fate which had already overtaken neighbouring armenian communities [see historical summary in blue book]; (d) that some of the other excuses put forward are so much at variance with the well-known facts that they could only deceive persons unable or unwilling to ascertain the truth. as regards the loyalty of the turkish armenians, it is shown by extracts from leading papers, circulars sent out by the ecclesiastical dignitaries and by the "dashnakzagan" (the only influential party organisation of the armenians), as well as by several official announcements of the turkish government or of its agents, issued as late as august, , that that loyalty was not only the policy declared by the armenian leaders and carried out by the bulk of the population, but that it was also fully acknowledged by the authorities. in a letter dated the th february, , written by enver pasha to the armenian bishop of konia, the former says: "i avail myself of this opportunity to tell you that the armenian soldiers in the ottoman army conscientiously perform their duties in the theatre of war, as i can testify from personal observation. i beg of you to communicate to the armenian people, whose perfect devotion to the ottoman government is well known, the expression of my satisfaction and gratitude." several other testimonies of a similar kind are quoted in the memorandum. in the days of abd-ul-hamid the "dashnakzagan" were closely allied with the committee of union and progress, and several of the members of that committee received considerable help and protection from the armenians. those among them, whose sense of gratitude was not entirely destroyed by racial fanaticism, were therefore inclined to oppose the sinister schemes of their less scrupulous colleagues. these schemes, however, were the natural result of the tendencies which had gradually gained the upper hand in the committee of union and progress, which committee, as is well known, had met with considerable opposition in some powerful sections of the turkish population, and for the sake of removing that opposition had been driven into a policy of pan-islamism. this policy had already been proclaimed in a report presented to the congress of the young turk party held in , on which occasion it was urged that "sooner or later the complete ottomanisation of all turkish subjects must be carried through, but that it was clear that this object could never be obtained by persuasion, and that the force of arms would have to be resorted to." the nationalities in the said report are declared to be a "quantité négligeable"; they might keep their religion, but not their language. the first symptoms of the fact that the advocates of the policy of "thorough" against the armenians had overcome the resistance of their more scrupulous colleagues appeared on the / march, , when the press organ of the "dashnakzagan" was suppressed. on the / april leading armenians were arrested in constantinople and deported. the excuse given by talaat bey to vartkes, one of the armenian members of the ottoman parliament, shows: ( ) that the destruction of the armenians had then been definitely decided on; ( ) that no act of disloyalty on the part of the armenians could have been adduced for the justification of this decision. these are talaat's words: "in the days of our weakness you put your knife to our throat by raising the question of reform. for that reason we will now avail ourselves of our present favourable situation, for the purpose of scattering your people to such an extent that for the next fifty years all thought of reforms will be driven out of your heads." vartkes thereupon said: "then it is the intention to continue the work of abd-ul-hamid?" talaat laconically replied, "yes." as pointed out by the author of the memorandum, the movement for reform referred to by talaat had for its only object the protection of the life and property of the armenians against the attacks of kurdish brigands; the reforms had been stipulated for by art. of the treaty of berlin of and had been constantly supported by the great powers, including germany, which last named power had been specially active in that behalf during the year . the constantinople arrests were soon followed by the deportations in the provinces and many acts of violence. the two members of parliament, zohrab and vartkes, were arrested shortly after the interview of the latter with talaat; they were deported and murdered. thenceforth the policy of extermination manifested itself in all its nakedness. one of the principal officials in the turkish ministry of justice said to an armenian: "there is not sufficient room in this empire for you and ourselves; it would be unpardonable recklessness on our part if we did not use this opportunity to clear you out of the way." some members of the young turk committee even showed their hand more openly by declaring that "all foreigners must disappear from turkey, first the armenians, then the greeks, then the jews, and finally the europeans." one of the ministers of state boasted that he would have attained in three weeks what abd-ul-hamid failed to accomplish in thirty years. the excuses brought forward in a number of successive official statements made by the turkish government for the purpose of stifling the consciences of their wilfully credulous german allies are summed up in the memorandum. the substance of this summary appears from the following statement, in which the contrast between the accusation and the real facts is pointed out under each head:-- . one garo pasdermadjian, a russian armenian, is vaguely alleged to have joined certain volunteer corps in the district of erzeroum. (all the positive acts ascribed to him are connected with the doings of the russian armenians.) . two armenians are alleged to have--on the instigation of the british authorities--caused a train in cilicia to go off the rails. (in the turkish official statement dated th june, , in which this accusation is made, a preliminary observation appears, to the effect that the armenians "of cilicia had done no act which could have disturbed the public peace and order, or could have necessitated any repressive measures"). . the commanders of english and french warships are accused of having placed themselves in communication with armenians of adana, alexandretta, and other places on the coast, for the purpose of inciting them to rebellion. (no evidence is produced as to this accusation, and it is not even alleged that the attempt complained of had any success.) . the resistance of the armenians of zeitoun to the turkish authorities is referred to. (the events at zeitoun are well known. turkish gendarmes had taken possession of some armenian young women; twenty young men had thereupon come to blows with the gendarmes and had barricaded themselves in a monastery some distance away from the town. the town was then surrounded by soldiers and the whole population of the town was deported.) . it is made a complaint that four "hintchakists" were involved in a plot against the turkish government organized by the party in opposition. (the plot was started in , and had been discovered before the outbreak of war. the "hintchakists" were active as a revolutionary armenian party in the nineties, but in the turkish hintchakists repudiated all connection with any revolutionary movement; the four hintchakists in question were egyptian, armenians, and had been arrested before the outbreak of war.) . it is stated that armenians in van and other places hear the south-eastern corner of lake van, had risen in arms against the government. (the events in this district are well-known; there was no premeditated resistance; but the violence of the turkish and kurdish soldiers, which caused many inhabitants to cross the russian frontier, also caused some occasional acts of resistance.) . the occupation of the castle rock at shabin-karahissar by armenians is made another ground of complaint. (this happened after the town had been surrounded by soldiers, who had been summoned on account of the excitement caused in the town by the execution of a citizen and the threats of deportations.) the far-fetched character of the justification of the outrages is laid bare by the analysis given above, which is a summarised reproduction of the criticism contained in the german scholar's memorandum. the old maxim, "qui s'excuse s'accuse," is particularly appropriate in this instance. the deliberate character of the policy of extermination is only seen with greater distinctness through the flimsy cloak of pretexts which is intended to conceal it. the result is described as follows in the german memorandum: "what has happened, is an eviction carried out on the largest possible scale, affecting / millions of citizens, who by their pertinacity and capacity for work have had the greatest share in the development of the economic progress of the country." some persons in germany seem to think that the fate of the armenians was due to the fact that the continued co-existence in the same country of races so antagonistic to one another as the turkish and armenian is impossible in the nature of things; but this is most emphatically denied by the author of the memorandum, who asserts that in this instance the government did not even make use of its favourite method of inciting one part of the population against another part, but carried out its scheme by the sole agency of administrative measures. the author of the memorandum is no doubt himself actuated entirely by humane and high-minded feelings, and the very fact of his taking such a very strong attitude on the armenian question reveals an amount of courage which calls for unqualified admiration; but he evidently knows that many of his countrymen require more tangible inducements for abandoning their callous or hostile attitude on the armenian question. he therefore calls attention to the serious loss which not only turkish economic life but also german trade interests will suffer, if the extermination of the armenians is to be carried to the bitter end. he shows that the turks are absolutely without any talent for trade and industry, and that the legend about the dishonesty of the armenians and greeks as opposed to the honesty of the turks has no foundation in fact of any sort. he says that many german merchants are under the impression that their customers in turkey are turks, while in reality they are armenians, greeks, or jews. the greeks apparently are chiefly concerned with export trade, while the import trade is mainly in the hands of armenian merchants. the german exporters, who give longer credits than others, are of course interested in the solvency of their customers, but many of them are ignorant of their nationality, and--starting from the notion that everyone who wears a fez is of turkish nationality--they think that they are dealing with turks. these exporters will have a rude wakening when the true facts become known to them. the memorandum, by way of illustration, mentions one firm of importers in constantinople who sell goods to customers residing in towns in the interior. the total amount owing by these customers at the date when the information was given, was nearly £ , , which sum had to be written off as lost, as all the debtors, with their employees and with their goods, have vanished; they are either dead or wander about as beggars on the borders of the arabian desert. during the balkan war some members of the young turk committee tried to damage the trade of the armenians and of the greeks by means of a boycott, which was put into operation with the aid of the government. the rural population, which was in this way compelled to make their purchases in turkish shops only, obtained bad goods at increased prices, and returned to the armenians and greeks as soon as the boycott was raised. the memorandum quotes a report, dated th august, , and made by the american consul at aleppo, which sums up the result of the deportations of the armenians in the following passage:-- "as per cent. of the trade into the interior is in the hands of the armenians, the result is that the country has to face economic ruin. as the greater part of the commercial transactions are credit transactions, hundreds of business men of high standing, though not themselves armenians, have to face bankruptcy. in the evacuated localities, barring a few exceptions, there will not be a single mason, smith, tailor, carpenter, potter, tentmaker, weaver, shoemaker, jeweller, chemist, doctor, lawyer, or any other person engaged in trade or in a profession; the country will, in fact, be in a helpless position." the author of the memorandum winds up the section relating to the effect of the deportations on turkish trade with the following passage:-- "the popularity of the--otherwise unpopular--war may have been temporarily increased with the turkish populace by the annihilation and spoliation of the non-mohammedan population, more particularly of the armenians, but partly also of the syrians, the greeks, the maronites, and the jews; but the more thoughtful mohammedans will, on perceiving the net result of the damage suffered by their country, regretfully lament the economic ruin of turkey, and come to the conclusion that the turkish government has lost incomparably more by the internal warfare than it can ever gain by external victories." as regards the "moral consequences" of the armenian massacres, the german scholar says that they will not be properly felt till after the end of the war. he means by that, that the civilized world will then wake up to the horrors of the deeds which have been perpetrated by the turkish government. he continues: "the world will not allow itself to be persuaded by the contention that strategical considerations had required the deportation of half a million of women and children, wholesale conversions to the mohammedan faith, and the annihilation of hundreds of thousands of defenceless persons." the german scholar's memorandum, for obvious reasons, is very silent as to the moral responsibility of the german government for the deeds which rouse his indignation, but several of his countrymen are more outspoken. in this respect some of the documents included in this pamphlet are very instructive. the german whose experiences are recorded in document reports that a turkish official said to him: "this time germany has given these unbelieving swine a lesson which they will not forget." (see below, p. .) at arab pounar a turkish major addressed him in the following language: "i and my brother took possession of a young girl at ras-el-ain, who had been left on the road. we are very angry with the germans for doing such things." when challenged on this point the turks replied: "the chief of the general staff is a german; von der goltz is commander-in-chief, and ever so many german officers are in our army. our koran does not permit such treatment as the armenians have to suffer now." (see p. .) in nuss tell a mohammedan inspector made a similar remark, and when asked to explain himself he replied: "it is not only i who say this; everyone will tell you the same tale." (see p. .) document no. , which voices the indignation of a german teacher in a german secondary school in turkey, is also of peculiar interest. the following passages deserve special notice:--"we deem it our duty to call attention to the fact that our educational work will lose its moral foundation and the esteem of the natives, if the german government is not in a position to prevent the brutality with which the wives and children of slaughtered armenians are treated in this place." (see p. .) "'ta alim el aleman' ('that is the teaching of the germans') says the simple turk, when asked about the authors of these measures. the educated moslems are convinced that, though the german people may disapprove of such horrors, the german government is taking no steps to prevent them, out of consideration for its turkish allies. mohammedans of more refined feelings, turks as well as arabs, shake their heads disapprovingly; they do not even conceal their tears, when, in the passage of a convoy of deported armenians through the town, they see turkish soldiers inflicting blows with heavy sticks on women in advanced pregnancy or dying persons who cannot drag themselves any further. they cannot imagine that their government has ordered these cruelties, and ascribe all excesses to the guilt of the germans, who during the war are held to be the teachers of the turks in all matters. even the mollahs declare in the mosques that it was not the sublime porte but the german officers who had ordered the ill-treatment and annihilation of the armenians. the things which in this place have been before everybody's eyes during many months must indeed remain a blot on germany's shield of honour in the memory of oriental nations." (see pp. - .) "nothing would be more humiliating for us than the erection of a costly palace at constantinople commemorating german-turkish friendship, while we are unable to protect our fellow-christians from barbarities unparalleled even in the blood-stained history of turkey." (see p. .) the author of the document considers it "out of the question that the german government, if it were seriously inclined to stem the tide of destruction even at this eleventh hour, could find it impossible to bring the turkish government to reason." he proceeds as follows: "if the turks are really so well disposed to us germans as people say, then it is surely permissible to show them to what an extent they compromise us before the whole civilised world, if we, as their allies, are to look on calmly, when hundreds of thousands of our fellow-christians in turkey are slaughtered, when their wives and daughters are violated, and their children brought up in the faith of islam." (see p. .) he concludes his report with the following peroration: "we may indignantly repudiate the lies circulated in enemy countries accusing the german consuls of having organized the massacres. we shall not, however, destroy the belief of the turkish people that germany has ordered the armenian massacres unless energetic action be at last taken by german diplomatists and german officers." more than a year has elapsed since the appeal was issued, but the rulers of germany apparently are more inclined to act on count reventlow's suggestion, according to which "the armenians least of all deserve the pity and the compassionate emotions of the civilized world," than to listen to an eye-witness whose conceptions as to the true mission of german culture differ so widely from the ideas which, to the disgrace and misfortune of his country, have of late characterised german political aims and german methods of warfare. a. the invasion of persia. . letters from german missionaries in n.w. persia. (a) the russians had hardly gone when the mohammedans began to rob and to pillage. window-frames, doors, staircases, woodwork, everything was taken away. many syrians had abandoned the whole of their household goods and the stores accumulated for the winter, and had fled. everything fell into the enemy's hands. flight was the best expedient; for those who were left behind had a sad fate. fifteen thousand syrians found protection within the walls of the mission station, and were provided with bread by the missionaries. one lavasch (a thin water biscuit) was each person's daily ration. sickness broke out; the death rate mounted up to fifty a day. in the villages the kurds killed nearly every man who came into their power. during six weeks a turkish soldier guarded us. the fact that i was born in germany was very helpful; nobody even touched us. [ ] am i to report how the turks had erected gallows on the main road outside the town gates and had hanged many innocent syrians and shot others, who previously had been detained a long time in prison? i will be silent as to all these horrible things. like many other armenian soldiers, one was beaten to death here outside the gate and buried close to miss friedemann's wall, but so carelessly that the dogs were able to disinter part of the corpse. one of the hands was quite uncovered. i took a few spades and we heaped a mound over him. miss friedemann's garden, the property of the german orient mission, was destroyed by the mohammedans and some of the houses were set on fire. we gladly welcomed the first cossacks, who appeared again after five months. now we feel once more that our life is safe and that it is unnecessary to keep the gates locked during the day-time. (b) the latest reports tell us that , syrians and armenians who were here with the [american] missionaries [in urmia] died of sickness alone. all the surrounding villages have been plundered and burnt down, more particularly göktepe, gülpashan, and icharguscha. two thousand christians have been massacred in urmia and the surrounding country; many churches have been destroyed and burnt; also many houses in the town. (c) sautchbulak was razed to the ground by the turks. gallows were erected for the missionaries, but help came and prevented the worst. a lady missionary and a doctor have died. (d) in haftevan and salmas corpses were found in the wells and cisterns alone, all headless. why? the commander-in-chief of the turkish troops had promised a sum of money for every christian head. the wells are drenched with the blood of christians. from haftevan alone women and girls were handed over to the kurds in sautchbulak. in diliman crowds of christians were locked up and forced to become mohammedans. the males were circumcised. gülpashan, the richest village in the district of urmia, has been razed to the ground. the men were killed, the pretty girls and women carried off. the same fate befell babaru. hundreds of women threw themselves into the depths of the river when they saw so many of their sisters being violated in the streets in broad daylight; the same happened in miandoab in the district of sulduz. the soldiers who passed through from sautchbulak carried the russian consul's head on a bayonet-point into maragha. forty syrians were hanged on the gallows erected in the catholic mission station at fath-ali-han-göl. the nuns had run into the street and prayed for pity, but in vain. in salmas in khosrova their whole station has been destroyed; the nuns have fled. maragha is destroyed. in tabriz things are not quite so bad; , christians were massacred in salmas, , in the district of urmia. of those who had taken refuge with the missionaries , died of typhus. the whole number of the refugees, including those from tergavar, van, and azerbaijan, is estimated at , . in etchmiadzin a committee was formed for the purpose of taking care of the poor people. over children were found on the roads over which the refugees had come, some only nine days old. altogether over , orphans were collected at etchmiadzin. b. the six armenian vilayets. . van after the turkish retreat. letter from herr spörri, of the german mission at van, published in the german journal, "sonnenaufgang," october, . there lies artamid before us, adorned by its charming gardens; but how does the village look? the greater part of it is nothing now but a heap of ruins. we talked there with three of our former orphan protégées, who had had fearful experiences during the recent events. we rode on across the mountain of artamid. even in time of peace one crosses the pass with one's heart in one's mouth, because the kurds ply their robber trade there. now it is all uncannily still. our glance swept over the magnificent valley of haiotz-tzor. there lay antananz before us, now utterly destroyed like the rest. we gave shelter, at the time, to people from antananz who had managed to escape. further on in the magnificent green landscape lay vostan. at first sight one might call it a paradise, but during these latter days it has also been a hell. what rivers of blood must have flowed there; it was one of the chief strongholds of the armed kurds. at the foot of the mountain we came to angegh. there again there were many houses destroyed. we found here a young woman who, after many years of widowhood, had married a native of the village. things had been going well with her; now her husband, too, was slaughtered. one hundred and thirty people are said to have been murdered thus. we pitched our camp here in face of the blackened ruins. straight in front of us stood an "amrodz," a tower built of cakes of dung--a common enough sight in these parts. we were told that the kurds had burnt the corpses of the slaughtered armenians in it. horrible! and yet that is at least better than if the corpses of the slain, as has happened in other places, are allowed to lie for an indefinite period unburied, so that they are devoured by dogs and poison the air. there we were met by some soldiers; they were armenian "volunteers" who had come from russia and were now fighting on the side of the russians for the liberation of their haiasdan. they were coming now from the neighbourhood of bitlis, where heavy fighting was in progress. they had brought some sick back to the town, and proposed to rest here awhile. after that we rode on to ten, where people we already knew came out to meet us from the village and informed us of what had happened there. there, too, the scenes of our former activity, the school and the church, lay in ruins, and many dwelling houses as well. the man who used to put us up was also among the slain; his widow is still quite distraught. here about are said to have been murdered. there were so many orphans in the place, they said to us:--should we now be inclined to take charge of any again? we were unable to give them any definite answer. as we rode on and on over the mountains, the splendid air did us much good and we thanked god for it, for little by little we have come to be in sore need of recuperation. we had a wonderful view from the mountain heights, but everywhere in the villages one sees blackened and ruined houses. . moush. statement by a german eye-witness of occurrences at moush. communicated by the american committee for armenian and syrian relief. towards the end of october ( ), when the turkish war began, the turkish officials started to take everything they needed for the war from the armenians. their goods, their money, all was confiscated. later on, every turk was free to go to an armenian shop and take out what he needed or thought he would like to have. only a tenth perhaps was really for the war, the rest was pure robbery. it was necessary to have food, etc., carried to the front, on the caucasian frontier. for this purpose the government sent out about old armenian men, many cripples amongst them, and boys not more than twelve years old, to carry the goods--a three weeks' journey from moush to the russian frontier. as every individual armenian was robbed of everything he ever had, these poor people soon died of hunger and cold on the way. they had no clothes at all, for even these were stolen on the way. if out of these armenians thirty or forty returned, it was a marvel; the rest were either beaten to death or died from the causes stated above. the winter was most severe in moush; the gendarmes were sent to levy high taxes, and as the armenians had already given everything to the turks, and were therefore powerless to pay these enormous taxes, they were beaten to death. the armenians never defended themselves except when they saw the gendarmes ill-treating their wives and children, and the result in such cases was that the whole village was burnt down, merely because a few armenians had tried to protect their families. toward the middle of april we heard rumours that there were great disturbances in van. we have heard statements both from turks and from armenians, and as these reports agree in every respect, it is quite plain that there is some truth in them. they state that the ottoman government sent orders that all armenians were to give up their arms, which the armenians refused to do on the ground that they required their arms in case of necessity. this caused a regular massacre. all villages inhabited by armenians were burnt down. the turks boasted of having now got rid of all the armenians. i heard it from the officers myself, how they revelled in the thought that the armenians had been got rid of. thus the winter passed, with things happening every day more terrible than one can possibly describe. we then heard that massacres had started in bitlis. in moush everything was being prepared for one, when the russians arrived at liz, which is about to hours' journey from moush. this occupied the attention of the turks, so that the massacre was put off for the time being. hardly had the russians left liz, however, when all the districts inhabited by armenians were pillaged and destroyed. this was in the month of may. at the beginning of june, we heard that the whole armenian population of bitlis had been got rid of. it was at this time that we received news that the american missionary, dr. knapp, had been wounded in an armenian house and that the turkish government had sent him to diyarbekir. the very first night in diyarbekir he died, and the government explained his death as a result of having overeaten, which of course nobody believed. when there was no one left in bitlis to massacre, their attention was diverted to moush. cruelties had already been committed, but so far not too publicly; now, however, they started to shoot people down without any cause, and beat them to death simply for the pleasure of doing so. in moush itself, which is a big town, there are , armenians; in the neighbourhood there are villages, each containing about houses. in all these not a single male armenian is now to be seen, and hardly a woman either, except for a few here and there. in the first week of july , soldiers arrived from constantinople by way of harpout with munitions and eleven guns, and laid siege to moush. as a matter of fact, the town had already been beleaguered since the middle of june. at this stage the mutessarif gave orders that we should leave the town and go to harpout. we pleaded with him to let us stay, for we had in our charge all the orphans and patients; but he was angry, and threatened to remove us by force if we did not do as instructed. as we both fell sick, however, we were allowed to remain at moush. i received permission, in the event of our leaving moush, to take the armenians of our orphanage with us; but when we asked for assurances of their safety, his only reply was: "you can take them with you, but being armenians, their heads may and will be cut off on the way." on the th july moush was bombarded for several hours, on the pretext that some armenians had tried to escape. i went to see the mutessarif, and asked him to protect our buildings. his reply was: "it serves you right for staying, instead of leaving as instructed. the guns are here to make an end of moush. take refuge with the turks." this, of course, was impossible, as we could not leave our charges. next day a new order was promulgated for the expulsion of the armenians, and three days' grace was given them to make ready. they were told to register themselves at the government building before they left. their families could remain, but their property and their money were to be confiscated. the armenians were unable to go, for they had no money to defray the journey, and they preferred to die in their houses rather than be separated from their families and endure a lingering death on the road. as stated above, three days' grace was given to the armenians, but two hours had scarcely elapsed when the soldiers began breaking into the houses, arresting the inmates and throwing them into prison. the guns began to fire, and thus the people were effectually prevented from registering themselves at the government building. we all had to take refuge in the cellar for fear of our orphanage catching fire. it was heartrending to hear the cries of the people and children who were being burnt to death in their houses. the soldiers took great delight in hearing them, and when people who were out in the street during the bombardment fell dead, the soldiers merely laughed at them. the survivors were sent to ourfa (there were none left but sick women and children); i went to the mutessarif and begged him to have mercy on the children at least, but in vain. he replied that the armenian children must perish with their nation. all our people were taken from our hospital and orphanage; they left us three female servants. under these atrocious circumstances moush was burnt to the ground. every officer boasted of the number he had personally massacred as his share in ridding turkey of the armenian race. we left for harpout. harpout has become the cemetery of the armenians; from all directions they have been brought to harpout to be buried. there they lie, and the dogs and the vultures devour their bodies. now and then some man throws some earth over the bodies. in harpout and mezré the people have had to endure terrible tortures. they have had their eye-brows plucked out, their breasts cut off, their nails torn off; their torturers hew off their feet or else hammer nails into them just as they do in shoeing horses. this is all done at night time, and in order that the people may not hear their screams and know of their agony, soldiers are stationed round the prisons, beating drums and blowing whistles. it is needless to relate that many died of these tortures. when they die, the soldiers cry: "now let your christ help you." one old priest was tortured so cruelly to extract a confession that, believing that the torture would cease and that he would be left alone if he did it, he cried out in his desperation: "we are revolutionists." he expected his tortures to cease, but on the contrary the soldiers cried: "what further do we seek? we have it here from his own lips." and instead of picking their victims as they did before, the officials had all the armenians tortured without sparing a soul. early in july , armenian soldiers were ordered to leave for aleppo to build roads. the people of harpout were terrified on hearing this, and a panic started in the town. the vali sent for the german missionary, mr. ehemann, and begged him to quiet the people, repeating over and over again that no harm whatever would befall these soldiers. mr. ehemann took the vali's word and quieted the people. but they had scarcely left when we heard that they had all been murdered and thrown into a cave. just a few managed to escape, and we got the reports from them. it was useless to protest to the vali. the american consul at harpout protested several times, but the vali makes no account of him, and treats him in a most shameful manner. a few days later another , armenian soldiers were despatched via diyarbekir, and, in order to hinder them the more surely from escaping, they were left to starve on the way, so that they had no strength left in them to flee. the kurds were given notice that the armenians were on the way, and the kurdish women came with their butcher's knives to help the men. in mezré a public brothel was erected for the turks, and all the beautiful armenian girls and women were placed there. at night the turks were allowed free entrance. the permission for the protestant and catholic armenians to be exempted from deportation only arrived after their deportation had taken place. the government wanted to force the few remaining armenians to accept the mohammedan faith. a few did so in order to save their wives and children from the terrible sufferings already witnessed in the case of others. the people begged us to leave for constantinople and obtain some security for them. on our way to constantinople we only encountered old women. no young women or girls were to be seen. already by november [ ] we had known that there would be a massacre. the mutessarif of moush, who was a very intimate friend of enver pasha, declared quite openly that they would massacre the armenians at the first opportune moment and exterminate the whole race. before the russians arrived they intended first to butcher the armenians, and then fight the russians afterwards. towards the beginning of april, in the presence of a major lange and several other high officials, including the american and german consuls, ekran bey quite openly declared the government's intention of exterminating the armenian race. all these details plainly show that the massacre was deliberately planned. in a few villages destitute women come begging, naked and sick, for alms and protection. we are not allowed to give them anything, we are not allowed to take them in, in fact we are forbidden to do anything for them, and they die outside. if only permission could be obtained from the authorities to help them! if we cannot endure the sight of these poor people's sufferings, what must it be like for the sufferers themselves? it is a story written in blood. two old missionaries and a younger lady (an american) were sent away from mardin. they were treated just like prisoners, dogged continually by the gendarmes, and were brought in this fashion to sivas. for missionaries of that age a journey of this kind in the present circumstances was obviously a terrible hardship. . erzindjan. statement by two danish red cross nurses, formerly in the service of the german military mission at erzeroum. [ ] communicated by a swiss gentleman of geneva. in march, , we learnt through an armenian doctor, who died later on of typhoid, that the turkish government was preparing for a massacre on a grand scale. he begged us to find out from general passelt whether the rumour was true. we heard afterwards that the general (a gallant officer) had his own fears of it, and asked, for that reason, to be relieved of his post. ... we fell sick of typhoid and ... in consequence of a number of changes in the hospital staff ... we were obliged to leave erzeroum. through the good offices of the german consul at erzeroum, who also possessed the confidence of the armenians, we were engaged by the red cross at erzindjan, and worked there seven weeks. at the beginning of june, the head of the red cross mission at erzindjan, staff-surgeon a., told us that the armenians had revolted at van, that measures had been taken against them which would be put into general execution, and that the whole armenian population of erzindjan and the neighbourhood would be transported to mesopotamia, where it would no longer find itself in a majority. there was, however, to be no massacre, and measures were to be taken to feed the exiles and to secure their personal safety by a military escort. wagons loaded with arms and bombs were reported, he said, to have been discovered at erzindjan, and many arrests were to be made. the red cross staff were forbidden to have any relations with the exiles, and prohibited any excursions on foot or horseback beyond a certain radius. after that, several days' grace was given to the population of erzindjan for the sale of their property, which was naturally realised at ludicrous prices. in the first week of june, [ ] the first convoy started; the rich people were allowed to hire carriages. they were to go to harpout. the three succeeding days, further deportations followed; [ ] many children were taken charge of by moslem families; later on, the authorities decided that these children must go into exile as well. the families of the armenians employed in our hospital had to go with the rest, including a woman who was ill. a protest from dr. neukirch, who was attending her, had no effect except to postpone her departure two days. a soldier attached to our staff as cobbler said to sister b. [ ]: "i am now forty-six years old, and yet i am taken for military service, although i have paid my exemption-tax regularly every year. i have never done anything against the government, and now they are taking from me my whole family, my seventy-year-old mother, my wife and five children, and i do not know where they are going." he was especially affected by the thought of his little daughter, a year and a half old; "she is so sweet. she has such pretty eyes"; he wept like a child. the next day he came back; "i know the truth. they are all dead." and it was only too true. our turkish cook came to us crying, and told us how the kurds had attacked the unhappy convoy at kamakh boghaz, [ ] had pillaged it completely, and had killed a great number of the exiles. this must have been the th june. two young armenian teachers, educated at the college of harpout, whose lives were spared, related that the convoy had been caught under a cross-fire by the kurds on the flanks and the turkish irregulars in the rear. they had thrown themselves flat on the ground and pretended to be dead; afterwards they succeeded in finding their way back to erzindjan by circuitous paths, bribing some kurds whom they met on the way. one of them had with her her fiancé in woman's clothes. he had been shielded by a turkish class-mate. when they reached erzindjan a gendarme tried to abduct the girl, and her fiancé interfered. he was killed, and the girls were carried off to turkish houses, where they were treated kindly, but had pressure put upon them to change their religion. they conveyed this news to us through a young doctor who attended some armenian patients in our hospital, and was thereby enabled to get into touch with us; he brought us an appeal from them to take them with us to harpout. if only they had poison, they said, they would poison themselves. they had no information whatever as to the fate of their companions. the day after [ ], friday, the th june, a party of regular troops (belonging to the th cavalry brigade) were sent out "to keep the kurds in order." we heard subsequently from these soldiers how the defenceless armenians had been massacred to the last one. the butchery had taken four hours. the women threw themselves on their knees, they had thrown their children into the euphrates, and so on. [ ] "it was horrible," said a nice-looking young soldier; "i could not fire, i only pretended." for that matter, we have often heard turks express their disapproval and their pity. the soldiers told us that there were ox-carts all ready to carry the corpses to the river and remove every trace of the massacre. [ ] next day there was a regular battue through the cornfields. (the corn was then standing, and many armenians had hidden in it.) from that time on, convoys of exiles were continually arriving, all on their way to the slaughter; we have no doubt about their fate, after the unanimous testimony which we have received from many different quarters. later, our greek driver told us that the victims had their hands tied behind their backs, and were thrown down from the cliffs into the river. this method was employed when the numbers were too great to dispose of them in any other fashion. it was also easier work for the murderers. sister b. and i, of course, began at once to think what we could do, and we decided to travel with one of these convoys to harpout. we did not know yet that the massacre on the road had been ordered by the government, and we also thought that we could check the brutality of the gendarmes and stave off the assaults of the kurds, since we speak kurdish and have some influence over the tribesmen.... we then telegraphed to the consul at erzeroum, telling him that we had been dismissed from the hospital, and urging him, in the interests of germany, to come to erzindjan. he wired back: "impossible to leave my post. wait for austrians, who are due to pass here the nd june." on the evening of the th june, we went out for a walk with mr. c., the druggist of the red cross staff. he was as much horrified as we were at the cruelties that were being perpetrated.... on our walk we met a gendarme, who told us that, ten minutes' distance away, a large convoy of exiles from baibourt had halted. he narrated to us, with appalling vividness, how one by one the men had been massacred and cast into the depths of the gorge. [ ] he told how, at each village, the women had been violated; how he himself had desired to take a girl, but had been told that already she was no longer a maid; how children had had their brains battered out when they cried or hindered the march. "there were the naked bodies of three girls; i buried them to do a good deed," was the remark with which he concluded his story. the following morning, at a very early hour, we heard the procession of exiles passing in front of our house, along the high road leading in to erzindjan. we followed them and kept up with them as far as the town, about an hour's walk. mr. g. came with us. it was a very large gang--only two or three of them men, all the rest women and children. many of the women looked demented. they cried out: "spare us, we will become moslems or germans or whatever you will; only spare us. we are being taken to kamakh boghaz to have our throats cut," and they made an expressive gesture. others kept silence, and marched patiently on with a few bundles on their backs and their children in their arms. others begged us to save their children. many turks arrived on the scene to carry off children and girls, with or without their parents' consent. there was no time for reflection, for the crowd was being moved on continually by the mounted gendarmes brandishing their whips. on the outskirts of the town, the road to kamakh boghaz branches off from the main highway. at this point the scene turned into a regular slave market; for our part, we took a family of six children, from three to fourteen years old, who clutched hold of us, and another little girl as well. we entrusted the latter to our turkish cook, who was on the spot. she wanted to take the child to the kitchen of dr. a.'s private house, and keep her there until we could come and fetch her; but the doctor's adjutant, riza bey, gave the woman a beating and threw the child out into the street. meanwhile, with cries of agony, the gang of sufferers continued its march, while we returned to the hospital with our six children. dr. a. gave us permission to keep them in our room until we had packed our belongings; they were given food and soon became calmer. "now we are saved," they had cried when we took them. they refused to let go of our hands. the smallest, the son of a rich citizen of baibourt, lay huddled up in his mother's cloak; his face was swollen with crying and he seemed inconsolable. once he rushed to the window and pointed to a gendarme: "that's the man who killed my father." the children handed over to us their money, piastres (about £ ), which their parents had given them with the idea that the children would not be searched. we then rode into the town to obtain permission for these children to travel with us. we were told that the high authorities were in session to decide the fate of the convoy which had just arrived. nevertheless, sister b. succeeded in getting word with someone she knew, who gave her the authorisation to take the children with her, and offered to give them false names in the passport. this satisfied us, and, after returning to the hospital, we left the same evening with baggage and children and all, and installed ourselves in a hotel at erzindjan. the turkish orderlies at the hospital were very friendly, and said: "you have done a good deed in taking these children." we could get nothing but one small room for the eight of us. during the night there was a frightful knocking at our door, and we were asked whether there were two german ladies in the room. then all became quiet again, to the great relief of our little ones. their first question had been, would we prevent them from being made mohammedans? and was our cross (the nurses' red cross) the same as theirs? after that they were comforted. we left them in the room, and went ourselves to take our tea in the hotel café. we noticed that some discharged hospital patients of ours, who had always shown themselves full of gratitude towards us, behaved as if they no longer recognised us. the proprietor of the hotel began to hold forth, and everyone listened to what he was saying: "the death of these women and children has been decreed at constantinople." the hodja (turkish priest) of our hospital came in, too, and said to us, among other things: "if god has no pity on them, why must you have pity? the armenians have committed atrocities at van. that happened because their religion is ekzik (inferior). the moslems should not have followed their example, but should have carried out the massacre with greater humanity." we always gave the same answer--that they ought to discover the guilty and do justice upon them, but that the massacre of women and children was, and always will remain, a crime. then we went to the mutessarif himself, with whom we had not succeeded in obtaining an interview before. the man looked like the devil incarnate, and his behaviour bore out his appearance. in a bellowing voice he shouted at us: "women have no business to meddle with politics, but ought to respect the government!" we told him that we should have acted in precisely the same way if the victims had been mohammedans, and that politics had nothing to do with our conduct. he answered that we had been expelled from the hospital, and that we should get the same treatment from him; that he would not stand us, and that he would certainly not permit us to go to harpout to fetch our belongings, but would send us to sivas. worst of all, he forbade us to take the children away, and at once sent a gendarme to carry them off from our room. on our way back to the hotel we actually met them, but they were hurried past us so quickly that we had not even a chance to return them their money. afterwards we asked dr. lindenberg to see that this money was restored to them; but, to find out where they were, he had to make enquiries of a turkish officer, and just at the moment of our departure, when we had been told that they had already been killed, and when we had no longer any chance of making further search for them, the aforementioned riza bey came and asked us for this money, on the ground that he wanted to return it to the children! we had already decided to spend it on relieving other armenians. at erzindjan we were now looked askance at. they would no longer let us stay at the hotel, but took us to a deserted armenian house. the whole of this extensive quarter of the town seemed dead. people came and went at will to loot the contents of the houses; in some of the houses the families of moslem refugees were already installed. we had now a roof over our heads, but no one would go to get us food. however, we managed to send a note to dr. a., who kindly allowed us to return to the hospital. the following day the mutessarif sent a springless baggage cart, in which we were to do the seven days' journey to sivas. we gave him to understand that we would not have the conveyance, and, upon the representations of dr. a., they sent us a travelling carriage, with the threat to have us arrested if we did not start at once. this was on monday, the st june, and we should have liked to wait for the austrians, who were due to arrive on the tuesday morning, and continue the journey in their company; but dr. a. declared that he could no longer give us protection, and so we started out. dr. lindenberg did us the kindness of escorting us as far as rifahia. [ ] during the first days of our journey we saw five corpses. one was a woman's, and still had clothes on; the others were naked, one of them headless. there were two turkish officers on the road with us who were really armenians, as we were told by the gendarme attached to us. they preserved their incognito towards us, and maintained a very great reserve, but always took care not to get separated from us. on the fourth day they did not put in an appearance. when we enquired after them, we were given to understand that the less we concerned ourselves about them the better it would be for us. on the road, we broke our journey near a greek village. a savage-looking man was standing by the roadside. he began to talk with us, and told us he was stationed there to kill all the armenians that passed, and that he had already killed . he explained that they all deserved their fate, for they were all anarchists--not liberals or socialists, but anarchists. he told the gendarmes that he had received orders by telephone to kill our two travelling companions. so these two men with their armenian drivers must have perished there. we could not restrain ourselves from arguing with this assassin, but when he went off our greek driver warned us: "don't say a word, if you do ..."--and he made the gesture of taking aim. the rumour had, in fact, got about that we were armenians, which was as good as to say condemned to death. one day we met a convoy of exiles, who had said good-bye to their prosperous villages and were at that moment on their way to kamakh boghaz. we had to draw up a long time by the roadside while they marched past. the scene will never be forgotten by either of us: a very small number of elderly men, a large number of women--vigorous figures with energetic features--a crowd of pretty children, some of them fair and blue-eyed, one little girl smiling at the strangeness of all she was seeing, but on all the other faces the solemnity of death. there was no noise; it was all quiet, and they marched along in an orderly way, the children generally riding on the ox-carts; and so they passed, some of them greeting us on the way--all these poor people, who are now standing at the throne of god, and whose cry goes up before him. an old woman was made to get down from her donkey--she could no longer keep the saddle. was she killed on the spot? our hearts had become as cold as ice. the gendarme attached to us told us then that he had escorted a convoy of , women and children from mamahatoun (near erzeroum) to kamakh boghaz. "hep gildi, bildi," he said: "all gone, all dead." we asked him: "why condemn them to this frightful torment; why not kill them in their villages?" answer: "it is best as it is. they ought to be made to suffer; and, besides, there would be no place left for us moslems with all these corpses about. they will make a stench!" we spent a night at enderessi, one day's journey from shabin kara-hissar. as usual, we had been given for our lodging an empty armenian house. on the wall there was a pencil scrawl in turkish: "our dwelling is on the mountains, we have no longer any need of a roof to cover us; we have already drained the bitter cup of death, we have no more need of a judge." the ground floor rooms of the house were still tenanted by the women and children. the gendarmes told us that they would be exiled next morning, but they did not know that yet; they did not know what had become of the men of the house; they were restless, but not yet desperate. just after i had gone to sleep, i was awakened by shots in our immediate neighbourhood. the reports followed one another rapidly, and i distinctly heard the words of command. i realised at once what was happening, and actually experienced a feeling of relief at the idea that these poor creatures were now beyond the reach of human cruelty. next morning our people told us that ten armenians had been shot--that was the firing that we had heard--and that the turkish civilians of the place were now being sent out to chase the fugitives. indeed, we saw them starting off on horseback with guns. at the roadside were two armed men standing under a tree and dividing between them the clothes of a dead armenian. they were just holding up a pair of blue cloth trousers. we passed a place covered with clotted blood, though the corpses had been removed. it was the road-making soldiers, of whom our gendarme had told us. once we met a large number of these labourers, who had so far been allowed to do their work in peace. they had been sorted into three gangs--moslems, greeks and armenians. there were several officers with the latter. our young hassan exclaimed: "they are all going to be butchered." we continued our journey, and the road mounted a hill. then our driver pointed with his whip towards the valley, and we saw that the armenian gang was being made to stand out on the high road. there were about of them, and they were being made to line up on the edge of a slope. we know what happened after that. two days before we reached sivas, we again saw the same sight. the soldiers' bayonets glittered in the sun. at another place there were ten gendarmes shooting them down, while turkish workmen were finishing off the victims with knives and stones. here ten armenians had succeeded in getting away. later on, in the mission hospital at sivas, we came across one of the men who had escaped. he told us that about armenians had been slaughtered there. our informant himself had received a terrible wound in the nape of the neck and had fainted. afterwards he had recovered consciousness and had dragged himself in two days to sivas. twelve hours' distance from sivas, we spent the night in a government building. for hours a gendarme, sitting in front of our door, crooned to himself over and over again: "ermenleri hep kesdiler--the armenians have all been killed!" in the next room they were talking on the telephone. we made out that they were giving instructions as to how the armenians were to be arrested. they were talking chiefly about a certain ohannes, whom they had not succeeded in finding yet. one night we slept in an armenian house where the women had just heard that the men of the family had been condemned to death. it was frightful to hear their cries of anguish. "cannot your emperor help us?" they cried. the gendarme saw the despair on our faces, and said: "their crying bothers you; i will forbid them to cry." however, he let himself be mollified. he had taken particular pleasure in pointing out to us all the horrors that we encountered, and he said to young hassan: "first we kill the armenians, then the greeks, then the kurds." he would certainly have been delighted to add: "and then the foreigners!" our greek driver was the victim of a still more ghastly joke: "look, down there in the ditch; there are greeks there too!" at last we reached sivas. we had to wait an hour in front of the government building before the examination of our papers was completed and we were given permission to go to the americans. there, too, all was trouble and sorrow. on the st july we left sivas, and reached kaisaria on the th. we had been given permission to go to talas, after depositing our baggage at the jesuit school; but when we wanted to go on from kaisaria, we were refused leave and taken back to the jesuit school, where a gendarme was posted in front of our door. however, the american missionaries succeeded in getting us set at liberty. we then returned to talas, where we passed several days full of commotion, for there, as well as at kaisaria, there were many arrests being made. the poor armenians never knew what the morrow would bring, and then came the terrifying news that all armenians had been cleared out of sivas. what happened there and in the villages of the surrounding districts will be reported by the american mission. when we discovered that they meant to keep us there--for they had prevented us from joining the austrians for the journey--we telegraphed to the german embassy, and so obtained permission to start. there is nothing to tell about this part of our journey, except that the locusts had in places destroyed all the fruit and vegetables, so that the turks are already beginning to have some experience of the divine punishment. . the town of h. statement made by miss da., a danish lady in the service of the german red cross at h., to mr. db. at basle, and communicated by mr. db. to lord bryce. sister da. left the german red cross mission at h. in april, , travelling through ourfa to aleppo, and thence by road and railway across anatolia to constantinople. mr. db. met her at basle, on her way from constantinople to denmark, in the house of a mutual friend. sister da. told mr. db. that on the th march, , the german vice-consul appointed provisionally to erzeroum (the consul himself being interned in russia) was passing through the town of h., accompanied by two german officers, and arranged to dine that evening with the german red cross staff, after paying his respects to the vali. at the hour fixed, only the two officers appeared. they said that they had called, with the vice-consul, upon the vali, but after a time the vali had shewn signs of being irked by their presence, and so they had taken their departure, leaving the vali and the vice-consul together. the company waited for the vice-consul about two hours. he arrived about . p.m., in a state of great agitation, and told them at once the purport of his interview. the vali had declared to him that the armenians in turkey must be, and were going to be, exterminated. they had grown, he said, in wealth and numbers until they had become a menace to the ruling turkish race; extermination was the only remedy. the vice-consul had expostulated, and represented that persecution always increased the spiritual vitality of a subject race, and on grounds of expediency was the worst policy for the rulers. "well, we shall see," said the vali, and closed the conversation. this incident occurred on the th march, , and mr. db. points out that it must have been practically simultaneous with an interview given by enver pasha at constantinople to the gregorian bishop of konia in the course of february, , old style. in this interview the bishop had asked enver whether he were satisfied with the conduct of the armenian soldiers in the ottoman army, and enver had testified warmly to their energy, courage and loyalty--so warmly, in fact, that the bishop at once asked whether he might publish this testimonial over enver's name. enver readily consented, and the gregorian patriarchate at constantinople accordingly circulated an authorised account of the interview to the armenian, and even to the turkish, press. [ ] thus, in the latter part of february, , the central government at constantinople was advertising its friendly feelings towards its armenian subjects, while by the th march, less than a month later, it had given its representative in a remote province to understand that a general massacre of these same armenians was imminent. to return to sister da.'s narrative--she told mr. db. that between february and the beginning of may, , about armenians had been arrested and imprisoned at h. they were the young men, the strong in body and the intellectuals. most of their kind had been taken for the army in the mobilisation of the previous autumn, but these had been left, and were now thrown into prison instead of being conscribed. at the beginning of may, the vali of h. sent for the head of the german protestant mission station in the town, and requested him to tell the armenians that they must surrender their arms. otherwise, he said, the most stringent measures would be taken against them. the missionaries must persuade them to deliver up the arms quickly. the head of the mission station called a meeting of armenian notables, and put to them what the vali had said. the armenians decided to consult with their turkish fellow-townsmen, and so a mixed meeting was held of all the turkish and armenian notables of h. at this meeting the turkish notables urged the armenians to give up their arms, and promised that, if they did so, they themselves would guarantee their security, and would see that they suffered nothing at the government's hands. this promise induced the armenians to comply. they collected their arms and presented them to the vali, but the vali declared that all had not been brought. the newest and most dangerous weapons, he said, had been in the hands of the prisoners. these must be surrendered also, or the penalties he had threatened would still be inflicted on the whole armenian community at h. so the notables went to the men in prison, and besought them to reveal where their arms were hidden; all the gregorian priests went, and the head of the german mission station went with them. the were obstinate at first, but it was represented to them that, if they refused, they would be responsible for the destruction of the whole community, and at last they gave in. they revealed the hiding-places, and the arms were duly found and delivered up to the vali. the vali immediately had photographs taken of all the arms collected, and sent them to constantinople as evidence that an armenian revolution was on the point of breaking out at h. he asked for a free hand to suppress it, and an order came back from constantinople that he was to take whatever measures he considered necessary on the spot. after that, the young men were conveyed out of the town by night and never heard of again. shots were said to have been heard in the distance. three days later, the rest of the armenian community at h. was summoned by bugle to assemble before the government building, and then deported. the men were first sent off in one direction, and later the women and children, on ox-carts, in another. they were only given a few hours to make their preparations, and sister da. described their consternation as being terrible. they tried to dispose of their property, which the turks bought up for practically nothing. sewing-machines, for instance, sold for two or three piastres ( d. to d.). the process of deportation was extended to the whole vilayet. the armenian children in the german orphanage at h. were sent away with the rest. "my orders," said the vali, "are to deport all armenians. i cannot make an exception of these." he announced, however, that a government orphanage was to be established for any children that remained, and shortly afterwards he called on sister da. and asked her to come and visit it. sister da. went with him, and found about armenian children in a good building. for every twelve or fifteen children there was one armenian nurse, and they were well clothed and fed. "see what care the government is taking of the armenians," the vali said, and she returned home surprised and pleased; but when she visited the orphanage again several days later, there were only thirteen of the children left--the rest had disappeared. they had been taken, she learnt, to a lake six hours' journey by road from the town and drowned. three hundred fresh children were subsequently collected at the "orphanage," and sister da. believed that they suffered the same fate as their predecessors. these victims were the residue of the armenian children at h. the finest boys and prettiest girls had been picked out and carried off by the turks and kurds of the district, and it was the remainder, who had been left on the government's hands, that were disposed of in this way. as soon as the armenians had been deported from h., convoys of other exiles began to pass through from the districts further north. sister da. did not see these convoys, because they made a detour round the town, and she never left the town precincts; but she talked with many people who did see them, and they gave a terrible description of their plight. the roads near the town, they said, were littered with the corpses of those who had died of sickness or exhaustion, or from the violence of their guards. and these accounts were confirmed by her own experiences last april ( ), on her journey to aleppo. on the road to aleppo from ourfa she passed numbers of corpses lightly buried under a layer of soil. the extremities of the limbs were protruding, and had been gnawed by dogs. she was told by people she met that unheard-of atrocities had been committed, and that there were cases of women who had drowned themselves to escape their tormentors. it was sister da.'s impression that the deportation and massacre of the armenians had ruined turkey economically. the armenians had been the only skilled workers in the country, and industry came to a stand-still when they were gone. you could not replace copper vessels for your household; you could not get your roof re-tiled. the government had actually retained a few armenian artisans--bakers, masons, etc.--to work for the army, and whatever work was still done was done by these and a few others who had gone over to islam. but though the sources of production were cut off, the turks had not begun to feel the pinch. having laid hands on the property of the armenians, they were richer, for the moment, than before. during the past year bread had been plentiful and cheap, cattle and meat had been abundant, and there were still enough supplies, she thought, to last for some time yet. under these circumstances, the turkish peasantry were well content--except for the women, who resented the absence of their husbands at the war. the dearth of men, sister da. said, was everywhere noticeable. she had been told, however, that some kurdish tribes had refused to furnish recruits, and that the kizil bashis of the dersim had furnished none at all. the government had been preparing an expedition against the kizil bashis to extort a toll of conscripts, but the plan had been thwarted by the russian advance. in the turkish villages agricultural work was being largely carried on by the armenian women and children, who had been handed over to the moslem peasants by the authorities. sister da. saw quantities of them everywhere, practically in the condition of slaves. they were never allowed to rest in peace, but were constantly chivied about from one village to another. as she came down to aleppo she found the country under good cultivation. great stores of bread had been accumulated for the army in mesopotamia. in anatolia, on the other hand, the fields were neglected, and she thought that there famine was not far off. but it was not till she reached constantinople that she found any present scarcity. in the provinces only sugar and petrol had been scarce; at constantinople all commodities were both scarce and dear. sister da. was told at constantinople that turks of all parties were united in their approval of what was being done to the armenians, and that enver pasha openly boasted of it as his personal achievement. talaat bey, too, was reported to have remarked, on receiving the news of vartkes' [ ] assassination: "there is no room in the empire for both armenians and turks. either they had to go or we." . malatia. statement by a german eye-witness. in malatia there were , -- , armenians. a german, who left malatia immediately before the deportation, reports as follows on the events which preceded the execution of that measure:-- "the mutessarif, nabi bey, an extremely friendly and well-disposed elderly gentleman, was deposed sometime about may--as we suppose, on the ground that he would not have carried out the measures against the armenians with the desired harshness. "his deputy, the kaimakam of arrha, had all the qualities required for that purpose. there could hardly be any doubt as to his anti-armenian feelings or as to the lawlessness of his mode of action. he is probably responsible, together with a clique of rich 'beys,' for the arbitrary imprisonment of many armenians, for the inhuman application of the bastinado, and also for the clandestine murder of armenian men. the mutessarif's official successor, reshid pasha, who arrived from constantinople towards the end of june, a conscientious kurd, endowed with an altogether surprising kindness of heart, did everything in his power, from the first day of his assumption of the duties of his office, to mitigate the fate of the numerous armenian prisoners, to prevent outrages against the population on the part of the irregular soldiers and zaptiehs, and to make possible a lawful and humane settlement of the extremely difficult situation; in doing this he knew that he incurred danger and put himself into a very undesirable position. notwithstanding his severity, the greater part of the armenian population held him in esteem as a just, incorruptible and warm-hearted man. unfortunately his powers did not go very far. the movement against the armenians had already, on his arrival, gained too much strength, his own executive staff was neither sufficiently numerous nor sufficiently trustworthy to enable him to make any energetic stand for the maintenance of law and order. he succumbed to the power of his adversaries and collapsed physically and morally within a very few days. even during his serious illness he used every particle of strength that was in him to insure that the banished armenians should be able to undertake their journey with safety and be properly cared for on the way. "he had delayed the departure of the armenians from week to week, partly with the silent hope that his great endeavours to procure a countermanding order might be successful, and partly in order to be able to make all preparations for a humane execution of the deportation order. finally he had to give way to the stringent directions of the central government and to the pressure of the party opposed to him in the town. "before the deportation, which was effected towards the middle of august, wholesale murders among the male population occurred in the beginning of july." c. cilicia and northern syria. . exiles from zeitoun. diary of a foreign resident in the town of b. on the cilician plain. communicated by a swiss gentleman of geneva. sunday, th march, . this morning i had a long conversation with mr.---- about events at zeitoun. he has managed to obtain some information regarding the little armenian town, although all direct communication with it has been interrupted. turkish troops have left aleppo for zeitoun--some say , , some , , others , . with what intention, one wonders? mr.----, who has been there himself during last summer and this winter, assures me that the armenians have no wish to revolt, and are prepared to put up with anything the government may do. contrary to the old-established custom, a levy was made at zeitoun at the time of the august mobilisation, and they did not offer the slightest resistance. none the less, the government has played them false. in october, , their leader, nazaret tchaoush, came to marash with a "safe conduct" to arrange some special points with the officials. in spite of the "safe conduct," they imprisoned him, tortured him and put him to death. still the people of zeitoun remained quiet. bands of zaptiehs (turkish gendarmes), quartered in the town, have been molesting the inhabitants, raiding shops, stealing, maltreating the people and dishonouring their women. it is obvious that the government are trying to get a case against the zeitounlis, so as to be able to exterminate them at their pleasure and yet justify themselves in the eyes of the world. --th april, . three armenians from dört yöl were hanged last night in the chief square of adana. the government declare that they had been signalling to the british warship or warships stationed in the gulf of alexandretta. this is untrue, for i know, though i dare not put the source of my information on paper, that only one armenian from dört yöl has had any communication with the english. --th april. two more armenians from dört yöl have been hanged at adana. --th april. three armenians have been hanged at adana. we were out riding to-day, and the train came into the station just as we reached the railway. imagine our indignation when we saw a cattle-truck filled with armenians from zeitoun. most of these mountaineers were in rags, but a few were quite well dressed. they had been driven out of their homes and were going to be transplanted, god knows where, to some town in asia minor. it seems we have returned to the days of the assyrians, if whole populations can be exiled in this way, and the sacred liberty of the individual so violated. --th april (the next day). we were able to see the unfortunate refugees, who are still here to-day. these are the circumstances of their departure from zeitoun, or rather this is the tragedy which preceded their exile, though it was not the cause of it. the turkish gendarmes outraged several girls in the town, and were attacked in consequence by about twenty of the more hot-headed young men. several gendarmes were killed, though all the while the population as a whole was opposed to bloodshed, and desired most earnestly to avoid the least pretext for reprisals. the twenty rebels were driven out of the town and took refuge in a monastery about three-quarters of an hour's distance from the town. at this point the troops from aleppo arrived. the zeitounlis gave them lodging, and it seemed that all was going excellently between the populace and the , soldiers under their german officers. the turks surrounded the monastery and attacked it for a whole day; but the insurgents defended themselves, and, at the cost of one man slightly wounded, they killed of the regular troops. during the night, moreover, they managed to escape. their escape was as yet unknown to the town when, about nine o'clock on the following morning, the turkish commandant summoned about of the principal inhabitants to present themselves immediately at the military headquarters. they obeyed the summons without the least suspicion, believing themselves to be on excellent terms with the authorities. some of them took a little money, others some clothing or wraps, but the majority came in their working clothes and brought nothing with them. some of them had even left their flocks on the mountains in the charge of children. when they reached the turkish camp, they were ordered to leave the town at once without returning to their homes. they were completely stupefied. leave? but for where? they did not know. they had been unable even yet to learn their destination, but it is probable that they are being sent to the vilayet of konia. some of them have come in carriages and some on foot. --th april. i heard to-day that the whole population of dört yöl has been taken away to work on the roads. they continue to hang armenians at adana. it is a point worth remembering that zeitoun and dört yöl are the two armenian towns which held their own during the adana massacres of . --th may. a new batch of zeitounlis has just arrived. i saw them marching along the road, an interminable file under the turkish whips. it is really the most miserable and pitiable thing in the world. weak and scarcely clothed, they rather drag themselves along than walk. old women fall down, and struggle to their feet again when the zaptieh approaches with lifted stick. others are driven along like donkeys. i saw one young woman drop down exhausted. the turk gave her two or three blows with his stick and she raised herself painfully. her husband was walking in front with a baby two or three days old in his arms. further on an old woman had stumbled, and slipped down into the mud. the gendarme touched her two or three times with his whip, but she did not stir; then he gave her several kicks with his foot; still she did not move; then he kicked her harder, and she rolled over into the ditch; i hope that she was already dead. these people have now arrived in the town. they have had nothing to eat for two days. the turks forbade them to bring anything with them from zeitoun, except, in some cases, a few blankets, a donkey, a mule, or a goat. but even these things they are selling here for practically nothing--a goat for one medjidia ( s. d.), a mule for half a lira (nine shillings). this is because the turks steal them on the road. one young woman who had only been a mother eight days, had her donkey stolen the first night of the journey. what a way of starting out! the german and turkish officers made the armenians leave all their property behind, so that the mouhadjirs (refugees) from thrace might enter into possession. there are five families in ----'s house! the town and the surrounding villages (about , inhabitants) are entirely destroyed. between fifteen and sixteen thousand exiles have been sent towards aleppo, but they are going to be taken further. perhaps into arabia? can the real object be to starve them to death? those who have passed through our town were going to the vilayet of konia; there too there are deserts. --th may. letters have come which confirm my fears. it is not to aleppo that the zeitounlis are being sent, but to der-el-zor, in arabia, between aleppo and babylonia. and those we saw the other day are going to kara-pounar, between konia and eregli, in the most arid part of asia minor. certain ladies here have given blankets and shoes to some of the poorest. the local christians, too, have shown themselves wonderfully self-sacrificing. but what can one do? it is a little drop of charity in the ocean of their suffering. --th may. news has come from konia. ninety armenians have been taken to kara-pounar. the zeitounlis have arrived at konia. their sufferings have been increased by their having had to wait--some of them , some , some days--at bozanti (the terminus of the anatolian railway in the taurus, , feet above sea level). this delay was caused by the enormous masses of troops passing continually through the cilician gates; it is the army of syria which is being recalled for the defence of the dardanelles. when the exiles reached konia, they had eaten nothing, according to our news, for three days. the greeks and armenians at once collected money and food for their relief, but the vali of konia would not allow anything of any kind to be given to the exiles. they therefore remained another three days without food, at the end of which time the vali removed the prohibition and allowed food to be served out to them under the supervision of the zaptiehs. my informant tells me that, after the departure of the armenians from konia for kara-pounar, he saw an armenian woman throw her new-born baby into a well; another is said to have thrown hers out of the window of the train. --th may. a letter has come from kara-pounar. i know the writer of it, and can have no doubt of his truthfulness. he says that the , or , armenians from zeitoun are dying there from starvation at the rate of to a day. so from , to , zeitounlis must have been sent into arabia, the total population of the town and the outlying villages having been about , . --th may. the whole garrison of ---- and of adana have left for the dardanelles. there are no troops left to defend the district if it should be attacked from outside. --th may (the next day). new troops have arrived, but they are untrained. --th may. the last batch of zeitounlis passed through our town to-day, and i was able to speak to some of them in the han where they had been put. i saw one poor little girl who had been walking, barefoot, for more than a week; her only clothing was a torn pinafore; she was shivering with cold and hunger, and her bones were literally pushing through her skin. about a dozen children had to be left on the road because they could not walk any further. have they died of hunger? probably, but no one will ever know for certain. i also saw two poor old women without any hair left, or with hardly any. when the turks drove them out of zeitoun they had been rich, but they could not take anything with them beyond the clothes they were wearing. they managed somehow to hide five or six gold pieces in their hair, but, unfortunately for them, the sun glinted on the metal as they marched along and the glitter attracted the notice of a zaptieh. he did not waste any time in picking out the pieces of gold, but found it much quicker to tear the hair out by the roots. i came across another very characteristic case. a citizen of zeitoun, formerly a rich man, was leading two donkeys, the last remnants of his fortune. a gendarme came along and seized their bridles; the armenian implored him to leave them, saying that he was already on the verge of starvation. the only answer he received from the turk was a shower of blows, repeated till he rolled over in the dust; even then the turk continued beating him, till the dust was turned into a blood-soaked mud; then he gave a final kick and went off with the donkeys. several turks stood by watching; they did not appear to be at all surprised, nor did any of them attempt to intervene. --th may. the authorities have sent a number of people from dört yöl to be hanged in the various towns of adana vilayet. --th may. there is a rumour of a partial exodus from marash. it is going to be our town next. dört yöl has also been evacuated and the inhabitants sent into arabia. hadjin is threatened with the same fate. there has been a partial clearing out of adana; tarsus and mersina are threatened too, and also aintab. . information regarding events in armenia, published in the "sonnenaufgang" (organ of the "german league for the promotion of christian charitable work in the east"), october, ; and in the "allgemeine missions-zeitschrift," november, . this testimony is especially significant because it comes from a german source, and because the german censor made a strenuous attempt to suppress it. the same issue of the "sonnenaufgang" contains the following editorial note:-- "in our preceding issue we published an account by one of our sisters (schwester möhring) of her experiences on a journey, but we have to abstain from giving to the public the new details that are reaching us in abundance. it costs us much to do so, as our friends will understand; but the political situation of our country demands it." in the case of the "allgemeine missions-zeitschrift," the censor was not content with putting pressure on the editor. on the th november, he forbade the reproduction of the present article in the german press, and did his best to confiscate the whole current issue of the magazine. copies of both publications, however, found their way across the frontier. both the incriminating articles are drawn from common sources, but the extracts they make from them do not entirely coincide, so that, by putting them together, a fuller version of these sources can be compiled. in the text printed below, the unbracketed paragraphs are those which appear both in the "sonnenaufgang" and in the "allgemeine missions-zeitschrift"; while paragraphs included in angular brackets [< >] appear only in the "sonnenaufgang," and those in square brackets ([ ]) only in the "allgemeine missions-zeitschrift." between the th and the th may, , of the most prominent armenians and other christians, without distinction of confession, were arrested in the vilayets of diyarbekir and mamouret-ul-aziz. <it is said that they were to be taken to mosul, but nothing more has been heard of them.> [on the th may, of them were embarked on thirteen tigris barges, under the pretext that they were to be taken to mosul. the vali's aide-de-camp, assisted by fifty gendarmes, was in charge of the convoy. half the gendarmes started off on the barges, while the other half rode along the bank. a short time after the start the armenians were stripped of all their money (about £ , turkish) and then of their clothes; after that they were thrown into the river. the gendarmes on the bank were ordered to let none escape. the clothes of these victims were sold in the market of diyarbekir.] <about the same time young armenian men were conscribed, and were then sent to build the karabaghtché-habashi road. there is no news of these men either. it is said that in diyarbekir five or six priests were stripped naked one day, smeared with tar, and dragged through the streets. in the vilayet of aleppo they have evicted the inhabitants of hadjin, shar, albustan, göksoun, tasholouk, zeitoun, all the villages of alabash, geben, shivilgi, furnus and the surrounding villages, fundadjak, hassan-beyli, harni, lappashli, dört yöl and others.> [they have marched them off in convoys into the desert on the pretext of settling them there. in the village of tel-armen (along the line of the bagdad railway, near mosul) and in the neighbouring villages about , people were massacred, leaving only a few women and children. the people were thrown alive down wells or into the fire. they pretend that the armenians are to be employed in colonising land situated at a distance of twenty-four to thirty kilometres from the bagdad railway. but as it is only the women and children who are sent into exile, since all the men, with the exception of the very old, are at the war, this means nothing less than the wholesale murder of the families, since they have neither the labour nor the capital for clearing the country.] a german met a christian soldier of his acquaintance, who was on furlough from jerusalem. the man was wandering up and down along the banks of the euphrates searching for his wife and children, who were supposed to have been transferred to that neighbourhood. such unfortunates are often to be met with in aleppo, because they believe that there they will learn something about the whereabouts of their relations. it has often happened that when a member of a family has been absent, he discovers on his return that all his family are gone--evicted from their homes. [for a whole month corpses were observed floating down the river euphrates nearly every day, often in batches of from two to six corpses bound together. the male corpses are in many cases hideously mutilated (sexual organs cut off, and so on), the female corpses are ripped open. the turkish military authority in control of the euphrates, the kaimakam of djerablous, refuses to allow the burial of these corpses, on the ground that he finds it impossible to establish whether they belong to moslems or to christians. he adds that no one has given him any orders on the subject. the corpses stranded on the bank are devoured by dogs and vultures. to this fact there are many german eye-witnesses. an employee of the bagdad railway has brought the information that the prisons at biredjik are filled regularly every day and emptied every night--into the euphrates. between diyarbekir and ourfa a german cavalry captain saw innumerable corpses lying unburied all along the road.] <the following telegram was sent to aleppo from diyarbekir:--"we have accepted the true religion. now we are all right." the inhabitants of a village near anderoum went over to islam and were allowed to stay. at hadjin six families wanted to become mohammedans. they were told: "nothing under one hundred families will be accepted." aleppo and ourfa are the assembling-places for the convoy of exiles. there were about , of them in aleppo during june and july, while during the whole period from april to july many more than , must have passed through the city. the girls were abducted almost without exception by the soldiers and their arab hangers-on. one father, on the verge of despair, besought me to take with me at least his fifteen-year-old daughter, as he could no longer protect her from the persecutions inflicted upon her. the children left behind by the armenians on their journey are past counting. women whose pains came upon them on the way had to continue their journey without respite. a woman bore twins in the neighbourhood of aintab; next morning she had to go on again. she very soon had to leave the children under a bush, and a little while after she collapsed herself. another, whose pains came upon her during the march, was compelled to go on at once and fell down dead almost immediately. there were several more incidents of the same kind between marash and aleppo. [ ] the villagers of shar were permitted to carry all their household effects with them. on the road they were suddenly told: "an order has come for us to leave the high road and travel across the mountains." everything--waggons, oxen and belongings--had to be left behind on the road, and then they went on over the mountains on foot. this year the heat has been exceptionally severe, and many women and children naturally succumbed to it even in these early stages of their journey. there are about , exiles of whom we have no news at all, as they have arrived neither at aleppo nor at ourfa.> . extracts from the records of a german who died in turkey. between the th july and the th august, , i travelled to marash. at beshgöz, between killis and aintab, it was a subject of conversation among the villagers that the deportation of the armenians would begin at aintab too on the following day. a little while after, a well-dressed gentleman, a circassian, according to his appearance, being partly in mufti and partly in officer's uniform, joined the group of talkers and asked: "from what part of the town are people being sent away? by what road do they go? what kind of people are they? are they people from whom anything is to be got?" when one of the persons present asked him whether he was a civilian or in military service, he said smilingly: "is there a finer opportunity of being a soldier than now?" the same person said afterwards: "this time germany has given these unbelieving swine a lesson which they will not forget." [ ] on hearing this, i could not refrain from replying that it was soiling the name of germany to mention it in connection with the things which i had just been compelled to hear. on my return journey i heard that the first convoys from aintab, consisting almost exclusively of well-to-do families, were stripped to their shirts, and i was assured from several sides that this was done with the connivance of the government authorities, with whom the above-mentioned questionable gentleman must, according to all appearances, have been in relation. at karaböyük, between aintab and marash, i met a convoy of armenians, consisting of about forty women and children and five or six men. close in front of them, at a distance of about yards, newly-enlisted soldiers were marching. there was a young lady among the women, a teacher, who for several years had been in german employment; she had just recovered from a serious attack of typhoid fever. the soldiers wanted her and a young wife, whose husband is at present a soldier in damascus, to spend the night with them, and used force to make them. it was only through the mohammedan mule drivers coming to the assistance of the women, that the soldiers could be kept off during their three attacks. on the th august the armenian village of fundadjak, near marash, a place of about , inhabitants, was battered down to the ground. the population, consisting almost exclusively of mule drivers, had, during the preceding three months, been frequently compelled to transport armenians in the direction of the euphrates. they had seen the corpses in the euphrates, and had also observed with their own eyes the selling and raping of women and girls. in an armenian school at marash i saw over women and children with bullet wounds in their legs and their arms, and with all sorts of mutilations; among them were children of one to two years. on the th august, armenians, including two boys twelve years old, were shot at marash. again, on the th august, were shot and were hanged. the who were shot were tied together with a heavy chain that went round their necks, and were made to stand up together in one mass. they were shot in the presence of the mohammedan population behind the american college. with my own eyes i saw the bodies, while still convulsed by the agonies of death, being abandoned to the license of the rough civilian mob, who pulled the hands and feet of the corpses; and during the next half-hour the policemen and gendarmes shot continuously with revolvers on these corpses, some of which were terribly disfigured, while the population looked on with amusement. afterwards the same people marched up and down in front of the german hospital and shouted, "vashasin almanya" (long live germany). [ ] again and again i have been told by mohammedans that it was germany which caused the armenians to be extirpated in this way. on the way from the town to the farm i saw, on the outskirts of the town, a human head lying on a dung-heap, which was used as a target by turkish boys. in marash itself, during my stay there, armenians were every day killed by the civil population, and the corpses were left for days in the open sewers or elsewhere. kadir pasha said to me at marash: "i know that, in pursuance of an order from the government, the whole male population within the area of the th army corps was killed." on the th august, [ ], at six o'clock in the evening, it was proclaimed at marash that, according to the order of the vali of adana, all males over years of age ( , altogether) must be assembled outside the town, ready for marching, by mid-day on saturday; any one of them found in the town after o'clock would be shot on the spot. everyone knew the meaning of this order, and we lived through hours of most awful terror. at the last moment the vali's order, owing to the intervention of the very humane governor of marash, was modified to the extent that the men would be allowed to leave with their families. only on the th august the vali had sent for the clerical authorities, and had given them an assurance that the armenians in marash would not be deported. thus the first who had to leave the town had to do so without any previous preparation. in the village of böveren, near albistan, all the armenian inhabitants, in number, with the exception of a boy twelve years old, who jumped into the water and escaped, were killed. in the neighbourhood of zeitoun the inhabitants of a village infested by the smallpox were deported. the patients suffering from smallpox, including those whose eyesight had been destroyed by the illness, were lodged in hans (i.e. inns) at marash, in which deported persons from other districts were lodged already. at marash i saw a convoy, consisting of about persons, among whom were several blind. a mother, of the age of about , led her daughter, who was lame from birth; in this manner they started on their journey on foot. after an hour's march a man collapsed near the erkeness bridge; he was robbed and killed. four days afterwards we still saw his corpse lying in a ditch. last night i called on an acquaintance; he had given hospitality to a mother and her child who had been deported from sivas--the two survivors of a family of persons who had been deported from sivas three months before and had reached marash in the last few days. in aintab i saw a written order of the governor of the town, prohibiting the purchase on the part of the mohammedan population of any objects belonging to the deported armenians. the same governor caused preparations to be made for a raid on the deported persons. two convoys were robbed of everything, down to the shirts of the people belonging to them. about , persons deported from gürün were attacked and robbed at airan-pounar ( hours to the north-east of marash) by eight brigands, who wore uniforms, partly officer's uniform and partly private's. at kisyl gedjid, / hours short of airan-pounar, the eight brigands joined the gendarmes escorting the convoy and had a long conversation with them. at airan-pounar the gendarmes ordered the people to divide into two parties; the few men formed one party, and the women the other party. the women were stripped naked and robbed of everything; four women and two girls were dragged away in the night and violated; five of them returned on the following morning. in a defile of the engissek-dagh the whole convoy was completely plundered by turks and kurds. in this assault persons were killed; severely wounded persons had to be left behind, and more than more were taken along with the convoy. i met the convoy, then consisting of about , persons, at karaböyük. the people were in an indescribable state of misery; one hour short of karaböyük two men were lying on the road, one with two and the other with seven knife-wounds; further on there were two exhausted women; still further four women, including a girl of , with a two days' old baby in her arms, wrapped in rags. a man of about , who was lying in the road with a deep wound (inflicted by a dagger), as long as a finger and two fingers wide, told me that he had left gürün with animals. all the animals and all his goods were taken away from him at airan-pounar, and he had dragged himself away on foot, until he reached a place about an hour short of karaböyük, where he fell down exhausted. these people had all been in easy circumstances; the value of the goods, the animals and the money of which they were robbed, is estimated at t£ , . those who were exhausted were left lying on the road; corpses can be seen lying on both sides of it. among the , persons of whom this convoy was composed i saw no males, with the exception of about - . all males over the age of were taken away in the sight of the women, and were probably killed. these armenians were intentionally transported by circuitous routes and over dangerous paths. by the direct road to marash they would have arrived in four days, and they have been on the road for over a month. they had to travel without animals, without beds, without food; once in every day they received a thin slice of bread, and then not enough to satisfy their hunger. four hundred of them (protestants) have in the meantime arrived at aleppo; out of these two or three die every day. the raid at ainar-pounar was carried out with the connivance of the kaimakam at albistan, who made them pay him t£ , and promised the people that he would see that they reached aintab safely. the kaimakam at gürün made them pay him t£ , , and gave the same assurances. i saw a man who, together with others, handed this sum to the kaimakam in the club room at gürün. in the neighbourhood of aintab several women belonging to this convoy were violated in the night by civilian inhabitants of aintab. on the occasion of the raid at airan-pounar men were tied to trees and burnt alive. while the armenians at gürün were actually leaving the town, the mollahs called the faithful to prayer from the roofs of the christian churches. an eye-witness told me about a dispute between two brothers relating to the booty at airan-pounar; one of them said: "for these four loads i have killed forty women." at marash a mohammedan of the name of hadji, whom i have known for years, told me the following incident: "at nissibin, i and all the mule-drivers were locked up in a han; several young women belonging to furnus were violated during the night by the gendarmes escorting the convoy and by civilians." at aintab, at the office of the commissioner of police, a mohammedan agha said in my presence to an armenian: "in such and such places letters have been found. what are your relations with this man? i have often told you to become a mohammedan: if you had listened to me, you would have escaped all the disagreeable things to which your nation is exposed." out of , persons who were deported from kharput and sivas, arrived at aleppo (consisting of women and children); out of , deported from erzeroum, only eleven--one sick boy, four girls and six women--reached that town. a convoy of women and girls had to walk the hours from ras-el-ain to aleppo along the railway line, notwithstanding the fact that at the same time the railway carriages, which had been used for the transport of soldiers, were returning empty. mohammedan travellers, who came along this way, report that the roads are impassable owing to the many corpses lying unburied on both sides of the road, the smell of which is poisoning the air. of those "remaining over," who so far have not been sent further on, - persons have died at aleppo up to the present, in consequence of the hardships of the journey. the starving and emaciated women and children, on their arrival at aleppo, fell on the food like wild beasts. in the case of many of them the digestive organs had ceased to work; after having devoured one or two spoonfuls they put the spoon aside. the government alleges that the deported persons receive food, but in the case of the above-mentioned convoy, which came from kharput, a distribution of bread took place only once in three months. the government does not merely neglect to make any provision for the people; on the contrary, it causes everything to be taken away from them. at ras-el-ain a convoy of girls and women arrived in a state of complete nudity; their shoes, their chemises, everything, in short, had been taken away from them, and they were made to walk for four days under the hot sun--the temperature was degrees in the shade--in their condition of nakedness, jeered at and derided by the soldiers of their escort. mr. x. told me that he himself had seen a convoy, consisting of women and children, in the same state. whenever the wretched exiles appealed to the humanity of the officials, the reply was: "we have strict orders from the government to treat you in this way." at first the dead in aleppo were brought to the cemetery in the coffins provided by the armenian church. this was done by "hamals" (professional porters), who received two piastres for each dead. when the "hamals" were unable to cope with the whole work, the women themselves brought their dead to the cemetery--the babies in their arms, the bigger children laid on sacks and carried by four women, one at each corner. i saw corpses carried to the cemetery across a donkey's back. a friend of mine saw a dead body tied to a stick, which was carried by two men. another friend saw a cart drawn by oxen going to the cemetery with a full load of corpses. the two-wheeled cart was too large to pass the narrow cemetery-gate, whereupon the driver, without any hesitation, turned it round and emptied it; then he dragged the dead bodies to their respective graves by the arms and legs. at the present moment five or six carts are in use, which take the dead to the cemetery. in one of the hans, which is called a hospital, i saw on a sunday something like corpses lying about in a yard, which was about yards wide and yards long. about had already been buried on that day. the corpses remained lying there until the evening. my wife got them carried away in the darkness by engaging three "hamals," to whom she gave a medjidié (about s. d.) each. in the case of one of the corpses the skin adhered to the hands of the "hamals," showing how far the process of decomposition had already gone. dying persons and persons suffering from serious illnesses, about , altogether, were lying among the dead, under the burning sun. the whole scene was more terrible than anything i had ever seen, even than the shooting of the people at marash in the summer, which has been described above. nearly all the people suffered from diarrhoea. channels had been dug in the ground within the courtyard, by the side of which the dying were placed, with their backs towards the channel, so that the emptyings of their bowels could pass into it at once. whenever anyone died, he was removed, and his melancholy place was filled by another. it happened frequently that persons who were carried away as dead gave signs of life when they were near the grave; they were dragged aside, until it was certain that death had supervened. one young girl recovered so far that she could be carried back to the town, and one person who had been buried in the evening was found sitting on his grave the next morning. several corpses had been thrown into one grave, and he was on the top; in the twilight only a thin layer of earth had been put over him. in tel-abiad mr.-- saw open graves with - corpses. the graves were filled up with earth when it was no longer possible to put any more corpses into them. mr.-- told me that it was impossible to go near these places owing to the stench, and yet the deported persons had to encamp in the immediate vicinity. out of orphans who were kept in one room at aleppo, died in a week for want of nourishment. mr.-- says that on his journey to this place he saw corpses everywhere on the road, and that a kurd boasted to him of having killed children. on sunday, the th august, , i had to go to the station of the damascus railway at aleppo, and was able to see the loading into cattle trucks of about , women and children. with us in germany the cattle are allowed more space than those wretched people; per cent. of them had death written on their faces. there were people among them who literally had no time allowed them for dying. on the previous evening a convoy had been taken away, and on the next morning the dead bodies of two children, about half grown up, were found, who had died during the loading of the trucks and had been left lying on the platform. on the th september, , the following telegraphic order from the commander-in-chief of the th army, djemal pasha, was brought to the notice of the inhabitants: "all photographs, which may have been taken by the engineers or other officers of the bagdad railway construction company relating to the convoys of armenians, are to be delivered within hours, together with the negatives, to the military commissariat of the bagdad railway at aleppo. any contravention of this order will be punished by court-martial." several times i saw women and children search for scraps of food in the dustheaps: anything that was found was devoured immediately. i saw the children gnawing at raw bones which they had picked up in corners used as urinals. on the road between marash and aintab the mohammedan population of a village wanted to distribute water and bread among a convoy of families, but the soldiers escorting the convoy prevented this. four-fifths of the deported persons are women and children; the majority of the men have been called up for the army. twenty thousand persons who had been deported by way of marash were not allowed to pass on to aintab and obtain supplies of food, though the direct caravan route goes through aintab. at ras-el-ain there are at present about , women and children, the only survivors out of several thousands, who, together with their husbands and fathers, were deported from kharput and the surrounding country. among these , persons there is not a single male over the age of - years. these people, healthy or sick, are left lying from morning till evening in the sun without food and without protection against a temperature of / degrees in the shade, and they are in the arbitrary power of their guards. mr. l.-- who during the last month had, in conversation with me, used the expression "armenian rabble"--spoke literally as follows: "i am not a man who is easily touched, but after what i have seen at ras-el-ain i cannot keep the tears away. i did not think it possible that such acts of ill-treatment and violence, outraging all rules of humanity, could be perpetrated in our century." a "tchaoush" (sergeant-major) of the name of suleiman took women and girls and sold them to arabs, charging - mejidiés ( s. d.-- s. d.) for each of them. a turkish police-commissary said to me: "we have lost all count of the numbers of women and girls who were taken away by the arabs and kurds, either by force or with the connivance of the government. this time we have carried out our operations against the armenians according to our heart's desire; not one out of ten has been left among the living." while i am writing this down, my wife has returned from a walk into the town, and reports tearfully that she met a convoy of over armenians, all bare-footed, with torn clothes, carrying their scanty possessions on their backs, together with their babies. in besné the whole population, consisting of , souls, principally women and children, were expatriated; it was alleged that they were to be deported to ourfa. when they reached the göksu, a tributary of the euphrates, they were compelled to take their clothes off, and thereupon they were all massacred and thrown into the river. on a single day latterly corpses were observed drifting down the euphrates, on other days - . mr. a., an engineer, saw corpses in the course of one ride. those which are stranded on the river bank are devoured by the dogs, those on sandbanks in mid-stream by the vultures. the above-mentioned armenians had been deported from the district of marash. they had been told that they would be taken to aintab, and they were to provide themselves with food for two days. when they reached the neighbourhood of aintab the soldiers said: "we have made a mistake, we were meant to go to nissibin." no food was supplied by the authorities, and no opportunities for the purchase of provisions were given. at nissibin the word went round: "we came the wrong way; we were meant to go to mumbidj." there again the soldiers said: "we came the wrong way; we were meant to go to bab." in this manner they had to wander about for seventeen days, abandoned to the arbitrary pleasure of their escort. during the whole time no provisions were supplied by the government, and their scanty possessions had to be given away in exchange for bread. one mother, whose eldest daughter was taken away by force, threw herself in despair into the euphrates with her two remaining children. said, an emigrant from tripoli, who had been a groom in mr. l.'s stables for four years with a monthly salary of piastres (about £ ), enlisted as a volunteer for the war, in order to be able, according to his own statement, to take part in the slaughter of a few armenians. a nice house in an armenian village near ourfa was promised him (he hinted) by way of reward. two circassians who were in the service of mr. e., a storekeeper, enlisted as volunteers for the war on the same ground. the head of a circassian village community, tchordekli, speaking of the war volunteers from his village, said to an acquaintance of mine: "ev yikmak itchun giderler" (they go in order to ruin whole families). at arab pounar a turkish major, who spoke german, expressed himself as follows: "i and my brother took possession of a young girl at ras-el-ain, who had been left on the road. we are very angry with the germans for doing such things." when i contradicted them, they said: "the chief of the general staff is a german; von der goltz is commander-in-chief, and ever so many german officers are in our army. our koran does not permit such treatment as the armenians have to suffer now." [ ] at nuss tell a mohammedan inspector made similar remarks to a clerk. when i taxed him with this utterance in the presence of others, he said: "it is not only i who say this; everyone will tell you the same tale." at biredjik the prisons are filled every day and emptied over night. tell armen, a village of , inhabitants, was raided, the inhabitants were massacred, thrown dead or alive into the wells, or burnt. major von mikusch was a witness of the devastation. a german cavalry captain saw unburied corpses between diyarbekir and ourfa on both sides of the road, with their throats cut. innumerable unburied corpses of children were seen on the way by mr. s. at tel-abiad seventeen dead or dying persons were left behind near the station, on the departure of a convoy. two railway officials afterwards had all seventeen buried. all the convoys of armenians have for the last few days been taken into these parts. the statement made by mr. n. is entirely in accord with the reply given to me by the chairman of the deportation commission, when i made an application in favour of four armenian children: "you do not grasp our intentions; we want to destroy the armenian name. just as germany will only let germans exist, so we turks will only let turks." [ ] . narrative of a german official of the bagdad railway. when the inhabitants of the cilician villages left their homes, many of them still had donkeys for riding or carrying packs, but the soldiers escorting the convoys would only allow the "katerdjis" (donkey-drivers) to ride on these animals, saying that strict orders had been given that no deported persons, whether male or female, might ride. in the case of the convoy starting from hadjin the "katerdjis" simply took all the pack animals which they suspected of carrying money or valuables straight to their own villages. other animals, which the people had taken with them, were taken away from them by force or purchased for prices so absurdly low that it would hardly have made any difference if they had been given away gratis. a woman whose family is known to me sold sheep for a hundred piastres, which at any other time would have realised about t£ to £ ; in other words, she had to sell ninety animals for the proper price of one animal. the villagers of shar had received permission to take away their oxen, carts and pack animals. near gökpunar they were forced to leave the carriage road and to take the shorter footpath which crosses the mountains. they had to march on without any food, for their journey or other equipment. the escort simply said that these were their orders. at the beginning each deported person received from the government one kilogram ( lbs.) of bread per month (not per day). they lived on the provisions which they had taken with them. small sums of money were afterwards paid to them. i was told of about persons who had formerly been in good positions in the circassian village of bumbudj (mumbidj, on the ruins of the ancient bambyke), / days' journey from aleppo, who had received piastres in thirty days--not per head; but the between them. that meant a penny a month each. about four hundred barefooted women, each with one child on her arm, one child on her back (often enough a dead one) and one held by the hand, passed through marash during the first days. the armenians of marash--who afterwards were themselves deported--purchased £ (turkish) worth of shoes to supply those who passed through the town. between marash and aintab the mohammedan population in a turkish village wished to give water and bread to a convoy of about families. the soldiers refused to permit this. the american mission and the armenians of aintab--who later on were also deported--managed to bring bread and money during the night to the convoys which passed aintab, and which totalled about , persons, mostly women and children. these were the villagers of the sandjak of marash. the convoys were not allowed to enter marash, but encamped in the open. the american missionaries found it possible to provision them thus by night as far as nisib (nine hours to the south-east of aintab, on the way to the euphrates). while on the march the deported armenians were at first robbed of their ready money, and afterwards of all their possessions. a deported protestant minister saw t£ being taken away from one family and £ from another. this minister was himself newly married, and was compelled to leave his young wife at hadjin, expecting her first child. four-fifths of the deported persons are women and children. three-fifths of them are barefooted. a former inhabitant of hadjin who is known to me personally and who had a fortune of at least t£ , had, like everybody else, been robbed of his clothes, and clothes had to be begged for him here. the deported armenians are specially troubled by the fact that they are unable to bury their dead. they are left dying anywhere on the road. the women often carry their dead children for days on their backs. at bab, ten hours to the east of aleppo, those who came through were lodged provisionally for a week or two, but they were not allowed to retrace their steps to bury the companions who had died on the way. the hardest fate is that of the women who are confined on the way. they are hardly allowed sufficient time to bring their child into the world. one poor woman gave birth to twins during the night. in the morning she had to march on, carrying the two newly-born children on her back. after a two hours' march she collapsed. she had to put the children on the ground under a bush, and the soldiers compelled her to walk on with her companions. another woman was confined during the march and was forced to proceed on her march immediately; she fell down dead. a third woman was surrounded by ladies belonging to the american mission, while she was confined in the neighbourhood of aintab. they only succeeded in obtaining permission for her to ride an animal, and she continued her journey in this manner, holding the child in her lap with a few rags round it. these cases were witnessed merely on the section of road between marash and aintab. at aintab the people clearing up a han, which an hour before had been left by a convoy, found a new-born child. in the tash-han, in marash, three new-born children were found buried in dung. innumerable corpses of children are found lying unburied on the road. a turkish major, who returned with me three days ago, said that many children were abandoned by their mothers on the way because they could not feed them any more. older children are taken away from their mothers by the turks. the major, as well as each of his brothers, had an armenian child with him; they intended to educate them as mohammedans. one of the children speaks german. it must be one of the inmates of a german orphanage. it is thought that about of the women who passed through here were confined on the way. in this place a family, in its dire poverty and despair, sold a girl of the age of years to a turk for t£ . the husbands of most of the women had been called up for service in the army. anyone who does not obey the summons calling him up is hanged or shot; there were seven cases lately at marash. the conscripts are, however, generally used merely for mending the roads, and are not allowed to carry arms. those who return home find their houses empty. two days ago i met an armenian soldier at djerabulus, who had come from jerusalem, having obtained leave to visit his native village, geben (situate between zeitoun and sis). i have known this man for years. here he heard that his mother, his wife and three children had been deported into the desert. all inquiries as to the fate of his family were fruitless. corpses drifting down the euphrates have been observed every day during the last days, pairs of them being tied together back to back, while others are tied three to eight together by the arms. a turkish colonel who is stationed at djerabulus was asked why he did not have the corpses buried, whereupon he replied that he had no orders to do so, and that, moreover, it was impossible to ascertain whether they were mohammedans or christians, as their sexual organs had been cut off. (they would bury mohammedans, but not christians.) the corpses which had been stranded on the shore were eaten by the dogs. others which had stuck on the sandbanks became the prey of the vultures. a german, in the course of one ride, saw six pairs of corpses drifting down stream. a german cavalry captain said he had, in the course of a ride from diyarbekir to ourfa, seen innumerable unburied corpses on both sides of the road, all corpses of young men whose throats had been cut. (these were the armenians called up for military service and used for mending the roads.) a turkish pasha, addressing a distinguished armenian, expressed himself as follows: "be thankful, if at least you find a grave in the desert; many of you have to do without this." not one half of the deported persons remain alive. the day before yesterday one woman died here in the station yard; yesterday there were deaths, and this morning a further . a protestant minister from hadjin said to a turk at osmanieh: "not one half of these deported persons remain alive." the turk replied: "that is what we are after." it ought not to be overlooked that there are some mohammedans who disapprove of the horrible deeds done against the armenians. a mohammedan sheikh, a person of great authority at aleppo, said in my presence: "when i hear talk about the treatment of the armenians, i am ashamed of being a turk." anyone who wishes to remain alive is compelled to go over to islam. in order to promote this, isolated families are in certain cases sent to purely mohammedan villages. the number of deported persons who have passed through here and at aintab has so far reached about , . nine-tenths of them were told on the evening before their deportation that they had to start in the morning. the majority of the convoys go through ourfa, the minority through aleppo. the first mentioned take the road for mosul, the others for der-el-zor. the authorities say that they are to be settled there, but those who escape the knife will certainly perish of hunger. some , persons have reached der-el-zor on the euphrates; no news has so far been received of the others. as regards those who were sent towards mosul, it is said that they are to be settled at a distance of about miles from the railway; this probably means that they are to be driven into the desert, where their extirpation can proceed without witnesses. what i have written down is only a small fraction of all the cruelties which have been practised here during the last two months, and which assume larger proportions every day. it is only a fraction of the things which i have seen with my own eyes and heard from acquaintances and friends who were eye-witnesses. i am prepared at any time to mention the dates of the events and to give the names of the witnesses. . the amanus passes. statements by two swiss ladies, resident in turkey. communicated by the american committee for armenian and syrian relief. (a) report by fräulein m., dated th november, . i have just returned from a ride on horseback through the baghtché-osmania plain, where thousands of exiles are lying out in the fields and on the roads, without any shelter and completely at the mercy of all manner of brigands. last night, about o'clock, a little camp was suddenly attacked. there were between and persons in it. i found men and women badly wounded--bodies slashed open, broken skulls and terrible knife-wounds. fortunately i was provided with clothes, so i could change their blood-soaked things and then bring them to the next inn, where they were nursed. many of them were so much exhausted from the enormous loss of blood that they died, i fear, in the meantime. in another camp we found thirty or forty thousand armenians. i was able to distribute bread among them! desperate, and half-starved, they fell upon it; several times i was almost pulled off my horse. a number of corpses were lying about unburied, and it was only by bribing the gendarmes that we could induce them to allow their burial. usually the armenians were not allowed to perform the last offices of love for their relatives. dreadful epidemics of typhoid-fever broke out everywhere; there was a victim of it practically in every third tent. nearly everything had to be transported on foot; men, women and children carried their few belongings on their backs. i often saw them break down under their burden, but the soldiers kept on driving them forward with the butt-ends of their rifles, even sometimes with their bayonets. i have dressed bleeding wounds on the bodies of women that had been caused by these bayonet thrusts. many children had lost their parents and were now without any support. three hours' distance from osmania two dying men were lying absolutely alone in the fields. they had been here for days without food or even a drop of water, after their companions had continued their march. they had grown as thin as skeletons, and only their heavy breathing showed that there was still life in them. unburied women and children were lying in the ditches. the turkish officials in osmania were very obliging; i succeeded in obtaining many concessions from them, and many hardships were remedied. i obtained carriages to pick up the dying people and bring them in to town. (b) report by fräulein o. on a visit to the exiles' camp at mamouret, th november, . we saw thousands of tiny low tents, made of thin material. an innumerable crowd of people, of all ages and every class of society! they were looking at us partly in surprise, partly with the indifference of desperation. a group of hungry, begging children and women were at our heels: "hanoum, bread! hanoum, i am hungry; we have had nothing to eat to-day or yesterday!" you had only to look at the greedy, pale, suffering faces to know that their words were true. about , loaves could be procured. everybody fell greedily upon them; the priests who were charged with the distribution of the bread had almost to fight for their lives; but it was by no means sufficient, and no further bread was to be had. a crowd of hungry people stood imploringly before us. the gendarmerie had to keep them back by force. suddenly the order for departure was given. if anybody was slow in striking their tent, it was torn down with the bayonet. three carriages and a number of camels were held in readiness. a few wealthy people quickly hired the carriages, while others less well-to-do loaded a camel with their things. the wailing of the poor, the old and the sick filled the air: "we can't go any further, let us die here." but they had to go on. we were at least able to pay for a camel for some of them, and to give small change to others in order to buy bread at the next station; clothes, sewn at the mission station in adana, were also distributed. soon the immense procession was moving on. some of the most miserable were left behind (others rested there already in the newly-dug graves). as many as --destitute, old or sick--are said to have waited there for help to come. the misery was increased a hundredfold by the severe rain and cold that had set in. everywhere convoys left dying people in their track--little children and invalids perishing. besides all this the epidemic was spreading more and more. (c) report by fräulein m. on a visit to the exiles' camp at islohia, st december, . it had rained three days and three nights; even in our houses we were acutely sensible of the cold and damp. as soon as possible, i set out on my way. about families had been left behind at mamouret. they were unable to proceed through exhaustion or illness. in this rain the soldiers, too, felt no inclination to rouse them up and drive them on, so they were lying about in what might have been a lake. there was not a single dry thread left in their ragged bedding. many women had their feet frost-bitten; they were quite black and in a state for amputation. the wailing and groaning was horrible. everywhere there were dying people in their last agonies or dead bodies lying in front of the tents. it was only by "bakshish" that the soldiers could be persuaded to bury them. it seemed a comfort to them when we came with dry clothes; they could change their things and get some bread and small change. then i drove in a carriage along the whole route to islohia. though i had seen much distress before, the objects and the scenes i saw here defy description. a frailly-built woman was sitting by the roadside with her bedding on her back, and a young baby strapped on at the top of it; in her arms she had a two-year-old child--its eyes were dim and it was at its last gasp. the woman had broken down in her distress and was weeping in a heartbreaking way. i took her with me to the next camp, where the child died; then i took care of her and sent her on her way. she was so grateful. the whole carriage was packed with bread. i kept on distributing all the time. we had three or four opportunities of buying fresh supplies. these thousands of loaves were a great help to us. i was also able to hire some hundreds of animals to help the poor people forward. the camp at islohia itself is the saddest thing i have ever seen. right at the entrance a heap of dead bodies lay unburied. i counted , and in another place , in the immediate neighbourhood of the tents of those who were down with virulent dysentery. the filth in and around these tents was something indescribable. on one single day the burial committee buried as many as people. men were fighting for bread like hungry wolves. one saw hideous scenes. with what timidity and apathy these poor people often stared at me, as though they wondered where this assistance came from! for some weeks now many camps have been provided daily with bread. of course, everything has to be done as unobtrusively as possible. we are so thankful to god that we may at least do something. (d) letter from fräulein m. to mr. n., dated th december, , on the way to aleppo. i should have written long before this, but during these last weeks i have been more on the road than at home, and the work in the camps was often so urgent that i could not find time for anything else. i suppose you have had, in the meantime, the receipt for the liras you sent me. many thanks for the quick response. i only wish you could see these poor people yourself; you would get an impression of the absolutely dreadful need and distress that these camps conceal. it is simply indescribable; one has to have seen it oneself. so far i have had no difficulty whatever; on the contrary, the officials here are most obliging, and grateful for everything we are doing for the poor people. you will find some reports enclosed which miss o. copied for you as well; they will give you an idea of what we are doing here. up to the present we have worked in four camps, twelve hours distant. we were often able to distribute about to liras' worth of bread a day; besides this, we gave flour, clothes and nirra to many sick people, to help them on the long journey. sometimes it happened that in some places we did not have nearly enough bread--in such cases we provided the people with money to buy bread at the next bakery along the route. now we are on our way to aleppo, and miss o. will stay there some weeks, d.v., to prepare everything for another journey to der-el-zor. i intend to come back soon, since there is still much work to do on the mamouret-islohia route, and it seems to me that we ought not to give up the work among the distressed so long as any of them are left in this place, for if we did they would absolutely die of starvation. judging by our recent experience, we shall need about to liras a month. dr. l. told me to send you word about this, because i should get the money from you. it would be better not to stop the work for lack of money, because the poor people would suffer by it. if, however, you think that less money ought to be spent, or that the whole work should be given up, please send me a telegram in time, so that we may stop doing it. if not, will you please be so kind as to send me the amount. to-day i have asked you by wire to send me liras-- for mamouret and for islohia-hassan-beyli. i hope you are well. we got a message that dr. l. is down with typhoid. i hope that god will soon give him new strength. fräulein o. and i both send you our best wishes. d. aleppo. . "a word to the accredited representatives of the german people," by dr. martin niepage, higher grade teacher at the german technical school at aleppo, at present at wernigerode. on my return in september, , from beirut to aleppo, after a three months' holiday, i heard, to my horror, that a new period of armenian massacres had been initiated. i was told that they were far more terrible than those under abdul hamid; and that their object was to exterminate, root and branch, the intelligent, prosperous and progressive nation of the armenians and to transfer their property to turkish hands. at first i was unable to believe such a monstrous report. i was told that in various quarters of aleppo there were masses of half-famished human beings, the survivors of so-called "deportation-convoys," and that in order to cover the extermination of the armenian people with a political cloak, military reasons had been put forward, which were alleged to necessitate the expulsion of the armenians from the homes they had occupied for over , years, and their deportation into the arabian desert. it was also said that individual armenians had lent themselves to acts of espionage. after having investigated the facts and made enquiries on all sides, i came to the conclusion that the accusations against the armenians related in all cases to trifling matters, which were taken as a pretext to slay ten thousand innocent persons for one who was guilty, to commit the most savage outrages against women and children, and to carry on a war of starvation against the deported persons with the object of destroying the whole nation. in order to test the judgment which i had formed from the information i had obtained, i visited every place in the town in which there were any armenians who had formed part of one of the convoys and had been left behind. i found in dilapidated caravansaries (hans) heaps of dead bodies, many of which were in an advanced state of decomposition, with living persons interspersed among them who were all near to the agony of death. in other yards i found heaps of sick and famished persons who were absolutely uncared for. near the german technical school, of which i am one of the higher grade teachers, there were four hans of this class with - deported persons who were starving. we, the teachers at the school, and our pupils had to pass them every day. through the open windows we saw, each time we went out, the emaciated forms, covered with rags, of these miserable beings. our school children had every morning almost to touch the two-wheeled carts drawn by oxen which they had to pass in the narrow streets, and in which every day - rigid corpses were carted away without coffins and without covering of any sort, the arms and legs protruding from the cart. after having been a witness of these scenes during several days, i thought it my duty to draft the following report-- "as teachers at the german technical school at aleppo we take leave humbly to submit the following report:-- "we deem it our duty to call attention to the fact that our educational work will lose its moral foundation and the esteem of the natives, if the german government is not in a position to prevent the brutality with which the wives and children of slaughtered armenians are treated in this place. the convoys which, on the departure of the exiles from their homes in upper armenia, consisted of , - , persons--men, women and children--arrive here in the south with a remnant of only two or three hundred survivors. the men are killed on the way, the women and children, excepting those of unattractive appearance and those who are quite old or quite young, are first abused by turkish soldiers and officers, and then brought into turkish or kurd villages, where they have to go over to islam. as regards the remnant of the caravans, every effort is made to reduce them by hunger and thirst. even when a river is passed, those who are dying of thirst are not permitted to drink. as their only food a small quantity of flour is strewn on their hands as a daily ration; this they greedily lick off, but its only effect is to delay death from starvation for a little while longer. "opposite to the german technical school at aleppo in which we do our work as teachers, a remnant of some of these convoys is lying in one of the hans; there are about emaciated forms; about boys and girls, from five to seven years old, are among them. most of them are suffering from typhoid and dysentery. on entering the yard one has the impression of coming into a lunatic asylum. when food is brought to them, one notices that they have lost the habit of eating. the stomach, weakened by months of starvation, has ceased to be able to receive food. any bread that is given to them is laid aside with an air of indifference. they just lie there quietly, waiting for death. "how can we teachers read german fairy tales with our pupils, or, indeed, the story of the good samaritan in the bible? how can we ask them to decline and conjugate indifferent words, while round about in the neighbouring yards the starving brothers and sisters of our armenian pupils are succumbing to a lingering death? in these circumstances our educational work flies in the face of all true morality and becomes a mockery of human feeling. "and those poor creatures who in their thousands have been driven through the town and the neighbouring districts into the desert; nearly all of them are women and children, and what becomes of them? they are driven on from place to place, until the thousands dwindle into hundreds and until the hundreds dwindle into insignificant remnants. and these remnants are again driven on until the last survivors have ceased to live. then only the final goal of the migration has been reached. then the wanderers have arrived at 'the new homes assigned to the armenians,' as the newspapers express it. "'ta'alim el aleman' ('that is the teaching of the germans') says the simple turk, when asked about the authors of these measures. [ ] the educated moslems are convinced that, though the german people may disapprove of such horrors, the german government is taking no steps to prevent them, out of consideration for its turkish allies. "mohammedans of more refined feelings, turks as well as arabs, shake their heads disapprovingly; they do not even conceal their tears when, in the passage of a convoy of deported armenians through the town, they see turkish soldiers inflicting blows with heavy sticks on women in advanced pregnancy or dying persons who cannot drag themselves any further. they cannot imagine that their government has ordered these cruelties, and ascribe all excesses to the guilt of the germans, who during the war are held to be the teachers of the turks in all matters. [ ] even the mollahs declare in the mosques that it was not the sublime porte but the german officers who had ordered the ill-treatment and annihilation of the armenians. "the things which in this place have been before everybody's eyes during many months, must indeed remain a blot on germany's shield of honour in the memory of oriental nations. "many educated persons, who do not wish to be obliged to give up their faith in the character of the germans whom they have hitherto respected, explain the matter to themselves in the following manner: they say, 'the german nation probably knows nothing of the horrible massacres which are on foot at the present time against the native christians all over turkey. how is it possible otherwise, having regard to the veracity of the german nation, that articles should appear in german papers showing complete ignorance of all these events, and only stating that some individual armenians were deservedly shot by martial law as spies and traitors?' others say: 'perhaps the hands of the german government are tied by some convention regulating the limits of its competence, or intervention does not appear opportune at the present moment.' "it is known to us that the embassy at constantinople was informed of all these events by the german consulates. as, notwithstanding this fact, nothing has been altered in the system of deportation, our conscience compels us to make this report." [ ] at the time i composed this report, the german consul at aleppo was represented by his colleague from alexandretta, consul hoffmann. the latter told me that the embassy at constantinople was fully informed of what was happening in the country by repeated reports from the consulates at aleppo, alexandretta and mosul, but that a report about the things which i had seen with my own eyes would be welcome as a supplement to the existing records, and as filling in the details. he promised to send my report by a sure agency to the embassy at constantinople. i thereupon drafted a report in the desired manner, giving a detailed description of the state of things in the han opposite our school. the consul wished to add some photographs which he himself had taken in the han. they revealed heaps of corpses, between which young children, still alive, were crawling about or relieving nature. in this revised form the report was signed not only by me, but also by my colleagues, dr. graeter (higher grade teacher) and frau marie spiecker. the director of our institution, herr huber, also added his name and the following words: "the report of my colleague, dr. niepage, is not in any way exaggerated. for many weeks we have lived here in an air poisoned with sickness and the stench of corpses. only the hope for a speedy change of things makes it possible for us to continue our work." [ ] the hoped-for change of things did not occur. i then thought of resigning my post as higher grade teacher at the german technical school, stating as the ground for my decision that it appeared senseless and morally indefensible to give instruction and education as a representative of european culture, and at the same time to have to sit with folded hands while the government of the country abandoned persons belonging to the same nation as our pupils to an agonizing death by starvation. but those around me, as well as the director of the institution, herr huber, dissuaded me from this intention. my attention was called to the fact that it would be useful for us to remain in the country as eye-witnesses of the events which were occurring. perhaps our presence would have the effect of inducing the turks, out of consideration for us germans, to behave somewhat more humanely towards their unfortunate victims. i see now that i have far too long remained a silent witness of all these wrongs. nothing was improved by our presence, and we ourselves were able to give only very little help. frau spiecker, our energetic, brave fellow teacher, purchased some soap, and the lice-covered bodies of the women and children who were still alive in our neighbourhood were washed and freed from vermin (there were no men left). frau spiecker engaged some women, who prepared soup for those of the patients who were still able to eat. i myself distributed, every evening for six weeks, among the dying children the contents of two pails filled with tea, cheese and soaked bread. but when the hunger-typhus or spotted-typhus spread into the town from these charnel-houses, we succumbed, together with five of our colleagues, and had to stop our relief work. moreover, no help given to the exiles who came to aleppo was of any use. we could only afford those condemned to death a few slight alleviations of their death agony. what we saw here in aleppo with our own eyes was, in fact, only the last scene of the great tragedy of the extirpation of the armenians; only a trifling fraction of the horrors which were being perpetrated simultaneously in the other turkish provinces. the engineers of the bagdad railway, on their return from the section under construction, and german travellers, who on their way had met the caravans of the deported, spoke of still more abominable horrors. many of these men could eat nothing for days; the impression of the loathsome things they had seen was too overpowering. one of them (herr greif, of aleppo) reported that heaps of corpses of violated women were lying naked on the railway embankment near abiad and ras-el-ain. in the case of many, sticks had been driven into the anus. another (herr spiecker, of aleppo) saw turks tie armenian men together, fire several volleys of small shot with fowling pieces into the human mass, and go off laughing, while their victims slowly perished in frightful convulsions. other men were sent rolling down steep slopes with their hands tied behind their backs. below there were women, who slashed those who had rolled down with knives until they were dead. a protestant minister who two years ago had given a most cordial reception to my colleague, dr. graeter, had his finger nails torn out. the german consul at mosul said in my presence in the german club at aleppo that he had seen so many children's hands lying hacked off on his way from mosul to aleppo, that one could have paved the road with them. [ ] in the german hospital at ourfa there is also a little girl, both of whose hands have been hacked off. herr holstein, the german consul at mosul, also saw, in the neighbourhood of an arab village, shortly before reaching aleppo, shallow graves with freshly-buried armenian corpses. the arab villagers asserted that they had killed these armenians by order of the government. one of them said proudly that he personally had killed eight. in many houses in aleppo, inhabited by christians, i found armenian girls hidden away, whom some accidental circumstances had enabled to escape death; they had either remained behind in a state of exhaustion, having been taken for dead when their convoy was driven on; or some european had found an opportunity to purchase these miserable beings for a few shillings from the turkish soldier who had last violated them. all these girls are in a state of mental collapse. many had been compelled to look on while their parents had their throats cut. i know some of these pitiable creatures, who for months were unable to utter a word, and even now cannot be coaxed into a smile. a girl of the age of was received into the home of the depôt-manager of the bagdad railway at aleppo, herr krause. the child had been raped so many times by turkish soldiers during one night that she had completely lost her reason. i saw her tossing on her pillow in delirium with hot lips, and i found it difficult to make her drink some water. a german who is known to me witnessed the following incident in the neighbourhood of ourfa; hundreds of christian peasant women were forced by turkish soldiers to take off all their clothes. for the amusement of the soldiers they had to drag themselves through the desert for days together in a temperature of ° centigrade, until their skin was completely burnt. another person saw a turk tear a child out of the womb of its armenian mother, and throw it against the wall. other facts, some of them worse than the few instances given here, are recorded in the numerous reports of the german consuls at alexandretta, aleppo and mosul. [ ] the consuls are of opinion that, up to the present date, about a million armenians have perished by the massacres of the last months. women and children, who either were killed or died from starvation, probably form one half of this number. conscience compels us to call attention to these things. though the government, by the annihilation of the armenian people, only intends to further internal political objects, the execution of the scheme has in many respects the character of a persecution of christians. all the tens of thousands of young girls and women, who have been dragged away to turkish harems, and the masses of children who have been collected by the government and distributed among turks and kurds, are lost to the christian churches and are compelled to go over to islam. the opprobrious name of "giaour" is again used against the germans. in adana i saw a troop of armenian orphans marching through the streets under the escort of turkish soldiers. the parents have been slaughtered; the children must become mohammedans. it has happened everywhere that adult armenians were able to save their lives by declaring their readiness to go over to islam. in some places, however, turkish officials, wishing to throw dust in the eyes of europeans, replied grandiloquently to christians who had applied for admission into the mohammedan fold, that religion is not a thing to play with, and preferred to have the petitioners killed. men like talaat bey and enver pasha have repeatedly said, thanking distinguished armenians, who brought them gifts, that they would have been still better pleased if the givers had presented them as mohammedans. one of these gentlemen said to a newspaper reporter: "certainly we are now punishing many innocent people, but we must protect ourselves, even from those who might become guilty in the future." such reasons are adduced by turkish statesmen in justification of the indiscriminate slaughter of defenceless woman and children. a german catholic priest reports that enver pasha had told monsignore dolci, the papal representative at constantinople, that he would not rest while one single armenian was still living. the object of the deportations is the extirpation of the entire armenian nation. this intention is also evidenced by the fact that the turkish government refuses all help from missionaries, sisters of mercy, and europeans settled in the country, and tries systematically to prevent the giving of any such help. a swiss engineer was to have come before a court-martial, because he had distributed bread in anatolia among the starving women and children belonging to a convoy of deported persons. the government did not scruple to deport armenian pupils and teachers from the german schools at adana and aleppo, and armenian children from the german orphanages; the protests of the consuls and of the heads of the institutions were left unheeded. the offer of the american government to take the deported persons to america on american ships and at america's expense was refused. what our german consuls and many foreigners residing in turkey think about the massacres of armenians will one day be known from their reports. as regards the opinion of the german officers in turkey i am unable to say anything. i often noticed when in their company an ominous silence or a convulsive effort to change the subject whenever any german of strong feelings and independent judgment began to speak about the fearful sufferings of the armenians. [ ] when field-marshal von der goltz travelled to bagdad and had to cross the euphrates at djerabulus, there was a large encampment of half-starved, deported armenians there. shortly before the field-marshal's arrival these wretched people, as i was told in djerabulus, were driven under the whip a few miles off over the hills, sick and dying persons among the number. when von der goltz passed through, all traces of the repulsive spectacle had been removed. when, soon afterwards, i visited the place with a few colleagues, we still found in the more out of the way places corpses of men and children, remnants of clothes, and skulls and bones which had been partly stripped of the flesh by jackals and birds of prey. the author of this report considers it out of the question that the german government, if it were seriously inclined to stem the tide of destruction even at this eleventh hour, could find it impossible to bring the turkish government to reason. if the turks are really so well disposed to us germans as people say, then it is surely permissible to show them to what an extent they compromise us before the whole civilised world, if we, as their allies, are to look on calmly, when hundreds of thousands of our fellow-christians in turkey are slaughtered, when their wives and daughters are violated, and their children brought up in the faith of islam. [ ] do not the turks understand that their barbarous acts are imputed to us, and that we germans shall be accused either of criminal connivance or of contemptible weakness if we shut our eyes to the abominable horrors which this war has brought forth, and attempt to ignore facts which are already known to the whole world? if the turks are really as intelligent as people say, it should surely not be impossible to convince them of the fact that, by extirpating the christian nations in turkey, they are exterminating the productive factors and the intermediaries of european trade and general civilisation? if the turks are really as far-seeing as people say, they will not be blind to the danger, that all civilized european states, after having discovered the things which were done in turkey during the war, must form the conclusion that turkey has forfeited the right of governing herself, and has, once for all, destroyed all belief in her capacity for becoming civilized, and in her tolerance. will not the german government be acting in turkey's own best interests, if she prevents her from committing economic and moral suicide? with this report i am attempting to reach the ear of the government through the accredited representatives of the german people. these things, painful as they are, must no longer be passed over in silence at the sittings of the committees of the reichstag. nothing would be more humiliating for us than the erection of a costly palace at constantinople commemorating german-turkish friendship, while we are unable to protect our fellow-christians from barbarities unparalleled even in the blood-stained history of turkey. would not the funds collected be better spent in building orphanages for the innocent victims of turkish barbarism? when, after the adana massacres in , a sort of "reconciliation banquet" took place, in which high turkish officials as well as the heads of the armenian clergy took part, an armenian ecclesiastic made a speech, the contents of which were communicated to me by the german consul, büge, who was present. he said: "it is true we armenians have lost much in the days of these massacres, our men, our women, our children, and our possessions. but you turks have lost more. you have lost your honour." if we persist in treating the massacres of christians in turkey as an internal affair, of no importance for us except as making us sure of turkey's friendship, then it will be necessary to alter the whole orientation of our german cultural policy. we must cease to send german teachers to turkey, and we teachers must no longer speak to our pupils in turkey of german poets and german philosophers, of german culture and german ideals, and least of all of german christianity. three years ago the german foreign office sent me as higher grade teacher to the german technical school at aleppo. the royal provincial education board at madgeburg, on my departure, specially enjoined me to show myself worthy of the confidence reposed in me by the granting of leave of absence to take up the office of teacher at aleppo. i should not perform my duty as a german official and as an authorised representative of german culture if, in face of the atrocities of which i was a witness, i were to remain silent and passively look on while the pupils entrusted to me are driven out to die of starvation in the desert. to a person inquiring into the reasons which have induced the young turkish government to order and carry out these terrible measures against the armenians, the following answer might be given:-- the young turk has before him the european ideal of a united national state. he hopes to be able to "turkify" the non-turkish mohammedan races--kurds, persians, arabs, and so on--by administrative measures and by turkish school education and by appeals to the common mohammedan interest. he is afraid of the christian nations--armenians, syrians and greeks--on account of their cultural and economic superiority, and their religion appears to him an obstacle impeding "turkification" by peaceful measures. therefore they must be extirpated or forced into mohammedanism. the turks do not realise that they are sawing off the branch on which they themselves are sitting. who is to bring progress to turkey, except the greeks, the armenians and the syrians, who constitute more than a quarter of the population of the turkish empire? the turks, the least gifted among the races living in turkey, themselves form only a minority of the population, and are still far behind even the arabs in civilisation. is there anywhere any turkish commerce, turkish handicraft, turkish manufacture, turkish art, turkish science? even law and religion, even the literary language, is borrowed from the subjected arabs. we teachers, who for years have taught greeks, armenians, arabs, turks and jews in german schools in turkey, can only declare that of all our pupils the pure turks are the least willing and the least capable. whenever one hears about anything accomplished by a turk, one can be sure, in nine cases out of ten, that the person concerned is a circassian, or an albanian, or a turk with bulgar blood in his veins. judging from my own personal experience, i can only prophesy that the real turk will never accomplish anything in commerce, manufacture or science. the german newspapers have told us a great deal lately about the turkish "hunger for education"; it is said that the turks are thronging eagerly to learn german, and even that courses of instruction in that language for adults are being arranged in turkey. no doubt they are being arranged, but with what result? they go on to tell one of a language course at a technical school, which started with twelve turkish teachers as pupils. the author of this story, however, forgets to add that after four lessons only six, after five lessons only five, after six lessons only four, and after seven lessons only three pupils presented themselves, so that after the eighth lesson the course had to be abandoned, before it had properly begun, owing to the indolence of the pupils. if the pupils had been armenians, they would have persevered town to the end of the school year, learnt patiently, and come away with a fair knowledge of the german language. what is the duty of germany, as well as of every civilized christian nation, in face of the armenian massacres? we must do all we can to preserve the lives of the , armenian women and children who may now [beginning of ] be still in existence in turkey and who are abandoned to starvation--to preserve them from a fate which would be a disgrace to the whole civilized world. the hundreds of thousands of deported women and children, who have been left lying on the borders of the mesopotamian desert, or on the roads which lead there, will not be able to preserve their miserable existence much longer. how long can people support life by picking grains of corn out of horse dung and depending for the rest upon grass? many of them will be beyond help on account of the underfeeding, which has continued for many months, and of the attacks of dysentery which are so prevalent. in konia there are still a few thousand armenians alive--educated people from constantinople, who were in easy circumstances before their deportation, physicians, authors, and merchants; help for them would still be possible, before they succumb to the fate that threatens all. there are still , healthy armenians--men, women and children, including grandmothers years old and many children of six and seven--who are at work breaking stones and shovelling earth, on the part of the bagdad railway between eiran and entilli, near the big tunnel. at the present moment superintendent engineer morf, of the bagdad railway, is still providing for them, but their names too have already been registered by the turkish government. as soon as their work is completed, that is to say, probably in two or three months, and they are no longer wanted, "new homes will be assigned to them"--which means that the men will be taken away and slaughtered, the good-looking women and girls will find their way into the harems, and the others will be driven about in the desert without food, until the end comes. the armenian people has a claim to german help. when a few years ago massacres of armenians threatened to break out in cilicia, a german warship appeared off mersina. the commander called on the armenian "katholikos" in adana and assured him that as long as there was any german influence in turkey, massacres tike those perpetrated under abdul hamid would be impossible. [ ] the same assurance was given by the german ambassador von wangenheim [since deceased] at an audience given to the armenian patriarch and the president of the armenian national council in april, . even apart from our common duty as christians, we germans are under a special obligation to put a stop to the complete extirpation of the surviving half million of armenian christians. we are the allies of turkey, and having eliminated the influence of the french, english and russians, we are the only foreigners who have any say in turkey. we may indignantly repudiate the lies circulated in enemy countries accusing the german consuls of having organised the massacres. we shall not, however, destroy the belief of the turkish people that germany has ordered the armenian massacres, unless energetic action be at last taken by german diplomatists and german officers. if only the one reproach remained that our timidity and our weakness in dealing with our ally had prevented us from preserving half a million women and children from death by starvation, the image of the german war in the mirror of history would be disfigured, for all time, by an ugly feature. it would be a serious mistake to imagine that the turkish government would, of its own accord, desist from the extermination of the women and children, unless the strongest pressure were to be exercised by the german government. a short time before my departure from aleppo in may, , all the women and children encamped at ras-el-ain, on the bagdad railway, whose number was estimated at , , were mercilessly slaughtered. . aleppo. message dated, th february, , from fräulein o.; published in the german journal, "sonnenaufgang," april, . i want to beg our friends at home not to grow weary of making intercession for the members of the armenian nation who are in exile here. if there is no visible prospect of a change for the better, a few months more will see the end of them all. they are succumbing in thousands to famine, pestilence, and the inclemency of the weather. the exiles at hama, homs, and in the neighbourhood of damascus are comparatively better off. they are left where they are, and can look about for means of subsistence. but further east, along the euphrates, they are driven from place to place, plundered and maltreated. many of our friends are dead. e. places of exile. . der-el-zor: letter, dated th july, , from schwester l. möhring, a german missionary, describing her journey from bagdad to the passes of amanus; published in the german journal, "sonnenaufgang," september, . at der-el-zor, a large town in the desert about six days' journey from aleppo, we found the big han full to overflowing. all available rooms, roofs, and verandahs were occupied by armenians. the majority were women and children, but there were also a certain number of men squatting on their quilts wherever they could find a spot of shade. as soon as i heard that they were armenians, i started going round and talking to them. they were the people of furnus (a village in the neighbourhood of zeitoun and marash); herded together here in these narrow quarters, they presented an extraordinarily melancholy appearance. when i enquired for children from our orphanage at bm., they brought me a protégée of sister o., martha karahashian. she gave me the following account of what had happened. one day turkish gendarmes had come to furnus and arrested and carried off a large number of men, to turn them into soldiers. neither they nor their families knew where they were being taken to. those who remained were told that they would have to leave their houses within the space of four hours. they were allowed to take with them as much as they could carry; they might also take their beasts. after the lapse of the specified time the poor people had to march out of their village under the escort of soldiers (zaptiehs), without knowing where they were going or whether they would ever see their village again. to begin with, as long as they were still among their mountains and had some provisions left, things went well enough. they had been promised money and bread, and were actually given some in the early stages--as far as i can remember, it was paras ( / d.) per head per day. but very soon these rations ceased, and there was nothing to be had but bulgur meal-- drams (= grammes) per head per day. in this fashion the furnusli, after four weeks of extremely hard travelling via marash and aleppo, had arrived at der-el-zor. they had already been three weeks there in the han, and had no idea what was to happen to them. they had no more money left, and the provisions supplied by the turks had also dwindled almost to nothing. it was days since they had had any bread. in the towns they had been barred in at nights, and not allowed to speak to the inhabitants. martha, for instance, had not been allowed at bm. to go to the orphanage. she said to me sadly: "we had two houses and we had to leave everything; now there are mouhadjirs [ ] in them." there had been no massacres in furnus, and the zaptiehs, too, had treated the people well. they had suffered principally from lack of food and water on the march through the burning hot desert. these yailadji or mountaineers, as they called themselves, suffered twice as much from the heat as other people. the zaptiehs escorting them told us then that, since the massacres, the armenians had cherished such hatred against the turks that the latter had always to go in fear of them. the intention now, they said, was to employ the armenians in building roads, and in this way to move them on gradually to bagdad. when asked the "wherefore" of this, the zaptiehs explained that the people had been in collusion with russia. the armenians themselves declared that they did not know the reason for their expulsion. next day, at the midday rest, we fell in with a whole convoy of armenians. the poor people had made themselves primitive goat's hair tents after the manner of the kurds, and were resting in them. but the majority lay on the burning sand without defence against the scorching sun. on account of the number of sick, the turks had allowed them a day's rest. it is simply impossible to conceive anything more disconsolate than such a mass of people in the desert under the given circumstances. one could tell by their clothes that they had lived in considerable prosperity, and now misery was written on their faces. "bread!" "bread!" was the universal cry. they were the people of geben, who had been driven out with their pastor. the latter told me that every day there were five or six deaths among the children and the sick. this very day they had only just buried the mother of a girl about nine years old, who was now quite alone in the world. they besought me most urgently to take the child with me to the orphanage. the pastor gave precisely the same account of what had happened as the little girl at der-el-zor. no one without personal experience of a desert can form anything approaching a conception of the misery and distress. the desert is mountainous, but almost entirely without shade. for days together the route leads over rocks and is extremely difficult going. on the left hand, as one comes from aleppo, there is always the euphrates, which trails along like a streak of clay, yet not near enough for one to be able to draw water from it. the poor people must suffer intolerable pangs of thirst; no wonder that so many sicken and die. as it was the midday halt, we, too, unpacked our provisions and prepared to eat. that morning we had had bread and tea; our midday meal consisted once more of hard arab bread, cheese, and a tin of sardines. in addition we had a bottle of mineral water. it was not very sumptuous, and yet it was not an easy task to eat anything in face of that crowd of distressed and suffering humanity. we gave away as much as we possibly could, and each of my three companions silently pressed into my hand a medjidia ( s. d.) "for the poor people." a bag of bread from bagdad, as hard as stone, was received with extraordinary gratitude. "we shall soak it in water and then the children will eat it," said the delighted mothers. another scene comes back to me, which will give an idea of their destitution. one of my companions threw away an empty glass bottle. an old man threw himself upon it, begged to be allowed to take it for himself, and gave profuse thanks for the boon. then he went down to the river, washed it out, and brought it back filled with the thick clayey water, carrying it carefully in his arms like a treasure, to thank us for it once more. now he had at least drinking water for his journey. followed by many good wishes we at last continued on our way, with the impression of this misery still weighing upon us. in the evening, when we reached the village, we met yet another armenian convoy of the same kind. this time it was the people of zeitoun. there was the same destitution and the same complaint about the heat, the lack of bread and the persecutions of the arabs. a little girl who had been brought up by kaiserswerth deaconesses in the orphanage at beirout, told us of her experiences in good german:-- "why does god allow it? why must we suffer like this? why did not they strike us dead at once?" were her complaints. "in the daytime we have no water for the children and they cry of thirst. at night the arabs come to steal our bedding and clothes. they have taken girls from us and committed outrages against women. if we cannot drag ourselves further on the march, we are beaten by the zaptiehs." they also told us that other women had thrown themselves into the water to escape their shame, and that mothers with their new-born children had done the same, because they saw no other way out of their misery. along the whole desert route there was a dearth of food--even for us who had money to pay for it--on account of the number of turkish soldiers passing through and resting at every han. in zeitoun, too, no one had been killed; the people could mention no instance of it. the armenian is bound up with his native soil; every change of climate is extremely upsetting to him, and there is nothing he misses so much as clear, cold water. for this reason alone residence in the desert is intolerable for him. a speedy death for the whole family at once seems a better fate to the mothers than to watch death by starvation slowly approaching themselves and their children. on my arrival at aleppo i was at once asked about the armenians, and how they were doing for supplies. their case had been taken up in every possible way, and representations had been made to the government on their behalf. all that could be obtained was permission for the formation of an armenian league of help, which the government at constantinople as well as the vali of aleppo had sanctioned. the armenian community at aleppo at once proceeded to raise a relief fund among themselves, and have been supporting their poor, homeless brethren with money, food and clothing. in the amanus mountains, on our second day's journey after leaving aleppo, we met with armenians again. this time it was the people of hadjin and the neighbourhood. they explained to us that they were going to aleppo, but they knew nothing beyond that. they had only been nine days on the road, and did not ask for any assistance. compared with those in the desert, they were faring sumptuously; they had wagons with them carrying their household goods, horses with foals, oxen and cows, and even camels. the procession making its way up through the mountains seemed endless, and i could not help asking myself how long their prosperity would last. they were still in the mountains on their native soil, and had no suspicion of the terrors of the desert. that was the last i saw of the armenians, but such experiences are unforgettable, and i publish them here with the most earnest appeal for help. many of the armenians may be guilty and may only be suffering what they have brought upon themselves, but the poor women and children need our help. . exiles from the euphrates: report from fräulein o. on the th of april, , i arrived at meskene, and found there , deported armenians, and more than orphans. a part of the people have settled here as bakers and butchers, etc., even though meskene is but a halting place. all the rest are begging. in every tent there are sick and dying. anyone who cannot manage to get a piece of bread by begging, eats grass raw and without salt. many hundreds of the sick are left without any tent and covering, in the open, under the glowing sun. i saw desperate ones throw themselves in grave-trenches and beg the grave-diggers to bury them. the government does not give the hungry any bread, and no tent to those who remain outside. as i was in meskene, there came a caravan of sick women and children from bab. they are in an indescribable condition. they were thrown down from the wagons like dogs. they cried for water; they were given each a piece of dry bread, and were left there. no one gave them any water, though they remained a whole day under the hot sun. we had to work the whole night to ameliorate their condition a little. among the orphans there was a small boy of four years old. it was early in the morning, and i asked him if he had eaten anything. he looked much amazed, and said: "i have always gazed at the stars, and my dear god has satisfied me." on my questioning him where his father and mother were, he said simply that they were dead in the desert. in meskene i gathered one hundred children under a tent. i had their hair cut and their rags washed. they received daily some bread and some soup. as i had to go further, i sought someone to care for the orphans. i found a young widow from hadjin, who asked me if she might take the children under her care. she belonged to a good family and had received a good education. she gave herself with an intense love to the children-work. ten days after my departure they had sent the woman with the one hundred children south. i found her a few weeks later in sepka, clothed in rags. she had lost her wits, and wandered about the place asking, "where are my children? what have you done with my children?" when she had reached abu hara she had spent all her money and was destitute. the children were scattered--a prey to hunger. in der-el-zor i found two of them, the only survivors; they said that all the rest had perished. in meskene i saw more than deported who had lived in muara till now, and who had spent a pitiful sojourn of nine months there. they were now once more persecuted and sent to different places. slowly and wearily they came on with their possessions on their backs. as nourishment they cook grass, press the water out, and make balls which they dry in the sun. on the first of may, i came to debsy, where i found the above mentioned six hundred deported, all in despair. they had not even been allowed to rest once or even to gather grass, but had been cruelly driven on. on the way i found people dying everywhere, exhausted from hunger and thirst. they had remained behind the caravan and must perish so painfully. every few minutes came a stench of corpses. the gendarmes beat these stragglers, saying that they pretend to be tired. in debsy there are , deported. in abu hara , . in both places the death rate is one per cent. daily. in hama i found , deported, , of them hungry and practically naked. here there is no grass, the locusts have consumed everything. i saw the people were gathering locusts and eating them raw or cooked. others were looking for the roots of grasses. they catch street dogs, and like savages pounce upon dead animals, whose flesh they eat eagerly without cooking. they showed me how they bury the dead, shallow near the tents. in rakka alone there are , deported in tents. the camp is situated on both banks of the euphrates, but these people are not allowed to enter the city. rich people are paying from t£ - to get permission from those in authority to live for a length of time in the city. everywhere the same lamentable pictures repeat themselves. in sepka there are , persons who have bought the privilege of establishing themselves there. the rest, , , remain in camps on the banks of the euphrates. there is great misery here. some in despair throw themselves into the river. in each deportation from one place to another, at least five or six perish through the brutal illtreatment of the accompanying gendarmerie. they expect to extract money from the poor, and exact vengeance with heavy blows when they receive nothing. many are transported on boats in the euphrates. in tibne i found , --everywhere we met caravans of deportees. in every arabian village there are some families, in every arabian house young women and girls. here the government is giving gr. of bread to every poor person daily. children and grown-ups search among the garbage heaps for food, and whatever is eatable (chewable) is eaten. at the butchers' people wait eagerly for scraps. of every fifty persons who start from rakka or sepka on boats, twenty arrive, often even less. at the time of my arrival, the government had gathered orphans in a house in der-el-zor. at my departure (six weeks later) there were . they get daily a little bread and some soup. in the meantime , deported came to der-el-zor. every day we see caravans going in the direction of mosul. nevertheless, at my departure, there were at der-el-zor and in its neighbourhood over , armenians. those who have means are getting permission to delay. the rest must proceed further. the deported are especially badly treated in the region of der-el-zor. the people are driven back and forward with whip blows, and cannot even take their most urgent necessities. on my return i met new caravans everywhere. the people have the appearance of lost men. we often see a whole row of ghastly forms rising suddenly out of a grave and asking for bread and water. they have all dug their graves and lie waiting for death. people of better standing, who cannot make up their minds to beg for a piece of bread, lie, when exhausted, on their beds, till death comes to release them. no one looks after them. in sepka a preacher from aintab told me that parents have often killed their children. at the government investigation it was shown that some people had eaten their children. it has happened that dying people have been fought over in order to secure their flesh for food. another report from the region of meadine and ana, south of der-el-zor, where there are thousands of deported, will be sent by the next mail. our messenger returned to aleppo on the th june. on the th he was again on a journey to the south. appendix. reports by mohammedan officers in the turkish army as to incidents witnessed by them. ( ) a.b.'s report. in april, , i was quartered at erzeroum. an order came from constantinople that armenians inhabiting the frontier towns and villages be deported to the interior. it was said then that this was only a precautionary measure. i saw at that time large convoys of armenians go through erzeroum. they were mostly old men, women and children. some of the able-bodied men had been recruited in the turkish army and many had fled to russia. in may, , i was transferred to trebizond. in july an order came to deport to the interior all the armenians in the vilayet of trebizond. being a member of the court martial, i knew that deportations meant massacres. the armenian bishop of trebizond was ordered to proceed under escort to erzeroum to answer for charges trumped up against him. but instead of erzeroum he was taken to baipurt and from there to gumush-khana. the governor of the latter place was then colonel abdul-kader aintabli, of the general staff. he is famous for his atrocities against the armenians. he had the bishop murdered at night. the bishop of erzeroum was also murdered at gumush-khana. besides the deportation order referred to above, an imperial "iradeh" was issued ordering that all deserters, when caught, should be shot without trial. the secret order read "armenians" in lieu of deserters. [ ] the sultan's "iradeh" was accompanied by a "fetua" from sheikh-ul-islam stating that the armenians had shed moslem blood and their killing was lawful. then the deportations started. the children were kept back at first. the government opened up a school for the grown-up children, and the american consul of trebizond instituted an asylum for the infants. when the first batches of deported armenians arrived at gumush-khana all able-bodied men were sorted out, with the excuse that they were going to be given work. the women and children were sent ahead under escort with the assurance by the turkish authorities that their final destination was mosul and that no harm will befall them. the men kept behind were taken out of town in batches of or , lined up on the edge of ditches prepared beforehand, shot, and thrown into the ditches. hundreds of men were shot every day in a similar manner. the women and children were attacked on their way by the "shotas" and armed bands organised by the turkish government, who attacked them and seized a certain number. after plundering and committing the most dastardly outrages on the women and children, they massacred them in cold blood. these attacks were a daily occurrence until every woman and child had been got rid of. the military escorts had strict orders not to interfere with the "shotas." the children that the government had taken in charge were also deported and massacred. the infants in the care of the american consul at trebizond were taken away on the pretext that they were going to be sent to sivas, where an asylum had been prepared for them. they were taken out to sea in little boats. at some distance out they were stabbed to death, put in sacks and thrown into the sea. a few days later some of their little bodies were washed up on the shore of trebizond. in july, , i was ordered to accompany a convoy of deported armenians. it was the last batch from trebizond. there were in the convoy men, children, and about women. from trebizond i took them to gumush-khana. here the men were taken away, and, as i was informed later, they were all killed. at gumush-khana i was ordered to take the women and children to erzindjan. on the way i saw thousands of bodies of armenians unburied. several bands of "shotas" met us on the way and wanted me to hand over to them women and children. but i persistently refused. i did leave on the way about children with moslem families who were willing to take care of them and educate them. the "mutessarif" of erzindjan ordered me to proceed with the convoy to kamach. at the latter place the authorities refused to take charge of the women and children. i fell ill and wanted to go back, but i was told that as long as the armenians in my charge were alive i would be sent from one place to the other. however, i managed to include my batch with the deported armenians that had come from erzeroum. in charge of the latter was a colleague of mine, ---- effendi, from the gendarmerie. he told me afterwards that after leaving kamach they came to a valley where the euphrates ran. a band of "shotas" sprang out and stopped the convoy. they ordered the escort to keep away, and then shot every one of the armenians and threw them into the river. at trebizond the moslems were warned that if they sheltered armenians they would be liable to the death penalty. [ ] government officials at trebizond picked out some of the prettiest armenian women of the best families. after committing the worst outrages on them, they had them killed. cases of rape of women and girls even publicly are very numerous. they were systematically murdered after the outrage. the armenians deported from erzeroum started with their cattle and whatever possessions they could carry. when they reached erzindjan they became suspicious, seeing that all the armenians had already been deported. the vali of erzeroum allayed their fears, and assured them most solemnly that no harm would befall them. he told them that the first convoy should leave for kamach, the others remaining at erzeroum until they received word from their friends informing them of their safe arrival to destination. and so it happened. word came that the first batch had arrived safely at kamach, which was true enough. but the men were kept at kamach and shot, and the women and children were massacred by the "shotas," after leaving that town. the turkish officials in charge of the deportation and extermination of the armenians were: at erzeroum, bihaa eddin shaker bey; at trebizond, naiil bey, tewfik bey monastirly, colonel of gendarmerie, the commissioner of police; at kamach, the member of parliament for erzindjan. the "shotas'" headquarters were also at kamach. their chief was the kurd murzabey, who boasted that he alone had killed , armenians. afterwards he was thought to be dangerous by the turks, and thrown into prison charged with having hit a gendarme. he was eventually executed in secret. ( ) c.d.'s report. in august, , in the suburbs of mush i saw large numbers of dead bodies of armenians, men, women and children, lying in the fields. some had been shot, some stabbed, and most of them had been horribly mutilated. the women were mostly naked. in the villages around mush i saw old women and children wandering in the streets, haggard and emaciated. in the same month, in a camp outside bitlis, i saw collected about women, girls, and children, guarded by gendarmes. i asked the latter what was to become of these people. they said that they were being deported, but that they had orders to let the bands deal with them on the way. the bands had been organized by the turkish government for the purpose of massacring the armenians. they were formed by kurds, turkish gendarmes and criminals who had been specially set free. [ ] on the river at bitlis i saw quite a number of bodies of armenians floating on the water, and some washed up on the banks. the smell was pestilential and the water undrinkable. in the same month of august, in the country at a distance of about two hours from zaart, i saw the bodies of about , massacred armenians. they were piled up on top of each other in two ravines. the armenian bishop of zaart was, at his own request, taken to a cave near by and shot. on my return from zaart to mush, in a village of the suburbs of mush over armenians, mostly women and children, were herded up in a stable and locked in. the gendarmes threw flaming torches through an opening in the ceiling. they were all burnt alive. i did not go near, but i distinctly saw the flames and heard the screams of the poor victims. i heard from reliable persons that women in the family way had their bodies cut open and the child snatched out and thrown away. at mush the streets were strewn with bodies of armenians. every armenian who ventured out of doors was instantly killed. even men of great age, blind and invalids, were not spared. from mush to hinis, at short distances from each other, i saw piles of bodies of armenians in the fields alongside the road. between sherkes-koi and hinis i saw two ravines filled with corpses of armenians, about in each ravine, mostly men. another ravine was filled with bodies of little children. at khara-shuban i saw a large number of bodies of armenians floating on the river murad. when i went to erzindjan i was told that wholesale massacres were perpetrated at erzindjan, mamakhatoun, and the whole country around. besides those that the turks had killed and burnt alive, they threw thousands of them into the euphrates. a large number of armenians, seeing that their death was inevitable, and fearing worse atrocities, preferred to throw themselves into the euphrates. printed in great britain by j. j. keliher & co., ltd., marshalsea road, london, s.e. notes [ ] the particulars as to name and rank are given in the original documents, but must for obvious reasons be suppressed in this pamphlet. [ ] the italics are those of the author of the memorandum. [ ] here again the italics are those of the author of the memorandum. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] . [ ] they were at work in the german hospital at erzeroum from october, , to april, .--editor. [ ] th june: allgemeine missions-zeitschrift, november, . [ ] amounting to about , - , people in all: allgemeine missions-zeitschrift, november, . [ ] one of the two authors of the present statement, which has been drafted in the first person by the other witness, but represents the experience of both. the editor is in possession of the drafter's name, but does not know the identity of sister b., dr. a., or mr. g.--editor. [ ] a defile, hours' journey from erzindjan, where the euphrates flows through a narrow gorge between two walls of rock. [ ] i.e., after the departure of the last convoys of exiles from erzindjan ( th june), not after the narrators were informed of the massacres by their cook and by the two armenian girls. the passages about the cobbler, the cook, and the two girls are evidently in parenthesis, and interrupt the sequence of the narrative.--editor. [ ] the further details are given in the allgemeine missions-zeitschrift. november, : "when we exclaimed in horror: 'so you fire on women and children!' the soldiers answered: 'what could we do? it was our orders.' one of them added: 'it was a heart-breaking sight. for that matter, i did not shoot.'"--editor. [ ] on the evening of the th. we saw soldiers returning to town laden with loot. we heard from both turks and armenians that children's corpses were strewn along the road. [ ] every day ten or twelve men had been killed and thrown into the ravines.--allgemeine missions-zeitschrift. [ ] this was not the route followed by the convoys of exiles. [ ] this incident was communicated to mr. db. by dc. effendi, a gentleman who had held high office under the ottoman government till the outbreak of the war. [ ] mr. vartkes was an armenian deputy in the ottoman parliament, who was murdered, together with another deputy, mr. zohrab, when he was being escorted by gendarmes from aleppo to be court-martialled at diyarbekir.--editor. [ ] "we have just picked up fifteen babies. three are already dead. they were terribly thin and ailing when we found them. ah! if we could only write all that we see."--extract from a letter dated marash, th june, , published in "sonnenaufgang," september, . [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] this was a friday. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the remarks of this headmaster, who only calls attention to the personal inconvenience suffered by the teachers in the school, is in singular contrast with the impassioned feelings of pity for the armenians expressed and undoubtedly felt by the author of the report.--editor's note. [ ] the italics are the editor's. the fact which comes out clearly in several of the documents included in this pamphlet, that many german consuls reported indignantly about these horrors, and that their reports were left unheeded, throws a lurid light on the attitude of the german government.--editor's note. [ ] see the last note (editor's note). [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] moslem immigrants from europe. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. [ ] the italics are the editor's. crescent and iron cross by e.f. benson _crescent and iron cross, preface_ in compiling the following pages i have had access to certain sources of official information, the nature of which i am not at liberty to specify further. i have used these freely in such chapters of this book as deal with recent and contemporary events in turkey or in germany in connection with turkey: the chapter, for instance, entitled 'deutschland über allah,' is based very largely on such documents. i have tried to be discriminating in their use, and have not, as far as i am aware, stated anything derived from them as a fact, for which i had not found corroborative evidence. with regard to the armenian massacres i have drawn largely on the testimony collected by lord bryce, on that brought forward by mr. arnold j. toynbee in his pamphlet _the murder of a nation_, and _the murderous tyranny of the turks,_ and on the pamphlet by dr. martin niepage, called _the horrors of aleppo_. in the first chapter i have based the short historical survey on the contribution of mr. d.g. hogarth to _the balkans_ (clarendon press, ). the chapter called 'thy kingdom is divided' is in no respect at all an official utterance, and merely represents the individual opinions and surmises of the author. it has, however, the official basis that the allies have pledged themselves to remove the power of the turk from constantinople, and to remove out of the power of the turk the alien peoples who have too long already been subject to his murderous rule. i have, in fact, but attempted to conjecture in what kind of manner that promise will be fulfilled. fresh items of news respecting internal conditions in turkey are continually coming in, and if one waited for them all, one would have to wait to the end of the war before beginning to write at all on this subject. but since such usefulness as this book may possibly have is involved with the necessity of its appearance before the end of the war, i set a term to the gathering of material, and, with the exception of two or three notes inserted later, ceased to collect it after june . but up to then anything that should have been inserted in surveys and arguments, and is not, constitutes a culpable omission on my part. e.f. benson _crescent and iron cross, contents_ chapter i the theory of the old turks chapter ii the theory of the new turks chapter iii the end of the armenian question chapter iv the question of syria and palestine chapter v deutschland Über allah chapter vi 'thy kingdom is divided' chapter vii the grip of the octopus _crescent and iron cross, chapter i_ the theory of the old turks the maker of phrases plies a dangerous trade. very often his phrase is applicable for the moment and for the situation in view of which he coined it, but his coin has only a temporary validity: it is good for a month or for a year, or for whatever period during which the crisis lasts, and after that it lapses again into a mere token, a thing without value and without meaning. but the phrase cannot, as in the case of a monetary coinage, at once be recalled, for it has gone broadcast over the land, or, at any rate, it is not recalled, and it goes on being passed from hand to hand, its image and superscription defaced by wear, long after it has ceased to represent anything. in itself it is obsolete, but people still trade with it, and think it represents what it represented when it came hot from the mint. and, unfortunately, it sometimes happens that it is worse than valueless; it becomes a forgery (which it may not have been when it came into circulation), and deceives those who traffic with it, flattering them with an unfounded possession. such a phrase, which still holds currency, was once coined by lord aberdeen in the period of the crimean war. 'turkey is a sick man,' he said, and added something which gave great offence then about the advisability of putting turkey out of his misery. i do not pretend to quote correctly, but that was the gist of it. nor do i challenge the truth of lord aberdeen's phrase at the period when he made it. it possibly contained a temporary truth, a valid point of view, which, if it had been acted on, might have saved a great deal of trouble afterwards, but it missed then, and more than misses now, the essential and salient truth about turkey. the phrase, unfortunately, still continued to obtain credit, and nowadays it is a forgery; it rings false. for at whatever period we regard turkey, and try to define that monstrous phenomenon, we can make a far truer phrase than lord aberdeen's. for turkey is not a sick man: turkey is a sickness. he is not sick, nor ever has been, for he is the cancer itself, the devouring tumour that for centuries has fed on living tissue, absorbing it and killing it. it has never had life in itself, except in so far that the power of preying on and destroying life constitutes life, and such a power, after all, we are accustomed to call not life, but death. turkey, like death, continues to exist and to dominate, through its function of killing. life cannot kill, it is disease and death that kill, and from the moment that turkey passed from being a nomadic tribe moving westwards from the confines of persia, it has existed only and thrived on a process of absorption and of murder. when first the turks came out of their eastern fastnesses they absorbed; when they grew more or less settled, and by degrees the power of mere absorption, as by some failure of digestion, left them, they killed. they became a huge tumour, that nourished itself by killing the living tissues that came in contact with it. now, by the amazing irony of fate, who weaves stranger dramas than could ever be set on censored stages, for they both take hundreds of years to unravel themselves, and are of the most unedifying character, turkey, the rodent cancer, has been infected by another with greater organisation for devouring; the disease of ottomanism is threatened by a more deadly hungerer, and prussianism has inserted its crab-pincers into the cancer that came out of asia. those claws are already deeply set, and the problem for civilised nations is first to disentangle the nippers that are cancer in a cancer, and next to deprive of all power over alien peoples the domination that has already been allowed to exist too long. the object of this book is the statement of the case on which all defenders of liberty base their prosecution against turkey itself, and against the power that to-day has turkey in its grip. historical surveys are apt to be tedious, but in order to understand at all adequately the case against turkey as a ruler and controller of subject peoples, it is necessary to go, though briefly, into her blood-stained genealogy. there is no need to enter into ethnological discussions as to earlier history, or define the difference between the osmanli turks and those who were spread over asia minor before the advent of the osmanlis from the east. but it was the osmanlis who were the cancerous and devouring nation, and it is they who to-day rule over a vast territory (subject to germany) of peoples alien to them by religion and blood and all the instincts common to civilised folk. until germany, 'deep patient germany,' suddenly hoisted her colours as a champion of murder and rapine and barbarism, she the mother of art and literature and science, there was nothing in europe that could compare with the anachronism of turkey being there at all. then, in august , there was hoisted the german flag, superimposed with skulls and cross-bones, and all the insignia of piracy and highway robbery on land and on sea, and germany showed herself an anachronism worthy to impale her arms on the shield of the most execrable domination that has ever oppressed the world since the time when the huns under attila raged like a forest fire across the cultivated fields of european civilisation. to-day, in the name of kultur, a similar invasion has broken on shores that seemed secure, and it is no wonder that it has found its most valuable victim and ally in the power that adopted the same methods of absorption and extermination centuries before the hohenzollerns ever started on their career of highway robbery. but like seeks like, and perhaps it was not wholly the fault of our astonishing diplomacy in constantinople that turkey, wooed like some desirable maiden, cast in her lot with the power that by instinct and tradition most resembled her. spiritual blood, no less than physical blood, is thicker than water, and gott and allah, hand-in-hand, pledged each other in the cups they had filled with the blood that poured from the wine-presses of belgium and of armenia. for centuries before the osmanli turks made their appearance in asia minor, there had come from out of the misty east numerous bodies of turks, pushing westwards, and spreading over the euphrates valley and over persia, in nomadic or military colonisations, and it is not until the thirteenth century that we find the osmanli turks, who give their name to that congregation of races known as the ottoman empire, established in the north-west corner of asia minor. like all previous turkish immigrations, they came not in any overwhelming horde, with sword in one hand and koran in the other, but as a small compact body with a genius for military organisation, and the gift, which they retain to this day, of stalwart fighting. the policy to which they owed their growth was absorption, and the people whom they first began to absorb were greeks and other christians, and it was to a christian girl, nilufer, that osman married his son orkhan. they took christian youths from the families of greek dwellers, forced them to apostatise, gave them military training, and married them to turkish girls. it was out of this blend of greek and turkish blood, as mr. d.g. hogarth points out, that they derived their national being and their national strength. this system of recruiting they steadily pursued not only among the christian peoples with whom they came in contact, but among the settlements of turks who had preceded them in this process of pushing westwards, and formed out of them the professional soldiery known as janissaries. they did not fight for themselves alone, but as mercenaries lent their arms to other peoples, moslem and christian alike, who would hire their services. this was a policy that paid well, for, after having delivered some settlement from the depredations of an inconvenient neighbour, and with their pay in their pocket, they sometimes turned on those who had hired their arms, took their toll of youths, and finally incorporated them in their growing empire. like an insatiable sponge, they mopped up the sprinklings of disconnected peoples over the fruitful floor of asia minor, and swelled and prospered. but as yet the extermination of these was not part of their programme: they absorbed the strength and manhood of their annexations into their own soldiery, and came back for more. they did not levy those taxes paid in the persons of soldiers for their armies from their co-religionists, since islam may not fight against islam, but by means of peaceful penetration (a policy long since abandoned) they united scattered settlements of turks to themselves by marriages and the bond of a common tongue and religion. their expansion into europe began in the middle of the fourteenth century, when, as mercenaries, they fought against the serbs, and fifty years later they had a firm hold over bulgaria as well. greece was their next prey; they penetrated bosnia and macedonia, and in attacked and took constantinople under mohammed the conqueror. still true to the policy of incorporation they continued to mop up the remainder of the balkan peninsula, and at the same time consolidated themselves further in asia minor. by the beginning of the seventeenth century their expansion reached its utmost geographical limits, but already the empire held within it the seeds of its own decay, and by a curious irony the force that should still keep it together was derived not from its own strength, but from the jealousies of the european powers among themselves, who would willingly have dismembered it, but feared the quarrels that would surely result from the apportionment of its territories. the ottoman empire from then onwards has owed its existence to its enemies. its weakness lay in itself, for it was very loosely knit together, and no bond, whether of blood or religion or tongue, bound to it the assembly of christian and jewish and non-moslem races of which it was so largely composed. the empire never grew (as, for instance, the british empire grew) by the emigration and settlement of the osmanli stock in the territories it absorbed: it never gave, it only took. from the beginning right up to the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it has been a military despotism, imposing itself on unwilling and alien tribes whom it drained of their blood, and then left in neglect until some further levy was needed. none of its conquered peoples was ever given a share in the government; they were left unorganised and, so to speak, undigested elements under the power which had forced them into subjection, and one by one the whole of the european peoples included in that uncemented tyranny have passed from under turkish control. turkey in europe has dwindled to a strip along the bosporus to the sea of marmora and the dardanelles, egypt has been lost, tripoli also, and the only force that, for the last hundred years has kept alive in europe the existence of that monstrous anachronism has been the strange political phenomenon, now happily extinct, called the balance of power. no one of the great powers, from fear of the complications that would ensue, could risk the expulsion of the turkish government from constantinople, and there all through the nineteenth century it has been maintained lest the key of the black sea, which unlocked the bolts that barred russia's development into the mediterranean, should lead to such a war as we are now passing through. that policy, for the present, has utterly defeated its own ends, for the key is in the pockets of prussia. but all through that century, though the powers maintained turkey there, they helped to liberate, or saw liberate themselves, the various christian kingdoms in europe over which at the beginning of the eighteenth century turkey exercised a military despotism. they weakened her in so far as they could, but they one and all refused to let her die, and above all refused to give her that stab in the heart which would have been implied in her expulsion from constantinople. for centuries from the first appearance of the osmanlis in north-west asia minor down to the reign of abdul hamid, the empire maintained itself, with alternate bouts of vigour and relapses, on the general principle of drawing its strength from its subject peoples. internally, from whatever standpoint we view it, whether educational, economic, or industrial, it has had the worst record of any domination known to history. rich in mineral wealth, possessed of lands that were once the granary of the world, watered by amazing rivers, and with its strategic position on the mediterranean that holds the master-key of the black sea in its hands, it has remained the most barbaric and least progressive of all states. its roads and means of communication remained up till the last quarter of the nineteenth century much as they had been in the days of osman; except along an insignificant strip of sea-coast railways were non-existent; it was bankrupt in finance and in morals, and did not contain a single seed that might ripen into progress or civilisation. mesopotamia was once the most fertile of all lands, capable of supporting not itself alone, but half the civilised world: nowadays, under the stewardship of the turk, it has been suffered to become a desert for the greater part of the year and an impracticable swamp for the remainder. where great cities flourished, where once was reared the pride of babylon and of nineveh, there huddle the squalid huts of fever-stricken peasants, scarce able to gain their half-starved living from the soil that once supported in luxury and pomp the grandeur of metropolitan cities. the ancient barrages, the canals, the systems of irrigation were all allowed to silt up and become useless; and at the end of the nineteenth century you would not find in all mesopotamia an agricultural implement that was in any way superior to the ploughs and the flails of more than two thousand years ago. but so long as there was a palace-guard about the gates to secure the safety of the sultan and his corrupt military oligarchy, so long as there were houris to divert their leisure, tribute of youths to swell their armies, and taxes wrung from starving subjects to maintain their pomp, there was not one of those who held the reins of government who cared the flick of an eyelash for the needs of the nations on whom the empire rested, for the cultivation of its soil that would yield a hundredfold to the skilled husbandman, or for the exploitation and development of its internal wealth. while there was left in the emaciated carcase of the turkish empire enough live tissue for the cancerous government to grow fat on, it gave not one thought to the welfare of all those races on whom it had fastened itself. province after province of its european dominions might be lost to it, but the balance of power still kept the sultan on his throne, and left the peoples of asia minor and syria at his mercy. they were largely of alien religion and of alien tongue, and their individual weakness was his strength. neglect, and the decay consequent on neglect, was the lot of all who languished under that abominable despotism. with the accession in of abdul hamid, of cursed memory, there dawned on the doomed subject peoples of the ottoman empire a day of bloodier import than any yet. the year before and during that year had occurred the bulgarian atrocities and massacres, and the word 'massacre' lingered and made music in abdul hamid's brain. he said it over to himself and dwelt upon it, and meditated on the nature and possibilities of massacre. the troubles which massacre had calmed had arisen before his accession out of the establishment of the bulgarian exarchate, which corresponded to the greek patriarchate, and was given power over districts and peoples whom the greeks justly considered to belong to them by blood and religion. greek armed bands came into collision with bulgarian bands, and in order to calm these disturbances by thoroughly effectual means, irregular turkish troops were sent into bulgaria, charged with the command to 'stop the row,' but with no other instructions. indiscriminate killing, with all the passions and horrors that bloodshed evokes in the half-civilised, followed, and there was no more trouble just then in the disturbed districts, for there was none to make trouble. in abdul aziz was deposed by a group of king-makers under midhat pasha, murad v. reigned shadow-like for three months, and during the same year abdul hamid was finally selected to fill the throne, and stand forth as the shadow of god. it was a disturbed and tottering inheritance to which he succeeded, riddled with the dry-rot of corruption, but the inheritor proved himself equal to the occasion. for a little while he was all abroad, and at the bidding of midhat, who had placed him on the throne, he summoned a kind of representative turkish parliament, by way of imbuing the great powers with the idea that he was an enlightened shadow of god bent on reform. this parody of a parliament lasted but a short time: it was no more than a faint, dissolving magic-lantern picture. in the spring of rumania, under russian encouragement, broke away from turkish rule. turkey declared war on russia, and in found herself utterly defeated. at adrianople was drawn up the treaty of san stefano, creating an independent bulgarian state, and, in the opinion of great britain and germany, giving russia far greater influence in the balkan peninsula than was agreeable to that disastrous supporter of turkey, the balance of power. in consequence the treaty of san stefano was superseded by the treaty of berlin. in those arrangements abdul hamid had no voice, but he was well content to sit quiet, think about what was to be done with what was left him, and thank his waning crescent that once again the balance of power had secured constantinople for him, leaving him free to deal with his asiatic dominions, and such part of europe as was left him, as he thought fit. he could safely trust that he would never be ejected from his throne by a foreign power, and all he need do was to make himself safe against internal disturbances and revolutions which might upset him. and it was then that he begot in the womb of his cold and cunning brain a policy that was all his own, except in so far as the bulgarian atrocities, consequent on feuds between bulgars and greeks, may be considered the father of that hideous birth. but it was he who suckled and nourished it, it was from his brain that it emerged, full-grown and in panoply of armour, as from the brain of olympian zeus came pallas athene. this new policy was in flat contradiction of all the previous policy, as he had received it from his predecessors, of strengthening turkey by tributes of man-power from his subject tribes, but it would, he thought, have the same result of keeping the turk supreme among the alien elements of the empire. times had changed; it behoved him to change the methods which hitherto had held together his hapless inheritance. now abdul hamid was not in any sense a wise man, and the ability which has been attributed to him, in view of the manner in which he successfully defied the civilisations of europe, is based on premisses altogether false. he never really defied europe at all; he always yielded, secure in his belief that europe in the shape of the balance of power, was unanimous in keeping him where he was. he never even risked being turned out of constantinople, for he knew--none better--that all europe insisted on retaining him there. as regards wisdom, there was never a greater fool, but as regards cunning there was never a greater fox. he had a brain that was absolutely impervious to large ideas: the notion of consolidating and strengthening his empire by ameliorating its internal conditions, by bringing it within speaking distance of the influence of civilisation and progress, by taking advantage of and developing its immense natural resources, by employing the brains and the industry of his subject races, seems never to have entered his head. he could easily have done all this: there was not a power in europe that would not have lent him a helping hand in development and reform, in the establishment of a solvent state, in aiding the condition of the peoples over whom he ruled. in whatever he did, provided that it furthered the welfare of his subjects, whether turk, armenian, or arab, the whole concert of europe would have provided him with cash, with missionaries, with engineers, and all the resources of the arts and sciences of peace and of progress. but being a felon, with crime and cunning to take the place of wisdom, he preferred to develop his empire on his own original lines. in europe he was but suffered to exist. there remained asia. the policy of previous osmanli rulers has already been roughly defined. they strengthened themselves and the military turkish despotism round them by absorbing the manhood of the tribes over which they had obtained dominion. abdul hamid reversed that policy; he strengthened the turkish supremacy, not by drawing into it the manhood of his subject peoples, but by destroying that manhood. in proportion, so his foxlike brain reasoned, as his alien subjects were weak, so were the turks strong. a consistent weakening of alien nations would strengthen the hold of those who governed the ottoman empire. it was as if a man suffered from gout in his foot: he could get rid of the gout by wholesome living, the result of which would be that his foot ceased to trouble him. but the plan which he adopted was to cause his foot to mortify by process of inhuman savagery. when it was dead it would trouble him no longer. he was well aware that the turkish people only comprised some forty per cent, of the population of the turkish empire: numerically they were weaker than the alien peoples who composed the rest of it. something had to be done to bring the governing power up to such a proportionate strength as should secure its supremacy, and the most convenient plan was to weaken the alien elements. the scheme, though yet inchoate, had been tried with success in the case of the bulgarians and greeks, and to test it further he stirred up albanians against the inhabitants of old servia with gratifying results. they weakened each other, and he further weakened them both by the employment of turkish troops in macedonia to quell the disturbances which he had himself fomented. there were massacres and atrocities, and no more trouble just then from macedonia. having thus tested his plan and found no flaw in it, he settled to adopt it. but european combinations did not really much interest him, for he was aware that the great powers, to whose sacred balance he owed the permanence of his throne, would not tolerate interference with european peoples, and he turned his attention to asia minor. there were excrescences there which he could not absorb, but which might be destroyed. he could use the knife on living tissues which the impaired digestion of the ottoman empire could not assimilate. so he hit on this fresh scheme, which his hellish cunning devised with a matchless sense of the adaptation of the means to the end, and he created (though he did not live to perfect) a new policy that reversed the traditions of five hundred years. that is no light task to undertake, and when we consider that since his deposition, now nine years ago, that policy has reaped results undreamed of perhaps by him, we can see how far-sighted his cunning was. to-day it is being followed out by the very combination that deposed him; his aims have been fully justified, and for that precise reason we are right to classify him among the abhorred of mankind. he had an opportunity such as is given to the few, and he made the utmost of it, even as his greater successor on the throne of turkey for the present, namely wilhelm ii. of prussia, has done, in the service of the devil. 'well done, thou good and faithful servant,' must surely have been his well-deserved welcome, when he left the hell he had made on earth for another. of all his subjects the armenians were the most progressive, the most industrious, the most capable. they therefore contributed, according to that perverted foxlike mind, one of the greatest menaces to the stability of his throne, which henceforth should owe its strength to the weakness of those it governed. they, as all the world knows, are a peaceful christian people, and it was against them that abdul hamid directed the policy which he had tested in europe. the instruments he employed to put it in force were the kurds, a turbulent shepherd race marching with and mixed up among the armenians. by this means he had the excuse ready that these massacres were local disturbances among remote and insubordinate tribes, one of whom, however, the kurds, he armed with modern rifles and caused to be instructed in some elementary military training. their task was to murder armenians, their pay was the privilege to rape their girls and their women, and to rob the houses of the men they had killed. the armenians resisted with at first some small success, upon which abdul hamid reinforced the kurds with regular troops, and caused it to be proclaimed that this was a war of moslems against the infidel, a holy war. moslem fanaticism, ever smouldering and ready to burst into flames, blazed high, and a fury of massacres broke forth against all armenians, east and west, north and south. the streets of constantinople ran with their blood, and before abdul hamid was obliged by foreign civilised powers to stop those holocausts, he had so decimated the race that not for at least a generation would they conceivably be a menace again even to that zealous guardian of the supremacy in its own dominions of the ottoman power. very unwillingly, when obliged to do so, he whistled off his bands of kurds, and dismissed them: unwillingly, too, he gave orders that the armenian hunts which had so pleasantly diverted the sportsmen of constantinople, must be abandoned: then was decreed a 'close time' for armenians, the shooting season was over. there is no exaggeration in this: eye-witnesses have recorded how at the close of the business day in constantinople, shooting parties used literally to go out, and beat the coverts of tenement houses for armenians, of whom there were at that time in constantinople some , . but when abdul hamid had finished his sport, i do not think more than , at the most survived. these were saved by the protests of europe, and perhaps by the knowledge that if all the armenians were killed, there could never be any more shooting. the kurds also had lost a considerable number of men, and that was far from displeasing to the yellow-faced butcher of yildiz. a little blood-letting among those turbulent kurds was not at all a bad thing. here, then, we see defined and at work the new ottoman policy with regard to its peoples. hitherto, it had been sufficient to take from them its fill of man-power, and leave the tribe in question to its own devices. there was no objection whatever to its developing the resources of its territory, to its increasing in prosperity and in population. indeed the central power was quite pleased that it should do so, for when next the gathering of taxes and youths came round the collectors would find a creditable harvest awaiting them. such a tribe received no encouragement or help from the government; that would have been too much to expect, but as long as it kept quiet and obedient it might, without interference, prosper as well as it could. but now, in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, all that was changed; instead of a policy of neglect there was substituted a policy of murder. the state no longer considered itself secure when in various parts of its dominions its subjects showed themselves progressive and industrious. they had to be kept down, and clearly the most efficient way of keeping people down was killing them. let it not be supposed for a moment that either the first massacre, or any that followed, was the result of local disturbances and fanaticism. it was nothing of the sort: each was arranged and planned at constantinople, as the official means, invented by the arch-butcher, abdul hamid, of maintaining in power the most devilish despotism that has ever disgraced the world. something had to be done to prevent the alien tribes in asia slipping out of the noose of ottoman strangulation, even as the european tribes had done, and forming themselves into separate and independent states. a ruler with progressive ideas, one who had any perception of the internal prosperity which alone can render an empire stable, would have made the attempt to weld his loose and wavering domination together by encouraging and working for the prosperity of its component peoples, so that he might, though late in the day, give birth to a turkey that was strong, because its citizens were prosperous and content. not so did abdul hamid; the turkey that he sought to establish was merely to be strong because he had battered into a blood-stained pulp the most progressive and the most industrious of the alien peoples over whom he ruled. it is significant that, while yet the blood of the murdered christians was scarcely washed from the streets of constantinople, the emperor wilhelm ii. visited his brother-sovereign at yildiz, after making his tour throughout the holy land. the two can hardly, in their intimate conversations, have completely avoided the subject of the massacres; but after all, that was not such an unmanageably awkward topic, for wilhelm ii. could tactfully have reminded abdul hamid that his own throne also was based on the murderous progress of the teutonic knights. then there was the war between turkey and greece only lately concluded to discuss, and there again--for the emperor's sister was crown princess of greece--conversation must have been a shade difficult. altogether, in spite of the emperor's lifelong desire to visit the holy places in palestine, it was an odd moment for a christian monarch to visit the butcher of constantinople. but the truth is that wilhelm ii. had a very strong reason for going to see his brother, for the fruit of german policy in turkey was already ripening and swelling on the tree, and the minor disadvantages of visiting this murderous tyrant while still his hands were red with blood was more than compensated for by the advantages of having a heart-to-heart talk with him on other subjects. germany had already begun her peaceful penetration, and the real motive of the emperor's visit was, after swords and orders had been exchanged, to make the definite request that bodies of colonising germans should be allowed to settle on the sultan's dominions in asia minor, and a hint no doubt was conveyed that there would be plenty of room for them now that there were so many armenian farms unfortunately without a master. but, like uriah heep, the emperor had attempted to pluck the fruit before it was ripe, or, to use a more exact simile, before he was tall enough to reach it. in vain he represented to abdul hamid the immense advantages which would result to turkey by the establishment of those gott-like german settlers in asia minor. out of his colossal egalo-megalomania, of which we know more now, he thought that any request which the all-highest should deign to make must instantly be granted. but he met with a perfectly flat refusal, and the baffled all-highest left constantinople in an exceedingly bad temper, which quite undid all the good that the balm in gilead and the sacred associations of jerusalem had done him. it is pleasant to think of the pan-islamic merriment with which abdul hamid must have viewed the indignant exit of his christian brother, who had come such a long way to see him, and was so tactful about the armenian atrocities. he might perhaps--for those christians were very odd pigs--have expressed horror or remonstrance. not at all: he was much too anxious to get his request granted, to make himself disagreeable. but did his christian brother really think that all those massacres over which abdul hamid had spent so much time and money, had been arranged in order to settle those nasty progressive germans in the lands that had been so carefully depopulated? why, the whole point of them had been that the armenians were too progressive and prosperous, thus constituting a menace to the central government, and certainly abdul hamid was not meaning to put in their place settlers even more progressive and with a stronger backing behind them. so off went the all-highest back home again, very much vexed with abdul hamid, and possibly (if that was not sacrilegious) with himself for having been in too great a hurry. there was more spade-work to be done yet before turkey was ripe for open and avowed colonisation by the fatherland. the episode, strictly historical, is of a certain importance, for it shows the date at which wilhelm ii. thought that the time had come for germans to colonise turkey. the peaceful penetration (which now amounts to perforation) was even then pretty far advanced. but abdul hamid seems to have seen the significance of the request, and for some little while after that german influence had a certain set-back in turkey. the date of this marks an era, and germany, 'deep patient germany,' set to work again, in no way discouraged, to set her cancer-nippers in the cancer that already had begun to eat the live tissues round it. _crescent and iron cross, chapter ii_ the theory of the new turks in the year a military group in constantinople, styling itself the 'young turk' party, seized and deposed abdul hamid, and shut him up at salonika, there to spend the remainder of his infamous days. they put forth a liberal programme of reformation, one that earned them at the moment the sympathy of civilised europe (including germany), and the balance of power very mistakenly and prematurely heaved a sigh of relief. for upwards of a century it had maintained in constantinople the corrupt and bloody autocracy of the sultans, fearing the european quarrels that would attend the dismemberment of that charnel-house of decay known as the ottoman empire, and now (just for the moment) it seemed as if a sudden rally had come to the sick man, and he showed signs of returning animation and wholesome vitality. the policy of the powers, after a century of failure, looked as if it was justifying itself, and they were full of congratulations towards turkey and each other. but never, in the whole century of their pusillanimous cacklings, had they made a greater mistake. whether the young turks ever meant well or not, whether there was or was not a grain of sincerity in this profession of their policy, is a disputed question. there are those who say that originally they were prompted by patriotic and high-minded aims, when they proclaimed their object of 'organisation,' and of reform. but all are agreed that it matters very little what their original aims were, so speedily did their liberal intentions narrow down to an ottomanisation such as adbul hamid had aimed at, but had been unable to accomplish before his evil sceptre ceased to sway the destinies of his kingdom. in any case this programme earned its authors the sympathy of europe, and probably this, and no more than this, prompted it. they wished to establish themselves, unquestioned and undisturbed, and did so; and i do not think we shall be far wrong if we take the original young turk programme about as seriously as we took the parody of a parliament with which abdul hamid opened (as with a blessing) his atrocious reign. the very next year ( ) they permitted (if they did not arrange) the armenian massacres at adana, and the balance of power began faintly to wonder whether the young turks in their deposition of abdul hamid had not slain an asp and hatched a cockatrice. given that their aims originally were sincere, we can but marvel at the swiftness of the corruption which in little more than a year had begun to lead them not into paths of reform and liberal policy, but along the road towards which the butcher they had deposed had pointed the way. it must have made abdul hamid gnaw his nails and shake impotent hands to see those who had torn him from his throne so soon pursuing the very policy which he invented, and to which he nominally owed his dethronement. strange, too, was it that his overthrow should come from the very quarter to which he looked for security, for it was on the army that each sultan in turn had most relied for the stability of his throne. but abdul hamid, in order, perhaps, to deal more effectually with the subject races he wished to exterminate, had introduced a system of foreign training for the officers of his army, a course of potsdam efficiency, and it was just they, on whom sultans from time immemorial had relied, who knocked the prop of the army away from him. though publicly, for the edification of europe his deposers professed a liberal policy, it was not on account of armenian massacres that they turned him off his throne, but because of the muddle and corruption and debility of his rule. herein we may easily trace the hand of germany, no longer publicly beckoning as when wilhelm ii., just after the first armenian massacres, made his request of the sultan for the establishment in turkey of german colonists, but working underground, sapping and mining like a mole. for germany, her mind already fixed on securing turkey as an instrument of her eastern policy, wanted a strong turkey, and without doubt desired to bring an end to the disorganisation and decay of the empire, and create and at the same time interpenetrate an efficient state that should be useful to her. we may take it for granted that she, like the rest of europe, welcomed any sign of regeneration in the ottoman empire, but there was an ulterior purpose behind that. turkey, already grasped by the prussian hand, must be in that hand a weapon fit for use, a blade on which she could rely. she strengthened the turkish army by the introduction of prussian discipline, and worked on good material. already she has realised her ambition in this respect, and now controls the material which she then worked on. the troubled years of the balkan wars which followed this false dawn, coupled with the loss of all the territory which remained to the ottoman empire in europe, with the exception of thrace, caused an immediate reaction from the open-minded policy of the young turks, if we decide to credit them at the outset with a sincere purpose. organisation by a slightly different spelling became ottomanisation, and the aims of the young turks were identified with those of the nationalist party which followed out and developed into a finished and super-fiendish policy the dreams of abdul hamid. he, as we have seen, had invented the idea of securing ottoman supremacy in the empire, not as before by absorption of the strength of its subject peoples, but by their extermination, and this formed part of the new programme which was to be more efficiently administered. already, in , the experimental massacre at adana took place, and the young turk party, with its possibly liberal aims, had become a party that had as its main object a system of tyranny and murder such as the world had never seen. simultaneously turkey itself, nationalist party and all, became enslaved to german influence. link by link the chains were forged and the manacles welded on, and before the european war broke out in , the incarceration of turkey in germany was complete, and wilhelm ii. had a fine revenge for the snub inflicted on him by abdul hamid when he proposed the scheme of german colonisation in the lands depopulated by the armenian massacres of . from the first the aim of the nationalists, who thus formed so deadly a blend with the young turk party, was ottomanisation, or the establishment within the empire of an ottoman domination which should be pure and undefiled, and in which none of the subject peoples, be they armenians or kurds, arabs or greeks or jews, christian or moslem, should have any part. the inception of the scheme was no doubt inspired by the example given by prussia's treatment of the poles, and hungary's of roumans and slovaks. but in thoroughness of method prussia's pupil was to prove prussia's master, for it aimed not merely at expropriation, but extermination, and sought to become strong, not merely by weakening alien elements, but by abolishing them. it did not set this out quite explicitly in its manifestoes and the resolutions of its congresses, but two extracts, the first from the proceedings of the 'committee of union and progress,' held in constantinople in , have a sinister suggestiveness about them for which the acts and measures of the committee had already supplied the comment. 'the formation of new parties in the chamber or in the country must be suppressed, and the emergence of new liberal ideas prevented. turkey must become a really mohammedan country, and moslem influence must be preponderant. every other religious propaganda must be suppressed.... sooner or later the complete ottomanisation of all turkish subjects must be effected; it is clear, however, that this can never be attained by persuasion, but that we must resort to armed force.... other nationalities must be denied the right of organisation, for decentralisation and autonomy are treason to the turkish empire.' could there be a completer reversion to the policy of abdul hamid, than this formal resolution, passed within three years of the time when the young turks deposed him? the conviction begins to dawn on one--as it began to dawn on the balancers of power--that he owed his downfall not to his illiberal and butcherous policy, but because he was not thorough enough. the second extract, from a pamphlet by jelal noury bey, may be added, which defines the policy, not with regard to the christian or jewish subjects of the turks, but with regard to the arabs, moslem by creed, and the guardians of the holy cities. 'it is a peculiarly imperious necessity of our existence for us to turkise the arab lands, for the particularistic idea of nationality is awaking among the younger generation of arabs, and already threatens us with a great catastrophe. against this we must be fore-armed.' the design of ottomanisation soon began to take practical form. ottomanisation was to be the highest expression of patriotism, and any means which secured it, massacres such as, in , had taken place at adana, or the treatment accorded to the greeks and bulgarians who remained in thrace after the balkan wars, were in accordance with the new 'liberal' gospel. thrace was the only territory left to the turks in europe, and as it was largely populated by greeks and bulgarians, it could not be considered as sufficiently ottomanised. a massacre under the very eyes of europe was perhaps dangerous, so it sufficed to put the entire non-turkish population over the frontier and lay hands on their property. in fact this was the first of the 'deportation' schemes which, in , proved so successful with the armenians, and the effect of it was that neither greeks nor bulgarians were left in thrace. then followed the expulsion of greeks from the mediterranean sea-board, but this was never completely carried out because the european war intervened, and the attention of the nationalists was claimed by their over-lord. later, as we shall see, a further deportation of greeks was begun, but again that was stopped, for germany saw that it would never do to have her turkish allies murdering settlers of the same blood as those she hoped would become her allies. of course, when it was only a question of armenians she did not interfere. the design, then, of the new 'liberal' regime, of which those three measures, the massacres at adana, the expulsion of greeks and bulgarians from thrace, and of greeks from the sea-board of the mediterranean, were early instances, was to restore the absolute supremacy of the turks in the ottoman empire. it was obvious that the problem was one of considerable difficulty, since the turks at the time composed only some forty per cent, of the whole population. they numbered about , , , while in the empire were included about , , arabs, , , greeks, , , armenians, and , , more of smaller nationalities, such as kurds, druses, and jews. but the turks were backed by germany, and nowadays, since the abolition of the capitulations, which leaves all alien races unprotected by foreign powers, such as survive, after the extermination of the armenians, are completely at the mercy of the government in constantinople. all these peoples speak a different language from the turks, and have a different religion, for the nationalist party, with a view to the ottomanisation of the arabs, have definitely stated that arab moslems are not of the true faith, and that their own allah (in whose name they subsequently exterminated the armenians) is the god of love--german equivalent got--whereas the arab allah is the god of vengeance. the sinister motive in this discovery needs no comment, for it is obvious that it releases the ottoman government from the prohibition in the koran, whereby moslem may not fight against moslem. therefore the arabs were declared not to be true moslems. later on, that motive was translated into practical measures. among the first tasks with regard to the arabs that faced the nationalist party from what we may call the pacific side of their mission was to substitute the turkish language for arabic. kemal bey, a nationalist of salonika, with the help of ziya bey, collected round him a group of young writers, and these proceeded to translate the koran out of arabic into turkish, and to publish the prayers for the caliphate in their own language, and orders went out that these revised versions should be used in all mosques. turkish was to be the official language for use in all public proclamations, and, with prussian thoroughness, it was even substituted on such railway tickets as had hitherto been printed in arabic. the new turkish tongue (yeni lisan) had also to be purged of all foreign words, but here some difficulty was experienced, for persian and arabic formed an enormous percentage in the language as hitherto employed, and the promoters of this ottoman purity of tongue found themselves left with a very jejune instrument for the rhapsodies of their patriotic aims. poets in especial (for the nationalists, like all well-equipped founders of romantic movements, had their bards) found themselves in sore straits owing to the limited vocabulary; and we read of one, mehmed emin bey, who was forced to publish his odes in small provincial papers, since no well-established journal would admit so scrannel an expression of views however exalted.[ ] but the translation of the koran was the greatest linguistic feat, and tekin alp, the most prominent exponent of nationalism, refers to it as one of the noblest tasks undertaken by the new movement. it mattered not at all that by religious ordinance the translation of the koran into any other tongue was a sin. 'the nationalists,' he tells us, 'have cut themselves off from the superstitious prejudice.' a further attempt was made to substitute turkish letters for arabic letters in the alphabet, but this seems to have presented insuperable difficulties, and i gather that it has been abandoned. [footnote : this thwarted poet retired from the committee of union and progress not long after, and his place was taken by enver.] the ottomanisation of religion and language, then, was among the pacific methods of spreading pan-turkism through the empire. a monstrous idol was set up, a hindenburg idol, in front of which all peoples and languages, not christians alone, but moslems, were bound to prostrate themselves. indeed it was against arabs mainly that these provisions were directed, for the arabs constituted the most menacing obstacle to the spread of ottomanisation, since they numbered in the empire only a million less than the turks themselves. it was ordained by statute that no arab could have a seat on the committee of union and progress, and the cabinet similarly was purged of any greek or armenian element. never any more must there be new parties in the chamber, never any more must liberal ideas (to champion which the new turk party had come into being) be allowed to prick up their pernicious heads. for the nationalist party, with whom the new turks were now identical, had taken as their creed all that the deposed abdul hamid stood for, and only differed from him in that as their schemes developed they looked forward to logical conclusions far beyond what he had ever dreamed of. but abdul hamid may, i think, be taken to be the true founder of the new nationalism: at any rate it was he who had first seen the possibilities of massacre as a means of maintaining ottoman supremacy. in the hands of nationalists that was to prove a more effective weapon than the printing of railway tickets in turkish. but already before the european war the nationalists had vastly extended his ideas, and had seen the danger of allowing even arabs to have a standing of any kind in the new state. henceforth all subject people were to be _rayas_, cattle, as in the old days of the sultans who absorbed the strength of the aliens, but did not exterminate them. but now the cattle were not only to be used for milk, but were to be slaughtered when advisable. till then they must be dumb, or speak the language of their masters only, for this alone can save them from the shambles. ahmed sherif bey, a prominent nationalist, lays this down. 'it is the business of the porte to make the arabs forget their own language, and to impose upon them instead that of the nation that rules them. if the porte loses sight of this duty, it will be digging its grave with its own hands, for if the arabs do not forget their language, their history, and their customs, they will seek to restore their ancient empire on the ruins of ottomanism and of turkish rule in asia.' here, then, is the definite statement of the nationalists' hostility to all things arab, and we shall see how they translated it into practice. even moslems were but cattle for them, as also were armenians and greeks and kurds. armenians were doomed to be the first complete sacrifice on the bloody altar of the nationalists, and, as a turkish gendarme engaged in that sacrifice said to a danish red cross nurse, 'first we kill the armenians, then the greeks, and then the kurds.' and if he had been a progressive minister he would certainly have added, 'and then the arabs.' it was not only within the present limits of the ottoman empire that the committee of union and progress proposed to accomplish their unitive purpose, for after having seen a glorious and exclusive turkey arise over the depopulated territories of their alien peoples, a vaster vision, for an account of which we are indebted to tekin alp, opened before their prophetic eyes. out of the , , inhabitants of persia they claim that one-third are of true turkish blood, and in the new turkey which, so they almost pathetically hope, will be established at the conclusion of the european war by the help of wilhelm ii., those persian turks must be incorporated into the true fold of allah, god of love. the province of adarbaijan, for instance, the richest and most enlightened district of persia, they claim, is entirely turkish, and here the needful rectification will be made in the new atlases that bear the imprimatur of potsdam. similarly, all the country south of the caucasus must rank as turkish territory, since the turks form from fifty to eighty per cent, of the population; all kazan, for the same reason, is truly turkish, with the alluvial plains of the volga, while the crimea, so tekin alp discovers, is also a lost sheep longing for the turkish fold. all this is turkey (or turania) irredenta, and, may we not add:-- 'jerusalem and madagascar and north and south amerikee.' and then what a glorious future awaits the power that europe once thought of as a sick man. 'with the crushing of russian despotism,' exclaims tekin alp, 'by the brave german, austrian, and turkish armies, thirty to forty million turks will receive their independence. with the ten million ottoman turks this will form a nation of fifty millions, advancing towards a great civilisation which may perhaps be compared to that of germany, in that it will have the strength and energy to rise even higher. in some ways it will be even superior to the degenerate french and english civilisations.' the arithmetic and the enthusiasm of the foregoing paragraph are, of course, those of tekin alp, from whose book, _the turkish and pan-turkish ideal_, the quotation is made. the work was published in , and, appearing as it did after the beginning of the european war, it is but natural to find in it an expression not only of the nationalist aims for turkey, but of the prussian aims for turkey, or, to speak more correctly, of the dream which prussia has induced in a hypnotised turkey. it sets forth in fact the bait which prussia has dangled in front of turkey, the hunger for which has inspired the projected future which is here sketched out; and significantly enough this book has been spread broadcast over turkey by the agency of german propagandists. the ottomanisation of the empire, the vision of its further extension, free from all consideration of subject peoples, was exactly the lure which was most likely to keep the turks staunch to their prussian masters. it will be noticed that there is no suggestion of the turks recovering their lost provinces and kingdoms in europe, greece, bulgaria, rumania, servia, and the rest, for it would never do to let fox ferdinand awake from _his_ hypnotic sleep of a sort of czardom over the balkans, or cease to dangle dreams, that included even constantinople before the shifty eye of king constantine so, before turkey was spread the prospect of appropriating russian and persian spoils: prussia had already given the lost turkish kingdoms in europe elsewhere, but would there not be a dismembered russian empire to dispose of? the crimea, the province of kazan, the province of trans-caucasia: all these might be held before turkey's nose, as a dog has a piece of meat held up before it to make it beg. then there was the province of adarbaijan: certainly turkey might be permitted to promise herself that, without incurring the jealousy of austria or bulgaria. greedily turkey took the bait. she gulped it down whole, and never considered that there was a string attached to it, or that, should ever the time come when germany, the conqueror of the world, would be in a position to reward her allies with the realisation of the dreams she had induced, the string would be pulled, and up, with retchings and vomitings, would come these succulent morsels of russia and persia. indeed these bright pictures flashed on to the sheet as the visions of nationalists are but the slides in a german magic-lantern, designed to keep turkey amused, and it was with the same object that ernst marré, in his _die türken und wir nach dem kriege_, was bidden to make other pictures ready in case turkey grew fractious or sleepy. 'from the ruins of antiquity,' he says, when speaking of the ottoman empire, 'new life will spring, if we can manage to raise the treasures which time and sand have covered.' then he remembers that he must be less pan-germanic for the moment, and dangles the bait again. 'in doing this,' he adds, 'we are benefiting turkey. the turkish state is no united whole, and it has always been very difficult to govern. turks, arabs, greeks, armenians, kurds, cannot be welded together. this is a war of liberation for turkey.... only by energetic interference, and by "expelling" the obstinate armenian element could the ottoman empire get rid of a russian domination.... the non-turkish population of the ottoman empire must be ottomanised.' there is no need for further quotations, which might be multiplied indefinitely. the prussian programme is for the moment identical with the turkish nationalist programme: turkey, in order to be kept 'in with' germany, must be encouraged to dream of depopulated armenia (that dream has come tragically true) and of annexations in russia and persia. all this fitted in with the turkish programme: germany had scarcely to inspire, only to encourage. that encouragement she gave, for, simultaneously she was penetrating turkey as water penetrates a sponge, and reducing it to the position of a vassal state. to keep turkey happy she allowed the armenian massacres to run their deadly course, and only interfered with other massacres when they did not suit her purpose. but supposing (to suppose the impossible) that a peace to the european war was dictated by germany, how much of the future pan-turkish programme would be realised? would there be a turkey at all? i think not: there would be a germany in europe, and a germany in asia, where turkey once was. indeed, in all but name, they are in existence now; so complete, as we shall see, has been germany's penetration of the ottoman empire. just for the present she calls herself turkey in those regions; that is her incognito. but turkey as an independent power has already ceased to exist, and tekin alp and the nationalists still dream on with rainbow visions of ottomanisation, the vistas of which stretch far into persia and the plains of the volga. and all the while she has been put out like a candle, and all that is left of her is the smouldering wick ready to be pinched between the horny fingers of her stepmother. there she stands, her stepmother, with her grinning teeth already disclosing the wolf.... whatever the end of the european war may be, in no circumstances can the dreams of the nationalists be realised. even if germany and her arms were so victorious that russia lay at her feet a mere inert carcase ready for the chopper, she would no more dream of giving russian provinces to an independent turkey than she would hand over to her berlin itself. and if, as we know, germany can never be victorious, will the allies once more strive to keep the sick man alive, or leave in his ruthless power the peoples whom he is longing to exterminate? even tekin alp can hardly expect that. here then, in brief, is the policy of new turkey. its subject peoples--armenians, arabs, greeks, kurds, and jews--are to be totally unrepresented in its councils, though together they number sixty per cent, of the population of the empire. but they are not only to be unrepresented in government--they are, if the programme is to be carried conclusively out, to have no existence. in accordance with the plans of the murderous ruffians who to-day administer the nationalist policy, those of the armenians who have not fled beyond the frontiers have already been exterminated, and the same fate threatens arabs, greeks, and jews. hence, when the allied governments wrote their joint note to president wilson, they stated that among their aims in the war was 'the liberation of the peoples who now lie beneath the murderous tyranny of the turks.' from that avowed determination they will never recede. * * * * * note.--it is to be hoped that tekin alp's pamphlet, _turks and the pan-turkish ideal_, may soon be accessible to english readers. the author is a macedonian jew who writes under the pseudonym of tekin alp, and his mind is such that he appears to find romance in the idea of a united turkey purged by indiscriminate massacre from all alien elements. but he sets forth with admirable lucidity the aims of the nationalist party and the steps already achieved by them in their progress towards their ideal. already the sequestered ladies of the harem have come out of their retirement and join in the crusade, and not only do men give lectures to women, but 'women mount the platform and address the men.' there are corporations to advance economic organisations, boy-scout centres all over the empire, and 'intellectual parties' among the guilds of merchants--england and russia appear as the most virulent foes of pan-turkism, 'the colossus of darkest barbarism joined with the colossus of a degenerate civilisation.' in the second part of his pamphlet tekin alp passes on with an enthusiasm which is as sincere as it is pathetic to the vision of a tremendous turkey, extending from thrace on the west to the desert of gobi on the east. it embraces, as his map shows, egypt as far south as victoria nyanza, arabia, persia, the greater part of india, the littoral of the black sea, the plains of the volga, the circuit of the caspian sea and the aral sea, and in the north-east nearly touches tomsk. all this naturally is dependent on complete german victory in the war, and, pathetically enough, tekin alp appears to think that his ideal turkey will meet with the approval of germany. indeed it is no wonder that his pamphlet is circulated broadcast by german propagandists, for it is precisely what germany wants turkey to believe. the romance of the movement appeals also very strongly to ziya gök alp, the official bard of the butchers of constantinople. he has written a sort of ode to attila, quoted by tekin alp, which is a fine frenzy in favour of barbarism. this preposterous poem begins: 'i do not read the famous deeds of my ancestors in the dead, faded, dusty leaves of the history books, but in my own veins, in my own heart. my attila, my huns, those heroic figures which stand for the proud fame of my race, appear in those dry pages to our malicious and slanderous age as covered with shame and disgrace, while in reality they are no less than alexander and caesar,' etc. etc. i have been at present unable to ascertain whether it is true that the german emperor has set it to music, under the impression that it refers to him and the german armies. it is very popular in prussia, which need arouse no surprise. _crescent and iron cross, chapter iii_ the end of the armenian question we have traced in brief the backward progress of ottoman domination, and have seen how, from the rough and ready methods of a military barbarism, the turks evolved a more emphatic and a more highly organised negation of all those principles which we may sum up under the general term of civilisation. the comparatively humane neglect of the unfortunate alien peoples herded within the frontiers of earlier sultans was improved upon by abdul hamid, who struck out the swifter and superior methods of maintaining the dominating strength of the turkish element in the kingdom not by the absorption of subject peoples, but by their extermination. this in turn, this new and effective idea, served as a first sketch of an artist with regard to his finished picture, and starting with that the nationalist party enlarged and elaborated it into that masterpiece of massacre which they exhibited to the world in the years and of the christian era, when from end to end of the empire there flashed the signal for the extermination of the armenian race. abdul hamid was but tentative and experimental as compared to their systematised thoroughness, but then the nationalist party had learned thoroughness under the tutelage of its prussian masters. and in addition to instruction they had had the advantage of seeing how prussian firmness, with the soothing balm of kultur to follow, had dealt with the now-subject remnant of belgians. that was the way to treat subject people: 'the first care of a state is to protect itself,' as enver and talaat could read in the text-books now translated into turkish, in copies, maybe, presented to them by their master in berlin, and turkey could best show the proof of her enlightenment and regeneration, by following in the footsteps of prussian kultur. perhaps a few thousand innocent men might suffer the inconvenience of having their nails torn out, of being bastinadoed to death, of being shot, burned or hanged, perhaps a few thousand girls and women might die by the wayside in being deported to 'agricultural colonies,' might fall victims to the lusts of turkish soldiers, or have babes torn from their wombs, but these paltry individual pains signified nothing compared to the national duty of 'suffering the state to run no risks.' as one of this party of union and progress said, 'the innocent of to-day may be the guilty of to-morrow,' and it was therefore wise to provide that for innocent and guilty alike there should be no to-morrow at all. years before the statesmanship of abdul hamid had prophetically foreseen the dawning of this day, when he remarked 'the way to get rid of the armenian question is to get rid of the armenians,' and temporarily for twenty years he did get rid of the armenian question. but when, in , talaat bey completed his arrangements for a further contribution to the solution of the same problem, he said, 'after this, there will be no armenian question for fifty years.' as far as we can judge, he rather under-estimated the thoroughness of his arrangements.[ ] [footnote : lately (september ), when the massacres were all over, talaat, speaking at a congress of the committee of union and progress, upheld as right and proper the treatment of the armenian race.] the race thus marked out for extermination was one of the oldest settlements in asiatic turkey. originally it was confined to armenia proper, a highland district comprising part of what is now the russian province of trans-caucasia, part of persia, notably the province of adarbaijan, and, within the turkish frontier, the province of armenia, itself. according to legend, which may well be correct, the armenians were the oldest national christian church in the world, with a liturgy that dates from the first century of the christian era, while their translation of the bible dates from the early years of the fifth century a.d. here in these uplands they formed a compact and homogeneous population, spread over towns and country alike, and were occupied in the main with agrarian and pastoral pursuits. but they had in addition much of the versatility and business capacity of the jews, as well as a strong liberal-mindedness towards progress and education, and thus, while they still continued up to the present day their pastoral life in the countryside, others gravitated towards towns, and by degrees they spread over a large part of the turkish empire, until most of the towns in turkey had a progressive and peaceful quota of armenian citizens, tolerated by their moslem neighbours, and, though possessed of no great share of political influence, powerful, in that the trade and commerce of inland turkey was largely in their hands. wherever they went they established their schools; many were lawyers, doctors, and professors of education. certain repressive measures were brought to bear on them; they were not, for instance, allowed to carry arms, except when, in accordance with turkish conscriptive laws, they served in the ottoman army. but many of them, by paying their exemption money, got off military service, and they confined themselves to the arts of peace, whether pastorally in their native highlands, or in the shops and offices of the towns to which they migrated. they were not, till the time of abdul hamid, held to be in any sense a national danger, for, except in armenia proper, they were too scattered and too peace-loving an element of the population to be capable of united action, and never do they seem to have provoked any outburst of moslem fanaticism. they had local quarrels and fights with the more warlike kurds who encroached on armenia, and in the towns where they settled they often incurred the vague jealousy and dislike which are the penalties of a race superior morally and intellectually to those among whom they live. but that superiority constituted in course of time the 'armenian question,' to which abdul hamid alluded. in all, some sixty years ago their entire race numbered about , , persons, of whom about , , inhabited russian trans-caucasia, about , were in the province of adarbaijan, and there were smaller bodies of them in austria and india. the remainder, some , , , were spread over armenia, over the villages and towns of turkey, notably the eastern edge of the cilician uplands, while in constantinople itself there were certainly not less than , , and probably as many as , . to-day, the male portion of the armenian race in the ottoman empire has practically ceased to exist: a quarter of a million men and women escaped over the russian frontier, five thousand escaped to egypt, and there are a few thousand women and girls (it is impossible to ascertain the exact number) in turkish harems. turkism, as administered by abdul hamid first, then, far more efficiently, by enver pasha, and talaat bey, has solved the armenian question. the history of its solution falls under two heads, of which the first concerns the manner in which it was solved in armenia itself, where the population was almost exclusively armenian, both in towns and in the country. here the eastern and north-eastern frontiers of turkey, across which lie the province of russian trans-caucasia and persia, pass through the middle of districts peopled by men of armenian blood, and when, in the autumn of , the turks made their entry into the european war, their eastern armies, operating against russia, found themselves confronted by troops among whom were many armenians, while in their advance into the persian province of adarbaijan, there were in the ranks of their opponents, armenians and syriac christians. they advanced in fact, in the first weeks of the war, into a country largely peopled with men of the same blood as those on their own side of the frontier. though the edict had not yet come from constantinople for the massacre of the armenians (talaat bey did not complete his arrangements till the following april), the slaughter of them began then, first in the advance of the turkish armies, and following on that movement, which lasted but a few weeks, in their subsequent retreat before the russians. all villages through which the turkish armies passed were plundered and burned, all the inhabitants on whom the turks could lay their hands were killed. sometimes women and children were given to the kurds, who formed bands of irregular troops in conjunction with the turkish army, and these were outraged before they were slaughtered. a price was put on every christian head, and in the turkish retreat the corpses were thrust into the wells in order to pollute them. the excuse for this, as given by german apologists (not apologists, perhaps, so much as supporters and adherents of the policy), was that since behind the turkish lines the country was populated by a race of the same blood as that through which they advanced, and then retreated, extermination was necessary in order to prevent or to punish treachery and collusion. but i have been nowhere able to find that there were instances of such, nor that the turks put forward that excuse themselves. indeed it would have been an unnecessary explanation, for but a few months after the opening of the war, talaat bey's plans were complete, and the extermination of armenians hundreds of miles from any sphere of military operations rendered it needless to say anything about it, or to invent instances of treachery if there were actually none to hand. simultaneously the massacre of armenians behind the turkish lines began. the whole male population of the district round bitlis was murdered, so too were all males in bitlis itself. then all women and children were driven in, as a herdsman might drive sheep, from the reeking villages round, and, for purposes of convenience, concentrated in bitlis. when they were all collected, they were driven in a flock to the edge of the tigris, shot, and the corpses were thrown into the river. that was the solution of the armenian question in bitlis. north-west of bitlis, and some sixty miles distant, lies the town of mush. it used to contain about , armenian inhabitants, and in the district round there were some three hundred villages chiefly consisting of armenians. arrangements were on foot for a general massacre there when the arrival of russian troops at liz, some fifteen hours' march away, caused the execution of it to be put off for a while, and up till july a few folk only had been shot, and a few beaten to death, as a warning to those treacherously inclined. then the russians, in the face of superior forces, had to retire again, and the massacres were put on a systematic footing. the account which follows is based on four independent authorities: ( ) the statement of a german eye-witness in mush in charge of an armenian orphanage; ( ) the statement of a woman deported from a village near, and subsequently killed by kurds; ( ) information from refugees escaped to trans-caucasia; ( ) the journal _horizon_ of tiflis. these supplement each other, often verify each other, and in no instance are contradictory. rumours of an impending massacre reached mush before the end of , at a time when the massacres across the frontier had begun. the mutessarif of mush, an intimate friend of enver pasha, had openly declared that 'at an opportune moment' the slaughter of the whole armenian race was contemplated, and later ekran bey corroborated this in the presence of the american and german consuls. enver indeed seems to have been the chief organiser with regard to the massacres in armenia itself, while talaat bey saw to the fate of those dispersed in towns throughout the rest of turkey. during the whole of that winter, a very severe one, signs of the approaching extermination multiplied. in the villages round fresh taxes were introduced, and when armenians were unable to pay they were beaten to death, while, if they resisted, the village in question was burned. but by july (after the unavoidable delay caused by the proximity of russian troops) all was ready, and the massacre began in earnest. four battalions of turkish troops arrived from constantinople, and an order was given that all armenians must leave the town within three days, after 'registering themselves' at the government office. the women and children were to remain, but their money and their property would be confiscated. within two hours after that, owing, i suppose, to fresh orders from constantinople, the guns opened fire on the crowds in the streets flocking to the registry offices, and after that systematic house-to-house murder began. prominent armenians were tortured to death, houses containing women and children were set on fire, a body of men collected together was thrown into the river, girls were outraged and slaughtered. for two days the massacre continued, and by the end of the second day the armenian question was solved as regards mush. in the surrounding villages the same prussian thoroughness was observed, and out of all the inhabitants of the plain only seemed to have survived, who fled to sasun (there to be subsequently massacred in ), while a few from outlying villages escaped to the russian troops. in certain villages the girls and young women were given to the kurd soldiery, who raped them publicly in the presence of their families, not sparing girls of eight and ten years of age, who then, bleeding and violated, were shot in company with the old women, for whom the kurds (inspired by allah, the god of love) had no use. elsewhere, as the story of a deported woman from kheiban tells us, the women guarded by kurdish troops were driven out of their villages, leaving behind the corpses of the men and of old women who could not walk, and for days were marched along the roads, nearly naked, under the fierce heat of the july sun. once every other day they were given bread, but all did not get it, and many fell exhausted by the wayside, and were either whipped to their feet again or allowed to lie down and die. as they passed through villages kurds would come out and rape a girl or two, and when they halted at night their guards would come among them.... some few escaped; the rest, in dwindling company, went on through days of blinding sun and nights of shame till at last there were only a few remaining. it was not worth while going farther, for the work of enver pasha was nearly done, and the rest were pushed into the river. one alone survived, who could swim, and she, with her two-year-old baby on her back, got across the stream and made her way to a village where were a party of armenians who had escaped massacre. she arrived there at midnight, and at first they thought she was a ghost. to them she told her story of the outraged and ever-dwindling caravan of helpless women and girls driven onwards all day beneath the smiting arrows of the sun, and encamped by the wayside, where they halted with their barbarous guards and their lusts for a terror by night. of them none but this one was left, who had carried her baby with her every step of that infernal pilgrimage. two days afterwards he died from want of nourishment, and before the week was out the mother fell into the hands of a body of patrolling kurds, and was killed. so the problem of the village of kheiban was solved, and if in the history of the crimes that have blackened the earth with wanton cruelty and made god to hide his face, there is any so atrocious a tale, i do not know it. but if among the annals of heroism and of mother-love we want to find a nobler record than that of this woman of kheiban, equally am i at a loss as to where we should look for it. among the true and golden legends of the world shall that which she did be inscribed for a memorial of her. northward from mush, and bitlis lies the province of erzerum, with the town of the same name, that contained in the autumn of some , armenians. here the first hint of coming trouble was the order that all armenian soldiers serving in turkish ranks should be disarmed. this was followed in june by another order that all the inhabitants of the hundred villages in the district should leave their homes at two hours' notice. they numbered between , and , persons. of these a few took refuge with friendly kurds, but of the remainder a few only lived to reach erzinjan, where they were again deported, and the rest were murdered as they marched. in erzerum itself orders were received by tahsin bey, the vali of the town, that all armenians were to be killed without distinction of age or sex. he refused to carry this order out, but his unwillingness was overruled.[ ] simultaneously, the german consul telegraphed protests to his ambassador at constantinople, and was told that germany could not interfere in the internal affairs of turkey. [footnote : at angora a similar refusal on the part of the governor resulted in his dismissal, and the same thing happened at konia and at kutaia.] here the method employed was deportation: the victims were murdered, not in the town itself, but were given orders to leave their homes, and under guard march (for no conveyances were given them) to other districts. the first company was to go to diarbekr. all these, with the exception of one man and forty women, were murdered on the first day's march. the remainder reached kharput, which was another station or collecting place for the deported. a german eye-witness tells us what fate waited them. 'they have had their eyebrows plucked out, their breasts cut off, their nails torn off; their torturers hew off their feet, or else hammer nails into them as they do in shoeing horses. this is all done at night-time, in order that people may not hear their screams and know of their agony. soldiers are stationed round the prisons, beating drums and blowing whistles. it is needless to relate that many died of these tortures. when they die, the soldiers cry, "now let your christ help you."' a second caravan of five hundred families left erzerum: at baiburt they were joined by another contingent deported from that town, and the account that follows is based on the information supplied by the rev. robert stapleton, an american minister at erzerum, and by an armenian woman who was among the deported, and whose life was spared on her embracing islamism. the convoy numbered, when it left baiburt, some , persons, and it reached erzinjan in safety. there the massacres had already taken place, and the women and children had been deported, for they found no armenians there. but the convoy had not yet arrived at its goal, and it started out again moving south by east till it came to kamakh. there bands of kurds descended on them, and in the space of seven days every male above fifteen years of age, including an aged priest of ninety, was killed. thereafter a pilgrimage of women, as from kheiban, moved southwards across plain and mountain, and every day its numbers were diminished, for the youthful and the good-looking were carried off by brigands. at night they were halted outside villages, and the gendarmes and villagers took what they chose. many died from hunger and heat-stroke: others were left by the wayside. when they came to the banks of the river kara-su there was a debauch of horror. women and girls and little children were raped and mutilated, and the children who still survived were thrown into the river. those who could swim were shot. thereafter the movements of this caravan are hard to trace. probably there was then but little left of it. but others followed on the same route 'through fields and hillsides dotted with swollen and blackened corpses that filled and fouled the air with their stench.' some of them reached mosul, some reached aleppo, another collecting station, where, by the mouth of other witnesses, we shall hear of them again. corroborative and additional evidence is given by the danish red cross nurses who, with a noble disregard of their own safety, accompanied one of these caravans from erzerum to erzinjan. they speak of the massacres at kamakh, of the killing by the river, and of a _battue_ through the cornfields, where the wheat was high, into which some armenians had escaped. at one time these danish sisters were in the charge of a gendarme who had superintended a massacre of women and children driven from their homes into the country, rounded up and killed. he told the sisters that this was the best method of getting rid of them, for they should be made to suffer first, and besides it would be inconvenient for moslems to live in a village with so many corpses about. at another place they came to a shambles, where armenian soldiers, deprived of their arms, and sent to make roads, had been slaughtered: at another there were three gangs of labourers, one moslem, one greek, and one armenian. these latter were guarded. presently, as they proceeded along their road, they looked round and saw that the armenian gang was being formed up by itself, a little off the highroad.... and so the ghastly record went on all over armenia. at one place only, the town of van, was any resistance organised. there, after the massacre had begun, some armenians got hold of arms (probably many of these men were soldiers who had not yet had their arms taken from them), and for the space of twenty-seven days defended themselves against five thousand turkish troops, till the russian advance relieved them. during that advance armenian refugees, into whose districts the massacres had not yet penetrated, fled for refuge to the invading army, and in all some , armenians under its protection crossed in safety the russian frontier into trans-caucasia. how many died on the way from hunger and exhaustion is not known. cholera, dysentery, and spotted fever broke out among them, and the path of their passage was lined with dead and dying. companies of kurds made descents upon them, taking toll of their maidenhood, but, with the russian line to protect them at their rear, they struggled on out of the cemetery and brothel of their native country, and out of the accursed confines of that hell on earth, the ottoman empire, leaving behind them the murdered myriads of their husbands and their sons, their violated wives and daughters. through incredible hardships they passed, but, unlike the other pilgrimages we have briefly traced, they moved not towards death, but towards safety and life, and their dark steps were lightened with hope. before the last of those who survived the hunger and the pestilence of that pilgrimage had reached russian soil, it is probable that in all armenia there was not a man of their race left alive, nor a woman either unless she had accepted islamism and the life of the harem. a peaceful and progressive nation had been wiped out with every accompaniment of horror and cruelty and bestial lust, and in armenia itself there would never more be an armenian question. abdul hamid had hinted at the solution of it, and had made, as we have seen, experiments in that direction; but it was reserved for enver pasha and talaat bey, enlightened men of the young turk party, with the advantages of a prussian example, to complete the work. already enver had said that he would never rest until the last armenian in the ottoman empire had been killed, and before the end of , as far as armenia itself went, he was able to see a reasonable prospect of repose before him. but there was much work still left to do in other provinces. we have seen that for the extirpation of armenians in armenia proper, the excuse put forward, if not by the turks themselves, by their german apologists, was the necessity of guarding against treachery in the vicinity of the turkish army, and against spying and collusion between the armenians behind the russian lines and those behind turkish lines. the same pretext was put forward for the massacres and deportations from thrace, from constantinople, and from the shores of the sea of marmora. here, if anywhere, there may be thought to be some justification for measures which might have been undertaken for the sake of public safety. at any rate, there were definite charges brought against armenians in these districts, and the armenian boatmen of silivri, for instance, were imprisoned, but not, as far as i know, massacred, on the charge of revictualling english submarines, which at that time, as the reader will remember, had penetrated into the sea of marmora, and indeed had reached constantinople itself. it is not, of course, consonant with turkish or prussian justice to substantiate charges before inflicting penalties, it is sufficient in the new world-justice to accuse. but here round constantinople, there was some pretence at procedure before resorting to murder and deportation. a register was drawn up of all armenians resident in the capital, dividing into separate classes those who were born in constantinople, and those who were immigrants from armenia, with a view to deporting those who were not native to the city. here, i think, we may see traces of the prussian instinct for tabulation, for classification, for category-mongering. enver and his colleagues lost patience with these dilatory tactics. the armenians of the province of brussa were deported wholesale, and long before the registration lists of constantinople were finished, all armenians were moved out of the town. ten thousand males were massacred in the mountains of ismid, and the armenian women and children taken into collecting stations for deportation to 'agricultural colonies' (so the phrase ran in the pecksniff language of prussia) situated in the anatolian desert, in the desert of arabia, and in malarious marshes on the euphrates. with this clearing out of armenians from thrace, from constantinople, and from armenia itself, we have finished with our first class of the armenian atrocities. for it reasons were at least invented by german apologists. military necessities, which here, as in belgium, knew no law, dictated it; the frightfulness involved was incidental to war. but such considerations were not even alleged for the second class of the murder-scheme. before passing on, it will be well to review, quite shortly, the reasons which dictated it, and penetrate into the infernal councils of enver pasha and talaat bey. the text of the scheme is to be found in the defined policy of the young turk party as set forth in their congress of . 'turkey must become a really mohammedan country, and moslem ideas and moslem influence must be preponderant.... sooner or later the complete ottomanisation of all turkish subjects must be effected: it is clear, however, that this can never be attained by persuasion, but that we must resort to armed force.' there is the text that was expanded into the discourse of murder; it is the definition of a policy. within a few years there followed the european war, and that probably was the immediate cause of its being put into effect. no more admirable opportunity for ottomanisation could present itself, for the entry of turkey into the war was most unpopular with the bulk of the turkish population, and it was advisable to bribe them into acceptance of it. the bribe was the houses, the property, the money and the trade that throughout the length and breadth of turkey was in armenian hands. for the armenians were by far the wealthiest of the alien populations, and some per cent. of turkish trade passed through their shops and offices. here, then, was the psychological moment: turkey for the turk was the aim of the committee of union and progress, and with a discontented population, unwilling to fight, the moment had come for restoring to the turk this mass of property which at present belonged to an alien race. war might have its drawbacks and its clouds, but war would be seen to have its advantages and its silver linings, if out of it there came this legacy of armenian wealth. and by the same stroke turkey could get rid of those thousands of meddlesome missionaries, american and french, who spread religion and learning and other undesirable things among the cursed race. once remove the cursed race, and there would be an end of their instructors also, for there would be none to instruct. 'thanks to their schools,' so we read in the _hilal_, an organ of the young turks, 'foreigners were able to exercise great moral influence over the young men of the country.... by closing them (i.e. by exterminating their pupils) the government has put an end to a situation as humiliating as it was dangerous.' such, then, was the spirit that animated enver and talaat, and during the winter of - they perfected their plans. the armenian race was to cease, and the valis and other officials were, each in his district, to see to the thoroughness of its cessation. sometimes, as happened at erzerum, the vali in question, not having the broad out-look of enver, or quaintly and curiously having a womanish objection to the national duty of flogging men to death and giving over young girls to a barbarous soldiery, remonstrated with the authorities, or even refused to obey orders. such a one was instantly removed from his office, and a stauncher patriot substituted. all was put on an orderly footing: here kurds were to be employed on the old abdul hamid formula, who by way of wage would enjoy the privilege of raping as many women and girls out of their hapless convoy as seemed desirable, while in agricultural districts they were allowed also to take over the sheep and cattle of their murdered victims. here, in towns where there was more chance of resistance than in scattered homesteads, it would be wise to employ regular troops, backed, if necessary, by artillery, to whom would be entrusted the murder of the whole male population, after suitable tortures, supposing the executioners had a taste for the sport, and to them was given the right of general plunder. then, as soon as the number and capacity of the vacant houses were telegraphed to constantinople, occupiers from the discontented townsfolk and natives of thrace were assigned to them. sometimes there would be a big school building to give away as well, but that was not always so, for it might be more convenient to assemble armenians there for purposes of registration or so forth, and then, if it happened to catch fire, why enver would understand that such accidents would occur. among other careful and well-thought-out instructions came the order that, when possible, the murders should not take place in the town, but outside it, for clean allah-fearing moslems would not like to live in habitations defiled by christian corpses. but, above all, there must be thoroughness; not a man must be left alive, not a girl nor a woman who must not drag her outraged body, so long as breath and the heart-beat remained in it, to, or rather towards those 'agricultural colonies,' as talaat bey, in a flash of whimsical prussian humour, called them. one was advantageously situated in the middle of the anatolian desert at the village of sultanieh. there, for miles round, stretched the rocks and sands of a waterless wilderness, but no doubt the women and children of this very industrious race would manage to make it wave with cornfields. another agricultural colony, by way of contrast, should be established a couple of days' journey south of aleppo, where the river loses itself in pestilential and malarious swamps. arabs could not live there, but who knew whether those hardy armenians (the women and children, of them at least who had proved themselves robust enough to reach the place) would not flourish there out of harm's way? after the swamps one came to the arabian desert, and there, a hundred miles south-east, was a place called deir-el-zor; wandering arab tribes sometimes passed through it, but, arrived there, the armenians should wander no more. in those arid sands and waterless furnaces of barren rock there was room for all and to spare. sultanieh, the swamps, and deir-el-zor: these were the chief of talaat bey's agricultural colonies. there must be collecting stations for these tragic colonists, centres to which they must be herded in from surrounding districts: one at osmanieh, let us say, one at aleppo, one at ras-el-ain, one at damascus. and since it would be a pity to let so many flowers of girlhood waste their sweetness on the desert air of deir-el-zor, slave markets must be established at these collecting stations. there would be plenty of girls, and prices would be low, but the reverend ministers of allah the god of love, the ulemas, the padis and the muftis, should be accorded a preferential tariff. indeed they should pay nothing at all; they should just choose a girl and take her away, and, with the help of allah the god of love, convert her to the blessed creed. no one was too young for these lessons.... a little abstemiousness would not hurt these pampered christians, so when they set out on their marches they need not be provided with rations or water. perhaps some might die, but talaat had no use for weaklings at his agricultural colonies. nor must there be any poking and prying on the part of those interfering american missionaries; and so talaat bey put all the agricultural colonies out of bounds for foreigners.... there was no hurry over these deportations, for the plea of military exigencies, which had caused the deportations in armenia itself to be terminated by massacre with a rapidity almost inartistic, did not apply to armenians so far from the seat of war. their picnics could be conducted quietly and pleasantly in the leisurely oriental manner. even the men need not be murdered absolutely out of hand. strong young fellows might be stripped and tied down and then beaten to death by bastinadoing the feet till they burst, or by five hundred blows on the chest and stomach. their cries would mingle with the screams of their sisters in the embrace of turkish soldiers. and, talking of embraces, if a woman was desirable, she need not walk all the way to deir-el-zor, but by embracing islamism be transferred to a harem. but these were details that might be left to individual taste: there were no precise instructions save that no armenian men must be discoverable in the ottoman empire at all, and no women save those who had become turkish women, or who were at work on the waterless and the malarial agricultural colonies. talaat bey reviewed his finished scheme. he thought it would do, and enver pasha agreed with him, and jemal bey (who soon after styled himself jemal the great), the military governor of syria, and so responsible for the last stages of their pilgrimage, thought it would do very well indeed. and instructions were sent out to every town in the empire where there were armenians, in accordance with the programme of talaat bey. how enver carried out his part of the programme in armenia itself we have seen, and by the end of the year ( ) his work was done, and armenia was armenia no longer. but operations, as i have said, were conducted in a more leisurely manner elsewhere, and the agony of that butchery protracted. but jemal got to work at once in the thickly populated district round zeitun. he had had no success in the campaign of the winter in the direction of the suez canal, and his troops were hungry for some sort of victory. the zeitunlis were hardy independent mountaineers, who were possessed of arms, and jemal thought it more prudent not to dally with deportations, but conduct a regular campaign against them. for two or three months they resisted, entrenching themselves in the hills, but they could not hold out against artillery and the modern apparatus of war, and the whole tribe was wiped out. that done, jemal became jemal the great by reason of his national services, and paid a visit to germany. on his return we shall hear of him again. meanwhile, from all the reports that have arrived from missionaries and others, we may take one or two, almost at random. at certain places, as in the governments of ismid, angora and diarbekr, the armenian population was completely wiped out. sometimes tortures were added, as at a certain anatolian town where there was a big armenian school, in which a number of professors and instructors, some of whom had studied in america, in scotland, and in germany, had for years been working. what happened to them was this:-- ( ) professor a served the college thirty-five years, and taught turkish and history. he was arrested without charge, the hair of his head and beard were pulled out in order to secure damaging confessions. he was starved and hung up by the arms for a day and a night and repeatedly beaten. he was then murdered. ( ) professor b, who had served the college thirty-three years, and taught mathematics, suffered the same fate. ( ) professor c, head of the preparatory department, had served the college for twenty years. he was made to witness the spectacle of a man being beaten almost to death, and became mentally deranged. he was murdered with his family. ( ) professor d, who taught mental and moral sciences, was treated in the same way as professor a. he also had three finger nails pulled out by the roots, and was subsequently murdered. similarly, at diarbekr, the armenians were collected in batches of , taken out of the town, and killed to the last man. among them was the armenian archbishop; his eyes and nails were dragged out before he was butchered. or let us take a look at some of the collecting camps. at one, described by an eye-witness, we find that the convoy had arrived after several months of travel. more than half were already dead, they had been pillaged by bandits and kurds seven times. they were forbidden to drink water when they passed by a stream, three-quarters of the young women and girls had been kidnapped, the rest were compelled to sleep with the gendarmes who conducted them. at osmanieh it was decided to deport the women and children by train. they lay about the station starving and fever-stricken. when the train arrived many were jostled on to the line, and the driver yelled with joy, crying out, 'did you see how i smashed them up?' at another camp typhus broke out; those who died of it were left unburied, as vouched for by a turkish officer, in order to increase the infection.... urfa was another collecting camp for the armenians in that district, and the following account is based on the information of an eye-witness. here, before the concentration began, the armenians living in the town offered resistance to the turks, and held out until fahri bey, second in command to jemal the great, arrived with artillery, bombarded the town, and massacred every armenian there. quiet being thus restored, the bands of deported began to arrive. they came by rail or on foot, and, with the prussian love of tabulation, were divided into three groups. the first group consisted of old men, old women, and young children. they, guarded by gendarmes, were sent marching through the desert to deir-el-zor. few, if any, ever arrived there, all dying by the way. the second group, consisting of able-bodied men, was led off in batches and slaughtered. among them were zohrab and vartkes, armenian deputies who had been brought there from constantinople. the third group consisted of young marriageable girls. some, perhaps, found their way into harems. from aleppo (one of the final concentration camps before such as were left of the convoys set forth for their goal, the swamps or the desert round deir-el-zor) we have the detailed evidence of dr. martin niepage, high grade teacher in the german technical school. this gentleman, with a courage and a humanity to which the highest tribute must be paid, addressed a report of protest to the german ambassador at constantinople, and wrote an open letter to the reichstag on the subject of what he had seen with his own eyes in that town. in his preliminary matter he speaks as follows:-- 'in dilapidated caravanserais i found quantities of dead, many corpses being half-decomposed, and others still living among them who were soon to breathe their last. in other yards i found quantities of sick and dying people, whom nobody was looking after.... we teachers and our pupils had to pass them every day. every time we went out we saw through the open windows their pitiful forms, emaciated and wrapped in rags. in the morning our school children, on their way through the narrow streets, had to push past the two-wheeled ox-carts on which every day, from eight to ten rigid corpses without coffin or shroud, were carried away, their arms and legs trailing out of the vehicle.' from the report itself:-- 'out of convoys which, when they left their homes on the armenian plateau, numbered from two to three thousand men, women, and children, only two or three hundred survivors arrived here in the south. the men were slaughtered on the way, the women and girls, with the exception of the old, the ugly and those who are still children, have been abused by turkish soldiers and officers.... even when they are fording rivers they do not allow those dying of thirst to drink. all the nourishment they receive is a daily ration of a little meal sprinkled on their hands.... opposite the german technical school at aleppo, a mass of about four hundred emaciated forms, the remnant of such convoys, is lying in one of the caravanserais. there are about a hundred children (boys and girls) among them, from five to seven years old. most of them are suffering from typhoid and dysentery. when one enters the yard, one has the impression of entering a madhouse. if one brings food, one notices that they have forgotten how to eat.... if one gives them bread, they put it aside indifferently. they just lie there quietly waiting for death.' dr. niepage wrote this report in the hope of saving such as then ( ) survived. no notice whatever was taken of it, and his postscript, written in may , records the fact that 'the exiles encamped at ras-el-ain on the bagdad railway, estimated at , men, women and children, were slaughtered to the last one.'[ ] [footnote : it is right to add that at aleppo an officer called bekir sami guarded , armenians whom he had collected from neighbouring districts, who were threatened with massacre, and i find that a german missionary states that there were , armenians alive in aleppo. this forms confirmatory evidence, but at the same time there is nothing to show that they were not subsequently deported to deir-el-zor. in this case it is highly improbable that any survive.] in dr. niepage's view, as i have stated elsewhere, the germans are directly responsible for the continuance of the massacres. such, too, is the opinion, he tells us, of the educated moslems, and his courage in stating this has lost him his post at aleppo. it is to be sincerely hoped that he has escaped the fate of a certain dr. lepsius, who, for drawing attention to the fact that germany allowed the armenian massacres, has been arrested for high treason. before the end of the german authorities, who had refused to interfere in the massacres, and both in the official press and through official utterances had expressed their support of this ottomanisation of the empire, began to think that you might have too much of a good thing, and that the massacres had really gone far enough. their reason was clear and explicit: there would be a very serious shortage of labour in the beet-growing industry and in the harvest-fields, for which they had sent grain and artificial manures from germany. there had been some talk, they said, of saving , armenians out of the race, but, in the way things were going on, it seemed that the remnant would not nearly approach that figure. would not the great ottomanisers temper their patriotism with a little clemency? talaat bey disagreed: he wanted to make a complete job of it, but jemal the great, fresh from his visit to germany, supported the idea, and, in spite of talaat's opposition, made a spectacular exhibition of clemency, in which, beyond doubt, we can trace an 'imitatio imperatoris,' in the following manner. there was at the time a large convoy of men and women in constantinople which was to be led out for murder and deportation, and jemal gave orders that it should be spared and sent back to its highland home. he gave orders also that the entire convoy should be informed who was their saviour, and should be led in procession past his house and show their gratitude. all day the sorry pageant lasted, the ragged, half-starved crowd streamed by the house of jemal the great, with murmurs of thanksgiving and uplifted hands, and all manner of obeisances, while jemal the great stood in his porch with stern, impassive face, and hand on his sword-hilt in the best potsdam manner, and acknowledged these thanksgivings....[ ] [footnote : in support of jemal's claim to clemency it must be added that, according to a report coming from alexandria, he hanged twelve of the worst assassins sent to syria as ringleaders of the massacres. i cannot find corroboration of this.] here, then, is the absurd, the williamesque side of this ludicrous popinjay, jemal the great, and it contains not only the obvious seeds of laughter, but the more helpful seeds of hope. he has a strong hand on the very efficient army of syria, and his visits to berlin seem perhaps to have turned his head not quite in the direction that the master-egalo-megalomaniac of berlin intended. i gather that jemal the great was not so much impressed by the magnificence of william ii. as to fall dazzled and prone at the imperial feet, and lick with enraptured tongue the imperial boot polish, but rather to be inspired to do the same himself, to become the god-anointed of the newly acquired german province, which is turkey, and make a potsdam of his own. this is only a guess, but the conduct of jemal the great in the matter of these armenian refugees, and in other affairs, has been distinctly imperial. in june of this year, for instance, he telegraphed to h.e. the vali of syria, and an extract from his text is truly potsdamish. 'one and a half million of sandbags,' he wrote, 'are required for the fortress of gaza.... the bags should be made, if necessary, of all the silk-hangings in houses of syria and palestine.' with his army behind him, he has twice already defied the orders of talaat, and i am inclined to think that he is the coming strong man of the effete empire with whom it would be well worth while to make friends, even at a highish price. the allied powers should keep an undazzled eye on him, for it is quite possible that, having defied talaat successfully, he may go on to defy the real rulers of turkey, who live in berlin. his syrian army, from such sources as are available, appears to be more efficient than any other body of troops the turks can put into the field, and he has them in control. probably in the winter of - our troops will come into collision with them. but in the interval, also quite probably, jemal the great may resent german superintendence.[ ] [footnote : see note at end of this chapter.] but in addition to his ludicrous side, there is in him a refined hypocrisy and a subtle cruelty worthy of abdul hamid. one instance will suffice. there had been some talk that at certain of these concentration camps there was no water supply, and he gave orders, did jemal the great and the merciful, that water should be sent. a train consisting of trucks of water accordingly was despatched to one of those camps, situated in the desert, with no supply nearer than six miles, and an eye-witness describes its arrival. the mob of armenians, mad with thirst, surrounded it, and, since everything must be done in an orderly and seemly manner, were beaten back by the turkish guards, and made to stand at a due distance for the distribution. and when those ranks, with their parched throats and sun-cracked lips, were all ready, the turkish guards opened the taps of the reservoirs, and allowed the whole of their contents to run away into the sand. whether jemal the great planned that, or whether it was but a humorous freak on the part of the officials, i cannot say. but as a refinement of cruelty i have, outside the page of poe's tales, only once come across anything to equal it, and that in a letter from the _times'_ correspondent at berne on april , . he describes the treatment of english prisoners in germany: 'an equally common entertainment with those women (german red cross nurses) was to offer a wounded man a glass, perhaps, of water, then, standing just outside his reach, to pour it slowly on the ground.' could those sisters of mercy have read the account of jemal's clemency, or is it merely an instance of the parallelism of similar minds? so the empty train returned, and jemal the great caused it to be known in berlin that he was active in securing a proper water supply for the famous agricultural settlements in the desert, and loud were the encomiums in the press of the central powers over the colonisation of syria by the armenians, the progress and enlightenment of the turks, and the skilful and humane organisation of jemal the great. there is no difficulty in estimating to-day the number of armenian men who survive in the turkish empire. all appeals to the prussian overlords, such as were made by dr. niepage, and the belated remonstrance of the prussians themselves when they foresaw a dearth of labour for the husbandry of beet and cereals, fell on deaf ears, and i cannot see any reason for supposing that armenian men exist any more in the empire. it is more difficult to judge of the numbers of women who, by accepting the moslem creed and the harems, are still alive. certainly in some districts there were considerable 'conversions,' and dr. niepage rates them as many thousands. but the willingness to accept those conditions was not always a guarantee for their being granted, and i have read reports where would-be converts were told that 'religion' was a more serious matter than that, and, instead of being accepted, they were massacred. but even if dr. niepage is right, we can scarcely consider these women as constituting an armenian element any more in the country. the work of butchery, the torture, the long-drawn agonies of those inhuman pilgrimages have come to an end because there are no more armenian victims available. apart from those who escaped over the russian frontier, and the handful who sought refuge in egypt, the race exists no longer, and the seal has been set on the bloodiest deed that ever stained the annals of the barbarous osmanlis. it is not in revenge on the murderers, but in order to rescue the other subject peoples, arabs, greeks, jews, who are still enclosed within the frontiers of the empire, that the allied governments, in their answer to president wilson, stated that among their aims as belligerents, was the 'liberation of the peoples who now lie beneath the murderous tyranny of the turks.' there is defined their irreducible demand: never again, after peace returns, will the turk be allowed to control the destinies of races not his own. too long already--and to their disgrace be it spoken--have the civilised and christian nations of europe tolerated at their very doors a tyranny that has steadily grown more murderous and more monstrous, because they feared the upset of the balance of power. now at least such powers as value national honour, and regard a national promise as something more than a gabble of ink on a scrap of paper, have resolved that they will suffer the tyranny of the turk over his alien subject peoples to continue no longer. it is the least they can do (and unhappily the most) to redeem the century-long neglect of their duty. even now, as we shall see in a subsequent chapter, the direst peril threatens those other peoples who at present groan under turkish rule, and we can but pray that the end of the war will come before arabs or greeks or jews suffer the same fate as has exterminated the armenians. too often have we been too late; we must only hope that another item will not have to be added to that miserable list, and that, when the day of reckoning comes, no half-hearted and pusillanimous policy will stay our hands from the complete execution of that to which we stand pledged. the balance of power has gone the way of other rickety makeshifts, but there must be no makeshift in our dealings with the turk, no compromise and no delay. what shall be done with those who planned and executed the greatest massacres known to history matters little; let them be hanged as high as haman, and have done with them. but what does matter is that at no future time must it be in the power of a government that has never been other than barbaric and butcherous, to do again as it has done before. note on jemal the great jemal the great has very obligingly done what i suggested we might expect him to do, and has kicked against the german control of the syrian army. general von falkenhayn was sent to take supreme command, and on june th of this year jemal the great refused to receive orders from him. in consequence general von falkenhayn refused responsibility for any offensive movement there if jemal remained in command. this promised well for trouble between turks and germans, but we must not, i am afraid, build very high hopes on it, for germany has dealt with the situation in a masterly manner. jemal was already minister of marine as well as commander of the syrian army, so the emperor asked him to pay another visit to berlin, and he has been visiting krupp's works and german naval yards, and we shall find probably that in the future his activities will be marine rather than military, and that von falkenhayn will have a free hand in syria. but this will prove rather disappointing for jemal, since it seems beyond mere coincidence that towards the end of august herr von kuhlmann, the new german foreign minister, induced the turkish government (while jemal was at berlin) to put their navy and their merchant fleet under the orders of the german admiralty, and already many turkish naval officers have been replaced by germans. thus jemal will find himself deprived of his military command, because the navy so urgently needed his guiding hand, while his guiding hand over the navy will be itself guided by the german admiralty.... in fact, it looks rather like checkmate for jemal the great, and an end to the trouble he might have given the german control. on the eve of his leaving germany, as yet unconscious probably of the subordination of the entire turkish fleet to the german admiralty, he gave an interview to a representative of the _cologne gazette_, which deserves more than that ephemeral appearance. it shows jemal the great in a sort of hypnotic trance induced at potsdam. 'the german fleet,' he says, 'is simply spotless in its power, and a model for all states which need a modern navy--a model which cannot be surpassed.' ... he went for a cruise in a submarine which proceeded 'so smoothly, elegantly, calmly and securely that i had the impression of cruising in a great steamship.' ... he was taken to belgium, and describes the 'idyllic life there': in the towns 'the people go for walks all day long,' and in the country the peasants blithely gather in the harvest with the help of happy prisoners.' (he does not tell us where the harvest goes to, any more than the germans tell us where the turkish harvests go to.) he was taken to general headquarters, which he describes as 'majestic.' finally he was taken into the presence of the all-highest, and seems to have emerged in the condition in which moses came down from sinai.... but one must not altogether despair of jemal the great. it is still possible that, on his return to constantinople, when he found that his position, as minister of marine was but a clerkship in the german admiralty, the hypnotic trance began to pass off, and his ambitions to re-assert themselves. he may yet give trouble to the germans if properly handled. _crescent and iron cross, chapter iv_ the question of syria and palestine it is impossible to leave this heart-rending tale of the sufferings of the armenian people under the turks without some account of that devoted band of american missionaries who, with a heroism unsurpassed, and perhaps unequalled, so eagerly sacrificed themselves to the ravages of pestilence and starvation in order to alleviate the horrors that descended on the people to whom they had been sent. often they were forcibly driven from the care of their flocks, often in the extermination of their flocks there was none left whom they could shepherd, but wherever a remnant still lingered there remained these dauntless and self-sacrificing men and women, regardless of everything except the cause to which they had devoted themselves. they recked nothing of the dangers to which they exposed themselves so long as there was a child or a woman or a man whom they could feed or nurse. terrible as were the sufferings through which the armenians passed, they must have been infinitely more unbearable had it not been for these american missionaries; small as was the remnant that escaped into the safety of persia or russian trans-caucasia, their numbers must have been halved had it not been for the heroism of these men and women. while the german consuls contented themselves with a few faint protests to their ambassador at constantinople, followed by an acquiescence of silence, the missionaries constituted themselves into a red cross society of intrepid workers, and, as one well-qualified authority tells us, 'suffered as many casualties from typhus and physical exhaustion as any proportionate body of workers on the european battlefields.' fully indeed did they live up to the mandate of the american board that sent them out: 'your great business is with the fundamental doctrines and duties of the gospel.' at the opening of the european war the american missions had been at work for nearly a hundred years, and were disseminated over anatolia and armenia. they had opened protestant churches and schools, they established hospitals, and in every possible way spread civilisation in a country where the spirit of the governing class was barbarism. it was not their object to proselytise. 'let the armenian remain an armenian if he will,' so ran the instructions from which i have already quoted, 'the greek a greek, the nestorian a nestorian, the oriental an oriental,' and in the same wise and open-minded spirit they encouraged native protestant churches which were independent of them and largely self-supporting. naturally in a country governed by monsters like abdul hamid and enver pasha in later days, they earned the enmity which is the tribute of barbarians to those who stand for civilisation, and when, owing to the extermination or flight of their armenian flocks, they were left without a charge, and their schools were closed, we find a paean of self-congratulation going up from the turkish press inspired by the butchers of armenia. but till the massacres and the flight were complete, they gave themselves to the 'duties of the gospel,' and their deeds shine like a star into the blackness of that night of murder. i will take as an example of the superb heroism of those men and women the diary of an american lady attached to the mission at urmia, a document that, anonymously, is one of the noblest, least self-conscious records i have ever read. the period of it extends over five months. early in january the russian troops were withdrawn from urmia, which lies on the frontier between turkey and persia, and simultaneously the moslem population began to plunder the christian villages, the inhabitants of which fled for refuge to the missions in the city. talaat's official murder-scheme was not completed yet, but the kurds, together with the turks, had planned a local massacre at geogtapa, which was stopped by the american doctor of this mission, dr. packard, who, at great personal risk, obtained an interview with the kurdish chief, and succeeded in inducing him to spare the lives of the christians, if they gave up arms and ammunition and property. the american flag was hoisted over the mission buildings, and before a week was out there were over ten thousand refugees housed in the yards and rooms, where they remained for five months, the places of the dead being taken by fresh influxes. the dining-room, the sitting-room, the church, the school, were all given over to these destitute people, and from the beginning fear of massacre, as well as prevalence of disease, haunted the camp. it was impossible to move dead bodies outside; they had to be buried in the thronged yards, and every day children were born. but here is the spirit that animated their protectors. 'we have just had a praise meeting,' records the diarist at the close of the first fortnight, 'with fifty or sixty we could gather from the halls and rooms near, and we feel more cheerful. we thought if paul and silas, with their stripes, could sing praises in prison, so could we.' the weeks, of which each day was a procession of hours too full of work to leave time for anxiety, began to enrol themselves into months, and the hope of rescue by a russian advance made their hearts sick, so long was it deferred. refugees from neighbouring villages kept arriving, and there was the constant problem before these devoted friends of their flock, as to how to feed them. all such were welcome, and eager was the welcome they received, though every foot of space in the buildings and in the yards was occupied. but somehow they managed to make room for all who came, and for those villagers who, under threat of torture and massacre, had apostatised, there was but yearning and sorrow, but never a word of blame or bitterness. sometimes there was a visit of turkish troops to search for concealed russians, and, as our diarist remarks, 'we can't complain of the monotony of life, for we never know what is going to happen next. on tuesday morning we had a wedding in my room here. the boy and girl were simple villagers.... the wedding was fixed for the syrian new year, but the kurds came and carried off wedding clothes and everything else in the house. they all fled here, and were married in the old dirty garments they were wearing when they ran for their lives.... their only present was a little tea and sugar that i tied up in a handkerchief and gave to the bride.' the eternal feminine and the eternal human speak there; and there, for this gallantest of women, were two keys that locked up the endless troubles and anxieties that ceased not day or night. but sometimes the flesh was weak, and in the privacy of her diary she says, 'how long, o lord?' but for that there was the master-key that unlocks all wards, and a little further on we read, 'one of the verses that helps to keep my faith steady is, "he that spared not his own son." for weeks we have had no word from the outside world, but we "rest in jehovah and wait patiently for him."' the conditions inside the crowded yards grew steadily worse. dysentery was rife, and the deaths from it in that narrow space averaged thirty a day. the state of the sufferers grew so terrible that it was difficult to get any one to look after them at all, and many were lying in the open yards, and the weather, which hitherto had been warm, got cold, and snow fell. it was with the greatest difficulty that food could be obtained for those in health, and that of a kind utterly unsuitable to the sick, while in the minds of their nurses was the bitter knowledge that with proper diet hundreds of lives could have been saved, and hundreds of cases of illness avoided. for the dead there was but a small percentage of coffins available, and 'the great mass are just dropped into the great trench of rotting humanity (in the yard). as i stand at my window i see one after another of the little bodies carried by ... and the condition of the living is more pitiful than that of the dead--hungry, ragged, dirty, sick, cold, wet, swarming with vermin. not for all the wealth of all the rulers of europe would i bear for one hour their responsibility for the suffering and misery of this one little corner of the world alone. a helpless unarmed christian community turned over to the sword and the passion of islam!' on the top of this came an epidemic of typhoid, twenty-seven cases on the first day. outside in the town the turkish consul began hanging christians, and the missioners were allowed to take the bodies and bury them. there were threats that the mission would be entered, and all young men (possible combatants) killed, but this fear was not realised. the typhoid increased, and the doctor of the mission and others of the staff fell ill with it; but the patience and service of the remainder never faltered, while the same spirit of uncomplaining suffering animated the refugees. 'mr. mcdowell,' so the diarist relates, 'saw a tired and weary woman with a baby in her arms, sitting in one of the seats, and said to her, "where do you stay?" she said "just here." "how long have you been here?" "since the beginning." (two months) she replied. "how do you sleep at night?" "i lay the baby on the desk in front of me, and i have this post at the back to lean against. this is a very good place. thank you very much."' in april there comes a break in the diary after the day on which the following entry is made:-- 'i felt on sunday as if i ought to get my own burial clothes ready, so as to make as little trouble as possible when my time comes, for in these days we all go about our work knowing that any one of us may be the next to go down. and yet i think our friends would be surprised to see how cheerful we have kept, and how many occasions we find for laughing: for ludicrous things do happen. then, too, after dwelling so intimately with death for three months, he doesn't seem to have so unfriendly an aspect, and the "other side" seems near, and our pilot close beside us.... i find the rock on which i can anchor in peace are the words of christ himself: "where i am, there ye may be also." ... that is enough, to be where he is....' then comes a break of two months, during which the writer was down with typhoid. she resumes again in june, finding that death has made many changes, and gets back to work again at once. by that time the russians had entered urmia, a thanksgiving service was held, the refugees dispersed, and the american mission went quietly on with its normal work. now i have taken this one instance of the work of americans at urmia to show in some detail the character of the work that they were doing, and the christian and humanising influence of it. but all over armenia and anatolia were similar settlements, and, as already mentioned, at the time of the massacres there were established there over a hundred of their churches and over four hundred schools, and from these extracts which concern only one not very large centre, it may be gathered what leaven of civilising influence the sum of their energies must have implied. that lamp shone steady and clear, a 'kindly light' in the darkness of turkish misrule, and in the havoc of the massacres a beacon of hope, not always reached by those hapless refugees. indeed it seems to have been only on the frontier that the missions were able to save those foredoomed hordes of fleeing christians; in armenia and in anatolia generally the massacres and 'deportations' were complete, and by the end of all american missions were closed, for there were none to tend and care for. even if the massacres had not occurred, the entry of america into the war would have resulted in a similar cessation of their work, and most probably in a massacre of the american missioners themselves. their withdrawal, of course, was hailed with a peacock scream of pride by that enlightened body under talaat and enver, called the new turkish party of progress, for their presence was a bar to the turkish notions of civilisation, in that their influence made for humanity, and health and education. now 'the humiliating and dangerous situation' (to quote from the columns of _hilal_) was put an end to, and turkish progress could make headway again. similarly in syria the outbreak of war put an end to 'the humiliating and dangerous situation' of the presence of french schools and missions. there, for many years, french missioners had done the same work as americans in armenia, work in every sense liberal and civilising, but undenominational in religious matters and unproselytising. that came to an end earlier than the organisations in armenia, and in syria now, as over the rest of the turkish people, arabs and jews and greeks have nothing except german influence and kultur to stand between them and the spirit of turkish progress of which the armenian massacres were the latest epiphany. germany, as we have seen, stood by and let the armenian massacres go on, professing herself unable to interfere in the internal affairs of turkey, though at the time there was not a single branch of turkish industries, railways, telegraphs, armies, navies over which she had not complete control, exercising it precisely as she thought fit. it is useless, then, to base any confidence in the safety of jews, greeks, and arabs from suffering the same fate as the armenians, on a veto from germany. if it suits germany to let those unfortunate peoples be murdered or deported to agricultural colonies, germany will assuredly not stir a finger on their behalf nor prevent a repetition of the horrors i have dealt with in the previous chapter. sooner than risk her hold over turkey by enforcing unacceptable demands, she will, unless other considerations of self-interest determine her, let further massacres occur, if talaat bey insists on them. that spokesman of her policy, ernst marré, makes this perfectly explicit in his book, _die türken und wir nach dem kriege_, upholding from the german standpoint the right of turkey and the wisdom of turkey in dealing with her subject peoples as she had dealt with the armenians. 'the turkish state,' he tells us, 'is no united whole: turks, arabs, greeks, armenians, kurds, cannot be welded together.' (this, by a somewhat grim and ominous coincidence, is in exact accordance with a remark made to a danish red cross sister by a turkish gendarme then engaged in massacring armenians: 'first we get rid of the armenians,' he said, 'then the greeks, then the kurds.') or again, in defence of the armenian massacres, 'only by energetic interference and by expelling of the obstinate armenian element, could the ottoman empire get rid of a russian dominion.' or again, 'the non-turkish population of the ottoman empire must be ottomanised.' here, then, is the german point of view: the ottoman government will be right to 'dispose of' its subject peoples as it thinks fit. so far from interfering, germany endorses, and german influence to-day is all that stands between 'the murderous tyranny' and its subject peoples. french, english, and finally american pressure can no longer, since the entry of these nations into the war, be exercised within the frontiers of the ottoman empire, and the only protection of defenceless aliens is the german government. it did not stir a finger to save the armenians, until it saw that depopulation threatened the prosperity of its industries, and it is idle to expect that it will do more if the consolidation of turkish supremacy demands a further campaign of murder. greeks, arabs, and jews are all completely at the mercy of talaat's murder-schedules. the only chance that can save them is that further extermination may not suit germany's political aims, and that she may find it worth her while to be peremptory, and forbid instead of endorsing. there are unhappily many signs that the butchers of constantinople are planning further massacres. in february of this year preliminary measures were begun against the greeks settled in anatolia. many were forcibly proselytised, their property was confiscated, and they were forbidden to carry on their businesses. deportations also occurred, and all greeks were removed from many villages in anatolia, into the interior, presumably to 'agricultural colonies' such as those provided for armenians. they suffered terribly from hunger and exposure, and it is estimated that ten per cent. of them died on their marches. since then, however, there has been no more heard of any extension of those measures, and there seems to have been as yet no massacre of greeks. it is reasonable to infer that germany has in this case intervened. she still hoped to win greece over to the central european powers, and clearly any massacre of greeks by her own allies was not desirable. king constantine, among his endless vacillations and pusillanimous treacheries, probably made a firm protest on the subject. but in the kaleidoscope of war, should greece come to the side of the allies, it seems most probable that there will occur a wholesale massacre of greeks. from what we know of the principles on which german kultur is based, the most optimistic can scarcely hope that the very faintest remonstrance will emanate from berlin. the case of the arabs in syria is even more precarious. from the moment that the policy of the young turks was evolved, namely, to consolidate osmanli supremacy by the weakening of its subject peoples, the ottoman government has been waiting for its opportunity to get rid of the 'arab menace.' as we have seen, they began by substituting turkish for arabic as a written language in all official usages from the printing of the koran and the prayers for the sultan down to the legends on railway tickets. the arab spirit, according to one of the spokesmen of the new turk party, had to be suppressed, the arab lands had to become turkish colonies. 'it is a peculiarly imperious necessity of our existence,' we read in jelal noury bey's propaganda, 'to turkise the arab lands, for the particularistic idea of nationality is awaking among the younger generations of arabs, and already threatens us with a great catastrophe.' against the arabs the young turks formed and fostered a special animosity; they were powerful and warlike, and enver, talaat, and others saw that the idea of an osmanli supremacy could never be realised unless very drastic measures were taken against them. the tenets of islamism, it is true, forbade moslems to fight moslems, but islamism, as a binding force, was already obsolete in the counsels of the new regime, having given place to kultur. of all their subject peoples, the young turks hated the arabs the most, and, had not the european war intervened, there is no doubt that the armenian massacres, already being planned, would have been followed by arab massacres. but the armed and warlike arabian tribes were not so easy to deal with as the defenceless armenians, and turkish troops could not be spared in sufficient numbers to render an arab massacre the safe, pleasant, and lucrative pursuit that massacres should be. but jemal the great, black with his triumph over the armenians at zeitun, was military governor of syria, and, the armenian question being solved, he began to get to work on the arab question. owing to the expulsion of the french missions from syria in , we have no such full or detailed information as we have from americans in armenia, and the following account is mainly derived from the arabic journal _mokattam,_ published in cairo, the information in which is based on the account given by a syrian refugee. it agrees with pieces of evidence that have come to hand from other sources. ever since the beginning of the war syria has been an area of direst poverty, starvation, and sickness, which have been the natural co-operators in jemal's policy there. all supplies have been commandeered for the troops (including by special clause from potsdam, the german troops); even fish caught by the fishermen of lebanon have to be handed over to the military authorities, and the shortage of supplies in smyrna, for instance, is such that at the end of there were two hundred deaths daily from sheer starvation, while germany was importing from turkey hundreds of tons of corn and of meat. thus this was no natural shortage, for though supplies were low all over the turkish empire, there was not dearth of that kind. it was an artificial shortage made possible by german demands, and made intentional by jemal's policy. beirut was in no better case than smyrna; lebanon perhaps was in sorer straits than either. money was equally scarce, and it fitted jemal's policy that this should be so, for when americans in beirut had raised funds in america for the relief of the destitute, the turkish government forbade their distribution. arabs and greeks were dying by the hundred all over the provinces, and the beneficent decrees of nature must not be interfered with. in the streets of towns the poor have been fighting over scraps of sugarcane and orange peel; in the country, to quote from _molcattam_, 'no sooner do wild plants and beans start to grow than the fields are filled with women and children who pick them and use them as food.' except for military purposes (including the victualling of german troops) transportation has ceased to exist, and this, too, was part of the policy of jemal the great. on the heels of famine, like a hound behind a huntsman, came typhus. in the province of aleppo before the summer of , over persons had died of it. doctors and medicines were unobtainable, for all were requisitioned for the needs of the army, and in damascus and tripoli, in hama and homs, the epidemic spread like a forest fire. no help was sent from constantinople, none was permitted to be brought by the charitable from abroad, for famine and pestilence among the arabs were working for the policy of jemal the great. there were no troops to spare who should hasten on the work, but the work was progressing by swift and 'natural' means. hunger and pestilence--behold the finger of allah the god of love! how superior he showed himself to the discarded allah of the arabs. 'ring down the curtain,' said jemal the great, 'and let no news of the ways of allah get abroad!' so a strict surveillance was established on the coast, all boats were chained to the shore, and if any attempted to swim out to ships of the allied nations which passed, the coast guards had orders to shoot him down. too much news about armenian massacres filtered through; there should not now be such leakage. and when starvation and pestilence had firmly established themselves, jemal the great went down to see what his personal exertions could effect. all was working in accordance with his plan; the poorer classes of arabs were dying like flies, but mortality was not so successful among the wealthier, who could, to some extent, purchase food. so jemal the great set to work among them. he began by hanging the heads of syrian-arabs in damascus, beirut, and other cities. no semblance of trial, no prosecution or arraignment, were necessary: he established courts-martial under military control, made lists of the accused, and ordered the courts-martial to condemn them to death. sometimes he made mistakes, appointing as the members of his court-martial men who were not such sturdy patriots as he, and refused to sentence for no crime the accused whom he nominated. he remedied such mistakes by appointing new boards of more seasoned stuff. moslem and christian alike were brought before them, and a general accusation of pro-french tendencies seems to have been sufficient to secure a sentence of death or lifelong imprisonment. he aimed not at the poor and the obscure, for whom hunger and pestilence were providing, but at the rich and the influential. the higher clergy in christian circles, bishops and monsignors, were a favourite target, and among moslems influential sheikhs. sometimes there was a parody of a trial; sometimes the parody was dispensed with, and when the black curtain was last raised over syria, jemal the great had disposed of over eight hundred of the heads of the most influential of syrian arabs. he had got rid, in fact, of the whole house of lords, and something more. those who are acquainted with 'feudal values' among the arabs will understand what that means. he decapitated, not individuals only, but groups. for devilish ingenuity in this combination of starvation and pestilence for the poor, and death or lifelong imprisonment for the chiefs, jemal the great must take rank with abdul hamid and the contrivers of the armenian massacres. he cannot, it is true, owing to lack of troops, obtain the swift results of enver in armenia, but between typhus, starvation, and courts-martial, his solution of the arab question in syria is making steady progress. and those measures, hideously efficient in themselves, are, beyond any doubt whatever, only the precursors of more sweeping exterminations of the arab race, which will be effected after the war, if the allied powers do not step in to save it. the faithful of the holy city, mecca, have revolted and thrown off the turkish yoke, and while the war lasts, and turkish troops are otherwise occupied under teutonic supervision, they will be able to maintain their independence, for there is no considerable body of turks which can seriously threaten them. but the syrian arabs, so long as the war lasts, are being, and will be, the victims of a quiet scheme of extermination, which, if long continued, will be as complete as that devised and carried out by the butchers of constantinople for the peoples of armenia. it is not in the interest of the germans to save them, and no check is being put on jemal the great to hinder him from assisting starvation and typhus to ravage the country, and supplementing their deadly work by court-martial without trial. equally significant of the rage for the destruction of arabs was the treatment of the bagdad arab army corps. in spite of the need for troops one half of it was sent from bagdad to erzerum in the depth of winter, without any provision of warm clothing. there, in those cold uplands, the men died at the rate of fifty to sixty a day. their commanding officer was a turk, and a creature of enver's, called abdul kader. though these troops had fought admirably, he openly called them arab traitors, and his orders seem to have been merely to get rid of them. there were no courts-martial; they were just taken into a climate which killed them. while for the last thirty years the armenians and syrians have emigrated in large numbers from the ottoman empire, there has been a large immigration of jews into it. this movement was originally due to the persecution they suffered in russia. germany and austria were closed to them, and, flying from the hideous pogroms that threatened them with extermination, they begun to settle in palestine. wealthy compatriots such as baron edmond de rothschild assisted them, and, with the amazing versatility of their race, they, trades-people and town-folk, adapted themselves to new conditions, turned their wits towards husbandry and agriculture, and during the last thirty years have flourished and multiplied in a manner quite unrealised by the western world. in there were not more than , of them in the home of their race, but by the beginning of the european war, when their immigration ceased for the present, they numbered , souls. till then the ottoman government adopted the ancient turkish policy of neglect towards them, for they were not powerful enough numerically to earn the honour of a massacre, and, in addition, they were useful settlers. backed by powerful western influence, french, english, and german alike, they improved out of knowledge the values of the lands where they established themselves, and by intelligent management, by conserving and increasing the water supply with irrigation and well-digging, they have brought many thousand acres into cultivation. originally refugees, fleeing from outrageous persecutions, their immigration by degrees took on a different spirit. not only were they coming out of captivity, but they were entering into the ancient land of promise again. zionism, the spirit of the returning exiles, animated them, and, according to their prophets, they realised that 'the lord shall comfort zion, he shall comfort all her waste places.' they had sowed in tears; now, on their return, they were reaping in joy, and, though their land was still under the infidel yoke, they were allowed to dwell in peace, busy, industrious, with the halo of home-coming in their hearts. they paid, of course, their turkish taxes, but these were not levied in any oppressive manner, and their colonies were thrifty, self-governing, and prosperous. already before the war, one-tenth of the cultivated land in palestine was in their hands, they had their own schools, their own methods of organisation, and, more significant than all, hebrew became a living language again. germany, intent on her penetration of turkey, made an attempt to germanise them also (for germany, as we shall see, has a very special interest in these jewish colonies), shook her head over zionism, for which she tried to substitute prussianism, and wanted to make the german language compulsory in jewish schools at haifa and jaffa, but her effort completely failed. nothing could show the inherent vitality of this jewish colonisation more strikingly. these jewish settlers then were left in peace; from minuteness they escaped the notice of the young turk party in its schemes for the complete ottomanisation of the empire, and, until the present year , no mention of 'the jewish question' was propounded. but it will he remembered that in , certain jewish refugees, taking warning from the armenian massacres, fled to egypt, and there founded a zionist mule-corps, which served under the english in the gallipoli campaign. it seems very probable that it was this that directed the attention of jemal the great to the jewish colonies in palestine: possibly it was merely that he was a more thorough ottomaniser than his colleagues in constantinople. in any case he ordered the 'deportation' of all jews from jaffa, gaza, and other agricultural districts. all jews were commanded to leave jaffa within forty-eight hours, no means of transport was given them, and they were forbidden to take with them either provisions or any of their belongings. eight thousand jews were evicted from jaffa alone, and their houses were pillaged, and they robbed, maltreated, and many were murdered. thus, and in no other way had the massacres of the armenians begun, and, that there should be no mistake about it, jemal threatened them explicitly with the fate of the armenians. next day ludd was evacuated also; the evacuation of haifa and jerusalem was threatened, and artillery was sent to jerusalem. there can be no doubt in fact that jemal planned and began to carry out a massacre of all jews. at that point the germans intervened, and for the present (but only for the present, for so long in fact as germany has complete control over all turkish internal affairs, in which she protested she could not meddle) the jewish colonies in palestine seem to be safe.[ ] the german chief of the general staff telegraphed to berlin that the 'military considerations' on which jemal based his deportations did not exist, and herr cohn in the reichstag drew the imperial chancellor's attention to this. how seriously the menace was regarded in germany, and how far the deportations had gone may be gathered from his words, 'is the imperial chancellor prepared to influence the turkish government in such a manner as to prevent with certainty--so far as this is still possible--a repetition in palestine of the armenian atrocities?' this was sufficient: germany, who could not dream of interfering in turkish internal affairs when only the massacre of hundreds of thousands of armenians was concerned, sent her order, and, for the present, jemal the great has been unable to proceed with the solution of the jewish question in turkey, which he had just discovered. we need not yet in fact give jemal his jew. but some sort of explanation to soothe the exasperation of the turks in not being allowed to murder when and how and where they pleased, was thought advisable, and the explanation (an extraordinarily significant one) was given in an inspired paragraph of the _frankfurter zeitung_ not long after. 'the valuable structure of zionist cultural work, in which the german empire must have well founded interest in view of future and very promising trade relations, will, it is very much to be hoped, be preserved from destruction so far as purely military requirements do not make it necessary. pan-turkish ideals have no sort of meaning in palestine where practically no turks dwell.' [footnote : this view seems to be borne out by subsequent events, for the jews evacuated from jaffa have been permitted to return owing to the intervention of the spanish government. it is not hard to guess who prompted that.] we may take it, then, that with regard to the projected jewish massacres, quite clearly foreshadowed by the schemes of deportation from jaffa and gaza, germany has made strong representations to the ottoman government. she did not do so (indeed she officially refused to do so) when the armenian massacres began, for she could not interfere in turkey's internal affairs. but now she has discovered that pan-turkish ideals have no sort of meaning in palestine, and thus, with amazing astuteness, has provided herself with a reason for interfering, while still not giving up the policy of non-interference in turkish affairs, for turkey, she has discovered, _has_ no affairs in palestine. at the same time she guards herself from diplomatic defeat by the hope that zionist cultural work will be saved from destruction so _far as purely military requirements do not make it necessary_. in other words, supposing jemal the great got completely out of hand, and proceeded to indiscriminate massacre of the jews, germany would doubtless accept his plea that military requirements had made it necessary.... and we were once so ignorant as to assure ourselves that germany had no notions of diplomacy! the full significance of her intervention on behalf of the jews, when neither the extermination of the armenians, the persecution of the arabs, nor the deportation of the greeks moved germany to any decided action or energetic protest, must be left, in so far as it concerns the future, to another chapter. but as regards the present and the past it will be useful to consider here what has prompted her to make a protest (which we may regard, so long as her foot is on the neck of the turks, as having been successful) against these projected massacres. certainly it was not humanity; it was not the faintest desire to save innocent people in general from being murdered wholesale, for in the similar case of the armenians, her bowels of compassion were not moved. or, possibly, if we incline to lenience, we may say that she was sorry for the armenians, but could not then risk a disagreement with their murderers who were her allies, whereas now, feeling herself more completely dominant over the turks than she then did, she could risk being peremptory, especially since there was that saving clause about military requirements. for during the armenian massacres, the dardanelles expedition was still on the shores of gallipoli, and the menace to constantinople acute. it was possible that if she opposed a firm front to the armenian massacres, the turks, already on the verge of despair with regard to saving the capital from capture, might have made terms with the allies. but now no such imminence of danger threatened them, and, with germany's domination over them vastly more secure than it had been in , she could afford to treat them less as allies and more as a conquered people. this alone might have accounted for her unprecedented impulse of humanity in the minds of those who still attribute such instincts to her, but she had far stronger reasons than that for wanting to save the jews of palestine. her policy with regard to them is set forth in a pamphlet by dr. davis treitsch, called _die jüden der türkei_, published in , which is a most illuminating little document. these jewish colonies, as we have seen, came from russia, and as germany realised, long before the war, they might easily form a german nucleus in the near east, for they largely consisted of german-speaking jews, akin in language and blood to a most important element in her own population. 'in a certain sense,' says dr. treitsch, 'the jews are a near eastern element in germany and a german element in turkey.' he goes on with unerring acumen to lament the exodus of german-speaking jews to the united states and to england. 'annually some , of these are lost to germany, the empire of the english language and the economic system that goes with it is being enlarged, while a german asset is being proportionately depreciated.... it will no longer do simply to close the german frontiers to them, and in view of the difficulties which would result from a wholesale migration of jews into germany itself, germans will only be too glad to find a way out in the emigration of those jews to turkey--a solution extraordinarily favourable to the interests of all three parties concerned.' here, then, is the matter in a nutshell: germany, wide-awake as ever, saw long ago the advantage to her of a growing jewish population from the pale in turkey. she was perhaps a little overloaded with them herself, but in this immigration from russia to palestine she saw the formation of a colony that was well worth german protection, and the result of the war, provided the palestinian immigrants were left in peace, would be to augment very largely the number of those settling there. 'galicia,' says dr. treitsch, 'and the western provinces of russia, which between them contain more than half the jews in the world, have suffered more from the war than any other region. jewish homes have been broken up by hundreds of thousands, and there is no doubt whatever that, as a result of the war, there will be an emigration of east european jews on an unprecedented scale.' this emigration, then, to palestine was, in germany's view, a counter-weight to the , annually lost to her through emigration to america and england. with her foot on turkey's neck she had control over these german-speaking jews, and saw in them the elements of a german colony. her calculations, it is true, were somewhat upset by the development of the zionist movement, by which those settlers declared themselves to have a nationality of their own, and a language of their own, and dr. treitsch concedes that. 'but,' he adds, 'in addition to hebrew, to which they are more and more inclined, the jews must have a world-language, and this can only be german.' this, then, in brief, and only up to the present, is the story of how the jewish massacres were stayed. the jews were potential germans, and germany, who sat by with folded hands when arabs and armenians were led to torture and death, put up a warning finger, and, for the present, saved them. in her whole conduct of the war, nothing has been more characteristic than her 'verboten' to one projected massacre and her acquiescence in others. but, as for her having saved the jews out of motives of humanity, 'credant judaei!' _crescent and iron cross, chapter v_ deutschland Über allah it was commonly said at the beginning of this war that, whatever germany's military resources might be, she was hopelessly and childishly lacking in diplomatic ability and in knowledge of psychology, from which all success in diplomacy is distilled. as instances of this grave defect, people adduced the fact that, apparently, she had not anticipated the entry of great britain into the war at all, while her treatment of belgium immediately afterwards was universally pronounced to be not a crime merely, but a blunder of the stupidest sort. it is perfectly true that germany did not understand, and, as seems likely in the light of innumerable other atrocities, never will understand, the psychology of civilised peoples; she has never shown any signs up till now, at any rate, of 'having got the hang of it' at all. but critics of her diplomacy failed to see the root-fact that she did not understand it merely because it did not interest her. it was not worth her while to master the psychology of other civilised nations, since she was out not to understand them, but to conquer them. she had all the information she wanted about their armies and navies and guns and ammunition neatly and correctly tabulated. why, then, since this was all that concerned her, should she cram her head with irrelevant information about what they might feel on the subject of gas-attacks or the torpedoing of neutral ships without warning? as long as her fumes were deadly and her submarines subtle, nothing further concerned her. but europe generally made a great mistake in supposing that germany could not learn psychology, and the process of its distillation into diplomacy when it interested her. the psychology of the french and english was a useless study, for she was merely going to fight them, but for years she had been studying with an industry and a patience that put our diplomacy to shame (as was most swiftly and ignominiously proven when it came into conflict with hers) the psychology of the turks. for years she had watched the dealings of the great powers with turkey, but she had never really associated herself with that policy. she sat quietly by and saw how it worked. briefly it was this. for a hundred years turkey had been kept alive in europe by the sedulous attentions of the physician powers, who dared not let him die for fear of the stupendous quarrels which would instantly arise over his corpse. so there they all sat round his bed, and kept him alive with injections of strychnine and oxygen, and, no less, by a policy of rousing and irritating the patient. all through the reign of abdul hamid they persevered: great britain plucked his pillow from him, so to speak, by her protectorate of egypt; russia tweaked eastern rumelia from him; france deprived him of his hot-water bottle when she snatched at the constantinople quays, and they all shook and slapped him when he went to war with greece in , and instantly deprived him of the territory he had won in thessaly. that was the principle of european diplomacy towards turkey, and from it germany always held aloof. but from about the beginning of the reign of the present german emperor, german or rather prussian diplomacy had been going quietly about its work. it was worth while to study the psychology of the turks, because dimly then, but with ever-increasing distinctness, germany foresaw that turkey might be a counter of immense importance in the great conflict which was assuredly drawing nearer, though as yet its existence was but foreshadowed by the most distant reflections of summer lightning on a serene horizon. but if turkey was to be of any profit to her, she wanted a strong turkey who could fight with her (or rather for her), and she had no use for the sick man whom the other powers were bent on keeping alive, but no more. her own eventual domination of turkey was always the end in view, but she wanted to dominate not a weak but a strong servant. and her diplomacy was not less than brilliant simply from the fact that on the one hand it soothed turkey instead of irritating, and, on the other, that it went absolutely unnoticed for a long time. nobody knew that it was going on. she sent officers to train the turkish army, well knowing what magnificent material anatolia afforded, and she had thoroughly grasped the salient fact that to make any way with oriental peoples your purse must be open and your backshish unlimited. 'there is no god but backshish, and the deutsche bank is his prophet.' for years this went on very quietly, and all over the great field of the ottoman empire the first tiny blades of the crop that germany was sowing began to appear. to-day that crop waves high, and covers the whole field with its ripe and fruitful ears. for to-day turkey is neither more nor less than a german colony, and more than makes up to her for the colonies she has lost and hopes to regain. she knows that perfectly well, and so do any who have at all studied the history and the results of her diplomacy there. even turkey itself must, as in an uneasy dream, be faintly conscious of it. for who to-day is the sultan of turkey? no other than william ii. of germany. it is in berlin that his cabinet meets, and sometimes he asks talaat bey to attend in a strictly honorary capacity. and talaat bey goes back to constantinople with a strictly honorary sword of honour. or else he gives one to william ii. from his _soi-disant_ master, the sultan, or takes one back to his _soi-disant_ master from his real master. for no one knows better than william ii. the use that swords of honour play in deeds of dishonour. the object of this chapter is to trace and mount the hewn and solid staircase of steps by which germany's present supremacy over turkey was achieved. apart from the quiet spade-work that had been going on for some years, germany made no important move till the moment when, in , the young turk party, after the forced abdication of abdul hamid, proclaimed the aims and ideals of the new regime. at once germany saw her opportunity, for here, with her help, might arise the strong turkey which she desired to see, instead of the weak turkey which all the other european powers had been keeping on a lowering diet for so long (desirous only that it should not quite expire), and from that moment she began to lend, or rather let, to turkey in ever-increasing quantities, the resources of her scientific and her military knowledge. it was in her interests, if turkey was to be of use to her, that she should educate, and irrigate, and develop the unexploited treasures of human material, of fertility and mineral wealth; and germany's gold, her schools, her laboratories were at turkey's disposal. but in every case she, as in duty bound to her people, saw that she got very good value for her outlay. here, then, was the great psychological moment when germany instantly moved. the young turks proclaimed that they were going to weld the ottoman empire into one homogeneous and harmonious whole, and by a piece of brilliant paradoxical reasoning germany determined that it was she who was going to do it for them. in flat contradiction of the spirit of their manifestoes, which proclaimed the pan-turkish ideal, she conceived and began to carry out under their very noses the great new chapter of the pan-germanic ideal. and the young turks did not know the difference! they mistook that lusty teutonic changeling for their own new-born turkish babe, and they nursed and nourished it. amazingly it throve, and soon it cut its teeth, and one day, when they thought it was asleep, it arose from its cradle a baby no more, but a great prussian guardsman who shouted, 'deutschland über allah!' only once was there a check in the growth of the prussian infant, and that was no more than a childish ailment. for when the balkan wars broke out the turkish army was in the transitional stage. its german tutors had not yet had time to inspire the army with german discipline and tradition; they had only weeded out, so to speak, the old turkish spirit, the blind obedience to the ministers of the shadow of god. the shadow of god, in fact, in the person of the sultan, had been dragged out into the light, and his shadow had grown appreciably less. in consequence there was not at this juncture any cohesion in the army, and it suffered reverse after reverse. but a strong though a curtailed turkey was more in accordance with prussian ideas than a weak and sprawling one, and germany bore the turkish defeats very valiantly. and that was the only set-back that this pan-prussian youngster experienced, and it was no more than an attack of german measles which he very quickly got over. for two or three years german influence wavered, then recovered, 'with blessings on the falling out, that all the more endears.' it is interesting to see how germany adapted the pan-turkish ideal to her own ends, and, by a triumphant vindication of germany's methods, the best account of this pan-turkish ideal is to be found in a publication of by tekin alp, which was written as german propaganda and by germany disseminated broadcast over the turkish empire. an account of this movement has already been given in chapter ii., as far as the turkish side of it is concerned, and it remains only to enumerate the german contribution to the fledging of this new turkish phoenix. the turkish language and the turkish allah, god of love, in whose name the armenians were tortured and massacred, were the two wings on which it was to soar. auxiliary soaring societies were organised, among them a turkish ojagha with similar aims, and no fewer than sixteen branches of it were founded throughout the empire. there were also a turkish guiji or gymnastic club, and an izji or boy scouts' club. a union of merchants worked for the same object in districts where hitherto trade had been in the hands of greeks and armenians, and signs appeared on their shops that only turkish labour was employed. religious funds also were used for similar economic restoration. germany saw, germany tabulated, germany licked her lips and took out her long spoon, for her hour was come. she did not interfere: she only helped to further the pan-turkish ideal. with her usual foresight she perceived that the izji, for instance, was a thing to encourage, for the boys who were being trained now would in a few years be precisely the young men of whom she could not have too many. by all means the boy scout movement was to be encouraged. she encouraged it so generously and methodically that in , according to an absolutely reliable source of information, we find that the whole boy scout movement, with its innumerable branches, was under the control of a german officer, colonel von hoff. in its classes (derneks) boys are trained in military practices, in 'a recreational manner,' so that they enjoy--positively enjoy (a prussian touch)--the exercises that will fit them to be of use to the sultan william ii. they learn trigger-drill, they learn skirmishing, they are taught to make reports on the movements of their companies, they are shown neat ways of judging distances. they are divided into two classes, the junior class ranging from the ages of twelve to seventeen, the senior class consisting of boys over seventeen, but not yet of military age. but since colonel von hoff organised this, the military age has been extended, and boys of seventeen have got to serve their country on german fronts. prussian thoroughness, therefore, saw that their training must begin earlier; the old junior class has become the senior class, and a new junior class has been set on foot which begins its recreational exercises in the service of william ii., got and allah, at the age of eight. it is all great fun, but those pigeon-livered little boys who are not diverted by it have to go on with their fun all the same, for, needless to say, the izji is compulsory on all boys. of course they wear a uniform which is made in germany and is of a 'semi-military' character. the provision of soldiers and sailors, then, trained from the early age of eight, was the first object of germany's peaceful and benign penetration. as from the pisgah height of the pan-turkish ideal she saw the promised land, but she had no idea of seeing it only, like moses, and expiring without entering it, and her faith that she would enter it and possess it and organise it has been wonderfully justified. she has not only penetrated, but has dominated; a year ago towns like aleppo were crammed with german officers, while at islahie there were separate wooden barracks for the exclusive use of german troops. there is a military mission at mamoura, where all the buildings are permanent erections solidly built of stone, for no merely temporary occupation is intended, and thousands of freight-cars with belgian marks upon them throng the railways, and on some is the significant german title of 'military headquarters of the imperial staff.' there are troops in the turkish army, to which is given the title of 'pasha formation,' in compliment to turkey, but the pasha formations are under command of baron kress von kressenstein, and are salted with german officers, n.c.o.'s, and privates, who, although in the turkish army, retain their german uniforms. this german leaven forms an instructional class for the remainder of the troops in these formations, who are turkish. the germans are urged to respect moslem customs and to show particular consideration for their religious observances. every german contingent arriving at constantinople to join the pasha formations finds quarters prepared on a ship, and when the troops leave for their 'destination' they take supplies from depots at the railway station which will last them two or three months. they are enjoined to write war diaries, and are provided with handbooks on the military and geographical conditions in mesopotamia, with maps, and with notes on the training and management of camels. this looks as if they were intended for use against the english troops in mesopotamia, but i cannot find that they have been identified there. the greatest secrecy is observed with regard to those pasha formations, and their constitution and movements are kept extremely well veiled. wireless stations have been set up in asia minor and palestine, and these are under the command of major schlee. a turkish air-service was instituted, at the head of which was major serno, a prussian officer, and turkish aviators are now in training at ostend, where they will very usefully defend their native country. at constantinople there is a naval school for turkish engineers and mechanics in the arsenal, to help on the pan-turkish ideal, and with a view to that all the instructors are german: a floating dock is in construction at ismid, and the order has been placed with german firms. it will be capable of accommodating ships of dreadnought build, which is a new departure for the strictly pan-turkish ideal. the cost is £ , , to be repaid three years after the end of the war. similarly, by the spring of this year, germany had arranged to start submarine training in constantinople for the turks, and a submarine school was open and at work in march. a few months later it was established at the island of prinkipo, where it is now hard at work under german instructors. other naval cadets were sent to germany for their training, and turkish officers were present at the battle of jutland in june , and of course were decorated by the emperor in person for their coolness and courage.[ ] [footnote : in october a bill was passed for the entire remodelling of the turkish fleet after the war, on the lines of the german fleet, 'which proved its perfect training in the battle of skager rak.'] a complete revision of the turkish system of exemptions from military service was necessary as soon as germany began to want men badly. the age for military service was first raised, and we find a turkish order of october , calling on all men of forty-three, forty-four, and forty-five years of age to pay their exemption tax if they did not wish to be called to the colours. that secured their money, and, with truly prussian irony, hardly had this been done when a fresh army order was issued calling out all men, whether they had paid their exemption tax or not. germany thus secured both their money and their lives. still more men were needed, and in november a fresh levy of boys was raised regardless of whether they had reached the military age or not. this absorbed the senior class of the boy scouts, who hitherto had learned their drill in a 'recreationary manner.' neither jews nor christians are exempt from service, and frequent press gangs go round constantinople rounding up those who are in hiding. again the prussian moloch was hungry for more, and in december the turkish _gazette_ announced that all males in asia minor between the ages of fourteen and sixty-five were to be enrolled for military service, and in january of this year, , fresh recruiting was foreshadowed by the order that men of forty-six to fifty-two, who had paid their exemption money, should be medically examined to see if they were fit for active service. this fresh recruiting was also put in force in the case of boys, and during the summer of all boys above the age of twelve, provided they were sound and well-built, were taken for the army. wider and wider the net was spread, and in the same month a fresh turco-german convention was signed, whereby was enforced a reciprocal surrender in both countries of persons liable to military service, and of deserters, and simultaneously all turks living in switzerland, and who had paid exemption money, were recalled to their germanised fatherland. by now the first crops of the year were ripening in smyrna, and in default of civilian labour (for every one was now a soldier) they were reaped by turkish soldiers and the produce sent direct to germany. already in august , certificates of ottoman nationality had been granted to serbians resident in the empire who were willing to become ottoman subjects, and their 'willingness' was intensified by hints that incidents akin to the armenian massacres might possibly occur among other alien peoples. they had to sign a declaration that they would not revert to their former nationality, and thus, no doubt, many serbs passed into the turkish army. further enrolments were desirable, and, in march , all greeks living in anatolia were forcibly proselytised, their property was confiscated, and they were made liable to military service. unfortunately all were not available, for of those who were removed from the villages where they lived to military centres, ten per cent. died on the forced marches from hunger and exposure. that was annoying for the german recruiting agents, but it suited well enough the pan-turkish ideal of exterminating foreign nationalities. when trouble or discontent occurred among the troops, it was firmly dealt with, as, for instance, when, in november , there were considerable desertions from the th division. on that occasion the order was given to fire on them, and many were killed and wounded. the officer who gave the order was commended by the prussian authorities for his firmness. should such an incident occur again, it will no doubt be dealt with no less firmness, for, in april , mackensen was put in supreme command of all troops in asia minor. but in spite of this desertions have largely increased lately, and during the summer deserters out of all the turkish armies were believed to number about , . many of those have formed themselves into brigand bands, who make the roads dangerous for travellers. the exchange of honours goes on, for not long ago, in berlin, prince zia-ed-din, the turkish sultan's heir, presented a sword of honour to the sultan william ii. probably he gave him good news of the progress of the german harbour works begun in the winter at stamboul, and himself learned that the railway bridge which the turks proposed to build over the bosporus was not to be proceeded with, for the german high command had superseded that scheme by their own idea of making a tunnel under the bosporus instead, which would be safer from aircraft. such up-to-date, though in brief outline, is the history of the establishment of the prussian octopus grip on military and naval matters in turkey. we have largely ourselves to blame for it. upon that pathetic and lamb-like record of our diplomacy during the months between the outbreak of the european war, and the entry of turkey into it in october , it would be morbid to dwell at any length, though a short summary is necessary. as we all know now, turkey had concluded a treaty with germany early in august, and when our ambassador in constantinople, sir louis malet, who was on leave in england at that date, returned to his post on august th, all that turkey wanted was to gain time in which to effect her mobilisation. this she did, with complete success, and our ambassador telegraphed to england stating his perfect confidence in the sincerity with which the grand vizier professed his friendship for england. all through those weeks of august and september this confidence appeared to continue unabated. the moderate party in turkey--that is to say, the hoodwinking party--were reported to be daily gaining strength, and it was most important that the allies should give them every assistance, and above all not precipitate matters. all was going well: all we had to do was to wait. so we waited, still blindly confident in the sincerity of turkey's friendship for england, while the mobilisation of the turkish forces proceeded merrily. by the end of september this was nearly complete, and quite suddenly the ambassador informed the foreign office that turkey appeared to be temporising. that was perfectly true, but the period of temporisation was nearly over, and by mid-october turkey had something like , men under arms, and for nine weeks enver pasha had had his signed treaty with germany in his pocket. possibly this diplomatic procrastination was useful to us, for it enabled us to bring troops from india in security, and send others to egypt. but without doubt it was useful to the turks, for it enabled them to mobilise their armies, and to strengthen enormously the defences of the dardanelles. then came the day when germany and turkey were ready, the attack was made on odessa, and out of constantinople we went. we climbed into the railway carriages that took the last rays of english influence out of the ottoman empire, and steep were the stairs in the house of a stranger! turks are not much given to laughter, but enver pasha must at least have smiled on that day. already, of course, german influence was strong in the army, which now was thoroughly trained in german methods, but that army might still be called a turkish army. nowadays, by no stretch of language can it be called turkish except in so far that all turkish efficient manhood is helplessly enlisted in it, for there is no branch or department of it over which the prussian octopus has not thrown its paralysing tentacles and affixed its immovable suckers. army and navy alike, the wireless stations, the submarines, the aircraft, are all directly controlled from berlin, and, as we have seen, the generalissimo of the forces is mackensen, who is absolutely the hindenburg of the east. but thorough as is the control of berlin over constantinople in military and naval matters, it is not one whit more thorough than her control in all other matters of national life. never before has germany been very successful in her colonisation; but if complete domination--the sucking of a country till it is a mere rind of itself, and yet at the same time full to bursting of prussian ichor--may be taken as germany's equivalent of colonisation, then indeed we must be forced to recognise her success. and it was all done in the name and for the sake of the pan-turkish ideal. even now prussian pecksniffs like herr ernst marré, whose pamphlet, _die türken und wir nach dem kriege_, was published in , continue to insist that germany is nobly devoting herself to the well-being of turkey. 'in doing this,' he exclaims in that illuminating document, 'we are benefiting turkey.... this is a war of liberation for turkey,' though omitting to say from whom turkey is being liberated. perhaps the armenians. occasionally, it is true, he forgets that, and naively remarks, 'turkey is a very difficult country to govern. but after the war turkey will be very important as a transit country.' but then he remembers again and says, 'we wish to give besides taking, and we should often like to give more than we can hope to give.' let us look into this, and see the manner in which germany expresses her yearning to impoverish herself for the sake of turkey. all this reorganisation of the turkish army was of course a very expensive affair, and required skilful financing, and it was necessary to get the whole of turkey's exchequer arrangements into german hands. a series of financial regulations was promulgated. the finance minister, during , was still turkish, but the official immediately under him was a german. he was authorised to deposit with the controllers of the ottoman national debt german imperial bills of £t , , , and to issue german paper money to the like amount. this arrangement insures the circulation of the german notes, which are redeemable by turkey in _gold_ two years after the declaration of peace. gold is declared to be the standard currency, and no creditor is obliged to accept in payment of a debt more than piastres in silver or fifty in nickel. and since there is no gold in currency (for it has been all called in, and penalties of death have been authorised for hoarders) it follows that this and other issues of german paper will filter right through the empire. at the same time a german expert, dr. kautz, was appointed to start banks throughout turkey in order to free the peasants from the turkish village usurer, and in consequence enslave them to the german banks. similarly a german was put at the head of the ottoman agricultural bank. these new branches worked very well, but it is pleasant to think that one such was started by the deutsche bank at bagdad in october , which now has its shutters up. before this, as we learn from the _oesterreichischer volkswirt_ (june ), germany had issued other gold notes, in payment for gold from turkey, which is retainable in berlin till six months after the end of the war. (it is reasonable to wonder whether it will not be retained rather longer than that.) these gold notes were accepted willingly at first by the public, but the increase in their number (by the second issue) has caused them to be viewed with justifiable suspicion, and the depreciation in them continues. but the turkish public has no redress except by hoarding gold, which is a penal offence. that these arrangements have not particularly helped turkish credit may be gathered from the fact that the turkish gold £ , nominally piastres, was very soon worth piastres in the german paper standard, and it now fetches a great deal more. again, the deutsche orientbank has made many extensions, and is already financing cotton and wool trade for after the war. the establishment of this provoked much applause in german financial circles, who find it to be an instance of the 'far-reaching and powerful germano-austrian unity, which replaces the disunion of turkish finance.' this is profoundly true, especially if we omit the word 'austrian' inserted for diplomatic reasons. again we find germany advancing £ , , of german paper to the turkish government in january , for the payment of supplies they have received from krupp's works and (vaguely) for interest to the german financial minister. this, too, we may conjecture, is to be redeemed after the war in gold. in march of this year we find in the report of the ottoman bank a german loan of £ , , for the purchase of agricultural implements by turkey, and this is guaranteed by house-taxes. in all up to that month, as was announced in the chamber of deputies at constantinople, germany had advanced to turkey the sum of £ , , , entirely, it would seem, in german paper, to be repaid at various dates in gold. the grip, in fact, is a strangle-hold, all for turkey's good, as no doubt will prove the 'new conventions' announced by zimmermann in may , to take the place of the abolished capitulations, 'which left turkey at the mercy of predatory powers who looked for the disruption of the ottoman empire.' herr zimmermann does not look for that: he looks for its absorption. and sees it. the industrial development of turkey by this benevolent and disinterested power has been equally thorough and far-reaching, though germany here has had a certain amount of competition by hungary to contend against, for hungary considered that germany was trespassing on her sphere of interest. but she has been able to make no appreciable headway against her more acute partner, and her application for a monopoly of sugar-production was not favourably received, for germany already had taken the beet industry well in hand. in asia minor the acreage of cultivation early in had fallen more than per cent. from that under crops before the war, but owing to the importation of machinery from the central powers, backed up by a compulsory agricultural service law, which has just been passed, it is hoped that the acreage will be increased this year by something like per cent. the yield per acre also will be greatly increased this year, for germany has, though needing artificial manures badly herself, sent large quantities into turkey, where they will be more profitably employed. she has no fear about securing the produce. this augmented yield will, it is true, not be adequate to supply the needs of turkey, who for the last two years has suffered from very acute food shortage, which in certain districts has amounted to famine and wholesale starvation of the poorer classes. but it is unlikely that their needs will be considered at all, for germany's needs (she, the fairy godmother of the pan-turk ideal) must obviously have the first call on such provisions as are obtainable. thus, in the new preserved meat factory at aidin, the whole of the produce is sent to germany. thus, too, though in february there was a daily shortage in smyrna of sacks of flour, and the arab and greek population was starving, no flour at all was allowed to be imported into smyrna. but simultaneously germany was making huge purchases of fish, meat, and flour in constantinople (paid for in german paper), including , sheep. yet such was the villainous selfishness of the famine-stricken folk at adrianople that, when the trains containing these supplies were passing through, a mob held them up and sold the contents to the inhabitants. that, however, was an isolated instance, and in any case a law was passed in october , appointing a military commission to control all supplies. it enacts that troops shall be supplied first, and specially ordains that the requirements of german troops come under this head. (private firms have been expressly prohibited from purchasing these augmented wheat supplies, but special permission was given in to german and austro-hungarian societies to buy.) a few months later we find that there are a hundred deaths daily in constantinople from starvation, and two hundred in smyrna, where there is a complete shortage of oil. but oil is still being sent to germany, and during five hundred reservoirs of oil were sent there, each containing up to , kilogrammes. similarly during this summer the price of fruit has gone up in smyrna, for the germans have reopened certain factories for preserving it and turning it into jam, which is being sent to germany. the sugar is supplied from the new beet-fields of konia. but kultur must be supplied first, else kultur would grow lean, and the turkish god of love will look after the smyrniotes. it is no wonder that the blockade of germany does not produce the desired result a little quicker, for food is already pouring in from turkey, and when the artificial manures have produced their early harvest the stream will become a torrent.[ ] [footnote : the harvest has now come in, and is most abundant.] but during all these busy and tremendous months of war germany has not only been denuding turkey of her food supplies, for the sake of the pan-turkish ideal; in the same altruistic spirit she has been vastly increasing the productiveness of her new and most important colony. the great irrigation works at konia, begun several years ago, are in operation, and the revenues of the irrigated villages have been doubled. in fact, as the report lately issued says, 'a new and fertile province has been formed by the aid of german energy and knowledge.' at adana are similar irrigation works, financed by the deutsche bank. ernst marré gives us a most hopeful survey of them, for adana was already linked up with the bagdad railway in october , which was to be the great artery connecting germany with the east. there is some considerable shortage of labour there (owing in part to the armenian massacres, to which we shall revert presently), but the financial arrangements are in excellent shape. the whole of the irrigation works are in german hands, and have been paid for by german paper; and to get the reservoirs, etc., back into her own control, it has been agreed that turkey, already completely bankrupt, will have to pay not only what has been spent, but a handsome sum in compensation; while, as regards shortage of labour, prisoners have been released in large numbers to work without pay. this irrigation scheme at adana will increase the cotton yield by four times the present crop, so we learn from the weekly arab magazine, _el alem el ismali_, which tells us also of the electric-power stations erected there. the same paper (october ) announces to the anatolian merchants that transport is now easy, owing to the arrival of engines and trucks from germany, while _die zeit_ (february ) prophesies a prosperous future for this germano-turkish cotton combine. hitherto turkey has largely imported cotton from england; now turkey--thanks to german capital on terms above stated--will, in the process of internal development so unselfishly devised for her by germany, grow cotton for herself, and be kind enough to give a preferential tariff to germany. a similarly bright future may be predicted for the sugar-beet industry at konia, where are the irrigation works already referred to. artesian wells have been sunk, and there is the suggestion to introduce bulgarian labour in default of turkish. as we have seen, hungary attempted to obtain a monopoly with regard to sugar, but germany has been victorious on this point (as on every other where she competes with hungary), and has obtained the concession for a period of thirty years. she reaped the first-fruits this last spring ( ), when, on a single occasion, trucks laden with sugar were despatched to berlin. a similar irrigation scheme is bringing into cultivation the makischelin valley, near aleppo, and herr wied has been appointed as expert for irrigation plant in syria. there has been considerable shortage of coal, but now more is arriving from the black sea, and the new coal-fields at rodosto will soon be giving an output. indeed, it would be easier to enumerate the industries and economical developments of turkey over which germany has not at the present moment got the control than those over which she has. in particular she has shown a parental interest in turkish educational questions. she established last year, under german management, a school for the study of german in constantinople; she has put under the protection of the german government the jewish institution at haifa for technical education in palestine; from sivas a mission of schoolmasters has been sent to germany for the study of german methods. ernst marré surmises that german will doubtless become compulsory even in the turkish intermediate (secondary) schools. in april , the first stone of the 'house of friendship' was laid at constantinople, the object of which institution is to create among turkish students an interest in everything german, while earlier in the year arrangements were made for , turkish youths to go to germany to be taught trades. these i imagine were unfit for military service. with regard to such a scheme halil haled bey praises the arrangement for the education of turks in germany. when they used to go to france, he tells us, 'they lost their religion' (certainly prussian got is nearer akin to turkish allah) 'and returned home unpatriotic and useless. in germany they will have access to suitable religious literature' (gott!) 'and must adopt all they see good in german methods without losing their original characteristics.' comment on this script is needless. the hand is the hand of halil haled bey, but the voice is the voice of potsdam. occasionally, but rarely, austrian competition is seen. professor schmoller, in an austrian quarterly review, shows jealousy of german influence, and we find, in october , an ottoman-austrian college started at vienna for pupils of the ottoman empire. but germany has , in berlin. at adana (where are the german irrigation works) the german-turkish society has opened a german school of , while, reciprocally, courses in turkish have been organised at berlin for the sake of future german colonists. in constantinople the _tanin_ announces a course of lectures to be held by the turco-german friendship society. professor von marx discoursed last april on foreign influence and the development of nations, with special reference to turkey and the parallel case of germany. a few months later we find hilmet nazim bey, official head of the turkish press, proceeding to berlin to learn german press methods. a number of editors of turkish papers will follow him, and soon, no doubt, the turkish press will rival cologne and frankfort. so much for german education, but her penetrative power extends into every branch of industry and economics. in november , a munich expert was put in charge of the college of forestry, and an economic society was started in constantinople on german lines with german instructors. inoculation against small-pox, typhoid, and cholera was made compulsory; and we find that the turkish ministers of posts, of justice, and of commerce, figureheads all of them, have germans as their acting ministers. in the same year a german was appointed as expert for silkworm breeding and for the cultivation of beet. practically all the railways in asia minor are pure german concerns by right of purchase. germany owns the anatolian railway concession (originally british), with right to build to angora and konia; the bagdad railway concession, with preferential rights over minerals; they have bought the mersina-adana railway, with right of linking up to the bagdad railway; they have bought the smyrna-cassaba railway, built with french capital. they have secured also the haidar pasha harbour concession, thereby controlling and handling all merchandise arriving at railhead from the interior of asia minor.[ ] already on the bagdad railway the big tunnels of taurus and amanus are available for narrow-gauge petrol-driven motors, and the broad-gauge line will soon be complete. meanwhile railway construction is pushed on in all directions under german control, and the turkish minister of finance (august ) allocated a large sum of german paper money for the construction of ordinary roads, military roads, local government roads, all of which are new to turkey, but which will be useful for the complete german occupation which is being swiftly consolidated. to stop the mouths of the people, all political clubs have been suppressed by the minister of the interior, for prussia does not care for criticism. to supply german ammunition needs, lead and zinc have been taken from the roofs of mosques and door-handles from mosque-gates, and the iron railings along the champs de mars at pera have been carted away for the manufacture of bombs. not long after eight truck-loads of copper were sent to germany: these, i imagine, represent the first produce of copper roofs and utensils. a turco-german convention signed in berlin in january of this year, permits subjects of one country to settle in the other while retaining their nationality and enjoying trading and other privileges. in lebanon dr. könig has opened an agricultural school for syrians of all religions. in the homs district the threatening plague of locusts in february was combatted by germans; and a german expert, dr. bucher, had been already sent to superintend the whole question. for this concerns supplies to germany, as does also the ordinance passed in the same month that two-thirds of all fish caught in the lebanon district should be given to the military authorities (these are german), and that every fish weighing over six ounces in the beirut district should be korban also. the copper mines at arghana maden, near diarbekr, are busy exporting their produce into germany; the coal-mines at rodosto will very soon be making a large output.[ ] [footnote : the balance-sheets for of certain of those railways in which the deutsche bank has an interest have come to hand. they show a very disagreeable degree of prosperity. the anatolia railway company has large profits with a gross revenue of , , marks. the profit on the haidar-pasha-angora line has risen from , francs per kilometre to , . the mersina-tarsus-adana railway has paid per cent. on its preference shares, and per cent. on its ordinary shares. the haidar pasha harbour company has paid per cent.] [footnote : later in this year we find three trains daily leaving constantinople for germany, laden with coal and military supplies.] there is no end to this penetration: german water-seekers, with divining and boring apparatus, accompanied the turkish expedition into sinai; russian prisoners were sent by germany for agricultural work in asia minor, to take the place of slaughtered armenians; a german-turkish treaty, signed january , , gives the whole reorganisations of the economic system to a special german mission. a stuttgart journal chants a characteristic _lobgesang_ over this feat. 'that is how,' it proudly exclaims, 'we work for the liberation of peoples and nationalities.' in the same noble spirit, we must suppose, german legal reforms were introduced in december , to replace the turkish shuriat, and in the same month all the turks in telegraph offices in constantinople were replaced by germans. ernst marré gives valuable advice to young germans settling in turkey. he particularly recommends them, knowing how religion is one of the strongest bonds in this murderous race, to 'trade in articles of devotion, in rosaries, in bags to hold the koran,' and points out what good business might be built up in gramophones. earlier in this year we find a 'german oriental trading company' founded for the import of fibrous materials for needs of military authorities, and a great carpet business established at urfa with german machinery that will supplant the looms of smyrna. a saltpetre factory is established at konia by herr toepfer, whose enterprise is rewarded with an iron cross and a turkish decoration. the afforestation near constantinople, ordered by the ministry of agriculture, is put into german hands, and in the vilayet of aidin (april ) ninety concessions were granted to german capitalists to undertake the exploitation of metallic ores. occasionally the german octopus finds it has gone too far for the moment, and releases some struggling limb of its victim, as, for instance, when we see that, in september , the german director's stamp for the 'imperial german great radio station' at damascus has been discarded temporarily, as that station 'should be treated for the present as a turkish concern.' a 'trading and weaving company' was established at angora in , an 'import and export company' at smyrna, a 'trading and industrial society' at beirut, a 'tobacco trading company' at latakieh, an 'agricultural company' at tripoli, a 'corn exporting company' in lebanon, a 'rebuilding commission' (perhaps for sacked armenian houses) at konia. more curious yet will be a tourist's guide book--a baedeker, in fact--for travellers in anatolia, and the erection of a monument in honour of turkish _women_ who have replaced men called up for military duty. truly these last two items--a guide-book for anatolia, and a monument to women--are strange enterprises for turks. a new prussian day is dawning, it seems, for turkish women as well, for the _tanin_ (april ) tells us that diplomas are to be conferred on ladies who have completed their studies in the technical school at constantinople. it is needless to multiply instances of german penetration: i have but given the skeleton of this german monster that has fastened itself with tentacles and suckers on every branch of turkish industry. there is none round which it has not cast its feelers--no semitic moneylender ever obtained a surer hold on his victim. in matters naval, military, educational, legal, industrial, financial, germany has a strangle-hold. turkey's life is already crushed out of her, and, as we have seen, it has been crushed out of her by the benevolent kultur-mongers, who, among all the great powers of europe, invested their time and their money in the achievement of the pan-turkish ideal. silently and skilfully they worked, bamboozling their chief tool, enver pasha, even as enver pasha bamboozled us. as long as he was of service to them they retained him; for his peace of mind at one time they stopped up all letter-boxes in constantinople because so many threatening letters were sent him. but now enver pasha seems to have had his day; he became a little autocratic, and thought that he was the head of the pan-turkish ideal. so he was, but the pan-turkish ideal had become pan-prussian, and he had not noticed the transformation. talaat bey has taken his place; it was he who, in may , was received by the emperor william, by king ludwig, and by the austrian emperor, and he who was the mouthpiece of the german efforts to make a separate peace with russia. under czardom, he proclaimed, the existence of turkey was threatened, but now the revolution has made friendship possible, for russia no longer desires territorial annexation. and, oh, how turkey would like to be russia's friend! enver pasha has of late been somewhat out of favour in berlin, and i cannot but think it curious that when, on april , , he visited the submarine base at wilhelmshaven, he was very nearly killed in a motor accident. but it may have been an accident. since then i cannot find that he has taken any more active part in pan-turkish ideals than to open a soup-kitchen in some provincial town, and lecture the central committee of the young turks on the subject of internal affairs in great britain. i do not like lectures, but i should have liked to hear that one. i have left to the end of this chapter the question of germany's knowledge of, and complicity in the armenian massacres. from the tribune of the reichstag, on january , , there was made a definite denial of the existence of such massacres at all; on another subsequent occasion it was stated that germany could not interfere in turkish internal affairs. in view of the fact that there is no internal affair appertaining to turkey in which germany has not interfered, the second of these statements may be called insincere. but the denial of the massacres is a deliberate lie. germany--official germany--knew all about them, and she permitted them to go on. a few proofs of this are here shortly stated. ( ) in september , four months before the denial of the massacres was made in the reichstag, dr. martin niepage, higher grade teacher in the german technical school at aleppo, prepared and sent, as we have seen, in his name, and that of several of his colleagues, a report of the massacres to the german embassy at constantinople. in that report he gives a terrible account of what he has seen with his own eyes, and also states that the country turks' explanation with regard to the origin of these measures is that it was 'the teaching of the germans.' the german embassy at constantinople therefore knew of the massacres, and knew also that the turks attributed them to orders from germany. dr. niepage also consulted, before sending his report, with the german consul at aleppo, herr hoffman, who told him that the german embassy had been already advised in detail about the massacres from the consulates at alexandretta, aleppo, and mosul, but that he welcomed a further protest on the subject. ( ) these reports, or others like them, had not gone astray, for in august , the german ambassador in constantinople, baron wangenheim, made a formal protest to the turkish government about the massacres. there is, then, no doubt that the german government, when it officially denied the massacres, was perfectly cognisant of them. it was also perfectly capable of stopping them, for they were not local violences, but wholesale murders organised at constantinople. in support of this view i find an independent witness stating that 'there is no turk of standing who will not readily declare that it would have been perfectly possible for germany to have vetoed the massacres had she chosen.' germany had indeed already given assurances that such massacres should not occur. she had assured the armenian katholikos at adana that so long as germany has any influence in turkey he need not fear a repetition of the horrors that had taken place under abdul hamid. had she, then, no influence in constantinople, or how was it that she had obtained complete control over all turkish branches of government? the same assurance was given by the german ambassador in april , to the armenian patriarch and the president of the armenian national council. so, in support of the pan-turkish ideal, and in the name of the turkish allah, the god of love, germany stood by and let the infamous tale of lust and rapine and murder be told to its end. the turks had planned to exterminate the whole armenian race except some half-million, who would be deported penniless to work on agricultural developments under german rule, but this quality of turkish mercy was too strained for major pohl, who proclaimed that it was a mistake to spare so many. but he was a soldier, and did not duly weigh the claims of agriculture. the choice was open to germany; germany chose, and let the armenian massacres go on. but she was in a difficulty. what if the turkish government retorted (perhaps it did so retort), 'you are not consistent. why do you mind about the slaughter of a few armenians? what about belgium and your atrocities there?' and all the ingenuity of the wilhelmstrasse would not be able to find an answer to that. i do not say that germany wanted the massacres, for she did not. she wanted more agricultural labour, and i think that, if only for that reason, she deprecated them. but she allowed them to go on when it was in her power to stop them, and all the perfumes of arabia will not wash clean her hand from that stinking horror. here, then, are some of the problems which those who, at the end of the war, will have to deal with the problem of turkey must tackle. it is just as well to recognise that at the present moment turkey is virtually and actually a german colony, and the most valuable colony that germany has ever had. it will not be enough to limit, or rather abolish, the supremacy of turkey over aliens and martyrised peoples; it will be necessary first to abolish the supremacy of germany over turkey. to do this the victory of our allied nations must be complete, and germany's octopus envelopment of turkish industries severed. otherwise we shall immediately be confronted with a germany that already reaches as far as mesopotamia. that is done now; and that, before there can come any permanent peace for europe, must be undone. nothing less than the complete release of that sucker and tentacle embrace will suffice. note as throwing a sidelight on the german complicity in the armenian massacres, the following is of interest. it is known that when metternich succeeded wangenheim as german ambassador in constantinople, he brought with him a speech, written in berlin, which, by the kaiser's orders, he was to read when presenting his credentials to the sultan. this contained a sentence which implied that germany had been unable to stop the armenian massacres. talaat refused to allow the speech to be read, obviously because it threw the responsibility of the massacres on to the turks, whereas the accepted opinion in turkey was that they took place with the connivance and even at the instigation of the germans. eventually a compromise was arrived at, and the speech _in toto_ was read privately, the part referring to the armenian massacre not being published.... it is a pity that germany is always found out.... _crescent and iron cross, chapter vi_ 'thy kingdom is divided' let us commit the crime of _lèse-majesté_, and assume (though the emperor wilhelm ii. has repeatedly announced the contrary) that germany is not at the conclusion of the european war to find herself in possession of the world. she has prepared her plans in anticipation of the auspicious event; in fact she has had a most interesting map of europe produced which, except by its general shape, is scarcely recognisable. the printing of it, it is true, was a little premature, for it shows what europe was to have been like in , and the apportionments are not borne out by facts. but assuming that there is some radical error about it all from her point of view, and assuming that there will not be either a conclusive peace favourable to prussian interests, or even an inconclusive peace, but one in which the allies will be able to dictate and enforce their own terms, the magnitude of the problems that will await their decision may well appal the most ingenious of their statesmen. and of all those problems none, it is safe to prophesy, will be found more difficult of solution than that which will deal with the future of the corrupt and barbarous government which has for centuries made hell of the ottoman empire. we know more or less what will happen to alsace and lorraine, to belgium, to the trentino, because in those cases the claims of one or other of our allies to demand a particular settlement are quite certain to be agreed to by those not so immediately and vitally concerned. but in the balkans these problems will be more complicated because of conflicting interests, and most complicated of all will they be in turkey. one thing, however, is certain, that there can be no going back to the conditions that existed there before the war. ever since the osmanlis came out of remoter asia into the nearer east and into europe, the government of their empire has gone from bad to worse. in the early days, as we have seen, their policy was to absorb the strength of their subject peoples by incorporating the youth of them into the turkish army, by giving them turkish wives, and by converting them to mohammedanism. such was the foundation of the empire and such its growth. but having absorbed their strength, the sultan's government neglected them until they milked them again. they were allowed to prosper if they could: all that was demanded of them was a toll of their strength. they were cattle, and for the right to graze on turkish lands they paid back a pail of their milk of manhood. but an empire founded on such principles contains within it active and prolific seeds of decay, and, as we have seen, more stringent measures had to be resorted to in order to preserve the supremacy of the ruling people. instead of absorbing their strength, abdul hamid hit upon the new method of killing them, so that the turks should still maintain their domination. and the policy set on foot by him was developed but a few years ago into a scheme of slaughter, which in atrocity has far surpassed the killings of attila, of whom the nationalist poet sings, or even the designs of the deposed sultan. the armenian nation, with the exception of such part of it as has escaped into russian territory, has been exterminated, and similar measures have been planned and indeed begun, against the greeks, the arabs, and the jews. in consequence of this, in consequence also of the european war, the policy of the balance of power as regards turkey has been at length abandoned. the allies have definitely declared in their joint note to president wilson their aims in the war, and for those they have pledged themselves to fight until final and complete victory wreathes their arms. among these aims are:-- ( ) the liberation of the peoples who now lie beneath the murderous tyranny of the turks. ( ) the expulsion from europe of the ottoman empire, which has proved itself so radically alien to western civilisation. for a century that most inharmonious of orchestras called the concert of europe has, owing to the exigencies of the balance of power, kept turkey together, and in particular has maintained the centre of its government at constantinople simply because the balance of power would be upset if anybody else held the key of the straits that separate russia from the mediterranean. england, above all others, was instrumental in preserving that precarious balance, and england now must confess the utter failure of her policy there throughout a century. it is humiliating to acknowledge the complete collapse of that which for so many decades has been the keystone of our ruling with regard to our eastern empire, but the arch has collapsed; germany pulled the keystone out, and all our efforts to exclude russia from free access to the mediterranean have only resulted in letting germany in. to-day she holds constantinople, and the bitter pill must be swallowed. the situation, as it stands at this moment, is infinitely worse than it could have been for a century back, if at any moment during those hundred years we had done what we always ought to have done, and declared that the anachronism of turkey being in europe was more intolerable than anything that could happen in consequence of her expulsion. but we have acknowledged that now. we have also acknowledged the even greater anachronism of turkey being allowed to dispose of the destinies of any of those peoples who inhabit the territories of the ottoman empire, for the allies, in their joint note, have declared that the remedy of these two monstrous abuses forms an essential part of their aim in the war, which in costliness of life and of treasure has already far exceeded any cataclysm that could have come to europe through its doing its clear and christian duty with regard to turkey during the preceding hundred years. and among the benefits which eventually mankind will reap in the fields that have been sown by the blood of the slain will be the fact that the confusion of europe will have accomplished a task which the concert of europe was too craven of consequences to undertake; and constantinople and the subject peoples of the turks will have passed from the yoke of that murderous tyranny for ever. we will take these two avowed aims of the allies in order, and first try to draw (though with diffident pencil) some sketch of what will be the confines of the ottoman empire, when we pluck the fruits of the great crusade against the barbarism of turkey and of germany. it is quite useless to attempt to keep the map as it was, and peg out claims within the empire where we shall proclaim that arabs and greeks and armenians shall live in peace, for it is exactly that plan which has formed a century's failure. at the international congress of berlin, for instance, a solemn pact was entered into by turkey for the reform of the armenian vilayets. she carried out her promise by slaughtering every armenian male, and outraging every armenian woman who inhabited them. the _soi-disant_ protectorate of crete was not a whit more successful in securing for the cretans a tolerable existence, and the allies had to bring it to an end twenty years ago, and free them from the execrable yoke; while finally the repudiation by turkey of the capitulations, which provided some sort of guarantee for the safety of foreign peoples in turkey, has shown us, if further proof was needed, the value of covenants with the osmanli. it must be rendered impossible for turkey to repeat such outrages: the soil where her alien peoples dwell must be hers no more, and any turkish aggression on that soil must be, _ipso facto_, an act of war against the european power under the protection of whom such a province is placed. the difficulty of this part of the problem is not so great as might at first appear. we do not, when we come to look at it in detail, find such a conflict of interests as would seem to face us on a general view. even the precarious balance of power was not upset by a quantity of similar adjustments made by the concert of europe during the last hundred years. the powers freed serbia, giving turkey first a suzerainty over her, and finally abolishing that: they freed bulgaria, they freed greece, eastern rumelia, macedonia, albania. but, as by some strange lapse of humanity, they always regarded the subject peoples of turkey in asia as more peculiarly turkish, as if at the bosporus a new moral geography began, and massacre in asia was comparatively venial as compared with massacre in europe. but now the allies have said that there must be no more massacres in asia, nor any possibility of them. to secure this, it will be necessary to sever from turkey the lands where the alien peoples dwell, and form autonymous provinces under the protectorate of one or other of the allied nations. in most cases we shall find that there is a protecting power more or less clearly indicated, whose sphere of interest is obviously concerned with one or other of these new and independent provinces. the alien race which for the last thirty years has suffered the most atrociously from turkish inhumanity is that of the armenians, and it is fitting to begin our belated campaign of liberation with it. if the reader will turn to the map at the end of this book, he will see that the district marked armenia lies at the north-west corner of the old ottoman empire, and extends across its frontiers into russian trans-caucasia. that indicates the district which once was peopled by armenians. to-day, owing to the various armenian massacres, the latest of which, described in another chapter, was by far the most appalling, such part of armenia as lies in the ottoman empire is practically, and probably absolutely, depopulated of its armenian inhabitants. such as survive, apart from the women whose lives were spared on their professing islamism and entering turkish harems, have escaped beyond the russian frontier, and are believed to number about a quarter of a million. in the meantime their homes have partly been destroyed and partly occupied by mouhadjirs from thrace, and by the kurds who were largely instrumental in butchering them. their lands have been appropriated haphazardly, by, any who laid hands on them. here the problem is of no great difficulty. the robber-tenants must be evicted, and the remnant of the armenians repatriated. without exception they escaped into trans-caucasia from villages and districts near the frontier, else they could never have escaped from the pursuing turks and kurds. naturally, this remnant of a people will not nearly suffice to fill their entire province, but in order to satisfy the claims of justice at all adequately, the whole district of armenia, as armenia was known before its people were exterminated, must be amputated by a clean cut out of the ottoman empire and placed, in an autonomous condition in a new protected province, which will include all the vilayets of armenia. there is no doubt about a prosperous future for armenia if this is done, and to do less than this would be to fail signally as regards the solemn promise made by the allies when they stated to president wilson their aims in the war. the armenians have ever been a thrifty and industrious people, possessed of an inherent vitality which has withstood centuries of fiendish oppression. with facilities given them for their re-settlement, and with foreign protection to establish them, they will, beyond question, more than hold their own against the kurds. as a nation they are, as we have seen, partly agricultural in their pursuits; but a considerable proportion of them (and these the more intelligent) are men of business, merchants, doctors, educationalists, and gravitate to towns. constantinople, as we shall see, will be open to them again, where lately they numbered nearly as many as the entire remnant of their nation numbers now; so, too, will be the cities of syria, of palestine, and of mesopotamia in the new turkey which we are attempting to sketch. they will probably not care to settle in the towns and districts that will remain in the hands of their late oppressors and murderers. in the work of their repatriation none will be more eager to help than the american missionaries, who, at the time of the last massacre, as so often before, showed themselves so nobly disregardant of all personal danger and risk in doing their utmost for their murdered flock, and who have explicitly declared their intention of resuming their work. with regard to the eviction of kurds that will be necessary, it must be remembered that the kurd is a trespasser on the plains and towns of armenia, and properly belongs to the mountains from which he was encouraged to descend by the turks for purposes of massacre. out of those towns and plains he must go, either into the mountains of armenia from whence he came, or over the frontier of armenia into the new turkey presently to be defined. he must, in fact, be deported, though not in the manner of the deportations at which he himself so often assisted. the armenians who will thus be reinstated within the boundaries of their own territory, will be practically penniless and without any of the means or paraphernalia of life, and the necessary outlay on supplies for them, and the cost of their rehabilitation would naturally fall on the protecting power. they will, however, be free from the taxes they have hitherto paid to the turks, and it should not be difficult for them by means of taxes far less oppressive, to pay an adequate interest on the moneys expended on them. these would thus take the form of a very small loan, the whole of which could easily be repaid by the armenians in the course of a generation or so. once back on their own soil, and free from turkish tyranny and the possibility of it, they are bound to prosper, even as they have prospered hitherto in spite of oppressions and massacres up till the year , when, as we have seen, the liberal and progressive nationalists organised and executed the extermination from which so few escaped. it is hardly necessary to point out who the protecting power would be in the case of the repatriated armenians, for none but russia is either desirable or possible. with one side along the russian frontier of trans-caucasia, the new armenia necessarily falls into the sphere of russian influence. it has been suggested that not only armenia proper, but part of cilicia should also become a district of the repatriated armenians, with an outlet to the sea. but while it is true that complete compensation would demand this, since zeitun and other districts in cilicia were almost pure armenian settlements, i cannot think that such a restoration is desirable. for, in the first place, the extermination of the zeitunlis (as carried out by jemal the great) was practically complete. all the men were slaughtered, and it does not seem likely that any of the women and girls who were deported reached the 'agricultural colony' of deir-el-zor in the arabian desert. it is therefore difficult to see of whom the repatriation would consist. in the second place, the new armenia will be for several generations to come of an area more than ample for all the armenians who have survived the flight into russia, and it obviously will give them the best chance of corporate prosperity, if the whole of them are repatriated in a compact body rather than that a portion of them should be formed into a mere patch severed from their countrymen by so large a distance. another sphere of influence also will be operating near the borders of cilicia, and to place the armenians under two protecting powers would have serious disadvantages. in addition they never were a sea-going people, and i cannot see what object would be served by giving them a coast-board. in any case, if a coast-board was found necessary, the most convenient would be the coast-board of the black sea, lying adjacent to their main territory. if it seems clear that for new armenia the proper protecting power is russia, it is no less clear that for the freed inhabitants of new syria, arabs and greeks alike, the proper protecting power is france. historically france's connection with syria dates from the time of the crusades in ; it has never been severed, and of late years the ties between the two countries have been both strengthened and multiplied. the treaties of paris, of london, of san stefano, and of berlin have all recognised the affiliation; so, too, from an ecclesiastical standpoint, have the encyclicals of leo xiii. in and . similarly, it was france who intervened in the syrian massacres of , who landed troops for the protection of the maronites in , and established a protectorate of the lebanon there a few years later, which lasted up till the outbreak of the european war. france was the largest holder, as she was also the constructor, of syrian railways, and the harbour of beirut, without doubt destined to be one of the most flourishing ports of the eastern mediterranean, was also a french enterprise. and perhaps more important than all these, as a link between syria and france, has been the educational penetration which france has effected there. what the american missionaries did for armenia, france has done for syria, and according to a recent estimate, of the , children who attended european schools throughout syria, not less than , attended french schools. when we consider that that proportion has been maintained for many years in syria, it can be estimated how strong the intellectual bond between the syrian and the french now is. the french language, similarly, is talked everywhere: it is as current as is modern greek in ports of the levant. in virtue of such claims few, if any, would dispute the title of france to be the protecting power in the case of syria. here there will not be, as was the case with the armenians, any work of repatriation to be done. such devastation and depopulation as has been wrought by jemal the great, with hunger and disease to help him, was wrought on the spot, and, though it will take many years to heal the wounds inflicted by that barbaric plagiarist of potsdam, it is exactly the deft and practical sympathy of the french with the race they have so long tended, which will most speedily bring back health to the syrians. it will be with regard to the geographical limits of a french protectorate that most difficulty is likely to be experienced; there will also be points claiming careful solution, as will be seen later, with regard to railway control. northwards and eastwards the natural delimitations seem clear enough: northwards french syria would terminate with, and include, the province of aleppo, eastwards the syrian desert marks its practical limits, the technical limit being supplied by the course of the euphrates. but southwards there is no such natural line of demarcation; the arab occupation stretches right down till it reaches the hedjaz, which already has thrown off the turkish yoke and, under the shereef of mecca, declared its independence. inset into this long strip of territory lies palestine. now to make one single french protectorate over this very considerable territory seems at first sight a large order, but the objections to any other course are many and insuperable. should the line of french influence be drawn farther north than the hedjaz, under what protection is the intervening territory to be left? at present it is turkish, but inhabited by arabs, and, unless the allies revoke the fulness of their declaration not to leave alien peoples under the 'murderous tyranny' of the turks, turkish it cannot remain. but both by geographical situation and by racial interest, it belongs to french-protected syria, and there seems no answer to the question as to what sphere of influence it comes under if not under the french. just as properly, if we take this view of the question, the sinaitic peninsula, largely desert, would fall to egypt, the french protectorate being defined westwards at akabah. that the eastern side of the gulf of suez should not be under the same control as the western has always been an anomaly, admitted even by the sternest opponents of the status of egypt; and in the absence of any canal corresponding to that of suez, and debouching into the red sea _via_ the gulf of akabah, the most advanced champion of french influence in the near east would see no objection to this rectified frontier. there is no question of competition involved. the proposed change is but a rational rectification of the present status. this scheme of delimitation leaves palestine inset into the french protectorate of syria, and it is difficult to see to whom the protectorate of palestine should be properly assigned except to france. italy has no expansive ambitions in that sector of the mediterranean; england's national sphere of influence in this partition of the districts now occupied by alien peoples in the ottoman empire lies obviously elsewhere; and since the jews, who settled in ever-increasing numbers in palestine before the war, and will assuredly continue to settle there again, come and will come as refugees from the russian pale, it would be clearly inadvisable to assign to russia the protectorate of her own refugees. the only other alternative would be to create an independent palestine for the jews, and the reasons against that are overwhelming. it would be merely playing into the hands of germany to make such an arrangement. for the last thirty years germany has watched with personal and special interest this immigration of jews into palestine, seeing in it not so much a jewish but a german expansion. indeed, when, in the spring of this year, as we have noticed, a massacre and deportation of jews was planned and begun by jemal, germany so far reversed her usual attitude towards massacres in general, and her expressed determination never to interfere in turkey's internal affairs, as to lodge a peremptory protest, and of course got the persecution instantly stopped. her reason was that pan-turkish 'ideals' (the equivalent for the massacre of alien people) had no sort of meaning in palestine. but the pan-germanic ideals had a great deal of meaning in palestine, as dr. davis treitsch _(die jüden der türkei)_ very clearly states. for 'as a result of the war,' he tells us, 'there will be an emigration of east-european jews on an unprecedented scale ... the disposal of the east european jews will be a problem for germany (and) germans will be only too glad to find a way out in the emigration of those jews to turkey, a solution extraordinarily favourable to the interests of all _three [sic]_ parties concerned. there are grounds for talking of a german protectorate over the whole of jewry.' now this is explicit enough; germany clearly contemplated a protectorate over palestine, and if the jews who are german-speaking jews are left independent, there is nothing more certain than that, after the war, her penetration of palestine will instantly begin. these colonists are, and will be, in want of funds for the development and increase of their cultivated territories, and when we consider the names of the prominent financiers in the central empires, mendelssohn, hirsch, goldsmid, bleichroeder, speyer, to name only a few, we cannot be in much doubt as to the quarter from which that financial assistance will be forthcoming, on extremely favourable terms. it is safe to prophesy that, if palestine is given independence without protectorate, in three years from the end of the war it will be under not only a protectorate, but a despotism as complete as ever ruled either turkey or prussia. true it is that the zionist movement will offer, even as it has offered in the past, a strenuous opposition to germanisation, but it would be crediting it with an inconceivable vitality to imagine that it will be able to resist the blandishments that germany is certainly prepared to shower on it. for great as is the progress the jewish settlers made in palestine during the twenty or twenty-five years before the war, and strong as is the spirit of zionism, the emigrants do not as yet number more than about , , nor have they under crops more than ten per cent. of the cultivated land of palestine. they are as yet but settlers, and their work is before them. if left without a protectorate they will not be without a protectorate long, but not such an one as the allies desire. a protectorate there must be, and no reason is really of weight against that protectorate being french. let that, then, extend from the mediterranean to the euphrates, and from alexandretta to where the hedjaz already prospers in its self-proclaimed independence. it will be completely severed from turkey by tracts under protection of one or other of the allied powers, any expedition through which would be an act of war. the euphrates, then, will form the eastern boundary of the french protectorate: it will also, it is hoped, form the western boundary of the english protectorate, which we know as mesopotamia. just as no other power has any real claim to armenia, except russia, just as syria can fall to no other than france, it seems equally clear that the proper sphere of english influence is in this plain that stretches southwards from the semicircle of hills where the two great rivers approach each other near diarbekr to the head of the persian gulf. as germany very well knows, it is intimately concerned with our safe tenure of india, and the hold the germans hoped to gain over it, and have for ever lost, by their possession of the bagdad railway was vital to their dreams of world-conquest. equally vital to england was it that germany should never get it. but its importance to us as a land-route to india is by no means the only reason why an english sphere of influence is indicated here: it is the possibilities it harbours, which, as far as can be seen, england is the only power capable of developing, that cause us to put in a claim for its protectorate which none of our allies will dispute. to restore mesopotamia to the rank it has held, and to the rank it still might hold among the productive districts of the east, there is needed a huge capital for outlay, and a huge population of workers. even germany, in her nightmare of world-dominion, from which she shall be soon dragged screaming-awake, never formulated a scheme for the restoration of southern mesopotamia to its productive pre-eminence, and never so much as contemplated it, except as an object that would be possible of realisation after the empire of india had fallen over-ripe into her pelican mouth. therein she was perfectly right--she usually is right in these dreams of empire in so far as they are empirical--for she seems dimly to have conjectured in these methodical visions, that india was the key to unlock southern mesopotamia. but nowhere can i find that she guessed it: i only guess that she guessed it. this problem of capital outlay and of the necessary man-power for work and restoration applies exclusively to southern mesopotamia, which we may roughly define as the district stretching from samara on the tigris and hit on the euphrates to the persian gulf. northern mesopotamia, as dr. rohrbach points out in his _bagdadbahn_, needs only the guarantee of security of life and property to induce the kurds to descend from the hills and the bedouin arabs to settle down there; and by degrees, under a protectorate that insures them against massacre and confiscation of property, there seems no doubt that the area of cultivation will spread and something of the ancient prosperity return. the land is immensely fertile: it is only ottoman misrule, which here, as everywhere else, has left desolation in the place of prosperity and death in place of life. the rainfall is adequate, the climate suitable to those who will naturally spread there: it needs only freedom from the murderous tyranny that has bled it for centuries past, to guarantee its future prosperity. but southern mesopotamia is a totally different proposition. the land lies low between the rivers, and, though of unparalleled fertility, yields under present conditions but a precarious livelihood to its sparse population. for nine months of the year it is a desert, for three months when its rivers are in flood, a swamp. once, as we all know, it was the very heart of civilisation, and from its arteries flowed out the life-blood of the world. rainfall was scarcely existent, any more than it is existent in southern or upper egypt; but in the days of babylon the great there were true rulers and men of wisdom over these desiccated regions, who saw that every drop of water in the river, that now pours senselessly through swamp and desert into the sea, was a grain of corn or a stalk of cotton. they dug canals, they made reservoirs, and harnessed like some noble horse of the gods the torrents that now gallop unbridled through dreary deserts. the black land, the sawad, was then the green land of waving corn, where three crops were annually harvested and the average yield was two hundredfold of the seed sown. the wheat and barley, so herodotus tells us, were a palm-breadth long in the blade, and millet and sesame grew like trees. and in these details the revered father of lies seems to have spoken less than the truth, for the statistics we get elsewhere more than bear out his accounts of its amazing fertility. from its wealth before his day had arisen the might of babylon, and for centuries later, while the canals still regulated the water supply, it remained the granary of the world. more than a thousand years after herodotus there were over , , acres in cultivation, and the husbandmen thereof with the dwellers in its cities numbered , , men. then came the arab invasion, which was bad enough, but colossally worse was the invasion of the osmanli. truly 'a fruitful land maketh he barren, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein.' but the potentiality for production of that great alluvial plain is not diminished; the turks could not dispose of that by massacre, as a means of weakening the strength of their subject peoples. it is still there, ready to respond to the spell of the waters of tigris and euphrates, which once, when handled and controlled, caused it to be the garden of the lord. not long before the present european war sir william willcocks, under whose guidance the great modern irrigation works at assouan were constructed, was appointed adviser to the ottoman ministry of public works, and his report on the irrigation of mesopotamia was issued in . he tells us that the whole of this delta of the sawad is capable of easy levelling and reclamation. it would naturally be a gigantic scheme, and he takes as a basis to start on the question of the refertilisation of , , acres. into the details of it we need not go, but his conclusions, calculated on a thoroughly conservative basis, give the following results. he proposes to restore, of course with modern technical improvements, the old system of canals, and, allowing for interest on loans, estimates the total expense at £ , , (or the cost of the war for about three days). on this the annual value of the crops would pay per cent. the figures need no enlargement in detail and no comment. but now comes the difficulty: the construction of the irrigation works is easy, the profits are safe so long as the tigris and 'the ancient river,' the river euphrates, run their course. but all the irrigation works in the world will not raise a penny for the investor or a grain for the miller unless there are men to sow and gather the crops. a million are necessary: where are they to come from? and the answer is 'egypt and india.' this is precisely why the protectorate of mesopotamia and its future must be in english hands, why no other country can undertake it with hope of success. even the ingenious dr. rohrbach, whose _bagdadbahn_ i have quoted before, is forced to acknowledge that there is no solution to the man-power problem except by the 'introduction of mohammedans from other countries where the climatic conditions of irak prevail.' it is true that he starts upon the assumption that mesopotamia will remain turkish (under a german protectorate, as we read between his lines), with which we must be permitted to disagree, but his conclusion is quite correct. even under german protection he realises that citizens of well-governed states will not flock by the million to put themselves under turkish control, and he dismisses as inadequate the numbers of syrians, arabs, armenians and jews who can be transported to mesopotamia from inside the boundaries of the ottoman empire. their numbers are even more inadequate since the armenian massacres permitted by dr. rohrbach's fatherland, and even he cannot picture a million of his own countrymen forsaking the beer-gardens for summers in the sawad. he does not positively state our answer, that it is from india and egypt that the man-power will be supplied, but, as mentioned before, i think he guesses it. his prophetic gifts are not convincing enough to himself to let him state the glorious future, when india and egypt shall become german, but that, i feel sure, is his vision: 'he sees it, but not now; he beholds it, but not nigh.' but we can give the answer which he does not quite like to state, since for the english it is clearly more easily realisable. the native labour we can supply from egypt and india, especially india, will furnish a million labourers, and, if we wished, two millions without difficulty. but no power except england can furnish it. and that, i submit, is the solution of the problem of mesopotamia; a solution well within the power of english enterprise to attain in the hands of such men as have already bridled the nile, the water-horsemen of the world. and i cannot do better, in trying to convey the spirit in which this work of reclamation should be undertaken, than by quoting some very noble words from sir william willcocks's report, in which he speaks of the desolation that has come to this garden of fruitfulness through wicked stewardship. 'the last voyage i made before coming to this country was up the nile from khartoum to the equatorial lakes. in this most desperate and forbidding region i was filled with pride to think i belonged to a race whose sons, even in this inhospitable waste of waters, were struggling in the face of a thousand discouragements to introduce new forest trees and new agricultural products and ameliorate in some degree the conditions of life of the naked and miserable inhabitants. how should i have felt, if in traversing the deserts and swamps which to-day represent what was the richest and most famous tract in the world, i had thought that i was the scion of a race in whose hands god has placed, for hundreds of years, the destinies of this great country, and that my countrymen could give no better account of their stewardship than the exhibition of two mighty rivers flowing between deserts to waste themselves in the sea for nine months of the year, and desolating everything in their way for the remaining three? no effort that turkey can make can be too great to roll away the reproach of those parched and weary lands, whose cry ascends to heaven.' but the harvests of mesopotamia, when gathered in, must needs be transported, and for that railways are necessary. water transport would, of course, carry them easily down to the persian gulf, but the supply will be mainly, if not wholly, wanted westwards, and it must be conveyed to the shores of the mediterranean. already, in preparation for world-conquest, germany has proceeded far with her construction of the bagdad railway, which was intended, after her absorption of turkey, to link up berlin with her next oriental objective, namely, india; the taurus has been tunnelled, the euphrates bridged, and but for a hiatus of a few miles the line is practically complete from constantinople into northern mesopotamia. but its route was chosen for german strategic reasons, for the linking up of berlin with constantinople and bagdad. this, it may be permitted to say, does not form part of the schemes of the allies: it is to snap rather than weld such links that they have taken the field. what we want in the matter of railway transport for the harvests of mesopotamia, and generally for our eastern communications, is not a line that passes through turkish and german soil, and terminates at berlin, but one which, after the directest possible land-route, reaches the mediterranean and terminates in suitable ports. the reader therefore is requested to _unthink_ the present bagdad railway altogether, to 'scrap' it in his mind, as it will be probably scrapped on the map, since it is utterly useless for our purposes. for taking aleppo as (roughly) the half-way house in the existent line, we find that the western half of it lies in asia minor, in territory which, as we shall see, will remain turkish, while the eastern half of it makes a long detour instead of striking directly for bagdad. after our experience with turkey there is nothing less conceivable than that we should allow a single mile of our new mesopotamia railway to run through the territory of the turks, for who knows that she might not (say when harvests are ripe and ready for delivery), on any arbitrary pretext, close or destroy the line, even as before now she has closed the dardanelles? besides, for our purposes, a line that goes to constantinople (in whosoever hands constantinople may be after the war) is out of the way and altogether unsuitable. eastwards, again, from aleppo the present bagdad line is circuitous and indirect, admirably adapted to the german purposes for which it was constructed, but utterly unadapted to ours. let us then 'scrap' the existent bagdad route altogether, and consider not what the germans want, but what we want, which, as has been already stated, is a direct land communication with suitable mediterranean ports. of those there are three obvious ones, alexandretta, tripoli, and beirut, of which beirut is a long way the first in importance and potentiality of increased importance. two possible routes therefore would seem to suggest themselves, one running from alexandretta to aleppo, and thence following pretty closely the course of the euphrates till it reaches hit, and from there striking directly to bagdad. aleppo is already connected with tripoli and el mina (the actual port of tripoli), and also with beirut by branch lines making a junction at homs, and thus all those ports will be brought together on one system. but if the reader will glance at the map, he will see that by far the most direct communication with bagdad would be to run the railway direct from there to homs, thus making homs rather than aleppo the central junction of the system. from homs lines would run northward to aleppo, due west to tripoli, and south-west to beirut. either of those routes, in any case, would be infinitely preferable to the long loop which the present bagdad railway traverses, as planned on german lines and for german requirements. the new railway will thus lie exclusively in territory under french and english protectorate, and will probably be their joint enterprise and property. prospectively then, as regards the fulfilment of the solemn pledge of the allies to liberate subject peoples from the murderous tyranny of the turks, we have discussed the future of armenia, of syria, of palestine, and of mesopotamia. all those are well defined districts, and the demarcation of their respective protectorates should not present great difficulties. but there remains, before we pass on to the problem of constantinople, a further district less easily defined, largely inhabited by european peoples whose liberty in the future we are pledged to secure. this is the mediterranean coastline to the south and west of asia minor, the towns of which have been so extensively peopled and made prosperous by greeks and italians. similarly among those of our european allies who are desirous and capable of eastern expansion, there remains one, italy, whose rights to partake in this turkish partition we have not yet considered. in the shifting kaleidoscope of national war-politics, it seems at the moment of writing by no means impossible that greece, having at length got rid of a treacherous and unstable reuben of a monarch, may redeem her pledge to serbia, in which case, no doubt, she too would state the terms of her desired and legitimate expansion. but these would more reasonably be concerned with the redistribution of the balkan peninsula, which does not come within the scope of this book, and we may prophesy without fear of invoking the nemesis that so closely dogs the heels of seers, that italy will legitimately claim (or perhaps has already claimed) the protectorate of this valuable littoral. certain it is that, when peace returns, the large population of greeks and italians once resident (and soon again to be) on these coasts, must be given the liberty and security which they will never enjoy so long as they remain in turkish hands, and the hands that have earned the right to be protecting power are assuredly italian. along the south coast a line including the taurus range would seem to suggest a natural frontier inland from adana on the east to the south-west corner of asia minor, and from there a similar strip would pass up the coast as far as, and inclusive of, smyrna. that at least italy has every right to expect, and there seems no great fear that among the international councils there will arise a dissentient voice. the inland boundary on the west coast is the difficult section of this delimitation, and into the details of that it would be both rash and inexpedient to enter. ii we pass, then, to the second avowed object of the allies, namely, the expulsion from europe of the ottoman rule, which has proved itself so radically alien to western civilisation. this must be taken to include not only the expulsion of the turkish control from thrace and constantinople, but from the eastern side as well of the bosporus, the sea of marmora, and the dardanelles. at no future time must turkey be in a position to command even partially a single yard of that momentous channel through which alone our allies, russia and rumania, have access to the mediterranean. though this was not formally stated in the allies' reply to president wilson, it is clearly part and parcel of the object in view, for while the ottoman empire retains the smallest control on either side of either of the straits, she is so far able to interfere in european concerns, in which she must never more have a hand. the east shore, then, of the straits and the sea of marmora, as well as the west, must be under the control of a power, or a group of powers, not alien to western civilisation. germany and her allies therefore, no less than turkey, must be excluded from the guardianship of the straits. as we have had previous occasion to note, this ejection of the turkish power from constantinople is the absolute reversal of european and, in especial, of english policy for the last hundred years. no crime that the ottoman government could commit, no act of barbarism, would ever persuade us to do away with the anachronism of turkey's existence in europe; but at last the seismic convulsion of the war has knocked this policy into a heap of disjected ruins, and it can never be rebuilt again on the old lines. for among our other avowed objects in prosecuting the war to its victorious end, we have pledged ourselves to uphold the right which all peoples, whether small or great, have to the enjoyment of full security and free economic development. but while turkey can close the straits at her own arbitrary will, or at the bidding of a superior and malevolent power, and block the passage of ships from russian and rumanian ports into the mediterranean, the economic development of both these countries is seriously menaced. three times within the last six years has she exercised that right, and while she holds the shores of the straits she can at any moment blockade all southern russian ports. that such power should be in the hands of any nation is highly undesirable; that it should be in the hands of a corrupt despotism like turkey, especially now that germany, as things stand, can dictate to turkey when and what she pleases, is a thing unthinkable by the most improvident of statesmen. already we have paid dearly enough for the pusillanimity of a hundred years: it is impossible that we should ever allow a similar bill to be again presented. whatever be the guardianship of the straits, whoever the holder of constantinople, it will not be turkey. at the beginning of the war, and indeed till after the revolution in russia, it was announced and stated as an axiom that on the conclusion of peace, russia should be the door-keeper of what after all is her own lodge-gate. subsequently, in the unhappy splits and disintegration of her government, it was announced that she favoured peace without annexation--in other words, that she neither claimed nor desired the guardianship of constantinople. but i think we should be utterly wrong if we regarded that as an expression of the will of the russian people: it is far more probable that it was the expression of the will of germany, directly inspired by german influence with a view to concluding a separate peace with russia. as we have seen, it had its due effect in turkey, and talaat bey gave vent to pious ejaculations of thanksgiving, that now all cause of quarrel with russia was removed, and turkey and she could be friends. it is possible that when out of the confused cries there again rises from russia the clear call of the people's voice, we shall find her wishing to set in order her own house before she projects herself on new missions, but, as far as the manifesto of 'peace without territorial annexation' goes, we shall be wise to regard it for the present with the profoundest suspicion. it sounds far more like the tones of the central european wolf than those of little red riding hood's proper grandmother. but be russia's decision what it may, the turk will hold sway no longer in thrace or constantinople, or on the shores of the straits of the sea of marmora. there is, of course, no question of deporting the whole of the turkish population that lives in those regions, nor would it be desirable, even if it were possible, to realise gladstone's robust vision of seeing every turk, 'bag and baggage,' clear out from the provinces they have desolated and profaned. but if not under russia, then under the joint control of certain of the allied powers there will be a complete reconstruction of the administration of those districts. the headquarters of the protectorate will doubtless be at constantinople, which will be reorganised somewhat on the lines of the treaty port of shanghai, and will be open to the ships of all nations. the security of the town must be assured by a military garrison either of mixed troops of the controlling nations, or possibly by a rotation of troops drawn from the armies of each in turn. more important even than this will be the adequate control of the straits by sea. a naval base must be formed, which by the gospel of the freedom of the seas (but not according to st. goeben and the submarine disciples) will constitute a patrolling police force of the waters. whether the system of fortifications and defences that lately rendered the dardanelles impregnable shall be retained or not is a question demanding the most careful consideration. some will hold that they should be maintained in order to insure that none but the guarantors of the freedom of the straits shall ever take possession of them: others that they shall be utterly dismantled and destroyed, so that the closing of the straits shall be an impossibility. the matter really turns on the question as to the extent to which the allies will have the prudence to cut germany's claws when the war is over. it is eminently to be hoped that they will be cut so short that never again will they be able to show those chiselled talons beyond her velvet--that sense, in fact, will allow sentiment no word to say. unfortunately, there are a great many people the basis of whose character consists of a washy confidence in the good intentions of everybody. most mistakenly they call it christianity. here, then, has been outlined the effect of the allies' declared aims. such territories as turkey holds in europe, such control as she possesses over the free passage of the straits must pass from her, and the alien peoples, who for centuries have fainted and bled underneath her infamous yoke, must be led out of the land of bondage. as we have seen throughout preceding chapters, it was the fixed policy of the ottoman government to rid itself of their presence, and already it has gone far in its murderous mission. indeed the avowed aims of the allies, when accomplished, will do that work for her, for the allies are determined to remove those peoples from turkey. the difference of execution, however, consists in this, that they will not remove arabs and greeks and italians and jews, as turkey has already done with the armenians by the simple process of massacres, but by a process no less simple, namely, of taking out of the territories of the ottoman empire the districts where such peoples dwell. the allies will accomplish, in fact, for the turks that policy of ottomanisation which was the aim of abdul hamid, and has been the aim of his more murderous successors. turkey shall henceforth be for the turks: she shall no more be in 'danger' from the defenceless nations, who at present exist within her borders. the sultan of turkey, in some year of grace now not far distant, will find that his ottomanisation has been done for him, and, though his realm is curtailed, he will have his rest broken no more by the thought of arab risings, nor will he have to devise measures that will solve the arab question. except for a strip along the west and south coast, all asia minor and anatolia will be his from the black sea to the mediterranean, but syria, armenia, the coast of asia minor, palestine, and mesopotamia shall have passed from him. it is no dismemberment of an empire that the allies contemplate, for they cannot dismember limbs that never belonged to the real trunk. it was a despotic military control that the osmanlis had established, they always regarded their subject peoples as aliens, whom they did not scruple to destroy if they exhibited symptoms of progress and civilisation. henceforth the turkish government shall govern turks, and turks alone. that for many years has been its aim, and, by the disastrous dispensation of fate, it has been largely able to realise its purpose. now, though by different methods, the allies will see thorough accomplishment of it. there will be no question, of course, of turning out or of deporting turks who live in syria, in armenia, in constantinople, for the ways of the allies are not those of talaat and enver and jemal the great. where to-day turks dwell, there shall they continue to dwell, but they must dwell there in peace in equal liberties and rights with the once-subject peoples whom the allies shall have delivered. if they do not like that they can migrate, not by forced marches and under the guardianship of murderous kurds, but in protection and security, to the lands where they can still enjoy the beneficent sway of their own governors, and be ottomanised to the top of their bent. but syrians and armenians and greeks and jews will be ottomanised no longer. the turk was always a fighter, disciplined and courageous, and he has never lost that virtue of valour. but he has been a fighter because he has always lived under a military despotism which demanded his services, and it is much to be doubted whether his qualities in this regard will for the future be exercised as they have been in the past. for the turkish armies, in so far as they have consisted of turks, have been chiefly, if not wholly, recruited from the peasantry of anatolia, who, when not summoned to their country's colours, or ordered to maltreat and massacre, are quiet, rather indolent folk, content to plough their lands and reap an exiguous but sufficient harvest. and for their lords and governors, who, until prussia assumed command of the turkish armies, there will no longer be either the possibility of further conquests as in the old osmanli days, or, in less progressive times, the necessity for securing ottoman supremacy over the huge ill-knit lands which it governed. but now, instead of having alien and defenceless tribes within their borders, tribes forbidden to bear arms and chafing at the turkish yoke, they will see free peoples under the protectorates of powers that are capable of self-defence and, if necessary, of inflicting punishment. russia, france, england, italy, all allied nations, will be established in close proximity to the turkish frontiers, and the new turkey will be as powerless for aggression as she will be for defence, should she provoke attack. but within their borders there may the osmanlis dwell secure and undisturbed, so long as they conform to the habits of civilised people with regard to their neighbours, and it is a question whether, now that the military despotism which has always misguided the fortunes of this people, has no possible fields for conquest, and no need of securing security, the nation will not settle down into the quiet existence of small neutral countries. perhaps the last chapter of its savage and blood-stained history is already almost finished, and in years to come some little light of progress and of civilisation may be kindled in the abode where the household gods for centuries have been cruelty and hate. _crescent and iron cross, chapter vii_ the grip op the octopus it will not be sufficient for the fulfilment of the allies' aims as regards turkey to free from her barbarous control the subject peoples dwelling within her borders, for turkey herself has to be delivered from a domination not less barbaric than her own, which, if allowed to continue, would soon again be a menace to the peace of the world. we have seen in a previous chapter how deeply set in her are germany's nippers, how closely the octopus-embrace envelops her, and we now have to consider how those tentacles must be unloosed from their grip, and what will be the condition of the victim, already bled white, when that has been done. in the beginning, as we have seen, germany obtained her hold by professing a touchingly beautiful and philanthropic desire to help turkey to realise her national ideals, and her pecksniffs, tekin alp and herr ernst marré, were bidden to write parallel histories, the one describing the aims of the nationalist party, the other the benevolent interest which germany took in them. occasionally herr ernst marré could not but remember that he was a german, and permitted us to see the claws of the cat, without quite letting it out of the bag, but then he pulled the strings tight again, and only loud comfortable purrings could be heard, the prussian musings over the 'liberation' of turkey which she was helping to accomplish. but nowadays, so it seems to me, the strings have been loosened, and the claws and teeth are clearly visible. it is not so long since dr. schnee, governor of german east africa, sent a very illuminating document to berlin from which i extract the following:-- 'do you consider it possible to make a regulation prohibiting islam altogether? the encouragement of pig-breeding among natives is recommended by experts as an effective means of stopping the spread of islam....' that seems clear enough, and i can imagine talaat bey, with his sword of honour in his hand, exclaiming with the oysters in _alice in wonderland_:-- 'after such kindness that would be a dismal thing to do.' but i am afraid that germany is contemplating (as indeed she has always done) a quantity of dismal things to do, and is now, like the walrus and the carpenter, beginning to let them appear. she has taken the turkish oysters out for a nice long walk, and when the war is over she proposes to sit down and eat them. and did she not also interfere in the affair of jewish massacres and declare that 'pan-turkish ideals have no sort of meaning in palestine'? that must have been almost an unfriendly act from turkey's point of view, for it cannot be stated too clearly that part of the price which germany paid for turkey's entry on her side into the war, was the liberty, as far as germany was concerned, of managing her internal affairs, massacres and the rest, as best suited the damnable doctrines of ottomanisation. the other powers could not interfere, for they failed to force the dardanelles, and germany promised not to. that promise, of course, was binding on germany for just so long as it suited her to keep it, and it suited her to keep it, on the whole, during the armenian massacres. and in that matter her refusal to interfere is, among all her crimes, the very flower and felicity of her vileness. signs are not wanting that turkey is beginning to realise the position in which she has placed herself, namely, that of a bankrupt dependant at the mercy of a nation to whom that quality is a mere derision. lately a quantity of small incidents have occurred, such as disputes over the ownership of properties financed by germany and the really melodramatic depreciation in the german coinage, which unmistakably show the swift ebb of turkey's misplaced confidence. more significant perhaps than any is a transaction that took place in may , when talaat bey and enver pasha took the whole of their private fortunes out of the deutsche bank in constantinople, and invested them in two swiss banks, namely, the banque nationale de suisse, and the banque fédérale: they drew out also the whole funds of the committee of union and progress, and similarly transferred them. this operation was not effected without loss, for in return for the turkish £ they received only thirteen francs. but it is significant that they preferred to lose over fifty per cent. of their capital, and have the moiety secure in switzerland to leaving it in constantinople.[ ] it is certain therefore that at both ends of the scale a distrust of german management has begun. a starving population has wrecked trains loaded with food-stuffs going to germany, and at the other end the men with the swords of honour and dishonour deem it wise to put their money out of reach of the great prussian cat. that the germans themselves are not quite at their ease concerning the security of their hold may also be conjectured, for they are, as far as possible, removing turkish troops from constantinople, and replacing them with their own regiments. an instance of this occurred in june , when, owing to the discontent in the capital, it was found necessary to guard bridges, residences of ministers, and government offices. but instead of recalling turkish troops from galicia to do this, they kept them there in the manner of hostages, mixed up in german regiments, and sent picked bodies of german troops to constantinople. fresh corps of secret police have also been formed to suppress popular manifestations. they are allowed to 'remove' suspects by any means they choose, quite in the old style of bag and bosporus, but the organisation of them is german. and well may the german government distrust those signs of popular discontent in a starving population: already the people have awoke to the fact that the german paper money does not represent its face-value, and, despite assurances to the contrary, it is at a discount scarcely credible. three german £ notes are held even in constantinople to be the equivalent of a gold £ , while in the provinces upwards of five are asked for, and given, in exchange for one gold pound. it is in vain that german manifestoes are put forth declaring that all government offices will take the notes as an equivalent for gold, for what the people want is not a traffic with government offices, but the cash to buy food. even more serious is the fact that austrian and hungarian directors of banks will no longer accept these scraps of paper. in vain, too, is it that the hungry folk see the walls of the 'house of friendship' rise higher and higher in constantinople, for every day they see with starving eyes the trains loaded with sugar from konia, and the harvests raised in anatolia with german artificial manures guarded by german troops and rolling westwards to berlin. according to present estimates the harvest this year is so vastly more abundant than that of previous years, that no comparison, as the minister of agriculture tells his gratified government, is possible. but the poorer classes get no more than the leavings of it when the armies, which include the german army, have had their wants supplied. the governing classes, whom it is necessary to feed, are not yet suffering, for the germans grant them enough, issuing rations to such families as are proved adherents of the german-turkish combination, and until the pinch of want attacks them we should be foolishly optimistic if we thought that a starving peasantry would cause the collapse or the defection of germany's newest and most valuable colony. there is enough discontent to make germany uneasy, but that is all.[ ] long ago she proved the efficiency of her control, and the successful pulling of her puppet-strings, and no instance of that is more complete than the brief story of yakub jemil and the extinction of him and his party, which, though it happened a full year ago, has only lately been completely transmitted. yakub jemil was an influential commander of a frontier guard near the black sea coast. in july he went to constantinople, accompanied by his staff (which included the informant from whom this account is derived), and, being cordially received by enver and talaat, discussed the situation with them. he pointed out the demoralising effect of the armenian massacres, and the danger of jemal the great's attitude towards the arabs in syria, realising, and seeking to make them realise, the stupendous folly of making enemies of the subject peoples, and urging the re-establishment of cordial relations between the turks and them. that, considering that enver and talaat were responsible (under the germans) for the armenian massacres, was a brave outspeaking. he went on to say that turkey was at war not on behalf of herself, but on behalf of germany, and that it would be wise of the government to consider the possibility of a separate peace with the powers of the entente. he was heard with interest, and took his leave. he remained in constantinople, and his views obtained him many adherents, not only among turkish officers whose sympathies were already alienated from germany, but among members of the committee of union and progress. but before long his adherents began to disappear, and he asked for another interview with talaat. he was received, as the informant states, 'with open arms,' for talaat seized and held him, called for the guard, and he was searched, and on him were found certain documents which proved him to hold the views he had already expressed. that now, was enough. he was 'interrogated' for two days (interrogation is otherwise called torture), and was then hanged. subsequently officers and men in the army also disappeared. some were marched into the khiat khana valley, opposite pera, and were stabbed: others were sent under escort to the provinces and murdered. no courts-martial of any kind were held. [footnote : similarly, in october of this year, a new turkish law was passed, prohibiting the acquisition of turkish land by foreign settlers. this is aimed point-blank at germany, and has naturally annoyed berlin very much.] [footnote : the army rations have lately been reduced, each turkish soldier receiving daily an oke of bread and a dried mackerel.] and should anybody doubt the efficiency of german control in turkey, and be disposed to be optimistic about the imminence of turkey's detachment, he might do well to ponder that story. meantime the efficacy of our naval blockade is largely discounted by germany's new source of supply. possibly in the ensuing winter of - conditions may get unbearable, but if the turkish government only two years ago massacred more than a million of its subjects, it would be absurd to expect that the starving of a million more would produce much effect on the ministers of the turkish god of love.[ ] the people are, of course, told, with suitable statistics, how famine is decimating england and france, and how the total starvation of those unfortunate countries is imminent. indeed, of all the signs of want of confidence in their german overlords, by far the most promising are the facts that talaat and enver have sent their money out of the country, and that jemal the great has a swelled head. on these facts there is a certain justifiable optimism to be based. it will do no good to consider them academically in london; but are there not practical channels to reach the instincts of the turkish triumvirate that might be navigated? [footnote : the following list of prices in constantinople is of interest:-- july . july . rice, per lb. - / d. s. d. milk, per quart d. s. flour, per lb. d. s. d. petroleum, per lb. d. s. d. pair of boots £ £ . ] we need not trouble ourselves with considering what the allies will have to do with the turkish army when once the end of the war comes, for the collapse of the military party in turkey, which owes its whole vitality to germany, will be perfect and complete. but the economical future of turkey is not so plain: at the present moment its bankruptcy is total. early in the war germany drained it of such bullion as it had, and has since then advanced it about £ , , , which, as far as i can trace, is entirely in german paper, and must be redeemed in gold at some period (chiefly two years) after the end of the war. that is wonderful finance, and one marvels that turkey could have been so far blinded as to accept it. but i expect that the swallowing of the first loan was sweetened by a spoonful of jam of this kind. germany pointed out that, though england was quite certainly going to lose the war, she had issued an immense paper coinage which had all the purchasing power of gold. germany, on the other hand, with her dear ally to help her, was just as certainly going to win the war. how, then, could there be the slightest risk of the german paper money depreciating a single piastre in value? that sounded very good sense to turkey, who was equally convinced that she would be on the victorious side (else she would not have joined it), and down went the loan with a pleasant sensation of sweetness. a second loan was easily induced by the failure of the dardanelles expedition, and about then the 'ignorant' turkish peasant began to wonder whether the paper was quite as valuable as gold, and to prefer gold or even the ordinary silver piastre to its german equivalent. to counteract that, as we have seen, a law was passed making it criminal to hoard gold, and, to complete the ruin, the silver piastre was called in, and a nickel token was substituted.... we can but bow our heads in reverence of the thoroughness of german swindling. now turkey is completely bankrupt, and we must ask ourselves why germany ever bargained for the repayment in gold, after the war, of the millions she had lent the turks in paper, if she knew that turkey could never repay her. true, the loans had only cost her the paper the notes were printed on, so that in no case could she prove a loser, but how could she be a gainer? the answer to that question shouts at us from every acre of turkish soil. the immense undeveloped riches of turkey supply the answer. some indeed are already being developed, and the labour and most of the materials have been paid for by the german paper notes. there are the irrigation works at adana, there is the beet-sugar industry at konia, the irrigation works in the makischelin valley, the mineral concessions of the bagdad railway, the haidar pasha harbour concessions, the afforestation scheme near constantinople, the cotton industry in anatolia--there is no end to them. turkey may not be able to pay in cash, but over all these concessions already working, and over a hundred more, of which the concessions have been granted, germany has a complete hold, and her victim will pay in minerals and cotton and sugar and corn. she will pay over and over and over again, as none who have the smallest knowledge of kultur-finance can possibly doubt. she is bled white already, and for the rest of time bloodless and white will she remain. only one event can possibly avert her fate, and that is the victory of the allies. we have been so bold as to assume that this is not an impossible contingency, and on that assumption there is a brighter future for turkey than the prussian domination could ever bring her. bankrupt she is, but, as germany saw, she is rich in possibilities even with regard to the restricted territory to which she will surely find herself limited, and it is a pleasant chance for her that germany has already been so busy in developing the resources of anatolia. for germany may safely bet her last piece of paper money that she will not lay a finger on them. the turkey of the future is to be for the turks; not for the persecuted armenians, nor for the arabs, nor for the greeks, and assuredly it is not to be for the prussians. while the war lasts, germany may draw supplies from the fields her artificial manures have enriched, and from the acres that her paper money has planted, but after that no more. her ottomanising work will be over. such development (and it is far from negligible) as she has done in syria will be continued under french protection for the arabs, such as she has done in mesopotamia under english protection, and such as she has done in anatolia will be continued by the turks to drag them out of the utter insolvency that she has brought them to. never before has a country so justly and so richly deserved the repudiation of a debt incurred by the confidence trick. not a civilised government in the world would dream of enforcing payment, any more than a magistrate would enforce a payment to some thimble-rigger returning from a race-meeting. the roar of battle still renders inaudible all voices save its own, but already the dusk begins to gather over the halls where sit the war-lord and those who, for the realisation of their monstrous dreams, loosed hell upon the world, and in the growing dusk there begin to steal upon the wall the letters of pale flame that to them portend the doom, and to us give promise of dawn. faintly they can see the legend _mene, mene, tekel, upharsin...._ the end armenia and the armenians a list of references in the new york public library compiled by ida a. pratt under the direction of richard gottheil, ph.d. new york note this list contains titles of works in the new york public library on march , . the books and articles mentioned are in the reference department, in the central building of the library at fifth avenue and forty-second street. reprinted. with additions. october from the bulletin of the new york public library of march-may printed at the new york public library form p- [x- - c] table of contents page prefatory note bibliography periodicals description and geography archaeology numismatics art history general works massacres works in armenian relating to other countries biography social life economics and industries folklore and mythology law science geology and natural history language inscriptions history of literature literature poetry fiction and drama other literature translations from european languages armenian church mechitharists missions armenian question armenians in other countries index armenia and the armenians a list of references prefatory note by richard gottheil, ph.d. chief of the oriental division few people have been the subject of so much pity and commiseration as have the armenians. and few have deserved such pity as fully as have they. a remarkable race, they have had an uncommon history. they have always written and spoken an indo-european language, one that belongs to that large number of which the sanskrit is an early and prominent representative. according to their traditions, they are also of indo-european race; though evidently intermixed with semitic and other blood. historically, they come to our notice at first in ancient phrygia; and, peculiarly enough, seem to have reversed the general order and to have travelled towards the rising sun instead of towards the west. the empire of the hittites was breaking up, and the armenians appear to have settled in the upper reaches of the euphrates, to have extended their quarters into the region of lakes van and urmia and to have made their home around mt. ararat. unfortunately, the armenians were never able to hold out long as an independent kingdom. in antiquity the greater powers of greece, of seleucid syria, of persia and of rome were at hand, ready to prevent the assertion of any rights that might controvert their own. at one time, it is true, that which historians call armenia major and armenia minor--the caucasus regions south of the mountains and north of mesopotamia--were ruled by independent kings, especially under tigranes ii, termed the great ( - b. c.), who extended his power to take in a good deal of the former kingdom of assyria, the northwest corner of persia, the province of azerbaijan, a territory said to have covered some , square miles and to have contained some , , inhabitants. his royal city was called after his own name--tigranocerta; and it is sufficient to record cicero's saying that "tigranes made the republic of rome tremble before his powers." but rome's watchful eye was envious of such power, and under lucullus, in b. c., armenian independence was put down--not to be raised again for many centuries. at a later date she became the playball between byzantium and persia, who in their continued strife swarmed up and down her land carrying destruction in their wake. weakened as she thus was, she was in no condition to withstand the onslaughts made upon her by the arab hordes that swarmed up through northern mesopotamia in a.d. but, withal, her people held firmly to their heritage. from time to time attempts at freedom were made and independent kings ruled for a nonce and after a fashion. vartan did this in from until under the byzantines. ashot i was semi-independent in under the auspices of arab overlords. but such attempts as these were not productive of good. they opened the way for internal strife and for the entry of those tartar hordes in the eleventh century that were destined finally to overrun the whole country. here again the tenacity of the armenians told its tale. small independent kingdoms were established at ani, in georgia and near lake van. but the coming of toghril beg soon ended their existence. in , the turks drove the byzantines out of armenia and began that series of depredations and plunder through which they have made their name infamous. in , jenghiz khan was there; and when the turks were at rest, the kurds were ready to supplement their work. an exodus was begun, the first of many the armenians have had to suffer during their long and tragic history. multitudes were driven out of the country into poland, into moldavia and galicia,--even around the north of the caspian sea, where in lemberg, an important colony was founded. some wandered to the south and founded settlements in the mountains of cilicia which were able to exist for some years, although they were looked at askance by byzantium because of their peculiar church government. in , the country was conquered by the ottomans; but so strong is the desire of the armenians for freedom that a small body of them withdrew into the recesses of the taurus mountains and refused--with success--down to the present day, to pay taxes to the government at constantinople. the armenians were overrun by tamerlane in , by the sultan selim i in , by the persians in and . it was therefore natural that, when the russian armies came upon the scene and offered to release the christian peoples from the yoke of the turk they were received with joy. etchmiadzin, which for a time had been persian, became russian by the treaty of turkman-chai in . whatever fault we may in truth find with the manner in which the former russian government treated its subject peoples, very little can be said against its method of dealing with the armenians. it is true that a strong attempt at russification was commenced during the closing years of the nineteenth century. this went so far that in , under the governorship of prince galitzin, many armenian schools were taken over, and in much armenian church property was condemned. but nothing was done to disturb the daily life of the armenians who grew numerous and flourished in that part of the caucasus that was under russian surveillance. the plain of erivan and the valley of the araxes river are their chief residing places. here, though in close contact with tartars, lazes and kurds, they have preserved their separate existence, and have cherished with ardor the details of their older life. etchmiadzin was originally a religious settlement--a monastery encircled by high battlements. but for the armenians it is not only a religious center. it is more than this. it has become a national rallying point towards which all armenians look with a peculiar attachment and affection. one would have imagined that such tenacity in holding on to what they considered to be the truth would have received the recognition it deserved on the part of the leading political forces in europe. but that was asking too much. the lot of the armenians who were under turkish overlordship gradually grew worse. it is true that the draft treaty of san stefano called for "improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by armenians," and guaranteed "their security from kurds and circassians." but the final berlin treaty of had whittled this down to a simple promise of reform "for the protection of christian and other subjects of the porte." this meant, of course, that nothing was to be done. turkey was astute enough to know this; and the great arbiter of fate in the europe of his time, bismarck, had said openly that the germans had no care for armenian reforms. soon the massacres commenced that unfortunately carried the tale of armenian sufferings all over the world. beginning at mush, in , they have lasted with more or less continuity down to our own day. unfortunately, such place-names as erzerum ( ) and adana ( ) are too familiar to our ears. the hope was felt and openly expressed that the coming of the young turk would bring a change in the treatment of the armenians; but enver, talaat, and djavid have certainly done their best to prove that though the turk may change from "old" to "young" he still remains a turk. "the first phase of ottoman policy towards subject peoples was neglect; the hamidian was attrition; but the young turkish phase is extermination." the report presented in by viscount bryce on "the treatment of the armenians in the ottoman empire," is the severest indictment that could be presented against a people and against their political backers. from , to , , of these armenians are said, on reliable authority, to have perished. at an early date the armenians accepted christianity. they themselves believe that the new faith was preached to them by the apostles thaddai and bartholomew. but it was not until the year that gregory the illuminator persuaded their king tiridates officially to accept christianity for the state and the people as a whole. and just as they have preserved their national identity, so they have kept themselves apart as a church--called the "gregorian," after the saint mentioned above. they followed the decisions of the council of nicea ( ) of constantinople ( ) and of ephesus ( ), but refused to regard the council of chalcedon as legally convened; and at a synod of their own, composed of armenian and georgian bishops, held at driune in , the armenians definitely wedded themselves to the council of ephesus and the theological doctrines propounded there. the armenian church stands thus, in no connection either with the greek or the roman church. in the th century, it is true, a certain bishop mekhitar, of sebaste, joined the roman hierarchy and established at venice the mekitarist monastery that has done some excellent literary and educational work, and that in turkey a kotolik milleti (catholic nation), was established in , through roman influence. but neither have any connection with the armenian church as such. the oriental character of this church may be seen from the fact that its weekly day of rest lasts from saturday sun-down up to sunday evening. at an equally early date the armenians showed a taste for literary expression, and so eager are they for education that in the year , and under all the circumstances of turkish oppression, they had no less than , armenian schools in the ottoman empire, giving instruction to , pupils. their script is said to have come to them from a certain syrian daniel and to have been enlarged and perfected by their own saint mesrob in , who added the vowel signs after the manner of the greek system. it was to this same mesrob, assisted by sahak (isaac; - ), to whom the armenians owe the translation of both the old and new testament into their tongue. much of the older literature is composed of translations from greek and from syriac authors, but, in a certain sense, a national literature was growing up--though, as was natural, it was largely theological in character. yet valuable historical works were written by moses of khorene, by mesrob, and in the twelfth century, by nerses shnorhali. some poetry has also been written, though this, too, is chiefly of a religious turn. printing in armenia was introduced by the patriarch mikhael of sebaste ( - ) though some years prior to this--in --a press that used armenian type had been set up in venice. the first armenian book to be printed in england dates from the year ; the first to be put out in russia from ; but it was not until that an armenian book left the press in america. in quite modern times large quantities of armenian literature have been published dealing with a great variety of topics. wherever they are, the armenians are in the forefront of those who work and strive; they have large capacity and when they will once again be settled in their ancient home in asia minor and in northern mesopotamia, to which , are ready to return at a moment's notice, we shall look forward to a development that will be as remarkable as it will be thorough. prior to the calamities of this war, armenian historians reckoned the number of their fellow-racials to be , , --of whom , , were in the turkish empire. the following list deals with the various subjects to which reference has been made in these pages. whatever excellence it has is due to the care and vigilance of miss pratt. i am also beholden to mr. v. h. kalendarian for the help he has given in verifying the transliteration of the armenian titles. list of works on armenia and the armenians order of arrangement bibliography. periodicals. description and geography. archaeology. numismatics. art. history: general works. massacres. works in armenian relating to other countries. biography. social life. economics and industries. folklore and mythology. law. science. geology and natural history. language. inscriptions. history of literature. literature: poetry. fiction and drama. other literature. translations from european languages. armenian church. mechitharists. missions. armenian question. armenians in other countries. bibliography alishanian, gheuont. table bibliographique. (in his: sissouan. venise, . f°. p. - .) �*onk aucher, g. bollettino: armeno. (rivista degli studi orientali. roma, - . °. v. . p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa baronian, sukias. see bodleian library, oxford university. basmadjian, k. j. la presse arménienne en turquie. (revue du monde musulman. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis; ediderunt socii bollandiani. bruxellis: apud editores, . xxiii, p. °. (subsidia hagiographica. [v.] .) *oab bibliothèque nationale, paris. catalogue des manuscrits arméniens et géorgiens de la bibliothèque nationale par frédéric macler. paris: e. leroux, . xxx, p., l., facs. °. *oab blackwell, alice stone. bibliography. (in her: armenian poems. boston, . °. p. - .) *onp bodleian library, oxford university. catalogue of the armenian manuscripts in the bodleian library by the rev. sukias baronian and f. c. conybeare. oxford: clarendon press, . viii p., col., l. f°. (catalogi codd. mss. bibliothecae bodleianae pars xiv.) �*oab british museum.--department of oriental printed books and manuscripts. a catalogue of the armenian manuscripts in the british museum, by frederick cornwallis conybeare ... to which is appended a catalogue of georgian manuscripts in the british museum, by j. oliver wardrop ... london: the trustees, . viii p., l., p., l. f°. �*oab brosset, marie félicité. activité littéraire des géorgiens et des arméniens, en russie, en transcaucasie et en crimée. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, - . f°. tome , col. - ; tome , col. - ; tome , col. - ; tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, - . tome , p. - ; tome , p. - , - , - , *oaa. conybeare, frederick cornwallis. see bodleian library, oxford university; also british museum.--department of oriental printed books and manuscripts. deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. armenisch. (in: katalog der bibliothek. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oab dwight, harrison gray otis. catalogue of all works known to exist in the armenian language, of a date earlier than the seventeenth century. (american oriental society. journal. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa finck, franz nikolaus. katalog der armenischen handschriften des herrn abgar joannissiany zu tiflis. leipzig: n. kapamadjian, . xxiii, p. °. *onk imprimerie arménienne de saint-lazare. catalogue des livres de l'imprimerie arménienne de saint-lazare. venise: institut des mékhitharistes, . p. °. *onk p.v. ---- tzoutzag krots. [catalogue of books.] - . venise: institut des mékhitharistes, . p.l., p. °. *onk p.v. ---- ---- - . venise: institut des mékhitharistes, . p.l., p. °. *onk p.v. kalemkiar, gregoris. eine skizze der literarisch-typographischen thätigkeit der mechitharisten-congregation in wien aus anlass des jährigen regierungs-jubiläums ... kaiser franz joseph i. wien: mechitharisten-congregations-buchdruckerei, . p.l., p. °. *gd karamianz, n. verzeichniss der armenischen handschriften der königlichen bibliothek zu berlin. berlin: a. asher & co., . viii, p., facs. f°. (königliche bibliothek zu berlin. die handschriften-verzeichnisse. bd. .) ��*oab karekin, paul. bibliographie arménienne. haïgagan madenakidutiun. venice, . , p. °. *onk langlois, victor. les journaux chez les arméniens. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa lynch, h. f. b. bibliography. (in his: armenia. london, . °. v. . p. - .) *r-bby macler, frédéric. indications bibliographiques. (in his: autour de l'arménie. paris, . °. p. iii-xvi.) bbx ---- notices de manuscrits arméniens vus dans quelques bibliothèques de l'europe centrale. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - , - .) *oaa ---- rapport sur une mission scientifique en arménie russe et en arménie turque, juillet-octobre . paris: imprimerie nationale, . p., pl. °. (france.--ministère de l'instruction publique et des beaux-arts. nouvelles archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires. nouvelle série, fasc. .) *en ---- see also bibliothèque nationale, paris. mordtmann, j. h. armenische drucke von smyrna und constantinopel. zusammengestellt von j. h. mordtmann. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. wissenschaftlicher jahresbericht... leipzig, . °. , p. - .) *oaa mueller, friedrich. die armenischen handschriften des klosters von aryni (arghana). [wien, .] p. °. *onk repr.: kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte, philos.-hist. cl. bd. , abhandl. . *ef. ---- die armenischen handschriften von sewast (siwas) und senqus. [wien. .] p. °. *onk repr.: kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte, philos.-hist. cl. bd. , abhandl. , *ef. patkanov, keropé petrovich. catalogue de la littérature arménienne, depuis le commencement du iv. siècle jusque vers le milieu de xvii. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- bibliograficheskii ocherk armianskoi istoricheskoi literatury. (travaux de la troisième session du congrès international des orientalistes. st. pétersbourg, - . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa a bibliography of armenian historical literature. petermann, julius heinrich. litteratura armeniaca. (in his: brevis linguae armeniacae grammatica. carolsruhae, . °. p. - .) *oac richardson, ernest cushing. armenia. (in his: an alphabetical subject index ... to periodical articles on religion. new york [cop. ]. °. p. - .) *r-za and *p rockwell, william walker. armenia. a list of books and articles with annotations by w. w. rockwell. new york: american committee for armenian and syrian relief, . p. °. *onk salemann, c. armenien. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. wissenschaftlicher jahresbericht ... von october, bis december, . leipzig, . °. heft , p. - .) *oaa sarghissian, basile. grand catalogue des manuscrits arméniens de la bibliothèque des pp. mekhitharistes de saint-lazare. v. . venise, . f°. �*onk title from cover. armenian title-page. the schrumpf collection of armenian books. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa streck, maximilian. armenia. bibliography. (in: encyclopaedia of islam. leyden, . °. v. , p. - .) �*ogc wardrop, j. oliver. see british museum.--department of oriental printed books and manuscripts. periodicals ararat. a searchlight on armenia, v. , no. - , - ; v. -v. , no. (july, aug., oct., -nov., ). london, - . °. *onk armenia. see new armenia. the armenian herald. published by the armenian national union of america, v. -date (dec, -date). boston, -date. °. *onk armenian relief association. bulletin, no. - . new york, . °. sht asbarez. the arena. an armenian weekly, v. , no. -date (jan. , -date). fresno, cal., -date. f°. ��*onk the azad, an armenian semi-monthly periodical, v. , no. - (jan. -nov. , ). new york, . f°. �*onk azk. the nation, v. , no. -date (sept. , -date). boston, -date. f°. ��*onk banaser. revue littéraire & scientifique publiée sous la direction de k. j. basmadjian. v. - , no. . paris, - . °. *onk basmadjian, k. j., editor. see banaser. cilicia. weekly periodical, v. , no. -date (jan. , -date). new york, -date. °. *onk eritassard hayastan, an armenian weekly, v. , no. -v. , no. , - , -v. , no. , -v. , no. , -v. , no. , - , , v. , no. - . new york, - . f°. ��*onk the friend of armenia, new series, no. - , - (july, oct., . april, -jan., ). london, - . °. �*onk gabriel, m. s., editor. see haik. gaghapar. no. - , - , - , - , - . tiflis, - . f°. ��*onk gégharvest (l'art). revue littéraire et artistique arménienne. directeur-rédacteur: g. levonian. , no. . tiflis, . f°. �*onk the gotchnag. armenian weekly, v. -date (jan. , -date). new york, -date. °. *onp haik. m. s. gabriel, editor, no. - (jan. -dec. , ). new york, . f°. ��*onk hairenik. the oldest, largest and leading armenian newspaper, in u. s. a. v. , no. -date (sept. , -date). boston, -date. f°. ��*onk levonian, g., editor. see gégharvest. mourdj. no. (dec, ). tiflis, . °. *onk national armenian relief committee. helping hand series, v. , no. --date (sept., -date). worcester, mass., -date. °. shs new armenia, v. - , no. ; v. -date (oct., -date). boston and new york, -date. ° and f°. �*onk title varies: oct., -sept., , armenia; feb.-april, , oriental world; dec, -date, new armenia. la voix de l'arménie. revue bi-mensuelle. année , no. -date (march, -date). paris, -date. °. *onk description and geography abbott, k. e. notes of a tour in armenia in . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa abich, hermann. die besteigung des ararat am . juli durch h. abich. (in: beiträge zur kenntniss des russischen reiches. st. petersburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *qfb ---- hauteurs absolues du système de l'ararat et des pays environnants. (société de géographie bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) kaa ---- vergleichende chemische untersuchungen der wasser des caspischen meeres, urmia- und van-see's. pl. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires: sciences mathématiques et physiques. saint pétersbourg, . f°. série , tome , p. - .) *qcb ainsworth, william francis. travels and researches in asia minor, mesopotamia, chaldea and armenia. london: j. w. parker, . v. °. bbr alaux, louis paul. the armenian schools in the ottoman empire. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk alischan, léonce. see alishanian, gheuont. alishanian, gheuont. sissouan; ou, l'arméno-cilicie: description géographique et historique avec carte et illustrations. traduit du texte arménien. publié sous les auspices de son ex. noubar pacha. venise: s. lazare, . viii, p., map, pl. f°. �*onk ---- topographie de la grande arménie, par le r. p. léonce alischan; traduite de l'arménien par m. Éd. dulaurier. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa brosset, marie félicité. examen critique de quelques passages de la description de la grande-arménie du p. l. alichan, relatifs à la topographie d'ani. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. allen, thomas gaskell, and w. l. sachtleben. across asia on a bicycle. the journey of two american students from constantinople to peking. london: t. f. unwin, . xii, p. °. bbf der ararat. (ausland. münchen, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - , - , - .) �kaa the armenians and the eastern question. [by "an armenian."] [london: gilbert & rivington, .] p. °. *onk p.v. arzruni, andreas. reise nach süd-kaukasien. (gesellschaft für erdkunde. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa azhderian, antranig. the turk and the land of haig; or, turkey and armenia, descriptive, historical and picturesque. new york: the mershon co. [ .] xiv, - p., port. °. bbx baker, g. percival. an ascent of ararat. (alpine journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) psl banks, edgar j. to the summit of mount ararat. (open court. chicago, . °. v. , p. - .) *da banse, ewald. die türkei; eine moderne geographie... braunschweig: g. westermann, . p.l., p., folded map, pl. °. *opk barton, james levi. daybreak in turkey. boston: pilgrim press [ ]. p.l., - p., pl. °. gib ---- who are the armenians? (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk basmadjian, k. j. quelles étaient les frontières de l'arménie ancienne? (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- souvenir d'ani. paris, . pl., plan. °. *onm the text, in armenian and in french, is on the back of the plates. belck, waldemar. beiträge zur alten geographie und geschichte vorderasiens. leipzig: e. pfeiffer, . p.l., p. °. kcb belin, françois a. extrait du journal d'un voyage de paris à erzeroum. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa bell, mark s. around and about armenia. (scottish geographical magazine. edinburgh, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa bent, j. theodore. travels amongst the armenians. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da bierbaum, paul willi. streifzüge im kaukasus und in hocharmenien ( ). zürich: o. füssli, . p., pl. °. (orell füssli's wanderbilder. no. - .) psk binder, henry. au kurdistan, en mesopotamie et en perse ... paris: maison quantin, . p.l., p., port. °. bbv black, george fraser. the gypsies of armenia. liverpool, . p. °. qod p.v. repr.: gypsy lore society. journal, new series, v. , p. - , qox. blau, otto. vom urumia-see nach dem van-see. map. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. , p. - .) kaa bliss, edwin munsell. armenia. (in: the new schaff-herzog encyclopedia of religious knowledge. new york [cop. ]. f°. v. , p. - .) *r-zab bluhm, julius. routen im türkischen armenien. (zeitschrift für allgemeine erdkunde. berlin, . °. neue folge, bd. , p. - .) kaa boré, eugène. arménie. p. (in: jean m. chopin, russie. paris, . °. v. .) gld brant, james. journey through a part of armenia and asia minor, in the year . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa ---- notes of a journey through a part of kurdistan, in the summer of . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa brosset, marie félicité. note sur le village arménien d'acorhi et sur le couvent de st. jacques. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. , col. - .) *qcb ---- notice sur edchmiadzin. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. , col. - .) *qcb ---- rapport sur la de partie du voyage du p. sargis dchalaliants dans la grande-arménie. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin de la classe historico-philologique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- rapports sur un voyage archéologique dans la géorgie et dans l'arménie, exécuté en - . livr. - and atlas. st. pétersbourg: impr. de l'académie impériale des sciences, - . v. ° and ob. °. bbv and �bbv atlas has title: atlas du voyage archéologique dans la transcaucasie. ---- see also john of crimea. brosset, marie félicité, and p. a. jaubert. description des principaux fleuves de la grande-arménie, d'après le djihan-numa de kiatib tchélébi, par m. amédée jaubert, avec la traduction d'un fragment arménien du docteur indjidjian, par m. brosset. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa broussali, jean. l'arménie. (revue française de l'étranger et des colonies. paris, . °. tome , p. - , - .) kaa bryce ( . viscount), james bryce. the ascent of ararat. (alpine journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) psl ---- on armenia and mount ararat. (royal geographical society. proceedings. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa ---- transcaucasia and ararat, being notes of a vacation tour in the autumn of , by james bryce. th ed. rev., with a supplementary chapter on the recent history of the armenian question. london: macmillan and co., . xix, p., map, pl. °. psk ---- see also tchobanian, archag. buxton, harold. see buxton, noel, and harold buxton. buxton, noel, and harold buxton. travel and politics in armenia, with an introduction by viscount bryce, and a contribution on armenian history and culture by aram raffi. new york: macmillan co., . xx, p., map, pl. °. bby chantre, b. a travers l'arménie russe. karabagh. vallée de l'araxe. massif de l'ararat. (tour du monde. paris. - . f°. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) �kba voulzie, g. a travers l'arménie russe. pl. (revue française de l'étranger et des colonies. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa chantre, ernest. l'ararat. (annales de géographie paris, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa ---- de beyrouth à tiflis à travers la syrie, la haute-mésopotamie et le kurdistan. (tour du monde. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) �kba ---- mission scientifique de mr. ernest chantre dans la haute mésopotamie, le kurdistan et le caucase ... [lyon?] . mounted photographs in portfolio. °. �*ofx ---- premiers aperçus sur les peuples de l'arménie russe. (société d'anthropologie de lyon. bulletin. lyon, . °. v. , p. - .) qoa ---- rapport sur une mission scientifique dans l'asie occidentale et spécialement dans les régions de l'ararat et du caucase. (archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires. paris, . °. série , tome , p. - .) *en chantres reisen am ararat. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. , p. - , - .) �kaa chikhachov, piotr aleksandrovich. asie mineure; description physique, statistique et archéologique de cette contrée, par p. de tchihatcheff. partie - . paris: gide et j. baudry, - . v. in . °. kcb and �kcb partie . géographie physique comparée. text and atlas. partie . climatologie et zoologie. partie . botanique. v. partie . géologie. v. partie published by l. guérin. ---- reisen in kleinasien und armenien, - ... gotha: j. perthes, . viii, p., map. °. (petermanns mitteilungen. ergänzungsband , heft .) kaa childs, w. j. across asia minor on foot. new york: dodd, mead & co., . xvi, p., pl., port. °. bbs chopin, j. de l'origine des peuples habitant la province d'arménie. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. . col. - .) *qcb the condition of armenia. (speaker. london, . f°. new series, v. , p. - .) *da conybeare, frederick cornwallis. armenia and the armenians. (national review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da reprinted in new armenia, v. , p. - , - , �*onk. cooley, w. d., translator. see parrot, friedrich. creagh, james. armenians, koords and turks. london: s. tinsley & co., . v. °. bbp cuinet, vital. la turquie d'asie. géographie administrative, statistique, descriptive et raisonnée de chaque province de l'asie-mineure. paris: e. leroux, - . v. °. kcb curtis, william eleroy. around the black sea; asia minor, armenia, caucasus, circassia, daghestan, the crimea, roumania. new york: hodder & stoughton, . p. ., - p., map, pl. °. bbs curzon, robert. see zouche ( . baron), robert curzon. dale, darley. armenia and the armenians. (american catholic quarterly review. philadelphia, . °. v. , p. - .) *da dalyell, robert a. o. earthquake of erzerûm, june, . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa damas, andré de. coup d'oeil sur l'arménie à propos d'une mission de la compagnie de jésus ouverte en asie mineure par les ordres du pape léon xiii. lyon: delhomme et briguet, . p. ., vi, p., charts. °. bbx davey, richard. the sultan and his subjects. new york: e. p. dutton & co., . v. °. gip ---- turkey and armenia. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da develay, albert. autour des lacs de van et d'ourmiah. (revue scientifique. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) oa deyrolle, théophile. voyage dans le lazistan et l'arménie. (tour du monde. paris, - . f°. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) �kba dingelstedt, v. the armenians or haikans; an ethnographical sketch. (scottish geographical magazine. edinburgh, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa diran, a. etchmiadzin. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk the dispersion of the armenian nation. from the english blue book. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. . p. - .) �*onk the distribution of the armenian nation. from the english blue book. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. , .) �*onk dolens, noël. ce que l'on voit en arménie. (tour du monde. paris, - . f°. nouvelle série, v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) �kba dominian, leon. the peoples of northern and central asiatic turkey. maps. (american geographical society. bulletin. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa dubois de montpéreux, frédéric. voyage autour du caucase, chez les tcherkesses et les abkhases, en colchide, en géorgie, en arménie, et en crimée; avec un atlas géographique, pittoresque, archéologique, géologique... tome - and atlas. paris: gide, - . v. ° and f°. bbv and ���bbv dulaurier, Édouard. commerce, tarif des douanes et condition civile des étrangers dans le royaume de la petite arménie au moyen âge. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - , - .) *oaa ---- ethnographie de l'arménie. (société d'ethnographie. actes. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- Étude sur l'organisation politique, religieuse et administrative du royaume de la petite-arménie. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also alishanian, gheuont. edschmiatsin. pl. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - .) �*oaa edwards, b. b. ascent of mount ararat. (biblical repository and quarterly observer. andover, . °. v. , p. - .) *da erk-ura, die armenische kolonie auf dem berge ararat. (ausland. münchen, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) �kaa excursions in armenia. (fraser's magazine. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da flandin, eugène. souvenirs de voyage en arménie et en perse. l'arménie. (revue des deux mondes. paris, . °. nouvelle période, v. , p. - .) *dm ---- ueber alt- und neuarmenien. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - , - .) �kaa freshfield, douglas william. early ascents of ararat. (alpine journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) psl ---- travels in the central caucasus and bashan including visits to ararat and tabreez and ascents of kazbek and elbruz. london: longmans, green and co., . xiii p., l., p., maps, pl. °. psk friederichsen, maximilian hermann. die grenzmarken des europäischen russlands, ihre geographische eigenart und ihre bedeutung für den weltkrieg. hamburg: l. friederichsen & co., . p. °. *qg ---- russisch armenien und der ararat. pl. (geographische gesellschaft in hamburg. mittheilungen. hamburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa gaidzakian, ohan. illustrated armenia and the armenians. boston: b. h. aznive, . p., pl., ports. . ed. °. bby gatteyrias, j. a. l'arménie et les arméniens. paris: léopold cerf, . p. °. bby ghisleri, arcangelo. l'armenia e gli armeni. (emporium. roma, . °. v. , p. - .) maa gooch, george peabody. who are the armenians? a survey. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk graves, john temple. the armenian nation. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk gregory, g. marcar. see tchobanian, archag. grothe, hugo. der russisch-türkische kriegsschauplatz (kaukasien und armenien). mit abbildungen und kartenskizzen im text. leipzig: veit & co., . p. °. (kriegsgeographische zeitbilder. heft .) btze guinness, walter. impressions of armenia and kurdistan. (national review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da hamilton, william j. extracts from notes made on a journey in asia minor in . map. (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa ---- researches in asia minor, pontus and armenia; with some account of their antiquities and geology. london: j. murray, . v. °. bbr handbook for travellers in asia minor, transcaucasia, persia, etc., edited by ... sir c. w. wilson. london: j. murray, . xii, , p., maps. °. (murray's handbooks.) kcb ---- london: j. murray, . xii, , p., maps, plans. °. (murray's handbooks.) kcb heneage, charles, translator. see thielmann, max franz guido, freiherr von. hepworth, george hughes. through armenia on horseback. new york: e. p. dutton & co., . xii, p., map, pl., port. °. bby hodgetts, edward arthur brayley. round about armenia; the record of a journey across the balkans, through turkey, the caucasus, and persia. london: s. low, marston and co., ltd. [ .] xii p., l., p., map. °. bby hoffmeister, eduard von. durch armenien; eine wanderung und der zug xenophons bis zum schwarzen meere; eine militär-geographische studie. leipzig: b. g. teubner, . viii p., l., - p., maps, pl. °. bby bibliography, p. vii-viii. hommaire de hell, adèle. les arméniennes à constantinople. (revue de l'orient. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa howel, thomas. a journal of the passage from india, by a route partly unfrequented, through armenia and natolia, or asia minor. to which are added, observations and instructions, for the use of those who intend to travel, either to or from india, by that route. london: the author [ ]. p.l., p., map. °. bbr huebschmann, heinrich. die altarmenischen ortsnamen. (indogermanische forschungen. strassburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa huntington, ellsworth. through the great cañon of the euphrates river. (geographical journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa hyvernat, henry. armenia, past and present. (catholic world. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- see also mueller-simonis, paul, and henry hyvernat. in türkisch-armenien. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. , p. - , - , - .) �kaa injijian, ghougas. see brosset, marie félicité, and p. a. jaubert. ischchanian, b. die armenische bevölkerung in der türkei. (nord und süd. breslau, . °. bd. , p. - .) *df jaubert, pierre amédée. voyage en arménie et en perse, fait dans les années et .... suivi d'une notice sur le ghilan et le mazenderan par m. le colonel trézel. paris: pélicier, . p.l., xii, p., l., map in pocket, pl., ports. °. bby ---- see also brosset, marie félicité, and p. a. jaubert. jenkins, hester donaldson. armenia and the armenians. (national geographic magazine. washington, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa johansson, karl ferdinand. om de nyaste upptäckterna i armenien. (ymer. stockholm, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa john of crimea. description des monastères arméniens d'haghbat et de sanahin, par l'archimandrite jean de crimée, avec notes et appendice par m. brosset. p.l., p. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires. st. pétersbourg, . f°. série , tome , no. .) *qcb armenian and russian texts. kiepert, heinrich. Über die lage der armenischen hauptstadt tigranokerta. map. (königlich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. monatsberichte. berlin, . °. , p. - .) *ee kinneir, john macdonald. armenia. (in his: a geographical memoir of the persian empire. london: j. murray, . f°. p. - .) �*ona ---- journey through asia minor, armenia and koordistan, in the years and ; with remarks on the marches of alexander, and retreat of the ten thousand. london: john murray, . p.l., v-xii, p. °. bbr klaproth, julius heinrich. description de l'arménie russe d'après les notions publiées en russie. (nouvelles annales des voyages. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa ---- opisanie rossiiskoi armenii. (biblioteka dlia chteniia. st. petersburg, . °. , v. , part , p. - .) *qca description of russian armenia. knapp, grace h. see ussher, clarence douglas. kolenati, friedrich anton. reiseerinnerungen. dresden: r. kuntze, - . v. °. bby theil . die bereisung hocharmeniens und elisabethopols, der schekinschen provinz und des kasbek im central-kaukasus. theil . die bereisung circassien's. kotschy, theodor. neue reise nach klein-asien. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, - . °. bd. , p. - , - ; bd. , p. - .) kaa l., j. l'arménie et les arméniens. conférence de m. minas tchéraz. (société de géographie de marseille. bulletin. marseille, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa langlois, victor. les populations arméniennes indépendantes du mont taurus. le zéithun, hatchin et le giawourdagh. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - , - .) *oaa ---- voyage dans la cilicie et dans les montagnes du taurus exécuté pendant les années - ... paris: b. duprat, . x, p., map, pl., port. °. bbr ---- voyage à sis, capitale de l'arménie au moyen âge. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa lanin, e. b. armenia, and the armenian people. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da layard, sir austen henry. discoveries in the ruins of nineveh and babylon; with travels in armenia, kurdistan and the desert: being the result of a second expedition undertaken for the trustees of the british museum. london: j. murray, . xxiv, p., maps, plans, pl. °. *ocn ---- ---- new york: harper & brothers, . xvi, p., maps, plans, pl. °. *ocn ---- ---- new york: g. p. putnam & co., . xxii p., l., p., map, plans. pl. °. *ocn lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. armenien, einst und jetzt: reisen und forschungen. hrsg. mit unterstützung des königlich preussischen kultusministeriums, der averhoff-stiftung und der bürgermeister kellinghusen-stiftung zu hamburg, der rudolf virchow-stiftung zu berlin sowie befreundeter förderer. bd. . berlin: b. behr, . °. bby bd. . vom kaukasus zum tigris und nach tigranokerta. longuinoff, d. ascension de l'ararat. (société de géographie. bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) kaa lynch, henry finnis blosse. armenia: travels and studies, v. - . london: longmans, green and co., . °. *r-bby reviewed by f. f. k. lehmann-haupt in petermanns mitteilungen, bd. , p. - , kaa; also by ira m. price in the dial, v.- , p. - , *da. tonapetian, p. h. f. b. lynch and his book. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk turkey and armenia. (quarterly review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da a review of lynch's armenia, earl percy's the highlands of asiatic turkey and sir chas. eliot's turkey in europe. lynch, henry finnis blosse. the ascent of mount ararat. (scribner's magazine. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da reprinted in mountain climbing, , p. - , psk. mccoan, james carlile. our new protectorate. turkey in asia, its geography, races, resources, and government. london: chapman and hall, . v. °. bbo macler, frédéric. autour de la cilicie. zêÿthoun (notes d'ethnographie arménienne). (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa maksimov, sergyei v. armianckii narod. (in his: sobranie sochinenii. st. petersburg, . °. v. , p. - .) *qdb the armenian people. markoff, anatolius vladimirovich. russian armenia and the prospects for british trade therein. (journal of the society of arts. london, . °. v. , p. - .) va markoff, e. eine besteigung des grossen ararat. (ausland. stuttgart, . f°. jahrg. , p. - .) �kaa marquart, josef. eransahr nach der geographie des ps. moses xorenac`i. mit historisch-kritischem kommentar und historischen und topographischen excursen. berlin: weidmann, . p. °. (königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. abhandlungen. philologisch-historische klasse. neue folge, bd. , nr. .) *ee martyr, bishop of arzendjan. relation d'un voyage fait en europe et dans l'océan atlantique, à la fin du quinzième siècle, sous le règne de charles viii, par martyr, évêque d'arzendjan, dans la grande arménie, écrite par lui-même en arménien, et traduite en français par m. saint-martin. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa maunsell, francis richard. eastern turkey in asia and armenia. (scottish geographical magazine. edinburgh, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa menant, joachim. a travers l'arménie russe. (nouvelle revue. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) *dm mexborough ( . earl), john charles george savile. notes on a journey from erz-rúm, by músh, diyár-bekr, and bíreh-jik to aleppo, in june, . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa mexborough ( . earl), john horace savile. half round the old world; being some account of a tour in russia, the caucasus, persia, and turkey, - . london: edward moxon & co., . p.l., p., map. °. btyb millingen, frederick. wild life among the koords. london: hurst and blackett, . xiii, p., map, pl. °. bbv monteith, william. journal of a tour through azerdbijan and the shores of the caspian. (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa ---- notes sur la position de plusieurs anciennes villes situées dans les plaines d'ararat et de nakktchévan et sur les bords de l'araxe. (nouvelles annales des voyages. paris, . °. série , tome , p. - .) kaa morgan, jacques jean marie de. les arméniens. (revue de paris. paris, . °. année , tome , p. - .) *dm morier, james. a journey through persia, armenia, and asia minor, to constantinople, in the years and ; in which is included some account of the proceedings of his majesty's mission, under sir harford jones ... to the court of persia ... london: longman, hurst, rees, orme, and brown, . xvi p., l., p., maps, pl. °. �bcr ---- a second journey through persia, armenia, and asia minor to constantinople, between the years and ; with a journal of the voyage by the brazils and bombay to the persian gulf; together with an account of the proceedings of his majesty's embassy, under sir gore ouseley. london: longman, hurst, rees, orme, and brown, . xx, p., maps, pl. °. �bcr moses of chorene. see marquart, josef; also patkanov, kerope petrovich. mounsey, augustus henry. a journey through the caucasus and the interior of persia. london: smith, elder & co., . xi, p., map. °. gmv mueller-simonis, paul, and henry hyvernat. du caucase au golfe persique à travers l'arménie, le kurdistan et la mésopotamie par p. müller-simonis suivie de notices sur la géographie et l'histoire ancienne de l'arménie et les inscriptions cunéiformes du bassin de van par h. hyvernat. washington: université catholique d'amérique, . viii, p., maps, pl. °. (relation des missions scientifiques de h. hyvernat et p. müller-simonis. - .) �bbv bibliographie, p. - . la nation arménienne, son passé, son présent, son avenir politique et religieux. paris: bureaux des oeuvres d'orient [ ]. p.l., p. °. bbh p.v. extr.: revue illustrée de la terre sainte et de l'orient chrétien. nolde, eduard, baron. reise nach innerarabien, kurdistan und armenien, . braunschweig: f. vieweg und sohn, . xv, p., map, port. °. *ofw notice de la ville d'Érivan, capitale de l'arménie russe. traduit du russe. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa osman bey, originally frederick millingen. see millingen, frederick. palgrave, william gifford. eastern christians. (in his: essays on eastern questions. london, . °. p. - .) gie the armenians, p. - . parrot, friedrich. journey to ararat. translated by w. d. cooley. london: longman, brown, green, and longmans [ ]. xii, p., map. °. (world surveyed in the nineteenth century, v. .) psk ---- ---- new york: harper & bros., . xi, - p., map, pl. °. bby patkanov, kerope petrovich. armianskaia geografiia vii vieka po r. kh. pripycyvavshaiasia moiseiu khorenskomu. st. petersburg: akademiya nauk, . xxviii, , p. °. *qfp the armenian geography of the seventh century, a. d., attributed to moses khorensky. pears, sir edwin. turkey and its people. london: methuen & co., ltd. [ .] vi p., l., p. °. *r-gip peterson, wilhelm. aus transkaukasien und armenien. reisebriefe. leipzig: duncker & humblot, . x, p. °. bbo pichon, jules. itinéraire de djoulfa à roudout-kalé, par l'arménie, la géorgie, l'imérétie et la mingrélie. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - .) *oaa pitton de tournefort, joseph. relation d'un voyage du levant, fait par ordre du roy. contenant l'histoire ancienne & moderne de plusieurs isles de l'archipel, de constantinople, des côtes de la mer noire, de l'arménie, de la géorgie, des frontières de perse & de l'asie mineure ... enrichie de descriptions & de figures d'un grand nombre de plantes rares, de divers animaux, et de plusieurs observations touchant l'histoire naturelle. paris: imprimerie royale, . v. °. *opk ---- ---- lyon: anisson et posuel, . v. °. bvx ---- ---- london: d. midwinter, . v. °. bvx pollington, viscount. see mexborough ( . earl), john charles george savile; and mexborough ( . earl), john horace savile. porter, robert ker. travels in georgia, persia, armenia, ancient babylonia ... during the years , , , and . london: longman, hurst, rees, orme, and brown, - . v. °. �bbv powers, harriet g. in armenian villages. (chautauquan. meadville, . °. v. , p. - .) *da price, m. philips. a journey through turkish armenia and persian khurdistan. (manchester geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa radde, gustav. briefe von dr. gustav radde über seine bereisung von hoch-armenien, . (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa ---- die ebene des oberen frat. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa ---- karabagh. bericht über die im sommer im russischen karabagh von dr. gustav radde und dr. jean valentin ausgeführte reise. gotha: j. perthes, . p.l., p., map. °. (petermanns mitteilungen. ergänzungsband , nr. .) kaa ---- vier vorträge über den kaukasus gehalten im winter / in den grösseren städten deutschlands. gotha: j. perthes, . vi, p., maps. °. (petermanns mittheilungen. ergänzungsband , nr. .) kaa ---- see also reisen im armenischen hochland; also reisen in hoch-armenien; also vorlaeufiger bericht. raffi, aram. from london to armenia. (ararat. london, - . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - , - ; v. , p. - , - , - , - .) *onk ---- the land of armenia. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - , - .) *onk ---- see also buxton, noel, and harold buxton. rassam, hormuzd. asshur and the land of nimrod: being an account of the discoveries made in the ancient ruins of nineveh, asshur, sepharvaim, calah, babylon, borsippa, cuthah, and van, including a narrative of different journeys in mesopotamia, assyria, asia minor, and koordistan. with an introduction by robert w. rogers. cincinnati: curts & jennings, . xvi, p., map, plans, pl., port. °. *ocn reclus, Élisée. asiatic turkey. (in his: universal geography. london, n. d. °. v. , p. - .) kan reisen im armenischen hochland, ausgeführt im sommer von dr. g. radde und dr. g. siewers. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, - . °. bd. , p. - , - ; bd. , p. - .) kaa reisen in hoch-armenien, ausgeführt im sommer von dr. g. radde und dr. g. siewers. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - , - .) kaa rey, f. c. les périples des côtes de syrie et de la petite arménie. map. (société de l'orient latin. archives de l'orient latin. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oba rikli, martin. natur- und kulturbilder aus den kaukasusländern und hocharmenien von teilnehmern der schweizerischen naturwissenschaftlichen studienreise, sommer , unter leitung von m. rikli. zürich: o. füssli, . viii, p., pl. °. gmv riseis, g. de. traverso l'armenia russa. (nuova antologia. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - .) nna ritter, karl. die erdkunde im verhältniss zur natur und zur geschichte des menschen, oder allgemeine, vergleichende geographie, als sichere grundlage des studiums und unterrichts in physikalischen und historischen wissenschaften, von carl ritter ... zweite stark vermehrte und umgearbeitete ausgabe. theil - . berlin: g. reimer, - . v. °. kc the latter part of theil and theil treat of armenia. rogers, robert w. see rassam, hormuzd. rohrbach, paul. armenier und kurden. (gesellschaft für erdkunde. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa ---- vom kaukasus zum mittelmeer. eine hochzeits- und studienreise durch armenien. mit abbildungen im text. leipzig: b. g. teubner, . vi p., l., p., pl. °. bby roussel, thérèse. souvenirs d'une française en arménie. (tour du monde. paris, . f°. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) �kba saad, l. zwei türkische städtebilder aus der gegenwart. (petermanns mitteilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa erzerum and trapezunt. sachtleben, william lewis. see allen, thomas gaskell, and w. l. sachtleben. safrastian, a. s. armenia: her people and history. (ararat. london, - . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - .) *onk saint-martin, jean antoine. see martyr, bishop of arzendjan. schaffer, franz xavier. cilicia. gotha: j. perthes, . pl., p., maps. °. (petermanns mitteilungen. ergänzungsband , heft .) kaa schilder, siegmund. eine zweiglinie der bagdadbahn nach südarmenien. (Österreichische monatsschrift für den orient. wien, . f°. jahrg. , p. - .) �*oaa schulz, Éd. mémoire sur le lac de van et ses environs. facs. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa schweiger-lerchenfeld, a. von. armenia and the armenians. (chautauquan. meadville, pa., . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- erzerum und erzingdjan. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. v. , p. - .) �kaa seidlitz, n. von. pastuchows besteigung des alagös. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. , p. - .) �kaa ---- pastuchows besteigung des ararats. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. , p. - .) �kaa ---- see also selenoy, g. l., and n. von seidlitz. selenoy, g. l., and n. von seidlitz. die verbreitung der armenier in der asiatischen türkei und in transkaukasien. map. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa seylaz, louis. l'ascension du mont ararat. (tour du monde. paris, . f°. nouvelle série, année , p. - .) �kba shiel, j. notes on a journey from tabriz, through kurdistan, via van, bitlis, se'ert and erbil, to suleimaniyeh, in july and august, . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa shoemaker, michael myers. the heart of the orient. saunterings through georgia, armenia, persia, turkomania and turkestan to the vale of paradise. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, . xiii, p., map, pl. °. bbs sievers, g. see reisen im armenischen hochland; also reisen in hoch-armenien; also vorlaeufiger bericht. sievers, wilhelm. asien. leipzig: bibliographisches institut, . xi, p., maps, pl. . ed. °. (allgemeine länderkunde.) kc sijalski. erinnerungen aus armenien. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - , - , - .) �kaa slousch, nahum. le caucase, l'arménie et l'azerbeidjan d'après les auteurs arabes, slaves et juifs. (revue du monde musulman. paris, . °. tome , p. - ; tome , p. - , - ; tome , p. - .) *oaa southgate, horatio, bishop. narrative of a tour through armenia, kurdistan, persia and mesopotamia, with an introduction and occasional observations upon the condition of mohammedanism and christianity in those countries. new york: d. appleton & co., . v. °. bbr streck, maximilian. das gebiet der heutigen landschaften armenien, kurdistân und westpersien nach den babylonisch-assyrischen keilinschriften. (zeitschrift für assyriologie. weimar, berlin, - . °. bd. , p. - ; bd. , p. - ; bd. , p. - .) *ocl strecker, wilhelm. beiträge zur geographie von hoch-armenien. maps. (gesellschaft für erdkunde. zeitschrift. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - , - .) kaa ---- notizen über das obere zab-ala-gebiet und routiers von wan nach kotur. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. , p. - .) kaa stuart, robert. the ascent of mount ararat in . (royal geographical society. proceedings. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa suter, henry. notes on a journey from erz-rúm to trebizond, by way of shebbkháneh, kará hisár, sivás, tókát and sámsún, in october, . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa taylor, j. g. journal of a tour in armenia, kurdistan and upper mesopotamia, with notes of researches in the deyrsim dagh, in . (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa ---- travels in kurdistan, with notices of the sources of the eastern and western tigris, and ancient ruins in their neighbourhood. (royal geographical society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa tchélébi, kiatib. see brosset, marie félicité, and p. a. jaubert. tchihatcheff, p. de. see chikhachov, piotr aleksandrovich. tchobanian, archag. the armenian nation. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- l'arménie, son histoire, sa littérature, son rôle en orient. conférence faite le mars à la salle de la société de géographie.... paris: société du mercure de france, . p. . ed. °. bbx ---- the people of armenia; their past, their culture, their future. translated by g. marcar gregory.... with introduction by the right honourable viscount bryce. london: j. m. dent & sons, ltd., . xi, p. °. bbx telfer, j. buchan. armenia and its people. (journal of the society of arts. london, . °. v. , p. - .) va texier, charles félix marie. description de l'arménie, la perse et la mésopotamie, publiée sous les auspices des ministres de l'intérieur et de l'instruction publique. partie - . paris: firmin didot frères, - . v. f°. ���*on ---- itinéraires en arménie, en kurdistan et en perse. (société de géographie. bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) kaa ---- notice sur erzéroum, fragment d'un journal de voyage, - . (société de géographie. bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) kaa ---- notice géographique sur le kourdistan. (société de géographie. bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) kaa ---- renseignements archéologiques et géographiques sur quelques points de l'asie-mineure, de l'arménie et de la perse. (société de géographie. bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) kaa thielmann, max franz guido, freiherr von. le caucase, la perse et la turquie d'asie d'après la relation de m. le baron de thielmann par le baron ernouf. paris: e. plon et cie., . p.l., p., map, pl. °. bbv ---- journey in the caucasus, persia, and turkey in asia. translated by charles heneage. london: john murray, . v. °. bbv tozer, henry fanshawe. turkish armenia and eastern asia minor. london: longmans, green, and co., . xiv p., l., p., map, pl. °. bby trézel. see jaubert, pierre a. trowbridge, tillman c. armenia and the armenians. [new haven, .] p. °. zng p.v. repr.: new englander, v. , p. - , *da. tschihatscheff, p. v. see chikhachov, piotr aleksandrovich. turkey--a past and a future. maps. (round table. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) sea ubicini, jean henri abdolonyme. les arméniens. (in his: lettres sur la turquie. paris: j. dumaine, - . °. partie , p. - .) gio ussher, clarence douglas. an american physician in turkey; a narrative of adventures in peace and in war, by clarence d. ussher, m.d., grace h. knapp, collaborating.... boston and new york: houghton mifflin company, . xiv p., l., p., map, pl. °. wzo ussher, john. a journey from london to persepolis; including wanderings in daghestan, georgia, armenia, kurdistan, mesopotamia and persia. london: hurst & blackett, . p.l., v-xiii p., l., - p., pl. °. stuart and �bcr valentin, jean. see radde, gustav. vecchi, felice de. escursione lungo il teatro della guerra attuale dal danubio alle regioni caucasee. brano d'un viaggio nell' armenia, persia, arabia ed indostan fatto negli anni , da f. de vecchi e g. osculati, descritto da f. de vecchi. milano: c. wilmant, . p.l., - p., pl. °. �gio villari, luigi. fire and sword in the caucasus. london: t. f. unwin, . p., pl. °. *r-gmv ---- the land of ararat. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. a visit to mount ararat. (fraser's magazine. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da vivien de saint martin, louis. note sur le site d'armavir, la plus ancienne cité royale de l'arménie. sur le site de l'ancienne artaxata. (nouvelles annales des voyages. paris, . °. série , tome , p. - .) kaa vizetelly, edward. a winter ride in armenia. (english illustrated magazine. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da volland. beiträge zur ethnographie der bewohner von armenien und kurdistan. (archiv für anthropologie. braunschweig, . °. neue folge, bd. , p. - .) qoa von trapezunt nach erzerum. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. , p. - , - .) �kaa vorlaeufiger bericht über die im jahre ausgeführten reisen in kaukasien und dem armenischen hochlande von dr. g. radde und dr. g. sievers. (petermanns mittheilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa wagner, m. mittheilungen eines deutschen reisenden aus dem russischen armenien. (ausland: stuttgart, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - .) �kaa westarp, eberhard joachim, graf von. routenaufnahmen in armenien und kurdistan. map. (petermanns mitteilungen. gotha, . °. jahrg. , halbband , p. - .) kaa ---- unter halbmond und sonne; im sattel durch die asiatische türkei und persien. berlin: h. paetel verlag [ ]. vii, p., map, pl. . ed. °. (allgemeiner verein für deutsche literatur. veröffentlichungen. bd. , abt. .) bbs who are the armenians? (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk wilbraham, richard. travels in the trans-caucasian provinces of russia, and along the southern shore of the lakes of van and urumiah in the autumn and winter of . london: john murray, . p.l., vii-xviii, p., map, pl. °. bbv and stuart wilson, sir c. w. see handbook for travellers in asia minor. wuensch, josef. meine reise in armenien und kurdistan. (kaiserlich königlich geographische gesellschaft. mittheilungen. wien, . °. bd. , p. - , - .) kaa ---- die quelle des westlichen tigrisarmes und der see gölldschik. (kaiserlich königlich geographische gesellschaft. mittheilungen. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa yorke, vincent w. a journey in the valley of the upper euphrates. (geographical journal. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) kaa zimmerer, h. armenien. (asien. berlin, . f°. jahrg. , p. - , - , - .) �bba zouche ( . baron), robert curzon. armenia: a year at erzeroom, and on the frontiers of russia, turkey and persia. london: j. murray, . p.l., iii-xiv, p., map, pl. . ed. °. bby ---- ---- new york: harper & bros., . p.l., v-xiv p., l., - p., map. °. bby archaeology abich, hermann. sur les ruines d'ani. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin: classe historico-philologique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. , col. - .) *qcb adadourian, haig. the armenian coat of arms and the truths it displays. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk archaeologische bemerkungen über armenien. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. jahrg. , p. , - , - , .) �kaa bachmann, walter. kirchen und moscheen in armenien und kurdistan. leipzig: j. c. hinrichs, . p.l., p., map, plan, pl. f°. (deutsche orient-gesellschaft. wissenschaftliche veröffentlichungen. heft .) �*oaa belck, waldemar. archäologische forschungen in armenien. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- armenien im altertum und in der jetztzeit. (frankfurter verein für geographie und statistik. jahresbericht. frankfurt am main, . °. jahrg. - , p. - .) kaa ---- armenische expedition. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- aus den berichten über die armenische expedition. (zeitschrift für ethnologie. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- das reich der mannäer. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- die rusas-stele von topsanä (sidikan). briefliche mittheilungen des hrn. dr. w. belck an hrn. rud. virchow. (zeitschrift für ethnologie. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- untersuchungen und reisen in transkaukasien, hoch-armenien und kurdistan. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. . p. - , - ; bd. , p. - , - .) �kaa ---- see also roesler, emil, and waldemar belck. belck, waldemar, and f. f. k. lehmann-haupt. bericht über die armenische forschungsreise der w. belck und c. f. lehmann. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- bericht über eine forschungsreise durch armenien. (königlich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte. berlin, . °. , p. - .) *ee ---- reisebriefe von der armenischen expedition. (geographische gesellschaft in hamburg. mittheilungen. hamburg, - . °. bd. , p. - , - ; bd. , p. - .) kaa ---- vorläufiger bericht über die im jahre erzielten ergebnisse einer forschungsreise durch armenien. (königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. nachrichten: philol.-hist. klasse. göttingen, . °. , p. - .) *ee ---- weiterer bericht über die armenische expedition. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- zweiter vorbericht über eine forschungsreise in armenien. (königlich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte. berlin, . °. , p. - .) *ee cumont, eugène. see cumont, franz, and eugène cumont. cumont, franz, and eugène cumont. voyage d'exploration archéologique dans le pont et la petite arménie. [bruxelles: h. lamertin, .] - p., maps. sq. °. (studia pontica. [v. .]) *onm dwight, harrison gray otis. armenian traditions about mt. ararat. (american oriental society. journal. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa dzotsikian, s. m. aus ma ani kaghakin. [an account of the city of ani.] new york, . p. °. *onk hin havadk gam hetanosagan gronk hahots. [ancient belief or the pagan religion of armenia.] venice, . p.l., p., l. °. *onp hittite--armenian? a theory. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk huntington, ellsworth. mittheilungen aus englischen briefen des hrn. ellsworth huntington über armenische alterthümer. [Übersetzt von c. f. lehmann.] (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- weitere berichte über forschungen in armenien und commagene. [uebersetzt von c. f. lehmann.] (zeitschrift für ethnologie. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa injijian, ghougas. hnakhosoutiun. [armenian antiquities.] venice, . v. °. *onm kachouni, manouel. hnakhosoutiun hahasdani. [an abridgement for schools of ghougas injijian's hnakhosoutiun.] venice, . p.l., p. °. *onm jensen, peter. hittiter und armenier. strassburg: k. j. trübner, . xxvi, p., map, tables. °. *ocze khanikof, n. voyage à ani, capitale de l'arménie, sous les bagratides. (revue archéologique. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) mta krahmer, d. die altarmenische hauptstadt ani. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. v. , p. - .) �kaa langlois, victor. fragment d'un voyage en cilicie. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- les monuments de la cilicie aux différentes époques. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- rapport sur l'exploration archéologique de la cilicie et de la petite-arménie... paris: imprimerie impériale, . p., pl. °. *c p.v. ---- les ruines de lampron en cilicie. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. bericht über den von ihm erledigten abschnitt der armenischen expedition: reise von rowanduz bis alaschgert. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- von der deutschen armenischen expedition. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- weiterer bericht über den fortgang der armenischen expedition. (zeitschrift für ethnologie. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- see also belck, waldemar, and f. f. k. lehmann-haupt; also huntington, ellsworth. morgan, jacques jean marie de. mission scientifique au caucase, études archéologiques & historiques. paris: e. leroux, . v. in . °. qpx tome . les premiers âges des métaux dans l'arménie russe. tome . recherches sur les origines des peuples du caucase. ---- note sur les nécropoles préhistoriques de l'arménie russe. (revue archéologique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) mta ---- note sur l'usage du système pondéral assyrien dans l'arménie russe, à l'époque préhistorique. (revue archéologique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) mta ---- les stations préhistoriques de l'alagheuz (arménie russe). (revue de l'École d'anthropologie de paris. paris, . °. année , p. - .) qoa murad, friedrich. ararat und masis. studien zur armenischen altertumskunde und litteratur. heidelberg: c. winter, . p.l., p. °. *onm roesler, emil, and waldemar belck. archäologische thätigkeit im jahre in transkaukasien. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa saint-martin, jean antoine. notice sur le voyage littéraire de m. schulz en orient, et sur les découvertes qu'il a faites récemment dans les ruines de la ville de sémiramis en arménie. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa schulz, Éd. see saint-martin, jean antoine. spiegel, friedrich. eranische alterthumskunde. leipzig: w. engelmann, - . v. °. *om tchéraz, minas. homère et les arméniens. (mélanges charles de harlez. leyde, . °. p. - .) *oac the temple of muzazir in armenia. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa virchow, rudolf. entdeckungen in armenien. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- forschungsreise unserer armenischen expedition belck-lehmann. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- Über die armenische expedition belck-lehmann. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - .) qoa ---- ueber den ursprung der bronzecultur und über die armenische expedition. (deutsche gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. correspondenz-blatt. münchen, . °. bd. , p. - .) qoa ---- ---- (anthropologische gesellschaft in wien. mittheilungen. sitzungsberichte. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) qoa ---- see also belck, waldemar. numismatics brosset, marie félicité. monographie des monnaies arméniennes. pl. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb langlois, victor. lettre à m. ch. lenormant ... sur les monnaies des rois arméniens de la dynastie de roupène. (revue archéologique. paris, . °. année , p. - , - , - .) mta ---- numismatique de l'arménie [dans l'antiquité]. p.l., xx, p., pl. (in: bibliothèque historique arménienne; ou, choix des principaux historiens arméniens traduits en français par Édouard dulaurier. paris: c. rollin, . °.) �mhm ---- numismatique de l'arménie au moyen âge. paris: c. rollin, . xii, p., pl. °. mil soret, frédéric. numismatique de l'arménie au moyen-âge. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa marcar, samuel. description of a copper coin of leo, king of armenia. (madras journal of literature and science. madras, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha mohammed-bey. lettre à m. victor langlois sur la légende arabe d'une monnaie bilingue d'héthum, roi chrétien d'arménie. (revue archéologique. paris, . °. année , p. - .) mta sibilian, clément. numismatique arménienne. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- ueber unedirte münzen der armenisch-rubenischen dynastie in kilikien. pl. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ef art abdullah, séraphin, and frédéric macler. Études sur le miniature arménienne. facs., pl. (revue des études ethnographiques et sociologiques. paris, . °. , p. - , - .) qoa alishanian, gheuont. zartangark avedarani mlké takouhuoh. [on the decorations of the manuscript of the gospels called mlké takouhuoh.] venice, . p., facs., pl. f°. ��*onn ayvazian, hovhannes, dzovangarich hishadagau hisnamiah kordzouneoutian. [hovhannes ayvazian, marine painter. souvenir of his fifty years activity.] venice, . p. °. �*onp basmadjian, k. j. armenia, the home of grecian architecture. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk boyajian, zabelle c., compiler. armenian legends and poems, illustrated & compiled by zabelle c. boyajian ... with an introduction by the right hon. viscount bryce ... and a contribution on "armenia: its epics, folksongs and mediaeval poetry," by aram raffi. london: j. m. dent & sons, ltd. [ .] xvi, p., col'd pl. f°. �*onp bryce ( . viscount), james bryce. see boyajian, zabelle c., compiler. coulon, henri. l'art et l'arménie. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk gégharvest (l'art). revue littéraire et artistique arménienne. directeur-rédacteur: g. levonian. , no. . tiflis, . f°. �*onk levonian, g. see gégharvest. macler, frédéric. miniatures arméniennes. vies du christ, peintures ornementales (xe au xviie siècle). paris: p. geuthner, . p.l., p., pl. f°. �*ism ---- see also abdullah, séraphin, and frédéric macler. marshall, annie c. armenian embroideries. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk mauclair, camille. vartan mahokian, the armenian marine painter. (from the french of camille mauclair.) (new armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk raffi, aram. see boyajian, zabelle c., compiler. stuart-browne, d. m. armenian exhibits in the victoria and albert museum. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk wartabet, zaven. tébi kegharvesti haireniku. [a visit to the fatherland of art. a treatise on the art and architecture of constantinople and parts of asia minor.] baku, . p., l. °. *onp history general works see also massacres abaza, v. a. istoriia armenii. st. petersburg: i. skorokhodov, . ix, p. °. *qb history of armenia. abbruzzese, antonio. le relazioni fra l'impero romano e l'armenia, a tempo di augusto, a. c.-- d. c. (rivista di storia antica. padova, - . °. nuova serie, anno , p. - , - ; anno , p. - .) baa ---- le relazioni fra l'impero romano e l'armenia a tempo di tiberio e di caligola. (bessarione. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- le relazioni politiche fra l'impero romano e l'armenia da claudio a traiano.... (bessarione. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - .) *oaa abdullah, séraphin. vérification d'une date de l'ère arménienne [ ère chrétienne]. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa achguerd, k. s. see nersès, patriarch of constantinople. adontz, n. armeniia v epokhu iustiniana. politicheskoe sostoianie na osnovie nakhararskago stroia. st. petersburg: tip. imperatorskoi akademii nauk, . xiv, p. °. *qg armenia in the age of justinian. agathangelos. agathange. histoire du règne de tiridate et de la prédication de saint gregoire l'illuminateur, traduite pour la première fois en français sur le texte arménien accompagné de la version grecque, par victor langlois. (in: victor langlois, collection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'arménie. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onq ---- agathangelus neu hrsg. von paul de lagarde. (königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. abhandlungen. göttingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ee ---- badmoutiun. [a history of armenia; together with sermons by gregory the illuminator.] venice, . p. °. *onq lagarde, paul anton de. erläuterungen zu agathangelus und den akten gregors von armenien. (königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. abhandlungen. göttingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ee meillet, antoine. remarques sur le texte de l'historien arménien agathange. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa sarkisian, h. parsék. akatankéghos ev ur pazmatarian kaghdnikn. [a critique of agathangelos and his pazmatarian kaghdnikn.] venice, . , p. °. *onq akulian, aram. einverleibung armenischer territorien durch byzanz im xi. jahrhundert; ein beitrag zur vorseldschukischen periode der armenischen geschichte. grüningen: j. wirz, . p. °. *onk p.v. . 'ali ibn abi talib, caliph. see avtaliantz, john, baron. allen, e. see stuermer, harry. amfiteatrov, aleksandr valentinovich. armeniia i rim. petrograd: "prosvyeshcheniye" [ ]. p.l., p. °. *qg armenia and rome. apcar, diana. the turkish constitution and armenia. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk arakel of tabriz. see brosset, marie félicité. arakélian, h. les rapports des arméniens avec l'occident au moyen âge et après. (verhandlungen des xiii. internationalen orientalisten-kongresses. leiden: e. j. brill, . °. p. - .) *oaa arisdaguès de lasdiverd. histoire d'arménie par le vartabed arisdaguès de lasdiverd traduite pour la première fois sur l'édition des ... mekhitharistes de saint-lazare et accompagnée de notes par m. Évariste prud'homme. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, - . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - ; tome , p. - , - , - , - ; tome , p. - .) *oaa armenian huntchakist party.--central committee. a memorial to the powers. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk the armenian people and the ottoman government. from the english blue book. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk the armenians. (armenia. boston, - . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk die armenischen unruhen und die pläne auf einführung von reformen in der türkei. (das staatsarchiv. sammlung der officiellen actenstücke zur geschichte der gegenwart. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) xba l'armeno-veneto. compendio storico e documenti delle relazioni degli armeni coi veneziani. primo periodo, secoli xiii-xiv. parte - . venezia: stab. tip. armeno, s. lazzaro, . °. bbx parte . compendio storico. parte . documenti. arzanov, d. zamiechaniia ob armenii i armianakh (viestnik evropy. moscow, . °. . no. - , p. - .) *qca notes about armenia and the armenians. ---- istoricheskii vzgliad na armeniiu i georgiiu. (viestnik evropy. moscow, . °. , no. - , p. - .) *qca historical sketch of armenia and georgia. aslan, kévork. Études historiques sur le peuple arménien. paris: g. dujarric, . p.l., viii-xxv p., l., - p. °. bbx aucher, john baptist. see eusebius pamphilus, bishop of caesarea. aukerian, mëgërdich. see eusebius pamphilus, bishop of caesarea. avdall, johannes. see avtaliantz, john. avtaliantz, john, baron. a covenant of ali, fourth caliph of baghdad, granting certain immunities and privileges to the armenian nation. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , part , p. - .) *oha ---- memoir of a hindu colony in ancient armenia. by johannes avdall. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha ---- note on the origin of the armenian era, and the reformation of the haican kalendar. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha ---- singular narrative of the armenian king arsaces and his contemporary sapor, king of persia; extracted from the armenian chronicles. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha ---- see also chamchian, michael; also moses of chorene. basmadjian, k. j. histoire moderne des arméniens, depuis la chute du royaume jusqu'à nos jours ( - ); les guerres russo-turques, les guerres russo-persanes, les guerres perso-turques, les soulèvements des arméniens, la question d'orient et principalement la question arménienne.... préface par j. de morgan. paris: j. gamber, . viii, p., l., map. °. *onq ---- les lusignans de poitou au trône de la petite arménie. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- a survey of ancient armenian history. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk baynes, norman h. rome and armenia in the fourth century. (english historical review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) baa bedrosian, sahag. see vahram of edessa. berberov, r. die armenier. (in: russen über russland. frankfurt a. m., . °. p. - .) gly berchem, max van. see lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. bicknell, ernest percy. red cross and red crescent. (survey. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) sha blackwell, alice stone. the battle of avarair. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk bogdanov, artemy. memoirs of the life of artemi, of wagarschapat, near mount ararat in armenia: from the original armenian [or rather russian] written by himself. london: treuttel & würtz, . x, p., pl. °. bbx brosset, marie félicité. des historiens arméniens des xviie et xviiie siècles. arakel de tauriz, registre chronologique, annoté par m. brosset. p.l., p. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , no. .) *qcb ---- Études sur l'historien arménien mkhithar d'aïrivank, xiiie s.; ire et iie parties, de la création du monde au commencement de l'ère chrétienne; iiie partie, jusqu'en de j.-c. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- Études sur l'historien arménien oukhtanès, xe s. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- examen d'un passage de l'historien arménien oukhtanès, relatif à la prétendue conquête "de l'ibérie" par nabuchodonosor. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- listes chronologiques des princes et métropolites de la siounie, jusqu'à la fin du xiiie siècle. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- notice sur l'historien arménien thoma ardzrouni, xe siècle. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - ; tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , - , *oaa. ---- notice des manuscrits arméniens appartenant à la bibliothèque de l'institut asiatique établi près le ministère des affaires Étrangères. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - , - .) *qcb ---- projet d'une collection d'historiens arméniens inédits. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, - . f°. v. , col. - ; v. , col. - .) *qcb ---- revue de la littérature historique de l'arménie. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- sur l'histoire ancienne de l'arménie, d'après les textes hiéroglyphiques et cunéiformes. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- sur l'histoire composée en arménien par thoma ardzrouni, xe s. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. browne, j. gordon. tartars and armenians. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da brunhes, jean. le rôle ancien de l'arménie. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk bryce ( . viscount), james bryce. see buxton, noel, and harold buxton; also hacobian, avetoon pesak. budushcheye ustroistvo armenii ... budushchee ustroistvo armenii po offitsiad'nym diplomaticheskim dokumentam oranzhevoi knigi, traktuiushei reform v armenii. petrograd: "osvobozhdeniye," . p. °. (diplomaticheskii arkhiv. tom .) *qg p.v. the future of armenia, according to diplomatic documents. burchardi, gustav. der zweifel und das böse. eine botschaft der sasaniden an die armenier. (geist des ostens. münchen, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) *oaa buxton, harold. see buxton, noel, and harold buxton. buxton, noel, and harold buxton. travel and politics in armenia, with an introduction by viscount bryce and a contribution on armenian history and culture by aram raffi. new york: macmillan co., . xx, p., map, pl. °. bby cappelletti, giuseppe. l'armenia. firenze: stamperia e fonderia fabris, . v. in . °. bby ---- see also elisha, vartabed. carlier, Émilie. en arménie. journal de la femme d'un consul de france. (revue des deux mondes. paris, . °. période , v. , p. - .) *dm chahan de cirbied, jacques. détails sur la situation actuelle du royaume de perse. paris: imprimerie royale, . l. °. *omz armenian, french and persian texts. ---- mémoire sur le gouvernement et sur la religion des anciens arméniens, par m. cirbied. (société royale des antiquaires de france. mémoires. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) da chahnazarian, garabed v. see ghévont, vartabed. chakijian, ephrem. badmoutiun hahots. [a history of armenia.] vienna, . p.l., , p. °. *onq chakmakjian, h. h. armenia's place in the family of nations. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk ---- badmoutiun hahots. [the political history of the armenian people from ancient times down to , together with a short account of armenian literature.] boston, . p.l., p., map. °. *onq chalathianz, gregor. see khalathianz, grigori abramovich. chalatiantz, b. see khalathianz, bagrat. chamchian, michael. badmoutiun hahots. [a history of armenia from the creation to the end of the eighteenth century.] venice, - . v. °. *onq ---- history of armenia by father michael chamich; from b. c. to the year of christ , or of the armenian era, translated from the original armenian by johannes avdall. to which is appended a continuation of the history by the translator from the year to the present date. calcutta: h. townsend, . v. °. *onq chantre, ernest. les arméniens, esquisse historique et ethnographique. (société d'anthropologie de lyon. bulletin. lyon, . °. v. , p. - .) qoa chesney, francis rawdon. the russo-turkish campaigns of and with a view of the present state of affairs in the east. with an appendix containing the diplomatic correspondence between the four powers, and the secret correspondence between the russian and english governments. new york: redfield, . p.l., xiii-xxiv, - p., maps. °. glk chesney, g. m. a winter campaign in armenia. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da clark, william. armenian history. (new englander. new haven, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *da constitution nationale des arméniens traduite de l'arménien sur le document original par m. e. prud'homme. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, - . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - , - .) *oaa coumryantz, a. see vogel, charles, and a. coumryantz. the cradle of history. (eclectic magazine. new york, . °. , p. - .) *da daghbaschean, h. gründung des bagratidenreiches durch aschot bagratuni. berlin: mayer & müller, . xi p., l., p. °. bbx des coursons, r. de, vicomte. la rebellion arménienne; son origine, son but. paris: librairie du service central de la presse, . p. °. bbh p.v. desimoni, cornelio. actes passés en , et à l'aïas (petite arménie) et à beyrouth par devant des notaires génois. (société de l'orient latin. archives de l'orient latin. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oba dolens, noël, and a. khatch. histoire des anciens arméniens. publié par l'union des étudiants arméniens de l'europe. genève, . p. °. bbx dulaurier, Édouard. considérations sur les plus anciennes origines de l'histoire arménienne. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- littérature arménienne. bibliothèque historique arménienne; ou, choix et extraits des historiens arméniens. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- recherches sur la chronologie arménienne technique et historique; ouvrage formant les prolégomènes de la collection intitulée bibliothèque historique arménienne. tome . paris: imprimerie impériale, . °. �*onq tome . chronologie technique. ---- see also matthew of edessa; also michael i., patriarch of the jacobites. egli, emil. feldzüge in armenien, von - n. chr. ein beitrag zur kritik des tacitus. (in: max büdinger, untersuchungen zur römischen kaisergeschichte. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) bwh eliot, sir charles norton edgecumbe. turkey in europe. london: e. arnold, . vii, p., folded maps. new ed. °. *opq elisha, vartabed. yeghishei vartabedi vasn vartanah yev hahots baderazmin. [elisha on vartan and the battle of the armenians.] venice, . p., pl. °. *onq ---- ---- venice, . p., pl. °. *onq ---- the history of vartan, and of the battle of the armenians: containing an account of the religious wars between the persians and armenians; by elisæus, bishop of the arnadunians. translated from the armenian by c. f. neumann. london: oriental translation fund, . p.l., xxiv, p. °. �*oag ---- histoire de vartan et de la guerre des arméniens. traduction nouvelle accompagnée de notes historiques et critiques par victor langlois. (in: victor langlois, collection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'arménie. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) �*onq ---- eliseo, storico armeno del quinto secolo, versione del prete giuseppe cappelletti. venezia: tipografia di alvisopoli, . p. °. bbx ---- soulèvement national de l'arménie chrétienne au ve siècle, contre la loi de zoroastre, sous le commandement du prince vartan le mamigonien. ouvrage écrit par Élisée vartabed, contemporain ... traduit en français par ... grégoire kabaragy garabed. paris: [p. renouard,] . p.l., xix, p., l., map. °. znv Émin, jean baptiste. recherches sur le paganisme arménien. [traduction du russe, par m. a. de stadler.] (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also faustus of byzant. engelhardt, Édouard. la turquie et le tanzimat; ou, histoire des réformes dans l'empire ottoman depuis jusqu'à nos jours. paris: a. cotillon et cie., - . v. °. gib eschavannes, e. d'. les familles d'orient. histoire de la famille de lusignan. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - , - ; tome , p. - , - .) *oaa ---- les rois d'arménie au xive siècle. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - .) *oaa eusebius pamphilus, bishop of caesarea. eusebii pamphili caesariensis episcopi chronicon bipartitum nunc primum ex armeniaco textu in latinum conversum adnotationibus auctum graecis fragmentis exornatum opera p. jo. baptistae aucher ... pars - . venetiis: typis coenobii pp. armenorum in insula s. lazari, . v. °. ��ba faustus of byzant. faustus de byzance. bibliothèque historique en quatre livres, traduite pour la première fois de l'arménien en français, par jean-baptiste emine. (in: victor langlois, collection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'arménie. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onq menevischean, p. g. faustus von byzanz und dr lauer's deutsche uebersetzung. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa filler, ernst. quaestiones de leontii armenii historia. lipsiae: b. g. teubner. . p.l., - p. °. bbh p.v. fonton, félix. la russie dans l'asie-mineure; ou, campagnes du maréchal paskévitch en et ; et tableau du caucase, envisagé sous le point de vue géographique, historique et politique. paris: leneveu, . v. ° and f°. bbp and �bbp france.--ministère des affaires Étrangères. documents diplomatiques. . affaires arméniennes; projets de réformes dans l'empire ottoman, - . paris: imprimerie nationale, . xix, p. f°. �xbi ---- documents diplomatiques. . affaires arméniennes (supplément) - . paris: imprimerie nationale, . xv, p. f°. �xbi die franzoesischen gelbbücher über armenien und die zustände in der türkei, - . auszüge. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - , - , - , - .) �*oaa fresneaux, marcel. trait d'union. arménie-france; leurs relations depuis les temps les plus reculés. vannes: lafolye frères, . p.l., ( ) - p., l. °. bbx at head of title: docteur t. aslan. furneaux, henry. the roman relations with parthia and armenia from the time of augustus to the death of nero. (in his: annals of tacitus. oxford, . °. v. , p. - .) bwh gabrielian, mugurdich chojhauji. armenia, a martyr nation; a historical sketch of the armenian people from traditional times to the present tragic days. new york: fleming h. revell co. [ .] p., map. °. bbx galanus, clemens. historia armena, ecclesiastica, & politica, nunc primum in germania excusa, & ad exemplar romanum diligenter expressa. coloniæ, . p.l., p., l. °. bbx garabed, grégoire kabaragy. see elisha, vartabed. gatteyrias, j. a. Élégie sur les malheurs de l'arménie, et le martyre de saint vahan de kogthen, épisode de l'occupation arabe en arménie, traduit pour la première fois de l'arménien littéral sur l'édition des... méchitaristes par m. j. a. gatteyrias. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ghambashidze, d. georgia and armenia as allies. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk ghazarian, mkrtitsch. armenien unter der arabischen herrschaft bis zur entstehung des bagratidenreiches. nach arabischen und armenischen quellen. marburg: n. g. elwert, . p. °. *onq repr.: zeitschrift für armenische philologie, bd. , p. - , *onl. ghésarian, samuel. see lazar of pharbe. ghévont, vartabed. histoire des guerres et des conquêtes des arabes en arménie par l'éminent ghévond, vardabed arménien écrivain du huitième siècle traduite par garabed v. chahnazarian. paris: librairie de ch. meyrueis et cie., . xv, p. °. *onq glen, james. see hubboff, prince. great britain.--foreign office. turkey. , no. . further correspondence respecting the affairs of turkey. london: harrison and sons [ ]. xviii, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. no. ( ). despatch from the marquis of salisbury inclosing a copy of the treaty signed at berlin, july , . london: harrison and sons [ ]. p.l., p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd article cedes to russia the territories of ardahan, kars and batoum.... articles and treat of reforms in the provinces inhabited by armenians and of religious liberty. ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence respecting the condition of the population in asia minor and syria. london: harrison and sons [ ]. v. p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. - , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence respecting the commission sent by the porte to inquire into the condition of the vilayet of aleppo. london: harrison and sons [ ]. vii, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asia minor and syria. london: harrison and sons [ ]. vii, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . further correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asia minor and syria. (in continuation of "turkey no. , .") london: harrison and sons [ ]. ix, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . further correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asia minor and syria. (in continuation of "turkey no. , .") london: harrison and sons [ ]. ix, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. no. ( ). correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asiatic turkey, - . london: harrison and sons [ ]. v, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. no. ( ). correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asiatic turkey, and the trial of moussa bey. in continuation of "turkey no. , ." london: harrison and sons [ ]. iii, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. no. ( - ). correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asiatic turkey, and the proceedings in the case of moussa bey. in continuation of "turkey no. ( )." london: harrison and sons [ ]. v, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. - , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . further correspondence respecting the condition of the populations in asiatic turkey. (in continuation of "turkey no. , .") london: harrison and sons [ ]. iv, p., l. f°. *sdd and ��xbi ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence respecting the introduction of reforms in the armenian provinces of asiatic turkey. london: harrison and sons [ ]. xi, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence relating to the asiatic provinces of turkey. - . london: harrison and sons [ ]. xv, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence relating to the asiatic provinces of turkey. reports by vice-consul fitzmaurice from birejik, ourfa, adiaman, and behesni. london: harrison and sons [ ]. p.l., p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence relating to the asiatic provinces of turkey: - . (in continuation of "turkey no. , .") london: harrison and sons [ ]. xxiv, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence respecting the asiatic provinces of turkey. london: harrison and sons [ ]. viii, p. f°. *sdd and �xbi greene, francis vinton. the russian army and its campaigns in turkey in - . new york: d. appleton and co., . v. °. gln gregory, g. marcar. see tchobanian, archag. gregory of armenia, called illuminator. see agathangelos. gregory the priest. chronique de grégoire le prêtre. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. greiffenhag, andré m. see hethoum, prince of gorigos. guiragos of kantzag. extrait de l'histoire d'arménie (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. hacobian, avetoon pesak. armenia and the war; an armenian's point of view, with an appeal to britain and the coming peace conference. with a preface by the rt. hon. viscount bryce. london: hodder & stoughton, . xx, p. °. btze ---- ---- new york: g. h. doran co. [ ?] xvi p., l., - p. °. btze hagopian, hovhan. the relations of the armenians and the franks during the reign of leon ii, - . [boston: "armenia" publishing co., .] p. °. bac p.v. repr.: armenia, v. , no. , p. - , no. , p. - , �*onk. ---- the russification of the armenians. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk henderson, bernard william. the chronology of the wars in armenia, a. d. - . (classical review. london, . °. v. , p. - , - , - .) �rba henry, james dodds. baku; an eventful history. london: archibald constable & co., ltd. [ .] viii, p., map, pl. °. glr herold, a. ferdinand. l'amitié de la france et de l'arménie ( - ). (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk hethoum, prince of gorigos. chronographie d'héthoum, seigneur de gôrigos, ouvrage inédit du moine aithon, auteur de l'histoire des tatars; traduit pour la première fois sur le texte arménien de l'édition de venise ... par victor langlois. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- histoire orientale; ou, des tartares de haiton ... qui comprend, premièrement, une succincte & agréable description de plusieurs roiaumes ou païs orientaux, selon l'état dans lequel ils se trouvoient environ l'an . secondement, une relation de beaucoup de choses remarquables, qui sont arrivées aux peuples de ces païs & nations. le tout décrit par la main de n. salcon, & traduit suivant l'édition latine de a. m. greiffenhag. (recueil de divers voyages curieux, faits en tartarie. leide, . °. v. , cols., l., map.) reserve ---- ---- (in: p. bergeron, voyages faits principalement en asie dans les xii, xiii, xiv, xv siècles. la haye, . °. v. , cols., l., map.) reserve and �bbe ---- historia orientalis haythoni armenii: et hvic svbiectvm marci pavli veneti itinerarium, item fragmentum è speculo historiali vincentij beluacensis eiusdem argumenti. [edited by r. reineccius.] helmaestadii: [i. lucius,] . p.l., f., l., table. °. reserve ---- the historie of ayton, or anthonie the armenian, of asia, and specially touching the tartars. (in: samuel purchas, purchas his pilgrimes. london, . f°. part , p. - .) �kbc ---- relation de hayton, prince d'arménie.... (in: louis de backer, l'extrême orient au moyen âge. paris, . °. p. - .) bbb ---- table chronologique de héthoum, comte de gorigos. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. hrasdan, saven. sind die armenier kriegerischen geistes bar? ports. (geist des ostens. münchen, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) *oaa hubboff, prince. genealogical catalogue of the kings of armenia. translated from the armenian into the russian language by lazar kooznets. translated from the russian into english and compared with the original armenian manuscript by james glen. p. (oriental translation fund. miscellaneous translations. london, . °. v. .) *oag hyvernat, henry. see mueller-simonis, paul, and henry hyvernat. injijian, ghougas. hnakhosoutiun. [armenian antiquities.] venice, . v. °. *onm kachouni, manouele. hnakhosoutiun hahasdani. [an abridgement for schools of ghougas injijian's hnakhosoutiun.] venice, . p.l., p. °. *onm institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. tome . paris: imprimerie impériale, . f°. ��btr contents: préface; introduction; le royaume de la petite arménie ou la cilicie au temps des croisades; tableaux généalogiques et dynastiques; matthew of edessa, extraits de la chronique; gregory the priest, chronique; basil, oraison funèbre de baudouin; nerses the graceful, patriarch of armenia, Élégie sur la prise d'Édesse; gregory dgha, patriarch of armenia, Élégie sur la prise de jérusalem par saladin; michel syrus, extrait de sa chronique; guiragos of kantzag, extrait de l'histoire d'arménie; vartan the great, extrait de l'histoire universelle; samuel of ani, extrait de la chronographie; hethoum, prince of gorigos, table chronologique; vahram of edessa, chronique rimée des rois de la petite arménie; chant populaire sur la captivité de léon; hethoum ii, king of armenia, poème; nerses of lambron, extraits de l'ouvrage intitulé: réflexions sur les institutions de l'église et explication du mystère de la messe; sempad, constable of armenia, chronique du royaume de la petite arménie; martiros of crimea, liste rimée des souverains de la petite arménie; mkhithar of dashir, relation de sa conférence avec le légat du pape; appendice, continuation de l'histoire du royaume de la petite arménie; chartes arméniennes; index. armenian texts with french translations. isaverdentz, hagopos. histoire de l'arménie par le r. p. jacques dr. issaverdens, mékhithariste de venise: enrichie de nombreuses figures exécutées aux frais de mr. jean arathoon de batavia. venise: imprimerie de s. lazare, . p., pl. ob. °. �*onq jean vi, patriarch of armenia. histoire d'arménie par le patriarche jean vi dit jean catholicos traduite de l'arménien en français par m. j. saint-martin. paris: imprimerie royale, . p.l., iii-xlviii, p. °. *onq jean ouosk'herdjan. mémoire de jean ouosk'herdjan, prêtre arménien de wagarchabad, pour servir à l'histoire des événemens qui ont eu lieu en arménie et en géorgie à la fin du dix-huitième siècle et au commencement du dix-neuvième, suivi de vingt-huit anciennes inscriptions arméniennes, traduit de l'arménien. (in: j. h. klaproth, mémoires relatifs à l'asie. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oac kalenderian, vahan h. the armenians as soldiers. (new armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk kennedy, j. the indians in armenia, b. c.- a. d. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa khalathianz, bagrat. ueber den ursprung der armenischen fürstentümer. auszug. (verhandlungen des xiii. internationalen orientalisten-kongresses. leiden: e. j. brill, . °. p. - .) *oaa ---- der ursprung der armenischen fürstentümer. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa khalathianz, grigori abramovich. was artasches von armenien der besieger des krösus? von gregor chalathianz. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa khaniji, anton. mukhtasar tawarikh al-arman. [a short history of armenia, translated into arabic from the armenian.] jerusalem, . p.l., p., l. °. *onq khatch, a. see dolens, noël, and a. khatch. khungian, t. b. glimpses from ancient armenia. (american antiquarian. chicago, . °. v. , p. - .) hba kiepert, heinrich. Über älteste landes- und volksgeschichte von armenien. map. (königlich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. monatsberichte. berlin, . °. , p. - .) *ee klaproth, julius heinrich. aperçu des entreprises des mongols en géorgie et en arménie dans le xiiie siècle. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - , - .) *oaa ---- extrait du derbend-nâmeh, ou de l'histoire de derbend. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also jean ouosk'herdjan. kohler, charles. lettres pontificales concernant l'histoire de la petite arménie au xive siècle. (in: florilegium; ou, recueil de travaux d'érudition dédiés à monsieur le marquis melchior de vogué. paris, . °. p. - .) �*oac kooznets, lazar. see hubboff, prince. kurkjian, vahan m. the armenian kingdom of cilicia. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk lagarde, paul anton de. see agathangelos. lagov, n. m., compiler. armeniia; ocherki proshlago, prirody, kul'tury i pr. sostavil n. m. lagov. petrograd: n. p. karbasnikov, . viii, p. °. *qg p.v. armenia: her past, nature and culture. langlois, victor. collection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'arménie publiée en français sous les auspices de son excellence nubar-pacha.... paris: firmin didot frères, fils et cie., - . v. °. �*onq tome . historiens grecs et syriens traduits anciennement en arménien. tome . historiens arméniens du cinquième siècle. ---- considérations sur les rapports de l'arménie avec la france au moyen âge. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- documents pour servir à une sigillographie des rois d'arménie au moyen âge. (revue archéologique. paris, . °. année , p. - .) mta ---- une fête à la cour de léon ii, roi d'arménie, au xiiie siècle. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- lettre à monsieur l'académicien brosset, sur quelques points d'histoire politique, religieuse et civile des arméniens et des franks, à l'époque des croisades. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- lettre à m. l'académicien brosset, sur la succession des rois d'arménie de la dynastie de roupen et de la maison de lusignan, d'après les sources orientates et occidentales. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg. . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- place de l'arménie dans l'histoire du monde. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also agathangelos; also elisha, vartabed; also hethoum, prince of gorigos; also michael i., patriarch of the jacobites; also sempad, constable of armenia. lazar of pharbe. histoire d'arménie traduite pour la première fois en français et accompagnée de notes historiques et critiques par le p. samuel ... ghésarian. (in: victor langlois, collection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'arménie. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) �*onq lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. die einwanderung der armenier im zusammenhang mit den wanderungen der thrakier und iranier. (verhandlungen des xiii. internationalen orientalisten-kongresses. leiden: e. j. brill, . °. p. - .) *oaa ---- materialien zur älteren geschichte armeniens und mesopotamiens. mit einem beitrage, arabische inschriften aus armenien und diyarbekr, von max van berchem. berlin, . p., pl. °. (königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. abhandlungen: philologisch-historische klasse. neue folge, bd. , nr. .) *ee ---- religionsgeschichtliches aus kaukasien und armenien. (archiv für religionswissenschaft. tübingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) zaa lenormant, françois. sur l'ethnographie et l'histoire de l'arménie avant les achéménides. (in his: lettres assyriologiques. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *ock léon iii, king of armenia. décret ou privilège de léon iii, roi d'arménie, en faveur des génois, en l'année ; tiré des archives de gènes par j. de saint-martin. (institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. notices et extraits des manuscrits. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *eo léon vi, king of armenia. basmadjian, k. j. léon vi of lusignan. [a history of the last king of armenia.] paris, . , p., l., fac., pl., port. °. �*onq léon vi is frequently referred to as léon v. carrière, auguste. la rose d'or du roi d'arménie léon v. (revue de l'orient latin. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oba langlois, victor. notice sur le chrysobulle, octroyé par léon v, roi d'arménie, aux siciliens, en . (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. saint martin, jean antoine. recherches sur la vie et les aventures de léon, dernier roi des arméniens. (institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. mémoires. paris, . °. tome , partie , p. - .) *eo schlumberger, gustave. bulles d'or et sceau des rois léon ii (i) et léon vi (v) d'arménie. pl. (revue de l'orient latin. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oba tournebize, françois. léon v de lusignan dernier roi de l'arméno-cilicie. (Études publiées par des pères de la compagnie de jésus. paris, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *dm lohmann, ernst. im kloster zu sis. ein beitrag zu der geschichte der beziehungen zwischen dem deutschen reiche und armenien im mittelalter. striegau: r. urban [ ]. p., l. °. �bbx maccoll, malcolm. armenia and the transvaal. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da macler, frédéric. les arméniens en turquie. (revue du monde musulman. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- pseudo-sebêos, texte arménien traduit et annoté par frédéric macler. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- rapport sur une mission scientifique en arménie russe et en arménie turque, juillet-octobre, . paris: imprimerie nationale, . p., pl. °. (france.--ministère de l'instruction publique et des beaux-arts. nouvelles archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires. nouvelle série, fasc. .) *en ---- russia and the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- see also maribas the chaldean. mai, angelo. see samuel of ani. maribas the chaldean. extraits de la chronique de maribas kaldoyo (mar abas katina?). essai de critique historico-littéraire par frédéric macler. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa marr, n. kavkazskii kul'turnyi mir i armeniia. (zhurnal ministerstva narodnago prosvieshcheniia. petrograd, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca a treatise on caucasian culture and armenia. martiros of crimea. liste rimée des souverains de la petite arménie. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. matthew of edessa. chronique de matthieu d'Édesse ( - ) avec la continuation de grégoire le prêtre jusqu'en .... (in: bibliothèque historique arménienne; ou, choix des principaux historiens arméniens traduits en français. par Édouard dulaurier. paris: e. thorin [ ]. p.l., xxvii, p., l. °.) *oag ---- [extraits de la chronique.] expéditions de nicéphore phocas et de jean zimiscès dans la mésopotamie, la syrie et la palestine. récit de la première croisade. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. michael i, patriarch of the jacobites. chronique de michel le grand, patriarche des syriens jacobites. traduite pour la première fois sur la version arménienne du prêtre ischôk, par victor langlois. venise: typographie de l'académie de saint-lazare, . p.l., p. °. �*odr ---- extrait de la chronique de michel le syrien. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. ---- extrait de la chronique de michel le syrien comprenant l'histoire des temps écoulés depuis l'année viiie du règne de l'empereur justin ii, jusqu'à la seconde année du règne de léon iii, l'isaurien; traduit de l'arménien par Éd. dulaurier. (journal asiatique. paris, - . °. série . v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa mkhithar of aïrivank. see brosset, marie félicité. monteith, william. kars and erzeroum: with the campaigns of prince paskiewitch in and ; and an account of the conquests of russia beyond the caucasus, from the time of peter the great to the treaty of turcoman chie and adrianople. london: longman, brown, green and longmans, . xvi, p., pl. °. glf mordtmann, andreas david. see wakidi, abu 'abd allah muhammad ibn 'umar al-. morgan, jacques jean marie de. the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the rise and fall of armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk moses of chorene. badmoutiun hahots. [history of armenia.] venice, . p.l., p., pl. °. *onq ---- mosis chorenensis historiæ armeniacæ libri iii. accedit ejusdem scriptoris epitome geographiæ. præmittitur præfatio quæ de literatura, ac versione sacra armeniaca agit; et subjicitur appendix, quæ continet epistolas duas armeniacas; primam, corinthiorum ad paulum apostolum; alteram, pauli apostoli ad corinthios; nunc primum ex codice ms. integrè divulgatas. armeniacè ediderunt, latinè verterunt, notisque illustrârunt gulielmus & georgius, gul. whistoni filii.... londini: apud joannem whistonum, . p.l., xxiv, p., map. °. �*onq ---- histoire d'arménie en trois livres, traduction nouvelle accompagnée de notes historiques, critiques et philologiques: (in: victor langlois, collection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'arménie. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) �*onq ---- storia di mosè corenese versione italiana illustrata dai monaci armeni mechitaristi ritoccata quanto allo stile da n. tommaséo. venezia: tipografia armena di san lazzaro, . xxii, p., l. °. *onq ---- ---- venezia: tipografia armena di san lazzaro, . xviii, p., l. . ed. °. *onq ---- see also saint-martin, jean antoine. anderson, william. notes on the geography of western afghanistan. [appendix. notes by johannes avdall, on the extracts proposed from the work of moses khorenensis.] (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha carrière, auguste. la légende d'abgar dans l'histoire d'arménie de moïse de khoren. (in: École des langues orientales vivantes. centenaire - . recueil de mémoires. paris: imprimerie nationale. . f°. p. - .) �*oaf gildemeister, johann. pseudokallisthenes bei moses von khoren. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa khalathianz, grigori abramovich. armianskii epos v istorii armenii moiseia khorenskago. opyt kritiki istochnikov. moscow: v. gatzuk, . parts in . °. *qb a commentary on the armenian history of moses of chorene. ---- nachalo kriticheskago izucheniia istorii armenii moiseia khorenskago. (zhurnal min. narodn. prosv. st. petersburg, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca ---- zur erklärung der armenischen geschichte des moses von chorene. von gregor chalathiantz. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa langlois, victor. Étude sur les sources de l'histoire d'arménie de moïse de khoren. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. pichard, c. e. essai sur moïse de khoren, historien arménien du ve siècle de l'ère du christ et analyse succincte de son ouvrage sur l'histoire d'arménie; accompagné de notes et commentaires et suivi d'un précis géographique. paris: a. lemerre, . p., l. °. *onq saint-martin, jean antoine. notice sur la vie et les écrits de moyse de khoren, historien arménien. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa mueller-simonis, paul, and henry hyvernat. du caucase au golfe persique à travers l'arménie, le kurdistan et la mésopotamie par p. müller-simonis suivie de notices sur la géographie et l'histoire ancienne de l'arménie et les inscriptions cunéiformes du bassin de van par h. hyvernat. washington: université catholique d'amérique, . viii, p., maps, pl. °. (relation des missions scientifiques de h. hyvernat et p. müller-simonis, - .) �bbv muravyev, andrei nikolayevich. gruziia i armeniia. st. petersburg: tip. iii otdyeleniya, . v. °. *qg georgia and armenia. nersès, patriarch of constantinople. les arméniens de turquie. rapport du patriarche arménien de constantinople à la sublime porte; traduit de l'arménien par k. s. achguerd. paris: e. leroux, . p.l., p. °. *onr neumann, carl friedrich. see elisha, vartabed; also vahram of edessa. nève, félix. Étude sur thomas de medzoph, et sur son histoire de l'arménie au xve siècle. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- exposé des guerres de tamerlan et de schah-rokh dans l'asie occidentale, d'après la chronique arménienne inédite de thomas de medzoph. p. (académie royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux-arts de belgique. mémoires couronnés. bruxelles, . °. tome , no. .) *em niebuhr, barthold georg. see wakidi, abu 'abd allah muhammad ibn 'umar al-. norman, charles boswell. armenia, and the campaign of . london: cassell, petter & galpin [ ]. xx, p., maps, plans. °. bbx o'connor, thomas power. see williams, william llewelyn. orpélian, e. see saint-martin, jean antoine. oukhtanes. see brosset, marie félicité. papazian, bertha s. the tragedy of armenia, a brief study and interpretation, with an introduction by secretary james l. barton. boston, chicago: the pilgrim press [cop. ]. xii p., l., p. °. bbx chapters - reprinted in the armenian herald, v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - , *onk. pavlovitch, michel. la russie et les arméniens. (revue politique internationale. paris, . °. . partie , p. - .) sea pis'ma iz armenii. (moskovskii telegraf. moscow, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca letters from armenia. prud'homme, Évariste. see arisdaguès de lasdiverd; also constitution nationale; also zénob of klag. raffi, aram. the armenian nation. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the armenians and persia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the english and the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- see also buxton, noel, and harold buxton. rawlinson, george. parthia. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, . xx, p., maps, pl. °. (story of the nations.) *omv ---- the sixth great oriental monarchy; or, the geography, history and antiquities of parthia. london: longmans, green & co., . xiii p., l., p., maps, pl. °. stuart ---- ---- new york: dodd, mead & co. [ -?] xiii p., l., p., maps, pl. °. *omv ---- the story of parthia. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, . xx, p., map. °. (story of the nations.) *omv reinach, théodore. mithridate eupator, roi de pont. paris: firmin-didot et cie., . p.l., v-xvi, p., map, pl. °. (bibliothèque d'archéologie, d'art et d'histoire ancienne.) bbp reineck, reinerus. see hethoum, prince of gorigos. robert, ulysse. la chronique d'arménie de jean dardel, évêque de tortiboli. (société de l'orient latin. archives de l'orient latin. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oba robinson, emily j. armenia and the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the truth about armenia. (new armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk rockwell, william walker, editor. the deportation of the armenians, described from day to day by a kind woman somewhere in turkey; edited by w. w. rockwell.... new york: american committee for armenian and syrian relief, . p. °. btze p.v. rolin-jacquemyns, gustave. actual position of armenia and the armenians under treaties of . (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenia, the armenians and treaties. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - , - .) *onk ---- armenia under the treaty of paris of . (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- l'arménie, les arméniens et les traités. (revue de droit international et de législation comparée. bruxelles, - . °. tome , p. - ; tome , p. - .) xba ---- diplomatic remonstrances. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- legal position of turkish armenia under the treaties of san stefano and berlin, and the anglo-turkish convention of the th june, . (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- period from to . (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- review of consular reports. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk roth, karl. armenien und deutschland. leipzig: veit & comp., . p. °. (länder und völker der türkei; schriften des deutschen vorderasienkomitees. heft .) gic russia.--ministerstvo inostrannykh dyel. sbornik diplomaticheskikh dokumentov. reformy v armenii. noiabria goda-- maia goda. petrograd: gosudarstvennaya tipografiya, . p. °. *qg a collection of diplomatic documents dealing with reforms in armenia. russia and armenia. the orange book. (ararat. london, - . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - ; v. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - .) *onk safrastian, a. s. dashnaksuthiun--its past and present. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk saint-martin, jean antoine. discours sur l'origine et l'histoire des arsacides. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- fragments d'une histoire des arsacides. ouvrage posthume de m. j. saint-martin. publié sous les auspices du ministère de l'instruction publique. paris: imprimerie nationale, . v. °. *omv ---- histoire des révolutions de l'arménie, sous le règne d'arsace ii, pendant le . siècle. (journal asiatique. paris, - . °. série , v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - .) *oaa ---- mémoires historiques et géographiques sur l'arménie, suivis du texte arménien de l'histoire des princes orpélians par e. orpélian, archevêque de siounie, et de celui des géographies attribuées à moyse de khoren et au docteur vartan, avec plusieurs autres pièces relatives à l'histoire d'arménie; le tout accompagné d'une traduction françoise et de notes explicatives. paris: imprimerie royale, - . v. °. *onq ---- see also jean vi, patriarch of armenia; also léon iii, king of armenia. salcon, nicolas de. see hethoum, prince of gorigos. samuel of ani. extrait de la chronographie de samuel d'ani. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. ---- samuelis presbyteri aniensis temporum usque ad suam ætatem ratio e libris historicorum summatim collecta. opus ex haicanis quinque codicibus ab joanne zohrabo doctore armenio diligenter exscriptum atque emendatum joannes zohrabus et angelus maius primum conjunctis curis latinitate donatum notisque illustratum ediderunt. (in: j. p. migne, patrologiæ cursus completus.... series græca. paris, . °. tomus , col. - .) zel brosset, marie félicité. samouel d'ani; revue générale de sa chronologie (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. finck, franz nikolaus, editor. kleinere mittelarmenische texte; hrsg., mit einleitung und glossen versehen von f. n. finck. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, - . °. bd. , p. - , - , - , - ; bd. , p. - .) *onl the chronicle of samuel of ani. sandwith, humphry. how the turks rule armenia. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- a narrative of the siege of kars and of the six months' resistance by the turkish garrison under general williams to the russian army: together with a narrative of travels ... in armenia and lazistan. london: j. murray, . ix, p., maps, pl. °. bbx sempad, constable of armenia. chronique du royaume de la petite arménie. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. ---- extrait de la chronique de sempad, seigneur de babaron, connétable d'arménie, suivi de celle de son continuateur, comprenant l'histoire des temps écoulés depuis l'établissement des roupéniens en cilicie, jusqu'à l'extinction de cette dynastie. traduit pour la première fois de l'arménien, sur les éditions de moscou et de paris par victor langlois. p.l., p. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires. st. pétersbourg, . f°. série , tome , no. .) *qcb siebert, wilbur henry. armenia and turkey. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk sobraniye aktov. sobranie aktov, otnosiashikhsia k obozrieniiu istorii armianskago naroda. moscow: lazarevykh institut vostochnykh yazykov, . v. °. *qb a collection of facts relating to the history of the armenian people. stadler, a. de. see Émin, jean baptiste. streck, maximilian. armenia. (in: encyclopaedia of islam. leyden, . °. v. , p. - .) �*ogc stubbs, william, bishop of oxford. the medieval kingdoms of cyprus and armenia. (in his: seventeen lectures on the study of medieval and modern history and kindred subjects.... oxford, . °. p. - .) baf stuermer, harry. two war years in constantinople; sketches of german and young turkish ethics and politics.... translated from the german [by] e. allen and the author. new york: george h. doran co. [ .] xiv p., l., - p. °. btze svasley, miran. anglo-armenian relations from the xii to xiv centuries. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted in the armenian herald, v. , p. - , dec., , *onk. ---- armenia in and before . (armenia. boston, - . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk sykes, sir mark, bart. the caliphs' last heritage; a short history of the turkish empire. london: macmillan and co., ltd., . xii, p., folded maps, plans, pl., port. °. *opq tchobanian, archag. l'arménie; son histoire, sa littérature, son rôle en orient. conférence faite le mars à la salle de la société de géographie.... paris: société du mercure de france, . p. . ed. °. bbx ---- the people of armenia; their past, their culture, their future. translated by g. marcar gregory.... with introduction by the right honourable viscount bryce. london: j. m. dent & sons, ltd., . xi, p. °. bbx teza, emilio. cose armene. (reale istituto veneto. atti. venezia, . °. tomo , parte , p. - .) *er thomas the arzrunian. see brosset, marie félicité. thomas of medzoph. see nève, félix. thopdschian, hagob. armenien vor und während der araberzeit. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl ---- die inneren zustände von armenien unter asot i. (ausgenommen die geschichte des armenischen naxararowt 'iwns und der armenischen kirche). (berlin.--universität: seminar für orientalische sprachen. mitteilungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , abteilung , p. - .) *oaa ---- politische und kirchengeschichte armeniens unter asot i. und smbat i. (berlin.--universität: seminar für orientalische sprachen. mitteilungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , abteilung , p. - .) *oaa thoumaian, g. armenian-kurdish relations. (new armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- a historical sketch of russia's relations with armenia. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk ---- the kurds in their relation to armenia. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk ---- the relations of armenia with england. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the relations of armenia with england in the middle ages. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk ---- russia's relations with armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - , - .) �*onk tommaséo, niccolò. see moses of chorene. tournebize, françois. histoire politique et religieuse de l'arménie. depuis les origines des arméniens jusqu'à la mort de leur dernier roi (l'an ).... paris: librairie a. picard et fils [ ?]. p.l., p., maps. °. bbx transmigration des arméniens d'aderbéidjan sur le territoire russe. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa turabian, hagop. the armenian social-democratic hentchakist party. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - ; v. , p. - .) *onk tutundjian, télémaque. du pacte politique entre l'état ottoman et les nations non-musulmanes de la turquie. dissertation pour le doctorat présentée à la faculté de droit de l'université de lausanne. lausanne: g. vaney-burnier, . p., l. °. *opq ubicini, jean henri abdolonyme. de l'état moral et politique de l'arménie turque. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- empire ottoman. les arméniens sous la domination ottomane. fragment historique. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. [série ,] tome , p. - .) *oaa vahram of edessa. chronique rimée des rois de la petite arménie. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. ---- vahram's chronicle of the armenian kingdom in cilicia during the time of the crusades. translated from the original armenian with notes and illustrations by charles f. neumann. london: oriental translation fund, . xix p., l., - p. °. (c. f. neumann, translations from the chinese and armenian.) *oag ---- chronique du royaume arménien de la cilicie à l'époque des croisades composée par vahram rapoun et traduite sur l'original arménien par sahag bedrosian. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - , - .) *oaa vartan the great. see saint-martin, jean antoine. vartooguian, armayis p. armenia's ordeal. a sketch of the main features of the history of armenia; and an inside account of the work of american missionaries among armenians, and its ruinous effect. new york, . v, p., pl. °. bbx vérité sur le mouvement révolutionnaire arménien et les mesures gouvernementales. constantinople, . p. °. btze p.v. villari, luigi. the armenians and the tartars. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. ---- the armeno-tartar hostilities. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. ---- fire and sword in the caucasus. london: t. f. unwin, . p., pl. °. *r-gmv ---- russia and the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. ---- russian bureaucracy and the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. vincentius, bellovacensis. see hethoum, prince of gorigos. vogel, charles, and a. coumryantz. le peuple qui souffre; l'arménie, ses origines, son passé, son avenir? préface par jean jullien. paris: dorbon-ainé [cop. ]. xiii, - p., l. °. bbx vziatie arzeruma (pis'ma iz aremnii). (moskovskii telegraf. moscow, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca capture of erzeroum. wakidi, abu 'abd allah muhammad ibn 'umar al-. geschichte der eroberung von mesopotamien und armenien von mohammed ben omar el wakedi. aus dem arabischen übersetzt und mit anmerkungen begleitet von b. g. niebuhr. hrsg. und mit zusätzen und erläuterungen versehen von dr. a. d. mordtmann. hamburg, . xxi, p., map. °. �*ofl wheeler, alfred a. the russians in armenia. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da whiston, george. see moses of chorene. whiston, william. see moses of chorene. williams, charles. the armenian campaign: a diary of the campaign of , in armenia and koordistan. london: c. kegan paul & co., . xx, p., maps. °. bbx williams, william llewelyn. the ancient kingdom of greater armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - , - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . ---- armenia: past and present; a study and a forecast.... with an introduction by t. p. o'connor, m. p. london: p. s. king & son, ltd., . xi, p., folded maps. °. bbx ---- the kingdom of lesser armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . ---- under the heel of the turk. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . zavak. armenia: a chronological treatise. b. c. -a. d. . (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - .) *onk ---- armenia. a monograph. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk zénob of klag. histoire de darôn. [translated by Évariste prud'homme.] (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa zohrabian, john. see samuel of ani. massacres the adana massacres: who is responsible? the parliamentary commission to adana. interview with an armenian deputy. change in the tone of the turkish press. the central government acts promptly. decision to bring the chief offenders, including high officials, to trial. constantinople, turkey, . p. °. gic p.v. american armenian relief fund. the cry of armenia. [new york: american armenian relief fund in cooperation with the american committee for armenian and syrian relief, .] p. °. btze p.v. american committee for armenian and syrian relief. more material for your sermon on bible lands, to-day, a. d. . [new york, .] p. nar. °. btze p.v. articles by henry morgenthau, oscar s. straus, and others. ---- a national test of brotherhood; america's opportunity to relieve suffering in armenia, syria, persia and palestine. [new york, ?; p. °. btzw p.v. andreasian, dikran. comment un drapeau sauva quatre mille arméniens. paris: fischbacher [ ]. p. °. btze p.v. apcar, diana agabeg. betrayed armenia. yokohama: japan gazette press, . p.l., - p., l., pl. °. bbx ---- in his name. yokohama: japan gazette press, . p., l., - p., l., pl. °. bbx ---- on the cross of europe's imperialism, armenia crucified. yokohama: [fukuin prtg. co., ltd.,] . viii, p., l. °. bbx ---- peace and no peace. yokohama: japan gazette press, . p.l., p., l. °. yfx p.v. ---- the peace problem. yokohama: japan gazette press, . p.l., p., l. °. yfx p.v. ---- the truth about the armenian massacres. yokohama: japan gazette, . p. °. bbh p.v. argyll ( . duke), george douglas campbell. our responsibilities for turkey. facts and memories of forty years. london: j. murray, . p. °. gie ---- see also armenia. armenia. letter from the duke of argyll, &c. documentary and historical evidence of england's responsibility for the horrors inflicted by the turks upon the armenian people. manchester: "guardian" printing works, . p. °. bbh p.v. the armenian deportations. from the english blue book. (new armenia. new york, - . f°. v. , p. - , - , - , - , ; v. , p. - .) �*onk armenian documents. [no.] - . (armenian herald. boston, - . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - .) *onk the armenian massacre. (hartford seminary record. hartford, . °. v. , p. - .) zisf the assassination of armenia. the turkish program of annihilation described by government representatives, teachers, missionaries, and other eyewitnesses. (missionary review of the world. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) zkva les atrocités en arménie. (l'asie française. paris, . °. année , p. - .) �bba barby, henry. au pays de l'épouvante, l'arménie martyre. préface de m. paul deschanel.... paris: a. michel [ ]. p.l., v, p., pl., ports. °. btze an account, with official documents, of the massacre, resistance and deportation of the armenians in the european war. benoit, lucien. les massacres d'adana. relations de missionnaires. (Études par des pères de la compagnie de jésus. paris, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *dm bliss, edwin munsell. turkey and the armenian atrocities. a graphic and thrilling history of turkey--the armenians, and the events that have led up to the terrible massacres ... in armenia.... by rev. e. m. bliss, assisted by rev. c. hamlin, e. a. grosvenor.... with an introduction by f. e. willard. new york: hibbard & young [cop. ]. p.l., , v-xv, - p., map, pl., port. sq. °. bbx ---- turkey and the armenian atrocities; a reign of terror. from tartar huts to constantinople palaces. centuries of oppression--moslem and christian--sultan and patriarch--broken pledges followed by massacre and outrage. the red cross to the rescue. with an introduction by frances e. willard. n. p.: edgewood pub. co. [cop. .] p.l., , v-xv, - p., map, port. °. bbx and *onq bresnitz von sydacoff, philipp franz. abdul hamid und die christenverfolgungen in der türkei. aufzeichnungen nach amtlichen quellen. berlin: f. luckhardt [pref. ]. iv, p. . ed. °. bbx brézol, georges. les turcs ont passé là. recueil de documents, dossiers, rapports, requêtes, protestations, suppliques et enquêtes, établissant la vérité sur les massacres d'adana en . paris: l'auteur, . vi, - p., map, ports. °. *opq bryce ( . viscount), james bryce. the armenian massacres. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- see also great britain.--foreign office. miscellaneous. no. ( ); also toynbee, arnold joseph. burns, john. see the massacres in turkey. carlier, Émilie. au milieu des massacres; journal de la femme d'un consul de france en arménie. paris: f. juven [ ]. p.l., - p., port. °. *onq chambers, l. p. the massacre of armenia. (queen's quarterly. kingston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da the constantinople massacre. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da der-hagopian, nishan. persecuted armenia. (century. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da dzotsikian, s. m. debi pergutiun. [a story of the armenian massacres, republished from the newspaper "aspares."] fresno, cal., . p.l., p. °. *onp einstein, lewis. the armenian massacres. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da reprinted in new armenia, v. , p. - , - , �*onk. etesioh sosgali tebkl yev oghperkoutiun godoradzin etesioh. [etesia's horrible circumstances; or, the tragedy of the massacres at etesia. written by an armenian of that city.] schumla, bulgaria, . , p., pl. °. *onq fa'iz al-husain. l'arménie martyre, par faiz el-ghassein. (in: la domination ottomane. genève, . . ed. °. p. - .) bbx ---- martyred armenia, by fà'iz el-ghusein ... translated from the original arabic.... new york: g. h. doran co., . vii p., l., p. °. btze p.v. ---- die türkenherrschaft und armeniens schmerzensschrei, von scheik faiz el-ghassein. zürich: art. institut o. füssli, . p., map. °. bbx des martyrium armeniens, p. - . ferriman, z. duckett. the young turks and the truth about the holocaust at adana in asia minor, during april, . written and compiled in april, , by the author of "turkey and the turk." [london? .] vi p., l., p., map. °. bbx germany, turkey, and armenia; a selection of documentary evidence relating to the armenian atrocities from german and other sources. london: j. j. keliher & co., ltd., . p.l., p. °. btze gibbons, helen davenport. the red rugs of tarsus; a woman's record of the armenian massacre of . new york: century co., . xiv p., l., p. °. bbx ---- les turcs ont passé par là! journal d'une américaine pendant les massacres d'arménie. traduit de l'anglais par f. de jessen, préface de fr. thiébault-sisson. paris: berger-levrault, . xviii, p., l., ports. °. bbx a translation of the preceding. gibbons, herbert adams. the blackest page of modern history; events in armenia in , the facts and the responsibilities. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, . p. °. btze sources, p. - . ---- "la page la plus noire de l'histoire moderne." les derniers massacres d'arménie, les responsabilités, par herbert adams gibbons.... traduit de l'anglais. [paris: berger-levrault, .] p. °. (pages d'histoire, - . [fasc.] .) btze gladstone, william ewart. see the massacres in turkey. great britain.--foreign office. miscellaneous no. ( ). the treatment of armenians in the ottoman empire - . documents presented to viscount grey of fallodon, secretary of state for foreign affairs, by viscount bryce. with a preface by viscount bryce. london: sir j. causton and sons, . xlii, p., map. °. xbi and *onq ---- turkey. , no. . correspondence relating to the asiatic provinces of turkey. part i. events at sassoon, and commission of inquiry at moush. london: harrison and sons [ ]. xv, p., map. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd relates to the armenian massacres of . ---- ---- part ii. commission of inquiry at moush: procès-verbaux and separate depositions. london: harrison and sons [ ]. , p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd relates to the armenian massacres of . greene, frederick davis. the armenian crisis in turkey; the massacre of , its antecedents and significance with a consideration of some of the factors which enter into the solution of this phase of the eastern question. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, . xix, p., map, pl. °. bbx ---- armenian massacres; or, the sword of mohammed, containing a complete and thrilling account of the terrible atrocities and wholesale murders committed in armenia by mohammedan fanatics, including a full account of the turkish people, their history, government, manners, customs and strange religious belief. to which is added: the mohammedan reign of terror in armenia, edited by henry davenport northrop. [philadelphia:] american oxford pub. co. [cop. .] xviii, p., folded map, pl., port. °. bbx p. - identical with correspondingly paged matter in the author's rule of the turk. ---- the rule of the turk. a revised and enlarged edition of the armenian crisis. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, . xix, p., map, pl. °. bbx bibliography, p. - . gregory, daniel seelye. the armenians in the eastern question. the armenian crisis and massacres. (in his: the crime of christendom. new york [cop. ]. °. p. - .) gie griselle, eugène. une victime du pangermanisme; l'arménie martyre. paris: bloud & gay, . p. °. ("pages actuelles," - . no. - .) btze grosvenor, e. a. see bliss, edwin munsell. hamlin, cyrus. the genesis and evolution of the turkish massacre of armenian subjects. (american antiquarian society. proceedings. worcester, . °. v. , p. - .) iaa ---- the martyrdom of armenia. (missionary review of the world. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) zkva ---- see also bliss, edwin munsell. harris, helen b. see harris, james rendel, and helen b. harris. harris, james rendel, and helen b. harris. briefe von schauplatz der letzten massacres in armenien. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - , - , - , - , - .) �*oaa ---- letters from the scenes of the recent massacres in armenia. new york: f. h. revell co. [ ?] xii p., l., p., map, pl. °. bby howard, william willard. horrors of armenia: the story of an eye-witness. new york: armenian relief association, . p. °. bbh p.v. jessen, f. de. see gibbons, helen davenport. khungian, t. b. massacres in turkey. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ksan gakhaghannir. [twenty gallows.] providence, . p., l. °. *onq maccoll, malcolm. the constantinople massacre and its lesson. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- malcolm maccoll; memoirs and correspondence; edited by g. w. e. russell. london: smith, elder & co., . p.l., p., port. °. an les massacres d'arménie. (l'asie française. paris, . °. année , p. - .) �bba the massacres in turkey. [no.] - . (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da . by dr. j. guinness rogers. . by the earl of meath. . by john burns. . by prof. h. anthony salmoné. . by hon. w. e. gladstone. meath ( . earl), reginald brabazon. see the massacres in turkey. meda, filippo. la storia documentata delle ultime stragi in armenia. (nuova antologia. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - .) nna morgenthau, henry. ambassador morgenthau's story, by henry morgenthau, formerly american ambassador to turkey. garden city, new york: doubleday, page & co., . xv, p., pl. °. btze mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). adanahi chartu yev badaskhanadouneru. [the adana massacres.] boston, . , p. °. *onq ---- the truth about the adana massacres. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk nazarbek, avetis. zeitun. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da niepage, martin. the horrors of aleppo, seen by a german eyewitness; a word to germany's accredited representatives by dr. martin niepage, higher grade teacher in the german technical school at aleppo, at present at wernigerode. london: t. f. unwin, ltd. [ ?] p. °. btze p.v. northrop, henry davenport. see greene, frederick davis. pinon, rené. la suppression des arméniens: méthode allemande--travail turc. paris: perrin et cie., . p.l., p. °. btze this was published anonymously in the revue des deux mondes, période , tome , p. - , feb., , *dm. political papers for the people. edited by w. t. stead, no. . london: "review of reviews" office, . p.l., - p. °. bbh p.v. no. . the haunting horrors in armenia. price, morgan philips. war & revolution in asiatic russia. london: g. allen & unwin, ltd. [ .] ( ) p., folded maps. °. btze quillard, pierre. l'extermination d'une race. (la contemporaine. paris, . °. no. , p. - .) *dm ---- les nouveaux massacres d'arménie. (revue. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) *dm ramsay, sir william mitchell. two massacres in asia minor. [london, .] p. °. zng p.v. repr.: contemporary review, v. , p. - , *da. raynolds, george c. thrilling experiences in van. (missionary review of the world. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) zkva red cross, united states.--american national red cross. report. america's relief expedition to asia minor under the red cross. washington, . p., map, pl. °. wzx roberts, chalmers. a mother of martyrs. (atlantic monthly. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da rogers, james guinness. see the massacres in turkey. rohrbach, paul. deutschland unter den armeniern. (preussische jahrbücher. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) *df russell, george william erskine. see maccoll, malcolm. salmoné, habib anthony. see the massacres in turkey. seropian, moushek. see mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). shepard, fred douglas. personal experience in turkish massacres and relief work. (journal of race development. worcester, - . °. v. , p. - .) qoa situation in russian armenia. massacres in bakou. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk speer, robert elliott. the armenian massacres. (in his: missions and modern history. new york [ ]. °. v. , p. - .) zkvf stead, william thomas, editor. see political papers. the story of an armenian refugee. (national magazine. boston, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *da the story of a nation's martyrdom, n. p. [ ?] l., pl. °. bac p.v. tchéraz, minas. les martyrs arméniens devant la conférence de la haye. (revue des revues. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) *dm tchobanian, archag. la femme arménienne; conférence faite à paris le janvier , suivie de poèmes de mlle. s. vahanian, mme. z. essaïan, mme. ch. kourghinian, de maximes et conseils des vieilles mères rustiques d'arménie, du récit de l'épisode de djebel-moussa, par une rescapée, et du cri d'une arménienne. paris: b. grasset, . p.l., p., l. °. btze p.v. , no. toynbee, arnold joseph. armenian atrocities; the murder of a nation ... with a speech delivered by lord bryce in the house of lords. london: hodder & stoughton, . p., double map. °. btze p.v. ---- ---- new york: g. h. doran co. [ .] p., double map. °. bbx ---- de armeniska grymheterna: ett mördat folk. jämte ett tal i engelska överhuset av lord bryce. london: eyre & spottiswoode, ltd., . p.l., p., map. °. btze p.v. ---- las atrocidades en armenia; el exterminio de una nación, precedido de un discurso pronunciado por lord bryce en la cámara de los lores. paris: t. nelson & sons [ ?]. p. map. °. bbx ---- "the murderous tyranny of the turks," with a preface by viscount bryce.... london: hodder & stoughton, . p. °. btze p.v. , no. troshine, yvan. a bystander's notes of a massacre. the slaughter of armenians in constantinople. (scribner's magazine. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ussher, clarence douglas. the armenian atrocities and the jihad. (moslem world. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa veselovski, yuri. dieti obezdolennago kraia. (viestnik vospitaniia. moscow, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) *qca atrocities committed upon turkish armenians, as described in armenian literature. works in armenian relating to other countries acogh'ig de daron, Étienne. histoire universelle par Étienne açogh'ig de daron traduite de l'arménien et annotée par e. dulaurier. partie . paris: e. leroux, . °. (École des langues orientales vivantes. publications, série , v. .) *oaf chahan de cirbied, jacques. see davoud zadour de melik schahnazar. davoud zadour de melik schahnazar. notices sur l'état actuel de la perse, en persan, en arménien et en français, par myr-davoud-zadour de melik schahnazar ... et mm. langlès ... chahan de cirbied.... paris: imprimerie royale, . p.l., p., pl. °. *omz dirohyan, hagop v. hamarod tasakirk unthanour badmoutian. [brief course in general history.] venice, . v. in . °. *onq dulaurier, Édouard. l'histoire des croisades d'après les chroniques arméniennes. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- les mongols d'après les historiens arméniens; fragments traduits sur les textes originaux par m. Éd. dulaurier. (journal asiatique. paris, - . °. série , v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also acogh'ig de daron, Étienne. khalathianz, grigori abramovich. Über die armenische version der weltchronik des hippolytus. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa langlès, louis mathieu. see davoud zadour de melik schahnazar. patkanov, keropé petrovich. essai d'une histoire de la dynastie des sassanides, d'après les renseignements fournis par les historiens arméniens par m. k. patkanian; traduit du russe par m. Évariste prud'homme. (journal asiatique. paris, . o. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa petermann, julius heinrich. beiträge zu der geschichte der kreuzzüge aus armenischen quellen. (königliche akademie der wissenschaften zu berlin. philologische und historische abhandlungen. berlin, . o. , p. - .) *ee prud'homme, Évariste. see patkanov, keropé petrovich. vartan the great. extrait de l'histoire universelle de vartan le grand. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . fo. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. brosset, marie félicité. analyse critique de la vseobshchaia istoriia de vardan, édition princeps du texte arménien et traduction russe par m. n. emin, par m. brosset. p.l., p. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires. st. pétersbourg, . fo. série , tome , no. .) *qcb biography abuhaiatian, hagop. pastor hagop abuhaiatian von urfa. eine selbstbiographie. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . o. , p. - , - .) �*oaa anderson, antony. hovsep pushman: an appreciation. (new armenia. new york, . fo. v. , p. - .) �*onk avtaliantz, john, baron. a short memoir of mechithar ghosh, the armenian legislator. by johannes avdall. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . o. v. , p. - .) *oha barrès, maurice. tigran yergat. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. . p. - .) �*onk brosset, marie félicité. notice sur le diacre arménien zakaria ghabonts, auteur des mémoires historiques sur les sofis, xve-xviie s. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . fo. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- le prétendu masque de fer arménien, ou autobiographie d'avétik, patriarche de constantinople, avec pièces jusificatives [sic] officielles. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, - . fo. tome , col. - ; tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , - . *oaa. chirol, sir valentíne. a great armenian [nubar pasha]. (ararat. london, . o. v. , p. - .) *onk conybeare, frederick cornwallis. see wardrop, marjory, and j. o. wardrop. holynski, aleksander jan joachim. nubar pacha devant l'histoire. paris: e. dentu [ ]. p.l., viii, p. o. bla kassabian, dr. mihran k. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk maghak-teopileantz, madteos v. gensakroutiun yérévéli arants. [a biographical dictionary.] venice, . v. o. *onk mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). madteos ii izmirlian. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk n., w., and s. m. hovannes aivazovsky. a biographical sketch. (new armenia. new york, . fo. v. , p. - .) �*onk najib makhluf. nubar pasha. [a life of nubar pasha.] cairo, . p., pl. o. *ofs arabic text. neumann, carl friedrich. mémoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de david, philosophe arménien du . siècle de notre ère et principalement sur ses traductions de quelques écrits d'aristote. (journal asiatique. paris, . o. série , v. , p. - , - .) *oaa s., a. g. general yeprem khan. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk seropian, moushek. see mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). sevasly, mrs. marie. bedros atamian. (armenian herald. boston, . o. v. , p. - .) *onk tcheraz, minas. kamar-katiba. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. . p. - .) �*onk kamar-katiba was the pseudonym of raphael patkanian. ---- saiat-nova. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- saïat-nova, sa vie et ses chansons. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa tchobanian, archag. gregory of narek. from the french of arshag tchobanian. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk thoumaian, g. an armenian diplomat in the service of napoleon a hundred years ago. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk mir-david khan. vittoria aganoor pompily. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) *onk wardrop, john oliver. see wardrop, marjory, and j. o. wardrop. wardrop, marjory, and j. o. wardrop. life of st. nino. [the armenian version of djouanshêr translated by f. c. conybeare.] oxford: clarendon press, . p. °. (studia biblica et ecclesiastica. v. , part .) *yip yeremian, simeon. azkahin temker kraked hayer. [biographies of armenian writers.] part - . venice, - . v. °. *onp social life adger, john bailey. my life and times, - . richmond, va.: presbyterian committee of publication [ ]. p., ports. °. an b., e. an armenian wedding. (leisure hour. london, . °. , p. - .) *da barkley, henry c. a ride through asia minor and armenia: giving a sketch of the characters, manners and customs of both the mussulman and christian inhabitants. london: j. murray, . x, p. °. bbs barton, james levi. armenian qualifications for success. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk bedickian, s. v. how the armenians keep the new year and christmas. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk blackwell, alice stone. armenian virtues. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk burgin, g. b. the armenian at home. (cassell's family magazine. london, . °. may, , p. - .) *da dadian, mek. b. la société arménienne contemporaine. les arméniens de l'empire ottoman. (revue des deux mondes. paris, . °. période , v. , p. - .) *dm dan, demeter. glaube und gebräuche der armenier bei der geburt, hochzeit und beerdigung. (zeitschrift für österreichische volkskunde. wien, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) �zba distribution des prix du collège arménien de paris. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, - . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa dulaurier, Édouard. les arméniens en autriche, en russie et en turquie. la société arménienne au xixe siècle. (revue des deux mondes. paris, . °. année , tome , p. - .) *dm dzotsikian, s. m. arnutiun. [an account of social life and customs among the armenians.] paris, . p. °. *onk elton, l. m., translator. see nazarbek, avetis. garnett, lucy mary jane. an armenian wedding. (argosy. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- the women of turkey and their folk-lore. london: d. nutt, . p.l., p. °. snh keworkian, komitas. armeniens volkstümliche reigentänze. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl kurkjian, vahan. the armenian benevolent union. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk macfarlane. moeurs arméniennes. demande de mariage. (nouvelles annales des voyages. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa nazarbek, avetis. through the storm. pictures of life in armenia. translated by mrs. l. m. elton, with a prefatory note by f. york powell. london: john murray, . xxvii, p. °. bby ohanian, armene. en arménie (mon enfance). (mercure de france. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *dm petermann, julius heinrich. ueber die musik der armenier. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - and p. music.) *oaa société de sunie formée à smyrne, pour la propagation de l'instruction morale et des lumières parmi la nation arménienne. [réglemens actuels.] smyrne: w. griffitt, . p. °. bbh p.v. t., a. b. the armenian christmas and new year. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk terzian, paul. religious customs among the armenians. (catholic world. new york, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *da economics and industries france.--direction de commerce extérieur. rapports commerciaux des agents diplomatiques et consulaires de france. paris, - . °. tlg commerce d'erzeroum. . p. series -date, no. . commerce du vilayet de diarbékir. . p. series - , no. . situation commerciale, agricole, économique et industrielle du vilayet d'erzeroum. . p. series - , no. . situation commerciale et industrielle du vilayet de siwas. . p. series -date, no. . situation économique et mouvement commercial d'erzeroum. . p. series -date, no. . situation économique du vilayet d'erzeroum. . p. series -date, no. . situation économique du vilayet de siwas. . p. series -date, no. . . p. series -date, no. . great britain.--foreign office. diplomatic and consular reports. annual series. london, - . °. tlg report on the trade, etc., of the consular district of erzeroum. . p.l., p., l. no. . . p.l., p. no. . . p.l., ( ) p. no. . . p.l., p. no. . . p.l., ( ) p. no. . . p.l., p., l. no. . . p.l., ( ) p. no. . . p.l., p. no. . . p. no. . . ( ) p. no. . . p. no. . . p. no. . . ( ) p. no. . . ( ) p. no. . . ( ) p. no. . . p. no. . . ( ) p., map. no. . . p., l., map. no. . . ( ) p. no. . . p., l. no. . . p. no. . . p., l. no. . . p., l. no. . report on the trade of the vilayets of van and hekkiari. / . p.l., p., l. no. . kachouni, manouel v. bardizbanoutiun. [gardening.] venice, . p., l. °. *onpa ---- bdghapanoutiun. [fruit-raising.] venice, . p., l. °. *onpa ---- gatnapanoutiun. [dairying.] venice, . p., l. °. *onpa ---- meghouapoudzoutiun. [bee-culture.] venice, . p. °. *onpa langlois, victor. du commerce, de l'industrie et de l'agriculture de la karamanie (asie-mineure). (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa macgregor, john. turkish armenia. (in his: commercial statistics. london, . . ed. °. v. , p. - .) tl morgan, jacques jean marie de. armenian activities. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk nalpandian, mikahel. yergrakordzoutiunu orbes oughigh janabarh. [agriculture.] boston, . p.l., - p. °. *onpa turkish empire. salnamah. [official report of the vilayet of bitlis.] bitlis, . p. °. *opk ---- salnamah. [official report of the vilayet of diarbekir.] diarbekir, . p.l., p., table. °. *opk ---- salnamah. [official report of the vilayet of erzerum for the year a. h.] erzerum, . p. °. *opk ---- salnamah. [official report of the vilayet of sivas.] sivas, . p., l., pl., tables. °. *opk ---- salnamah. [official report of the vilayet of van.] van, . p. °. *opk varandian, mikael. armenian aptitudes. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk das vilayet erzerum. (germany.--reichsamt des innern. berichte über handel und industrie. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) tlg folklore and mythology bolton, henry carrington. armenian folk-lore, n. t.-p. [boston, .] - p. o. zbg p.v. repr.: journal of american folk-lore, v. , p. - , hba. c., e. armenian folk songs. (fraser's magazine. london, . o. new series, v. , p. - .) *da collins, f. b., translator. armenian folk-tales. the youth who would not tell his dream. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk gelzer, heinrich. zur armenischen götterlehre. (königlich sächsische gesellschaft der wissenschaften. berichte über die verhandlungen: philol.-hist. classe. leipzig, . o. bd. , p. - .) *ee haïgazn, Édouard. légendes et superstitions de l'arménie. (revue des traditions populaires. paris, . o. v. , p. - .) zba harris, james rendel. notes from armenia; in illustration of the golden bough. (folk-lore. london, . o. v. , p. - .) zba huet, g. les contes populaires d'arménie. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . o. année , p. - .) *onk keljik, bedros a. see zartarian, r. lalayantz, erwand. légendes et superstitions de l'arménie. (revue des traditions populaires. paris, . o. v. , p. - , - , - .) zba lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. religionsgeschichtliches aus kaukasien und armenien. (archiv für religionswissenschaft. tübingen, . o. bd. , p. - .) zaa negelein, julius von. der armenische volksglaube. (globus. braunschweig, . fo. v. , p. - .) �kaa seklemian, a. g. armenian folk-tales. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the bald-headed orphan. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the betrothed of destiny. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his the golden maiden, p. - . ---- armenian folk-tales. the bird of luck. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. father myriad. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. julita. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the man and the snake. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. nahabed's daughter. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the poor widow's son. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his the golden maiden, p. - . ---- armenian folk-tales. prince pari and the beasts. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. reed-maid. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. reynard and bruno. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. shapoor, the hunter's son. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - , - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the shepherd and the shepherdess. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the snake child. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - , - .) �*onk ---- armenian folk-tales. the youngest of the three. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - , - .) �*onk reprinted from his the golden maiden, p. - . ---- armenian folk-tales. zoolvisia. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his the golden maiden, p. - . ---- the fisherman's son. an armenian fairy tale. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the golden maiden and other folk tales and fairy stories told in armenia. introduction by alice stone blackwell. cleveland: the helman-taylor co., . xxi, p., pl. o. zbio ---- unseen beauty. an armenian folk-tale. (new armenia. new york, . fo. v. , p. - .) �*onk tchéraz, minas. notes sur la mythologie arménienne. (transactions of the ninth international congress of orientalists. london, . o. v. , p. - .) *oaa wilhelm, eugene. analogies in the iranian and armenian folklore. (in: spiegel memorial volume. bombay, . o. p. - .) �*oma wingate, mrs. j. s. armenian folk-tales. (folk-lore. london, - . o. v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - , - .) zba ---- armenian folk-tales. translated by mrs. j. s. wingate. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenian stories. translated by mrs. j. s. wingate. (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk zartarian, r. how death came to earth. an armenian folk-lore. [translated by bedros a. keljik.] (armenia. new york, . o. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk law aptowitzer, v. beiträge zur mosaischen rezeption im armenischen recht. wien: a. hölder, . p. o. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. bd. , abh. .) *ef ---- zur geschichte des armenischen rechtes. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . o. bd. , p. - .) *oaa avtaliantz, john. on the laws and law-books of the armenians. by johannes avdall. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . o. v. , part , p. - .) *oha basmadjian, k. j. see nerses of lambron. bischoff, ferdinand. das alte recht der armenier in lemberg. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . o. bd. , p. - .) *ef brosset, marie félicité. détails sur le droit public arménien, extraits du code géorgien du roi wakhtang, et traduits du géorgien par m. brosset. (journal asiatique. paris, . o. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa karst, josef. armenisches rechtsbuch ediert und kommentiert von josef karst. strassburg: k. j. trübner, . v. in . fo. �*onp bd. . sempadscher kodex aus dem . jahrhundert oder mittelarmenisches rechtsbuch ... hrsg. und übersetzt von josef karst. bd. . sempadscher kodex aus dem . jahrhundert in verbindung mit dem grossarmenischen rechtsbuch des mechithar gosch aus dem . jahrhundert ... erläutert von josef karst. klidschian, arsen. das armenische eherecht und die grundzüge der armenischen familienorganisation. stuttgart: druck der union deutsche verlagsgesellschaft, . iv, p. o. snv bibliography, p. - . nerses of lambron. kaghakahin orenk. [political laws, translated by k. j. basmadjian.] paris: banaser, . p. o. *onk supplement to banaser, v. . science basmadjian, k. j. les livres de médecine chez les arméniens. (journal asiatique. paris, . o. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa brosset, marie félicité. notice sur un manuscrit arménien nouvellement acquis pour la bibliothèque impériale publique. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . fo. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. a manuscript, treating of astronomy and astrology, the author of which is unknown. dirohyan, hagop v. ousoumn pnagan ev pnapanagan kidoutiants. [study of natural and physical science.] venice, . p.l., p. o. *onpa dwight, william b. american bank notes and dr. seropyan. (new armenia. new york, . fo. v. , p. - .) �*onk gabrielian, m. s. serahin aroghzapanoutiun. [sex hygiene.] boston, . p.l., - p., l., pl. o. *onpa hampartsoumian, hovnan a. arouyesd madaharoutian. [hypnotism.] lynn, mass., . p.l., p. o. *onpa hampoian, h. a. see hampartsoumian, hovnan a. kachouni, manouel v. arouisdapanoutiun gam shdimaran kidiliats. [technology or applied science.] venice, . p. °. *onpa mkhithar. mechithar's des meisterarztes aus her "trost bei fiebern." nach dem venediger drucke vom jahre zum ersten male aus dem mittelarmenischen übersetzt und erläutert von dr. med. ernst seidel. leipzig: j. a. barth, . v p., l., p., l. °. �*onp at head of title-page: gedruckt mit unterstützung der puschmann-stiftung an der universität leipzig. pilibbosian, hapet m. kordznagan aroghzapanoutiun. [practical hygiene.] boston, . p., l. °. *onpa seidel, ernst. see mkhithar. varzhabedian, m. a. veneragan akhder ev abaka hay serountu. [the future of the armenian race.] new york, . p.l., - p. °. *onpa geology and natural history abich, hermann. der ararat, in genetischer beziehung betrachtet. pl. (deutsche geologische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) pta ---- ein cyclus fundamentaler barometrischer höhenbestimmungen auf dem armenischen hochlande. p. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires. st. pétersbourg, . f°. série , v. .) *qcb ---- die fulguriten im andesit des kleinen ararat, nebst bemerkungen über östliche einflüsse bei der bildung elektrischer gewitter. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche classe. wien, . °. bd. , abtheilung , p. - .) *ef ---- geologische skizzen aus transkaukasien. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin: classe physico-mathématique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. , col. - .) *qcb ---- [observations sur le mont ararat.] pl. (société géologique de france. bulletin. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) pta ---- Über die lage der schneegränze und die gletscher der gegenwart im kaukasus. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb ---- ueber das steinsalz und seine geologische stellung im russischen armenien. pl. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires: sciences mathématiques et physiques. saint pétersbourg, . f°. série , tome , p. - .) *qcb ---- vergleichende grundzüge der geologie des kaukasus wie der armenischen und nordpersischen gebirge. pl. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires: sciences mathématiques et physiques. saint pétersbourg, . f°. série ., tome , p. - .) *qcb ---- zur geologie des südöstlichen kaukasus. bemerkungen von meinen reisen im jahre . (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb bonney, t. g. notes on some rocks from ararat. (geological magazine. london, . °. new series, decade , v. , p. - .) pta buhse. vorläufiger botanischer bericht über meine reise durch einen theil armeniens in den monaten april und mai . (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin: classe physico-mathématique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. , col. - .) *qcb chikhachov, piotr aleksandrovich. asie mineure; description physique, statistique et archéologique de cette contrée, par p. de tchihatcheff. partie - . paris: gide et j. baudry, - . v. in . °. kcb and �kcb partie published by l. guérin. partie . géographie physique comparée. text and atlas. partie . climatologie et zoologie. partie . botanique. v. partie . géologie. v. ---- sur l'orographie et la constitution géologique de quelques parties de l'asie mineure et de l'arménie. (institut de france.--académie des sciences. comptes rendus. paris, . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - , - .) *eo forel, f. a. les échantillons de limon dragués en dans les lacs d'arménie. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb gylling, hjalmar. notes on the microscopical structure of some eruptive rocks from armenia and the caucasus. (mineralogical magazine. london, . °. v. , p. - .) pwa hughes, thomas mckenny. notes on some volcanic phenomena in armenia. (nature. london, . °. v. , p. - .) oa kharajian, hagop a. regional geology and mining of armenia. new york: nerso press, . p., folded diagr., folded maps. °. pvr bibliography, p. - . loftus, william kennett. on the geology of portions of the turko-persian frontier, and of the districts adjoining. map. (geological society of london. quarterly journal. london, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) pta mcgregor, p. j. c. notes on birds observed at erzerum. (ibis. london, . °. series , v. , p. - .) qma martens, e. v. aufzählung der von dr. alexander brandt in russisch-armenien gesammelten mollusken. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb oswald, felix. armenien. Übersetzung von otto wilckens. heidelberg: c. winter, . p., charts, diagr. °. (handbuch der regionalen geologie. bd. , abt. , heft .) pvx bibliography, p. - . ---- zur tektonischen entwicklungsgeschichte des armenischen hochlandes. (petermanns mitteilungen. gotha, . °. jahrg. , halbband , p. - , - , - .) kaa saparian, hamazasb. pousapanoutiun. [botany.] venice, . p. °. *onpa ---- yergrapanoutiun. [geology.] venice, . p.l., p. °. *onpa schaffer, franz x. grundzüge des geologischen baues von türkisch-armenien und dem östlichen anatolien. map. (petermanns mitteilungen. gotha, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa sieger, robert. die schwankungen der armenischen seen. (globus. braunschweig, . f°. bd. , p. - .) �kaa ---- die schwankungen der hocharmenischen seen seit in vergleichung mit einigen verwandten erscheinungen. (kaiserlich königlich geographische gesellschaft. mittheilungen. wien, . °. bd. , p. - , - , - .) kaa strecker, wilhelm. ueber die wahrscheinliche ältere form des wan-sees. (gesellschaft für erdkunde. zeitschrift. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) kaa tristram, h. b. ornithological notes of a journey through syria, mesopotamia, and southern armenia in . (ibis. london, . °. series , v. , p. - .) qma wachter, wilhelm. die kaukasisch-armenische erdbebenzone. (zeitschrift für naturwissenschaften. stuttgart, . °. bd. , p. - .) pqa wagner, moriz. aus dem tagebuch eines deutschen naturforschers in armenien [moriz wagner]. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - .) �kaa ---- beiträge zur kenntniss der naturverhältnisse im türkisch-armenischen hochlande. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - .) �kaa wilckens, otto. see oswald, felix. yeremian, simeon. nor gentanapanoutiun ev martagazmoutiun badmagan ev ngarakragan. [an historical and descriptive treatise on zoology and physiology.] venice, . p.l., p. °. *onpa ---- nor hankapanoutiun ngarakragan ev badmagan. [a descriptive and historical treatise on mineralogy.] venice, . p.l., p. °. *onpa zahn, gustav w. von. die stellung armeniens im gebirgsbau von vorderasien unter besonderer berücksichtigung der türkischen teile. berlin: e. s. mittler & sohn, . vi p., l., p., maps. °. (berlin.--universität: institut für meereskunde und geographisches institut. veröffentlichungen. heft .) kaa language adjarian, h. classification des dialectes arméniens. paris: h. champion, . p.l., p., map. °. (École pratique des hautes études. bibliothèque: sciences historiques et philologiques. fasc. .) *en ---- lautlehre des van-dialekts. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - , - .) *onl ---- s. mesropi ev krerou kiudi badmoutian aghpiurnern ou anonts knnoutiunu. [the history of st. mesrop and the discovery of the armenian alphabet.] paris: banaser, . p. °. *onk supplement to banaser, v. . aganoon, arratoon isaac. a dissertation on the antiquity of the armenian language. with some notes and observations by the late t. m. dickenson. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa agop, joannes. grammatica latina, armenice explicata. romæ: typis sacræ-congregationis de propaganda fide, . p., l. °. *onl bound with his: puritas haygica; seu, grammatica armenica. romæ, . °. ---- puritas haygica; seu, grammatica armenica. romæ: typis sacræ congregationis de propaganda fide, . p.l., p., l. °. *onl ---- puritas linguæ armenicæ. romæ: ex typographia sacræ congregationis de propaganda fide, . p. °. *onl bound with his: puritas haygica; seu, grammatica armenica. romæ, . °. alphabetum armenum cum oratione dominicali; salutatione angelica; initio evangelii s. johannis, et cantico poenitentiae. [edited by g. c. amaduzzi.] romae: typis sacræ congregationis de propaganda fide, . p. °. rah p.v. amaduzzi, g. c. see alphabetum armenum. arachin tasakirk mangants. [first reader for children.] new york, . p. °. *onl aucher, paschal. see aukerian, haroutiun. aukerian, haroutiun. a dictionary english and armenian by father paschal aucher. with the assistance of j. brand. venice: s. lazarus, - . v. °. *r-*onl v. . a dictionary armenian and english by john brand. with the assistance of father paschal aucher. ---- dictionnaire abrégé français-arménien par le p. paschal aucher ... aux dépens de m. garabied duz. [venise: académie arménienne de s. lazare,] - . v. °. *onl tome . dictionnaire abrégé arménien-français. ---- a grammar armenian and english. by father paschal aucher. venice: armenian academy, . p.l., p., l. °. *onl ---- grammar english and armenian by father paschal aucher. venice: armenian academy, . p.l., p., l. °. *onl aukerian, haroutiun, and g. g. n. byron, . baron byron. a grammar, armenian and english, by p. paschal aucher and lord byron. venice: printed in the armenian monastery of st. lazarus, . p. °. *onl aukerian, mëgërdich. see avedikian, gabriele, khatchadroh surmelian and mëgërdich aukerian. avdall, johannes. see avtaliantz, john. avedikian, gabriele, khatchadroh surmelian and mëgërdich aukerian. nor parkirk haigasyian lezui. [new dictionary of the armenian language.] venice, - . v. °. �*onl avtaliantz, john, baron. authors of armenian grammars, from the earliest stages of armenian literature up to the present day. by johannes avdall. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , part , p. - .) *oha ---- on the invention of the armenian alphabet. by johannes avdall. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha baumgartner, adolf. ueber das buch "die chrie." (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa bedrossian, matthias. new dictionary armenian-english. venice: s. lazarus armenian academy, - . xxx, p., table. °. *r-*onl bellaud. essai sur la langue arménienne. paris: imprimerie impériale, . viii, p. °. *onl beshgeturian, azniv. arachnort anklierin lezvin. [guide to the english language.] boston: hairenik press, . p. °. *onl blau, otto. ueber-karta, -kerta in ortsnamen. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa boetticher, paul. see lagarde, paul anton de. brand, john. see aukerian, haroutiun. brockelmann, karl. ein assyrisches lehnwort im armenischen. (zeitschrift für assyriologie. weimar, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ocl ---- die griechischen fremdwörter im armenischen. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- ein syrischer text in armenischer umschrift. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa brosset, marie félicité. variétés arméniennes. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. bugge, sophus. beiträge zur etymologischen erläuterung der armenischen sprache. (zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung. gütersloh, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa ---- etruskisch und armenisch. sprachvergleichende forschungen. reihe . christiania: h. aschehoug & co., . xviii, p. °. rie byron ( . baron), george gordon noel byron. lord byron's armenian exercises and poetry. venice: in the island of s. lazzaro, . p., l. °. nci p.v. ---- see also aukerian, haroutiun, and g. g. n. byron, . baron byron. calfa, ambroise. dictionnaire arménien-français et français-arménien. paris: l. hachette et cie., . p.l., vi p., l., p., l. °. *onl arménien-français only. chahan de cirbied, jacques. grammaire de la langue arménienne; ou l'on expose les principes et les règles de la langue, d'après les meilleurs grammairiens, et les auteurs originaux et suivant les usages particuliers de l'idiome haïkien; rédigée ... par j. ch. cirbied. paris: Éverat, . p.l., lxxxii, p. °. *onl reviewed by j. zohrab in journal asiatique, tome , p. - ; tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- see also denis of thrace. chakmakjian, h. h. armeno-american letter writer containing a large variety of model letters adapted to all occasions: letters of friendship, letters of congratulation and condolence, letters of love, business letters. examples from great authors. boston: e. a. yeran [ ]. p. °. *onl charpentier, jarl. kleine beiträge zur armenischen wortkunde. (indogermanische forschungen. strassburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa ciakciak, emmanuele. dizionario italiano-armeno-turco. venezia, . , p., pl. °. *onl cirbied, j. see chahan de cirbied, jacques. delatre, louis. place de l'arménien parmi les langues indo-européennes. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa denis of thrace. grammaire de denis de thrace, en grec, en arménien et en français, accompagnée de notes et d'éclaircissemens par m. cirbied. (société royale des antiquaires de france. mémoires. paris, . °. tome , p. v-xxxii, - .) da bourgeois, h. la grammaire arménienne de denis de thrace. (revue de linguistique et de philologie comparée. chalon-sur-saone, . °. v. , p. - .) raa dickenson, t. m. see aganoon, arratoon isaac. dirr, a. praktisches lehrbuch der ostarmenischen sprache. wien: a. hartleben [ ]. viii p., l., p., table. °. (die kunst der polyglottie. teil .) *onl dulaurier, Édouard. see patkanov, keropé petrovich. dwight, harrison gray otis. kéraganoutun ankghiaren yev hahérén. [a grammar english and armenian.] smyrna, . p. °. *onl dwight, harrison gray otis, and elias riggs. orthography of armenian and turkish proper names. (american oriental society. journal. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa esoff, g. d'. aperçu de l'étude de la langue arménienne en europe. (actes du huitième congrès international des orientalistes. leide, . °. partie , section , fasc. , p. - .) *oaa finck, franz nikolaus. lehrbuch der neuostarmenischen litteratursprache. unter mitwirkung von stephan kanajeanz bearbeitet von f. n. finck. vagarschapat: druckerei des klosters s. etschmiadsin, . p.l., x, p. °. *onl ---- see also zeitschrift für armenische philologie. gardthausen, v. ueber den griechischen ursprung der armenischen schrift. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa gauthiot, robert. note sur l'accent secondaire en arménien. (banaser. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk gjandschezian, esnik. beiträge zur altarmenischen nominalen stammbildungslehre. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl ---- see also zeitschrift für armenische philologie. gleye, arthur. ugro-finnischer einfluss im armenischen. (keleti szemle. budapest, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa gray, louis herbert. on certain persian and armenian month-names as influenced by the avesta calendar. (american oriental society. journal. new haven, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa gulian, kevork h. elementary modern armenian grammar. london: d. nutt, . vi p., l., p. °. (method gaspey-otto-sauer.) *onl hagopian, hovhan. a pocket dictionary (english-armenian). boston: "ararat" publishing co., . p. °. *onl hanusz, johann. beiträge zur armenischen dialectologie. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, - . °. v. , p. - , - ; v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa huebschmann, heinrich. armeniaca. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, - . °. bd. , p. - , - ; bd. , p. - ; bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- armeniaca. (indogermanische forschungen. strassburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa ---- armeniaca. (strassburger festschrift zur xlvi. versammlung deutscher philologen und schulmänner. strassburg: k. j. trübner, . °. p. - .) *c ---- armenische grammatik. theil . leipzig: breitkopf & härtel, . xxii p., l., p. °. (bibliothek indogermanischer grammatiken. bd. , theil .) *onl theil . armenische etymologie. ---- iranisch-armenische namen auf karta, kert, gird. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- die semitischen lehnwörter im altarmenischen. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig. . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- ueber aussprache und umschreibung des altarmenischen. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- ueber die stellung des armenischen im kreise der indogermanischen sprachen. (zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa isaverdentz, hagopos. an easy method of learning english for the use of armenians. part - . venice: armenian typography of st. lazaro, . , . p. °. *onl title from cover. joannissiany, abgar. see zeitschrift für armenische philologie. junker, heinrich. zur flexion der altarmenischen demonstrativa. (zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung auf dem gebiete der indogermanischen sprachen. göttingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa kanajeanz, stephan. see finck, franz nikolaus. karamianz, n. einundzwanzig buchstaben eines verlorenen alphabets. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa karst, josef. aussprache und vokalismus des kilikisch-armenischen. erster teil einer historisch-grammatischen darstellung des kilikisch-armenischen. strassburg: k. j. trübner, . p.l., p., l. °. *onl ---- beruehrungspunkte in der pluralbildung des armenischen und der kaukasischen sprachen. (verhandlungen des xiii. internationalen orientalisten-kongresses. leiden: e. j. brill, . °. p. - .) *oaa ---- historische grammatik des kilikisch-armenischen. strassburg: k. j. trübner, . xxiii, p., tables. °. *onl meillet, antoine. remarques sur la grammaire historique de l'arménien de cilicie de m. j. karst. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl karst, josef. das trilingue medizinalglossar aus ms. der wiener mechitharisten-bibliothek. hrsg. und erläutert von j. karst. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl kraelitz-greifenhorst, friedrich von. sprachprobe eines armenisch-tatarischen dialektes in polen. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- studien zum armenisch-türkischen. wien: a. hölder, . p.l., p. °. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften in wien. sitzungsberichte: philosophisch-historische klasse. bd. , abhandl. .) *ef lagarde, paul anton de. armenische studien. göttingen: dieterich, . p.l., p. °. �*onl repr.: königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. abhandlungen. bd. , *ee. ---- vergleichung der armenischen consonanten mit denen des sanskrit. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa langlois, victor. mémoire sur les origines de la culture des lettres en arménie. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris. - . °. nouvelle série, tome . p. - .) *oaa lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. vorschlæge zur sammlung der lebenden armenischen dialekte. (verhandlungen des xiii. internationalen orientalisten-kongresses. leiden: e. j. brill, . °. p. - .) *oaa lidén, evald. armenische studien. göteborg: w. zachrisson, . p. °. (göteborgs högskolas årsskrift. bd. .) nima lusignan, guy de. nouveau dictionnaire illustré français-arménien. paris: typographie morris père et fils, - . v. °. �*onl manandian, agop. see zeitschrift für armenische philologie. margoliouth, david samuel. the syro-armenian dialect. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa martin, paulin. des signes hiéroglyphiques dans les manuscrits arméniens. facs. (congrès international des orientalistes. compte-rendu de la première session. paris: maisonneuve & cie., . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa maxudianz, m. le parler arménien d'akn (quartier bas). paris: p. geuthner, . xi, p. °. *onl bibliography, p. - . meillet, antoine. de quelques archaïsmes remarquables de la déclinaison arménienne. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl ---- notes sur la conjugaison arménienne. (banaser. paris, . °. v. . p. - .) *onk ---- observations sur la graphie de quelques anciens manuscrits de l'Évangile arménien. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- recherches sur la syntaxe comparée de l'arménien. (société de linguistique de paris. mémoires. paris, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. . p. - .) raa mirianischvili, pierre. sur le rapport mutuel entre le géorgien et l'arménien. (revue de linguistique et de philologie comparée. chalon-sur-saone, . °. v. , p. - .) raa msériantz, lévon. notice sur la phonétique du dialecte arménien de mouch. (actes du onzième congrès international des orientalistes. paris, . °. section , p. - .) *oaa mueller, friedrich. armeniaca. [no.] - . (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, - . °. bd. , p. - ; bd. . p. - ; bd. , p. - ; bd. , p. - ; bd. , p. - ; bd. , p. - .) *ef ---- beiträge zur conjugation des armenischen verbums. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ef ---- beiträge zur declination des armenischen nomens. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ef ---- beiträge zur lautlehre der armenischen sprache. [part - .] (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, - . °. bd. . p. - ; bd. , p. - : bd. , p. - .) *ef ---- nicht-mesropische schriftzeichen bei den armeniern. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- ueber die stellung des armenischen im kreise der indogermanischen sprachen. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ef ---- ueber den ursprung der vocalzeichen der armenischen schrift. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- zur geschichte der armenischen schrift. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- zur wortbildungslehre der armenischen sprache. (orient und occident. göttingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- zwei sprachwissenschaftliche abhandlungen zur armenischen grammatik. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ef munkácsi, bernhard. Über die "uralten armenischen lehnwörter" im türkischen. (keleti szemle. budapest, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa patkanov, keropé petrovich. recherches sur la formation de la langue arménienne.... mémoire traduit du russe par m. Évariste prud'homme; revu sur le texte original et annoté par m. Édouard dulaurier. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- ueber die stellung der armenischen sprache im kreise der indo-europäischen. (russische revue, monatschrift für die kunde russlands. st. petersburg. . °. year , p. - .) *qca patrubány, l. von. zur armenischen wortforschung. (indogermanische forschungen. strassburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa pedersen, holger. armenisch und die nachbarsprachen. (zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung auf dem gebiete der indogermanischen sprachen. gütersloh, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa ---- les pronoms démonstratifs de l'ancien arménien. avec un appendice sur les alternances vocaliques indo-européennes. københavn: b. luno. . p. °. (kongeligt dansk videnskabernes selskab. skrifter. række . historisk og filosofisk afdeling. bind , [no.] .) *eh ---- zur armenischen sprachgeschichte. (zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung auf dem gebiete der indogermanischen sprachen. gütersloh, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa petermann, julius heinrich. brevis linguae armeniacae grammatica, litteratura, chrestomathia cum glossario. in usum praelectionum et studiorum privatorum. carolsruhae: h. reuther, . xi, , p. . ed. °. (porta linguarum orientalium. pars .) *oac ---- grammatica linguae armeniacae. berolini: g. eichler, . xii, p., tables. °. *onl ---- ueber den dialect der armenier von tiflis. (koeniglich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. abhandlungen: philol.-hist. klasse. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) *ee a pocket dictionary of the english, armenian and turkish languages. venice: printed at the press of the armenian college of s. lazarus, . v. °. *opf pratt, andrew t. on the armeno-turkish alphabet. (american oriental society. journal. new haven, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa prud'homme, Évariste. see patkanov, keropé petrovich. riggs, elias. a brief grammar of the modern armenian language as spoken in constantinople and asia minor. [preface signed e. riggs.] smyrna: w. griffitt, . p. °. *onl ---- inverted construction of modern armenian. (american oriental society. journal. new haven, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also dwight, harrison gray otis, and elias riggs. schroeder, johan joachim. hoc est joh. joachimi schröderi thesaurus linguae armenicae, antiquae et hodiernae, cum varia praxios materia, cujus elenchum sequens pagella exhibet. amstelodami, . p.l., , p., l. °. *onl seklemian, a. g. the armenian alphabet. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk settegast, franz. armenisches im "daurel e beton." (zeitschrift für romanische philologie. halle, . °. bd. , p. - .) rdta surmelian, khatchadroh. see avedikian, gabriele, khatchadroh surmelian and mëgërdich aukerian. tavitian, s. de l'...(È), ou du positif de l'être, qui est l'objet de la science positive. de l'unité des lettres ou du principe de la voix et de son harmonie absolue, qui constituent l'objet des sciences logique, musique et mathématique. paris: p. schmidt, . p. °. *onk p.v. tiryakian, h. hahyéreni zeghdzoumneru. [armenian abused.] new york, . p. °. *onl torossian, bedros r. self-instructor in the english language, according to the latest pedagogical system, based on new york state education department's six year elementary course of english. new york: violet press, . , p. . ed. °. *onl also armenian title-page. vosgian, gomidass a. artserén parkirk. [an armenian-french dictionary.] constantinople: h. matteosian, . p.l., p., l. °. *onl windischmann, friedrich h. h. die grundlage des armenischen im arischen sprachtstamme. (königlich bayerische akademie der wissenschaften. abhandlungen: philos.-philol. classe. münchen, . °. bd. , abth. , p. - .) *ee yeran, edward a. armenian-english conversation illustrated, comprising every-day conversation, letter writing, grammar, english armenian reader, and useful informations. boston: yeran press [cop. ]. p. . ed. °. *onl zanolli, almo. singolare accezione del vocabolo armeno "tirakan." (società asiatica italiana. giornale. firenze, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- studio sul raddoppiamento allitterazione e ripetizione nell' armeno antico. (società asiatica italiana. giornale. firenze, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa zeitschrift für armenische philologie. unter mitwirkung von abgar joannissiany hrsg. von franz nikolaus finck, esnik gjandschezian und agop manandian. bd. - . marburg: n. g. elwert, - . °. *onl zposaran mangants. [recreation for children, or reading lessons in religious poetry and instruction, and in natural history; translated from english into the classical armenian language by a native under the supervision of j. b. adger; with a vocabulary giving definitions in the modern dialect.] smyrna: h. hallock, . p.l., p., pl. °. rmz and *onl inscriptions contains in addition to articles on the van inscriptions a few on inscriptions in modern armenian characters. basmadjian, k. j. note on the van inscriptions. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa ---- une nouvelle inscription arméniaque ou vannique. (actes du onzième congrès international des orientalistes. paris, . °. section , p. - .) *oaa ---- une nouvelle inscription vannique trouvée à qizil-qalé. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- la plus ancienne inscription arménienne. pl. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- quelques observations sur l'inscription de kelischin. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- la stèle de zouarthnotz. (recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *obkg belck, waldemar. eine in russisch-armenien neu aufgefundene, wichtige chaldische inschrift. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- die keil-inschriften in der tigris-quellgrotte und über einige andere ergebnisse der armenischen expedition. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- die kelischin-stele und ihre chaldisch-assyrischen keilinschriften. mit einer karte und drei tafeln. freienwalde a. o.: m. rüger, . p.l., col., map, pl. sq. °. (anatole. zeitschrift für orientforschung. heft .) �*oaa ---- mittheilungen über armenische streitfragen. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa belck, waldemar, and f. f. k. lehmann-haupt. chaldische forschungen. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin. - . °. jahrg. , p. - ; jahrg. , p. - ; jahrg. , p. - .) qoa . der name "chalder." . hrn. sayce's neuester artikel über die inschriften von van. . bauten und bauart der chalder. . eine canal-inschrift argistis i. . eine chaldische backstein-inschrift. . tiglatpileser iii. gegen sardur von urartu. . zur frage nach dem ursprünglichen standort der beiden assyrischen inschriften sardur's, sohnes des lutipris. ---- inuspuas, sohn des menuas. (zeitschrift für assyriologie. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ocl ---- mittheilung über weitere ergebnisse ihrer studien an den neugefundenen armenischen keilinschriften. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- ein neuer herrscher von chaldia. (zeitschrift für assyriologie. weimar, . °. bd. , p. - , - .) *ocl ---- Über die kelishin-stelen. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- ueber neuerlich aufgefundene keilinschriften in russisch und türkisch armenien. (zeitschrift für ethnologie. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) qoa bertin, george. abridged grammars of the languages of the cuneiform inscriptions containing: i. a sumero-akkadian grammar; ii. an assyro-babylonian grammar; iii. a vannic grammar; iv. a medic grammar; v. an old persian grammar. london: trübner & co., . viii, p. °. (trübner's collection of simplified grammars. no. .) *oco brosset, marie félicité. de quelques inscriptions arméniennes, remarquables au point de vue chronologique. fac. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- explication de diverses inscriptions géorgiennes, arméniennes et grecques. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mémoires: sciences politiques, histoire et philologie. st. pétersbourg, . sq. °. série , v. , p. - .) *qcb ---- note sur les inscriptions arméniennes de bolghari. pl. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb ---- notice sur la plus ancienne inscription arménienne connue. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin de la classe historico-philologique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- rapport sur diverses inscriptions, recueillies par mm. jules kästner et ad. berger. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. brosset, marie félicité, and e. kunik. notice sur deux inscriptions cunéiformes, découvertes par m. kästner dans l'arménie russe. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. carrière, auguste. inscriptions d'un reliquaire arménien de la collection basilewski publiées et traduites par a. carrière. pl. (École des langues orientales vivantes. publications. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaf série , v. . mélanges orientaux. foy, willy. zur xerxes-inschrift von van. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa guthe, h. mosaiken mit armenischer inschrift auf dem Ölberge. (deutscher palaestina-verein. mittheilungen und nachrichten. leipzig, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) *pwc guyard, stanislas. Études vanniques. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- les inscriptions de van. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- inscriptions de van, les estampages de m. deyrolle. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- note sur quatre mots des inscriptions de van. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- note sur quelques particularités des inscriptions de van. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- note sur quelques passages des inscriptions de van. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa hincks, edward. on the inscriptions at van. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa jensen, peter. die hittitisch-armenische inschrift eines syennesis aus babylon. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- die sitze der "urarto-chalder" zur zeit tiglatpileser's i nach belck und lehmann. (zeitschrift für assyriologie. weimar, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ocl belck, waldemar, and f. f. c. lehmann-haupt. zu jensen's bemerkungen betreffs der sitze der chalder. (zeitschrift für assyriologie. weimar, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ocl kunik, e. see brosset, marie félicité, and e. kunik. langlois, victor. inscriptions grecques, romaines, byzantines et arméniennes de la cilicie recueillies par victor langlois.... paris: a. leleux, . iv, p., l., pl. °. �*onm ---- note sur l'inscription arménienne d'un bélier sépulcral à djoulfa. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. bericht über die ergebnisse der von dr. w. belck und dr. c. f. lehmann / ausgeführten forschungsreise in armenien. (königlich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte. berlin, . °. , p. - .) *ee ---- "chaldisch" und "armenisch." (recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie. paris, . f°. année , p. - .) *obkg ---- chaldische nova. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- entgegnung auf hrn. belck's einsendung "über die keil-inschriften der tigris-grotte und über einige andere ergebnisse der armenischen expedition." (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- eine neue ausgabe der auf russischem gebiet gefundenen chaldischen keilinschriften. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- neugefundene menuas-inschriften. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- die neugefundene steleninschrift rusas' ii. von chaldia. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa belck, waldemar. die steleninschrift rusas' ii. argistihinis von etschmiadzin. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. em schlusswort. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa lehmann-haupt, ferdinand friedrich karl. der tigris-tunnel. (berliner gesellschaft für anthropologie, ethnologie und urgeschichte. verhandlungen. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) qoa ---- zwei unveröffentlichte chaldische inschriften. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig. . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- zwei unveröffentlichte keilschrifttexte. (hilprecht anniversary volume. leipzig, . °. p. - .) *ock ---- see also belck, waldemar, and f. f. k. lehmann-haupt. macler, frédéric. mosaïque orientale. . epigraphica., . historica. paris: p. geuthner, . p., . °. *oal mordtmann, andreas david. entzifferung und erklärung der armenischen keilinschriften von van und der umgegend. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ---- ueber die keilinschriften von armenien. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa morgan, jacques jean marie de, and j. v. scheil. la stèle de kel-i-chin. (recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *obkg mueller, david heinrich. drei neue inschriften von van. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also wuensch, josef, and d. h. mueller. mueller, friedrich. bemerkungen über zwei armenische keil-inschriften. wien: aus der k. k. hof- und staatsdruckerei, . p.l., p., fac. °. *onm repr.: kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. cl. bd. , p. - , *ef. ---- zwei armenische inschriften aus galizien und die gründungs-urkunde der armenischen kirche in kamenec podolsk. p., fac. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte: philos.-hist. classe. wien, . °. bd. , abh. .) *ef patkanov, keropé petrovich. de quelques inscriptions de van. facs. (muséon. louvain, . °. v. , p. - .) zaa ---- sur l'écriture cunéiforme arméniaque et les inscriptions de van. (congrès international des orientalistes. compte-rendu de la première session. paris: maisonneuve & cie., . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa patkanov, keropé petrovich, and a. h. sayce. de quelques nouvelles inscriptions cunéiformes découvertes sur le territoire russe. fac. (muséon. louvain, . °. v. , p. - .) zaa robert, louis de. Étude philologique sur les inscriptions cunéiformes de l'arménie. paris: e. leroux, . p.l., p. f°. �*onm sandalgian, joseph. asorisdaniah eu barsig sebakir artsanakroutiunk. [a treatise on assyrian and persian cuneiform inscriptions with extracts from them relating to the history of ararat.] vienna, . p., l. °. *onq ---- l'idiome des inscriptions cunéiformes urartiques. rome: loescher et co., . p. °. *onm ---- les inscriptions cunéiformes urartiques transcrites avec une triple traduction interlinéaire en arménien classique, en latin et en français, suivies d'un glossaire et d'une grammaire. mémoire présenté à l'académie des inscriptions de france. venise (ile de st.-lazare): imprimerie-librairie des pp. mékhitharistes, . l, p., l., map. °. *onm saulcy, louis félicien joseph caignart de. recherches sur l'écriture cunéiforme assyrienne. inscriptions de van. [lettres à m. eugène burnouf. signed f. de saulcy.] paris: firmin didot frères, . p.l., p., pl. °. *oco sayce, archibald henry. the cuneiform inscriptions of van. (royal asiatic society. journal. london. - . °. new series, v. , p. - ; , p. - ; , p. - .) *oaa ---- the cuneiform inscriptions of van. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, - . °. , p. - ; , p. - .) *oaa ---- the cuneiform inscriptions of van, deciphered and translated. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- deux nouvelles inscriptions vanniques. fac. (muséon. louvain, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) zaa ---- fresh contributions to the decipherment of the vannic inscriptions. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa ---- the great inscription of argistis on the rock of van. (records of the past. london [ ]. °. new series, v. , p. - .) *ock ---- inscription of menuas, king of ararat, in the vannic language. (records of the past. london [ ]. °. new series, v. , p. - .) *ock ---- les inscriptions vanniques d'armavir. (muséon. louvain, . °. v. , p. - .) zaa ---- monolith inscription of argistis, king of van. (records of the past. london [ ]. °. new series, v. , p. - .) *ock ---- a new inscription of the vannic king menuas. pl. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa ---- a new vannic inscription. (royal asiatic society. journal. london, . °. , p. - .) *oaa ---- on the cuneiform inscriptions of van. (zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) raa ---- see also patkanov, keropé petrovich, and a. h. sayce. scheil, jean vincent. inscription vannique de melasgert. (recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *obkg ---- note sur l'expression vannique "gunusâ haubi." (recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l'archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes. paris, . °. année , p. .) *obkg ---- see also morgan, jacques jean marie de, and j. v. scheil. schulz, Éd. mémoire sur le lac de van et ses environs. facs. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa wuensch, josef, and d. h. mueller. die keil-inschrift von aschrut-darga. entdeckt und beschrieben von josef wünsch, publicirt und erklärt von david heinrich müller. pl. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. denkschriften: philosophisch-historische klasse. wien, . f°. bd. , abtheilung , p. - .) *ef history of literature arnot, robert. the armenian literature. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted in new armenia, v. , p. - , �*onk. baumstark, anton. die christlichen literaturen des orients. leipzig: g. j. göschen, . v. °. (sammlung göschen. nr. - .) *oat bd. , p. - . das christliche schrifttum der armenier und georgier. brockelmann, karl, and others. geschichte des christlichen litteraturen des orients. von c. brockelmann, johannes leipoldt, franz nikolaus finck, enno littmann. leipzig: c. f. amelang, . viii, p. °. (die litteraturen des ostens in einzeldarstellungen. bd. , abteilung .) *oat p. - . finck, f. n. geschichte der armenischen litteratur. cayol, henri. littérature arménienne. (journal asiatique de constantinople. constantinople, . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa chalatianz, bagrat. die armenische literatur des . jahrhunderts. eine skizze. (neue heidelberger jahrbücher. heidelberg, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) eaa chanazarian, g. v. la littérature arménienne. (revue orientale et américaine. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) *oaa finck, franz nikolaus. see brockelmann, karl, and others; also schmidt, erich, and others. garo, chahen. modern armenian literature. (poet-lore. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da harnack, adolf. forschungen auf dem gebiete der alten grusinischen und armenischen litteratur. (königlich preussische akademie der wissenschaften. sitzungsberichte. berlin, . °. , p. - .) *ee macler, frédéric. la chaire d'arménien à l'École spéciale des langues orientales vivantes. (revue internationale de l'enseignement. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) ssa minas. armenian literature. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk neumann, carl friedrich. versuch einer geschichte der armenischen literatur, nach den werken der mechitaristen frei bearbeitet. leipzig: j. a. barth, . xii, p. °. *onp nève, félix. l'arménie chrétienne et sa littérature. louvain: c. peeters, . vii, p. °. *onk petermann, julius heinrich. ueber einige neuere erscheinungen der armenischen litteratur. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. zeitschrift. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa raffi, aram. armenia: its epics, folksongs and mediaeval poetry. (in: z. c. boyajian, armenian legends and poems. london [ ]. f°. p. - .) �*onp schmidt, erich, and others. die orientalischen literaturen. mit einleitung: die anfänge der literatur und die literatur der primitiven völker. berlin: b. g. teubner, . ix, p. °. (die kultur der gegenwart. teil , abteilung .) *oat p. - . finck, f. n. die armenische literatur. schrumpf, g. a. on the progress of armenian studies. (transactions of the ninth international congress of orientalists. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa sukias somal, placido. quadro della storia letteraria di armenia. venezia: dalla tipografia armena di s. lazzaro, . xix, p., l. °. *onp thumajan, johann. die geschichte der classisch-armenischen schriftsprache. (verhandlungen des vii. internationalen orientalisten-congresses. arische section. wien: a. hölder, . °. p. - .) *oaa veselovski, yuri. armianekaia poeziia vieka i eia proiskhozhdenie. (russkaia mysl'. moscow, . °. , no. , [part ,] p. - .) *qca armenian poetry of the nineteenth century. ---- k kharakteristikie novoi armianskoi literatury. (viestnik vospitaniia. moscow, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) *qca new armenian literature. ---- literaturnoe tvorchestvo turetskikh armian. (viestnik evropy. petrograd, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca literature of the turkish armenians. zavak. the earliest armenian printing press. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk literature poetry alishan, leo m. see alishanian, gheuont. alishanian, gheuont. armenian popular songs translated into english by leo m. alishan, d. d. venice: s. lazarus, . p.l., p., l. °. *onp ---- ---- venice: s. lazarus, . p., l. . ed. °. *onp ---- the lily of shavarshan. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk leist, arthur. pater leo alischan. (in his: litterarische skizzen. leipzig [ ]. °. p. - .) *onk armenische bibliothek. bd. . antreassian, khorene m. see katchoony, h. armenian poems. metrical version by robert arnot. (in: armenian literature. london [cop. ]. °. p. - .) *ocy arnot, robert. see armenian poems. beshigtashlian, mëgërdich. kertouadzner ou jarer. [a collection of his poetry and speeches.] paris, . p., l. °. *onp leist, arthur. mkrtitsch beschiktaschlian. (in his: litterarische skizzen. leipzig [ ]. °. p. - .) *onk armenische bibliothek. bd. . blackwell, alice stone. armenian poems rendered into english verse by alice stone blackwell. boston, . p.l., xii. - p., l. °. *onp ---- see also alishanian, gheuont; also damadian, mihran; also hayrig, chrimian; also kourghinian, shoushanik; also patkanian, raphael: also portoukalian, m.; also raffi; also tchobanian, archag; also tourian, bedros; also yarjanian-siamanto, atom; also yergat, tigran. boré, eugène. Élégie sur la prise de constantinople, poëme inédit et extrait du manuscrit arménien de la bibliothèque royale. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa boyajian, zabelle c., compiler. armenian legends and poems, illustrated & compiled by zabelle c. boyajian ... with an introduction by the right hon. viscount bryce ... and a contribution on "armenia: its epics, folksongs and mediaeval poetry," by aram raffi. london: j. m. dent & sons, ltd. [ .] xvi, p., col'd pl. f°. �*onp bryce ( . viscount), james bryce. see boyajian, zabelle c., compiler. chant populaire sur la captivité de léon, fils du roi héthoum i. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. contes & chants arméniens recueillis, transcrits et traduits par djelali avec préface et note explicative par paul passy. fasc. . paris, . °. *onp p.v. damadian, mihran. furfurcar. translated by alice stone blackwell. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. .) �*onk djelali. see contes & chants. dulaurier, Édouard. le chants populaires de l'arménie. (revue des deux mondes. paris, . °. nouvelle période, tome , p. - .) *dm ---- Études sur les chants historiques et les traditions populaires de l'ancienne arménie d'après une dissertation de j. b. Émin. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa Émin, jean baptiste. see dulaurier, Édouard. green, g. m. see raffi. gregory dgha, patriarch of armenia. Élégie du patriarche grégoire dgha catholicos d'arménie ... sur la prise de jérusalem par saladin. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. hayrig, chrimian. the soldier's lament. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk hethoum ii, king of armenia. poëme de héthoum ii, roi d'arménie. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. katchoony, h. to the martyrs of adana. [translated by khorene m. antreassian.] (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. .) �*onk khrimean, mekertich. a meeting of kings. translation of a posthumous work by khrimean hairik. versified by a. g. sheridan. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk text and translation. kourghinian, shoushanik. the eagle's love. to the nightingale. rendered into english verse by alice stone blackwell. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk koutchak, nahabed. vieux chants arméniens. (la revue blanche. paris, . °. v. , p. - .) *dm lalayantz, erwand. les anciens chants historiques et les traditions populaires de l'arménie. (revue des traditions populaires. paris, . °. v. , p. - , - , - .) zba miller, miss frank. armenian popular songs. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk mourey, gabriel. see tchobanian, archag, translator. natalie, shahan. songs of love and hate. the agony of my faith, love, prayers, to thee, flames of hate, persecuted rhapsodist. boston: hairenik press, . p., l. °. *onp nerses the graceful, patriarch of armenia. Élégie sur la prise d'Édesse par les musulmans, par nersès klaietsi, patriarche d'arménie; publiée pour la première fois, en arménien par j. zohrab. ouvrage publié par la société asiatique. paris: dondey-dupré père et fils, . p.l., , p. °. *onp ---- Élégie sur la prise d'Édesse. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. avtaliantz, john, baron. memoir of the life and writings of st. nierses clajensis, surnamed the graceful, pontiff of armenia. (asiatic society of bengal. journal. calcutta, . °. v. , p. - .) *oha passy, paul. see contes & chants. patkanian, raphael. cradle song from the armenian of raphael patkanian. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the woe of araxes. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. .) �*onk portoukalian, m. the armenian girl. from the armenian.... rendered into english verse by alice stone blackwell. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. .) �*onk raffi. the lake of van. from the armenian of raffi. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. - , p. - .) �*onk ---- the lake of van. translated by g. m. green. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. .) �*onk raffi, aram. see boyajian, zabelle c., compiler. sheridan, a. g. see khrimean, mekertich. siamanto. see yarjanian-siamanto, atom. tcheraz, minas. poètes arméniens. bédros tourian. gamar-kathipa. saïath-nova. guévork dodokhiantz. mikaël nalbandiantz. corène de lusignan. paris: e. leroux, . xi, p. °. *onp tchobanian, archag. armenia's lullaby. (asiatic review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- armenian poems rendered into english verse by alice stone blackwell. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the armenian poetry. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the epic of armenia. translated from the french by alice stone blackwell. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk ---- haï etcher. [a collection of armenian poems, illustrated from objects in the convent at etchmiadzin and from old illuminated manuscripts.] paris, . p., l., p., pl. °. *onp ---- lullaby for mother armenia. from the armenian of archag tchobanian. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted in new armenia, v. , p. - , �*onk; and in armenian herald, v. , p. - , *onk. ---- naghash hovnathan ashoughe yev hovnathan hovnathanian nigaritche. [the armenian troubadour naghash hovnathan and a complete collection of his works; illustrated by pictures drawn by his grandson hovnathan hovnathanian.] paris, . p., l., pl. °. *onp ---- poèmes. aurore. la caravane des heures. angoisse. visions. dans la nuit. sur la colline. traduction française. préface de pierre quillard. paris: société du mercure de france, . xii, p. °. *onp ---- poèmes arméniens, anciens et modernes. traduits par archag tchobanian et précédés d'une étude de gabriel mourey sur la poésie et l'art arméniens. paris: a. charles, . p. °. *onp buss, kate. archag tchobanian. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk marshall, annie c. arshag tchobanian. a biographical sketch. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk torossian, aram. armenian poetry. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. . p. - .) *onk tourian, bedros. complaints. repentance. [translated from the armenian by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- little lake. from the armenian. [translated by] alice stone blackwell. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. .) �*onk ---- wishes for armenia. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted in new armenia, v. , p. , �*onk. tcheraz, minas. bedros tourian. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. . p. - .) �*onk ---- vie et poésies de bédros tourian. (muséon. louvain, . °. v. , p. - .) zaa tsutsag hishadagarani movsisi zohrabiants artsakhétsvo. [a collection of armenian poetry.] part . moscow, . p. °. *onp yarjanian-siamanto, atom. song of the knight. from the armenian of siamanto. rendered into english verse by alice stone blackwell. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the starving. [translated by alice stone blackwell.] (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk blackwell, alice stone. an armenian poet: siamanto. (poet lore. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da torossian, aram. atom yarjanian-siamanto. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk yeran, edward arakel. zhoghovrtahin yérkaran. [popular songs.] boston, n. d. p., l. °. *onp yergat, tigran. poete mourant. the dying poet. translated by alice stone blackwell. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk zohrabian, john. see nerses the graceful, patriarch of armenia. fiction and drama aharonian, avedis. armenische erzählungen, von awetis aharonean. Übersetzt von agnes finck-gjandschezian. leipzig: p. reclam, jun. [ .] p. °. (universal-bibliothek. nr. .) *onp ---- guteton da lakto. armena rakonto de a. agaronjan tradukis georgo davidov. budapest: nagy sándor könyvnyomdájából [ ]. p. °. (esperanta universala biblioteko. armena serio , no. .) rax p.v. ---- honor, from the armenian of avedis aharonian translated by arshag mahdesian. (outlook. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- materi; razskazy. avtorizovannyi perevol s armianskago vardgesa, s predisloviem kriia [aleksieevicha] veselovokago. [tales.] moscow: v. antik & co. [ --?] ( ) p. °. (universal'naia biblioteka. no. .) *qb p.v. ---- vers la liberté. l'abime. traduit de l'arménien par m. chamlian et e. s. altiar. préface de a. f. herold. paris: e. leroux, . xix, p., l. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. v. .) *onk ajcatur. armena fabelo. kollektis georgo davidov. budapest: neuwald i. utódai könyvnyomdájából [ ]. p. °. (esperanta universala biblioteko. armena serio , no. .) rax p.v. altiar, elias sarkis. see aharonian, avedis. antreassian, khorene m. see raffi. apellian, aleksandir. boedi yrazi. [the poet's dream. a modern armenian drama in one act.] tiflis, . p. °. *onp arakélian, hambartzoum. contes et nouvelles; traduit de l'arménien oriental par aram eknayan. préface de frédéric macler. paris: e. leroux, . xxv, p., l., port. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. v. .) *onk armenian literature; comprising poetry, drama, folk-lore, and classic traditions; translated into english for the first time; with a special introduction by robert arnot. london: colonial press [cop. ]. viii p., l., - p., fac. rev. ed. °. *ocy contents: proverbs and folk-lore; translated by f. b. collins. the vacant yard; translated by f. b. collins. armenian poems; metrical version, by r. arnot. david of sassun, national epos of armenia; translated by f. b. collins. the ruined family, by g. sundukianz; translated by f. b. collins. ---- new york: colonial press [cop. ]. p.l., viii p., l., - p., fac., pl. rev. ed. °. (the world's great classics.) *ocy bound with: babylonian and assyrian literature. armenische bibliothek. hrsg. von abgar joannissiany. bd. - . leipzig: wilhelm friedrich [ - ]. °. *onk contents: bd. . r. patkanian, drei erzählungen. bd. . a. leist, litterarische skizzen. bd. . raffi, bilder aus persien und türkisch-armenien. bd. . g. a. khalathianz, märchen und sagen. bd. - . p. proschianz, sako. bd. . k. sundukianz, die ruinirte familie. bd. - . d. sabrijian, zwei jahre in abyssinien. arnot, robert. see armenian literature. baronian, hagop h. maitre balthasar; comédie en trois actes. introduction et traduction par j. m. silnitzky. paris: e. leroux, . xlv, p., l. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. v. .) *onk bibliography, p. vi-vii. barrileah, a. h. ara keghetsig badmagan vibasanoutiun. [ara the pretty. an historical romance.] venice, . p., l., pl. °. *onp berberian, m. see veselovski, y., and m. berberian, editors. calfa, corène. arschag ii. tragédie arménienne. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - , - ; tome , p. - , - , - .) *oaa chalatianz, grikor. see khalathianz, grigori abramovich. chamlian, missak. see aharonian, avedis. chirvanzadê, pseud. of alexandre movissian. la possédée; traduit de l'arménien par a. tchobanian. préface de frédéric macler. paris: e. leroux, . xiii, p., l. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. [v. .]) *onk colangian, Édouard. see zartarian, roupen. collins, f. b., translator. the vacant yard. an armenian story. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - ; v. . p. - , - .) �*onk ---- see also armenian literature; also sundukianz, kapriel. davidov, georg. see aharonian, avedis; also ajcatur. eknayan, aram. see arakélian, hambartzoum. essayan, grigor. see zartarian, roupen. gjandschezian, agnes finck. see aharonian, avedis. hagopian, hagop melik. see raffi. haroutiunian, hovhannes. "vor megoun yedeven." ["whom shall we follow after?" a drama in five acts.] boston, . p. °. *onp joannissiany, abgar, editor. see armenische bibliothek. khalathianz, grigori abramovich. märchen und sagen. mit einer einleitung von grikor chalatianz. leipzig: wilhelm friedrich [ ]. xxxvii p., l., p. °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. .) *onk lalajan, johannes, translator. see proschianz, pertsch. leist, arthur, translator. see patkanian, raphael. macler, frédéric, translator. contes arméniens. traduits de l'arménien moderne par f. macler. paris: e. leroux, . p.l., p. °. (collection de contes et chansons populaires. tome .) zbg ---- contes et légendes de l'arménie; traduits et recueillis par f. macler. préface de r. basset. paris: e. leroux, . xv, p., l. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. v. .) *onk ---- see also petite bibliothèque arménienne. mahdesian, arshag. see aharonian, avedis. mangouni, n. hatsi hamar. [armenian stories.] boston, . p. °. *onp marr, n. sbornik pritch vardana, materialy dlia istorii sredneviekovoi armianskoi literatury. st. petersburg: akademiya nauk, . v. in . °. *qct medieval armenian literature. reviewed by f. c. conybeare in folk-lore, v. , p. - , zba. melik, alexander. khordagwadz yerginkner. [an historical novel.] boston: hairenik press, . p.l., - p. °. *onp mourier, j., translator. contes et légendes du caucase traduits par j. mourier. paris: maisonneuve & c. leclerc, . p.l., p., l. °. zbg p.v. contes géorgiens. contes mingréliens. contes arméniens. movissian, alexandre. see chirvanzadê, pseud. of alexandre movissian. patkanian, raphael. drei erzählungen. aus dem armenischen übertragen von arthur leist. leipzig: wilhelm friedrich [ ]. iv, p. °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. .) *onk leist, arthur. raphael patkanian. (in his: litterarische skizzen. leipzig [ ]. °. p. - .) *onk armenische bibliothek. bd. . petite bibliothèque arménienne. publiée sous la direction de f. macler. v. - . paris: e. leroux, - . °. *onk contents: v. . chirvanzadê, la possédée. v. . m. tcheraz, nouvelles orientales. v. . f. macler, contes et légendes de l'arménie. v. . a. aharonian, vers la liberté. v. . r. zartarian, clarté nocturne. v. . h. h. baronian, maitre balthasar. v. . h. arakélian, contes et nouvelles. proschianz, pertsch. sako. roman in zwei bänden. aus dem armenischen übersetzt von johannes lalajan. leipzig: w. friedrich [ ]. v. in . °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. - .) *onk raffi. bilder aus persien und türkisch-armenien. aus dem armenischen übersetzt von leo rubenli. leipzig: wilhelm friedrich [ ]. p.l., p. °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. .) *onk ---- jelaleddin. a picture of his invasion. from the armenian of raffi. [translated by khorene m. antreassian.] (armenia. boston, - . °. v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. . p. - ; v. , no. , p. - ; no. , p. - ; no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- dzhalaleddin. perevod s armianskago n. bataturovoi. s predisloviem kriia veselovskago. moscow: v. antik & co. [ --?] p. °. (universal'naia biblioteka. no. .) *qb p.v. jelaleddin. translated from the armenian. ---- khent. [a romance.] vienna, . p.l., p., pl. °. *onp ---- schön-vartig ("geghetzig vartig"). eine novelle raffis. deutsch von dr. h. trg. schorn. (geist des ostens. münchen, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) *oaa boyajian, zabelle c. raffi: the armenian national writer. (contemporary review. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da burchardi, gustav. raffi, der schöpfer der neuarmenischen literatur. (geist des ostens. münchen, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) *oaa raffi commemoration. armenia's greatest writer, reformer and champion. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk rubenli, leo. see raffi; also sundukianz, kapriel. rushdooni. the sixth-and-a-half cousin's inheritance. from the armenian of rushdooni. translated and arranged by a. timourian. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk saint-martin, jean antoine. analyse d'une tragédie arménienne; représentée à léopol, le avril . [sainte ripsime.] (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa schorn, h. trg. see raffi. shishmanian, hovsep. toros livoni. [armenian stories.] boston, . p. °. *onp silnitzky, j. m. see baronian, hagop h. sumpad purad. pande pand. [from prison to prison. a romance.] part - . constantinople, . p., pl. °. *onp sundukianz, kapriel. the ruined family. by gabriel sundukianz. translated by f. b. collins. (in: armenian literature. london [cop. ]. °. p. - .) *ocy ---- the ruined family. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - , no. , p. - , no. , p. - , no. . p. - , no. , p. - ; v. , no. , p. - , no. . p. - .) �*onk ---- die ruinirte familie. lustspiel in drei aufzügen, aus dem armenischen von leo rubenli. leipzig: w. friedrich [ ]. p.l., p. °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. .) *onk leist, arthur. gabriel sundukianz. (in his: litterarische skizzen. leipzig [ ]. °. p. - .) *onk armenische bibliothek. bd. . tcheraz, minas. nouvelles orientales; préface de frédéric macler. paris: e. leroux, . xviii, p., l. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. [v. .]) *onk ---- l'orient inédit; légendes et traditions arméniennes, grecques et turques, recueillies et traduites. paris: e. leroux, . p.l., - p. °. (collection de contes et chansons populaires. tome .) zbg marshall, annie c. minas tcheraz. a biographical sketch. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk tchobanian, archag. la vie et le rêve; poèmes en prose, contes, fantaisies. lettre-préface de Émile verhaeren. paris: société du mercure de france, . vii p., l., p., l. °. *onp ---- see also chirvanzadê, pseud. of alexandre movissian; also zartarian, roupen. timourian, a. see rushdooni. tlgadintsi. see haroutiunian, hovhannes. veselovski, y., and m. berberian, editors. armianskie belletristy sbornik. moscow: n. kushnerov, . p. °. *qda a collection of armenian fiction. wlislocki, heinrich von. märchen und sagen der bukowinaer und siebenbürger armenier. aus eigenen und fremden sammlungen übersetzt von dr. heinrich von wlislocki. hamburg: verlagsanstalt und druckerei actien-gesellschaft, . viii, p. °. zbim zartarian, roupen. clarté nocturne, traduit de l'arménien par archag tchobanian, Édouard colangian, et grigor essayan; préface de gaston bonet-maury. paris: e. leroux, . xx, p., l. °. (petite bibliothèque arménienne. v. .) *onk other literature adanson, karl ludwig. see injijian, ghougas. aharonian, avedis. mother armenia, forgive me. translated by missak turpanjian. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk alelouia yerousaghem. [a description of jerusalem by a pilgrim.] constantinople, . p., l. illus. °. *onp alishanian, gheuont. deux descriptions arméniennes des lieux saints de palestine. (société de l'orient latin. archives de l'orient latin. paris, . °. tome , documents, p. - .) *oba assises d'antioche reproduces en français et publiées au sixième centenaire de la mort de sempad le connétable, leur ancien traducteur arménien, dédiées à l'académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres de france par la société mekhithariste de saint-lazare. venise: imprimerie arménienne médaillée, . xxiii, p. °. �*onp augustin badjétsi. itinéraire du très-révérend frère augustin badjétsi, évêque arménien de nakhidchévan, de l'ordre des frères-prêcheurs, à travers l'europe; écrit, en langue arménienne, de sa propre main, ainsi que l'a reconnu et attesté le révérend frère antoine najari, son parent et son neveu, apracounétsi, envoyé du roi de perse au roi très-chrétien.... traduit sur le manuscrit arménien ... par m. brosset jeune. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - , - .) *oaa avakian, hovhannes, and bedros hovnanian, editors. koharnir hai kraganoutian. [gems of armenian literature.] boston: hairenik press, . p., l. °. *onp aznavor, cherubino. see injijian, ghougas. basil. oraison funèbre de baudouin, comte de marasch et de kéçoun. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. bayan, g. armenian proverbs and sayings translated into english by g. bayan. venice: academy of s. lazarus, . p. °. *onk p.v. bittner, maximilian. der vom himmel gefallene brief christi in seinen morgenländischen versionen und rezensionen. p., pl. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. denkschriften: philosophisch-historische klasse. wien, . °. bd. , abh. .) *ef brosset, marie félicité. extrait du manuscrit arménien no. de la bibliothèque royale, relatif au calendrier géorgien, traduit par brosset. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- sur deux rédactions arméniennes, en vers et en prose, de la légende des saints baralam = varlaam et ioasaph = iosaphat. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- see also augustin badjétsi. carrière, auguste. un version arménienne de l'histoire d'asséneth. (École des langues orientales vivantes. publications. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaf chalatianz, bagrat. see khalathianz, bagrat. conybeare, frederick cornwallis. the barlaam and josaphat legend in the ancient georgian and armenian literatures. (folk-lore. london, . °. v. , p. - .) zba ---- see also the key of truth. conybeare, frederick cornwallis, and others. the story of ahikar from the syriac, arabic, armenian, ethiopic, greek and slavonic versions by f. c. conybeare, j. rendel harris, and agnes smith lewis. london: c. j. clay & sons, . lxxxviii, p., l., p. °. *oat armenian text, p. - . translation of the armenian text, p. - . damadian, m. ramgavaroutiun. [democracy.] alexandria, . p., l. °. *onp dashian, hagopos, vartabed. vartabedutune arakelotz anvaveragan ganonatz madiane. tought hagopa ar gotrados ev ganonk tattéi. [the canons of the apostles in old armenian.] vienna, . p., l., p., l. °. *onn ---- zur abgar-sage. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - , - , - .) *oaa dulaurier, Édouard. cosmogonie des perses d'après eznig, auteur arménien du ve siècle. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa eznig. see dulaurier, Édouard; also wickering, armand de. gjandschezian, agnes finck. see photios. gjandschezian, esnik. see gregory magistros; also photios. gregory of armenia, called illuminator. die akten gregors von armenien neu hrsg. von p. de lagarde. (königliche gesellschaft der wissenschaften zu göttingen. abhandlungen. göttingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ee lagarde, paul anton de. vita gregorii armeni. (in his: onomastica sacra. gottingae, . °. p. - .) *yip gregory magistros. ein brief des gregor magistros an den emir ibrahim. hrsg. von esnik gjandschezian. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl ---- ein brief des gregor magistros an den patriarchen petros. hrsg. von esnik gjandschezian. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl khalathianz, grigori abramovich. fragmente iranischer sagen bei grigor magistros. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa langlois, victor. mémoire sur la vie et les écrits du prince grégoire magistros, duc de la mésopotamie, auteur arménien du xi siècle. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa gregory of nazianzen. (nonnos.) die scholien zu fünf reden des gregor von nazianz. hrsg. von agop manandian. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl harris, james rendel. see conybeare, frederick cornwallis, and others. histoire de pharmani asman. traduite de l'arménien sur le manuscrit conservé à la bibliothèque nationale de paris, par frédéric macler. (société des traditions populaires. revue des traditions populaires. paris, . °. v. , p. - , - .) zba hovnanian, bedros. see avakian, hovhannes, and bedros hovnanian, editors. injijian, ghougas. description du bosphore ... traduite de l'arménien en français par f. martin. paris: j. b. sajou, . p., l. °. *onp ---- nachrichten über den thrazischen bosporus, oder die strasse von constantinopel vom dr. ingigian; aus dem armenischen übersetzt und von k. l. adanson aus dem französischen übersetzt.... weimar: verlag des landes-industrie-comptoirs, . viii, p., l. °. (in: m. c. sprengel, bibliothek der neuesten und wichtigsten reisebeschreibungen. bd. .) kbd ---- villeggiature de' bizantini sul bosforo tracio opera del p. luca ingigi tradotta dal p. cherubino aznavor. venezia: tipografia di s. lazzaro, . xxiii, p., l., map, pl. °. gio joannissiany, abgar. armenische sprichwörter. (das ausland. augsburg, . f°. jahrg. , p. - .) �kaa ---- sprichwörter. (in: g. a. khalathianz, märchen und sagen. leipzig [ ]. °. p. - .) *onk armenische bibliothek. bd. . kalemkiar, gr. die siebente vision daniels. (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *oaa the key of truth: a manual of the paulician church of armenia. the armenian text, edited and translated with illustrative documents and introduction by fred. c. conybeare. oxford: clarendon press, . cxcvi, p., l. °. zfe khalathianz, bagrat. die armenische heldensage. (verein für volkskunde. zeitschrift. berlin, . °. jahrg. , p. - , - , - .) yaa lagarde, paul anton de. see gregory of armenia, called illuminator. leist, arthur. litterarische skizzen. leipzig: wilhelm friedrich [ ]. p.l., p. °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. .) *onk contents: ein volkssänger. raphael patkanian. pater leo alischan. mkrtitsch beschiktaschlian. abowian. die kongregation der mechitaristen. erzbischof gabriel aiwasowski. gabriel sundukianz. das armenische zeitungswesen. ein vater seines volkes. lewis, agnes smith. see conybeare, frederick cornwallis. and others. macler, frédéric. un document arménien sur l'assassinat de mahomet par une juive. (mélanges hartwig derenbourg, - . paris, . °. p. - .) *oac ---- notre-dame de bitlis. texte arménien traduit et annoté par frédéric macler. pl. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , tome , p. - .) *oaa ---- see also histoire de pharmani asman; also mkhithar gosh. manandian, agop. see gregory of nazianzen. martin, françois. see injijian, ghougas. mkhithar gosh. choix de fables arméniennes attribuées à mkhithar goch, traduites par f. macler. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa brosset, marie félicité. rapport de m. brosset sur un manuscrit arménien. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin de la classe historico-philologique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. parechanian, hagop k. tirahauad khilkin hauadatsial ullalou jampan. [the infidel spirit.] boston, . p. °. *onp photios. der brief des photios an aschot und dessen antwort. uebersetzt von agnes finck und esnik gjandschezian. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl prud'homme, Évariste. see vartan the great. sabrijian, dimoteos. deux ans de séjour en abyssinie; ou, vie morale, politique et religieuse des abyssiniens par le r. p. dimothéos, légat de ... le patriarche arménien auprès de théodore roi d'abyssinie. traduit par ordre de ... isaïe, patriarche arménien de jérusalem. livre - . jérusalem: typographie arménienne du couvent de saint-jacques, . v. in . °. blm ---- zwei jahre in abyssinien oder schilderung der sitten und des staatlichen und religiösen lebens der abyssinier von sr. hochw. pater timotheus, legat sr. eminenz des armenischen patriarchen bei könig theodor von abyssinien. teil - . leipzig: wilhelm friedrich, n. d. °. (armenische bibliothek. bd. - .) *onk saint-martin, jean antoine. see vartan the great. schmid, johann michael, translator. geschichte des apostels thaddaeus und der jungfrau sanducht. aus dem altarmenischen übersetzt. (zeitschrift für armenische philologie. marburg, . °. bd. , p. - .) *onl sempad, constable of armenia. see assises d'antioche. srapian, moses, translator. das martyrium des hl. pionius. aus dem altarmenischen übersetzt von pater moses srapian. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa terzagian, hagop k. parlamentagan ganonner ev zhoghovavaroutiun. [parliamentary rules.] boston, . p., l. °. *onp teza, emilio. il libro dei sette savi nella letteratura armena. (reale istituto veneto. atti. venezia, . °. tomo , parte , p. - .) *er armenian text, pages. turpanjian, missak. see aharonian, avedis. vark nahabedats ev markareits. [bible stories in armenian.] smyrna, . p.l., p. °. *ono vartan the great. choix de fables de vartan en arménien et en français. [edited and translated by j. a. saint-martin.] ouvrage publié par la société asiatique de paris. paris: dondey-dupré père et fils, . xii, p. °. *onp ---- extraits du livre intitulé solutions de passages de l'Écriture sainte, écrites à la demande de héthoum i, roi d'arménie par le vardapet vardan; traduits de l'arménien vulgaire sur le texte original par m. Évariste prud'homme. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa varteresian, hapet. mer poghoknern ou tashnagtzoutean tirku anonts hanteb. [our protests and the position that the tashnagtzoutean has taken towards them.] boston, . p., pl. °. *onp vetter, paul. das buch tobias und die achikar-sage. (theologische quartalschrift. tübingen, - . °. jahrg. , p. - , - ; jahrg. , p. - , - .) zea wickering, armand de. eznig de gog'ph, évêque de pakrévant, auteur arménien du cinquième siècle et son traducteur français. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa zavak. armenian proverbs. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk translations from european languages alishanian, gheuont. see american sacred songs. american sacred songs. translated into the armenian language [by father leo alishan]. st. lazarus--venice, . p. °. *onp aristotle. see conybeare, frederick cornwallis. aucher, john baptiste. see ephraim the syrian. aukerian, haroutiun. see milton, john. aukerian, mëgërdich. see ephraim the syrian. avidaranian, h., translator. jarakaitk arevelian. [rays from the orient. a book useful for every class of men. translated from the sanskrit.] part . shumla, bulgaria, . °. *onp bagratouni, arsen gomidas. see homer; also horace; also virgil. bunyan, john. krisdianosin ou krisdinein jamportoutiuni. [pilgrim's progress; translated into armenian.] part - . smyrna, . p., l., p., l., p., pl. °. *neh ---- ---- new york, . p., pl. °. *neh calfa, ambroise. see fénélon, françois de salignac de la mothe. conybeare, frederick cornwallis. a collation with the ancient armenian versions of the greek text of aristotle's categories, de interpretatione, de mundo, de virtutibus et vitiis and of porphyry's introduction. oxford: clarendon press, . p.l., xxxviii p., l., p., fac. °. (anecdota oxoniensia. classical series. v. , part .) yaem ---- a collation of the old armenian version of plato's laws, book iv-vi. (american journal of philology. baltimore, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) raa ---- on the ancient armenian version of plato. (american journal of philology. baltimore, . °. v. , p. - .) raa ---- on the old armenian version of plato's apology. (american journal of philology. baltimore, . °. v. , p. - .) raa ---- on the old armenian version of plato's laws. (american journal of philology. baltimore, . °. v. , p. - .) raa paton, w. r. critical notes on plato's laws, iv-vi. (american journal of philology. baltimore, . °. v. , p. - .) raa dante alighieri. asdouadzahin gadagirkoutiun. divina commedia. ii. purgatorio tradotto in prosa dal p. arsenio gazikian. venezia, . p.l., p. °. *onp dashian, hagopos. see secundus, the sophist of athens. dirohean, atanas v. see georgius, pisida. emerson, frederick. mdavor ev kravor touapanoutiun. [an arithmetic compiled from emerson's north american arithmetic by c. hamlin.] constantinople, . , p. °. *onpa ephraim the syrian. srpouin yéprémi. [the writings of saint ephraim translated into armenian.] venice, . v. in . °. *onp ---- evangelii concordantis expositio facta a sancto ephraemo doctore syro. in latinum translata a ... ioanne baptista aucher, mechitarista, cujus versionem emendavit, adnotationibus illustravit et edidit georgius moesinger. venetiis: libraria mechitaristarum in monasterio s. lazari, . p.l., xii, p. °. *odm erkér ou yéghanagnér. [a hymn-book with music for the use of sunday schools.] constantinople, . p. °. *onp fénélon, françois de salignac de la mothe. les aventures de télémaque de fénélon traduction arménienne par ambroise calfa. paris, . p.l., . p., pl. °. *onp funduklian, k. see shakespeare, william. gallaudet, thomas h. abashkharatsvits. [a book on repentance. translated from english into armenian.] smyrna, . , p. °. *onp gazikian, arsen ghazaros. see dante alighieri; also tasso, torquato; also virgil. georgius, pisida. vetsoreahk keorkah bisiteah. [hexameron translated into armenian by atanas v. dirohean.] venice, . p. °. *onp greek and armenian texts. hamlin, c. see emerson, frederick. harnack, adolf. see irenaeus, bishop of lyons. hauff, wilhelm. badouoh yediuen gam likhtunshtain. ["lichtenstein" translated from german into armenian by vahan mesrob.] boston, n. d. p.l., , p., l., pl. °. *onp homer. iliagan. [the iliad translated into armenian verse by arsen gomidas bagratouni.] venedig, . p.l., p., l. °. *onp horace. arvésd kertoghagan. [quintus horatius flaccus' ars poetica; translated into pleasing metre with explanatory notes by arsen gomidas bagratouni.] venice, . p., l. °. �*onp bound with: virgil. mshagagank. venice, . °. hugo, victor. innsoun yerek. [ninety-three, translated from french into armenian by avedis kouyoumjian.] boston, . p.l., p., l., port. °. *onp ingersoll, robert green. inch e gronu? [what is religion? translated from english into armenian by liumen.] boston, . p.l., - p. °. *onp international bible students association. [scenario of the photo-drama of creation translated into armenian under the title taderangark sdeghdzakordzoutian.] brooklyn: international bible students association, . , p. nar. °. *onn paged in duplicate. irenaeus, bishop of lyons. armenische irenaeusfragmente mit deutscher Übersetzung nach dr. w. lüdtke zum teil erstmalig hrsg. und untersucht von hermann jordan. leipzig: j. c. hinrichs, . viii p., l., p. °. (texte und untersuchungen zur geschichte der altchristlichen literatur. reihe , bd. , heft .) ze ---- des heiligen irenäus schrift zum erweise der apostolischen verkündigung ... in armenischer version entdeckt, hrsg., und ins deutsche übersetzt von ... karapet ter-mekerttschian und erwand ter-minassiantz. mit einem nachwort und anmerkungen von adolf harnack. leipzig: j. c. hinrichs, . viii, , p. °. (texte und untersuchungen zur geschichte der altchristlichen literatur. reihe , bd. , heft .) ze jordan, hermann. see irenaeus, bishop of lyons. koran. mouhammed. kouran. [the koran translated into armenian by hagop kourbetian.] varna: iravounk, . , p. °. *ogd kourbetian, hagop, translator. see koran. kouyoumjian, avedis. see hugo, victor. lerch, p. ueber eine armenische bearbeitung der "sieben weisen meister." (orient und occident. göttingen, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa liumen. see ingersoll, robert green. luedtke, w. see irenaeus, bishop of lyons. mesrob, vahan. see hauff, wilhelm. milton, john. mildovni trakhd gorouseal. [paradise lost; translated into armenian by haroutiun aukerian.] venice, . p.l., - p., pl. °. *onp moesinger, georg. see ephraim the syrian. mueller, friedrich. ueber die armenische bearbeitung der "sieben weisen meister." (vienna oriental journal. vienna, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa nemesius. see teza, emilio; also zanolli, almo. payson, edward. hokeshah mdadzoutiunk. [salutary thoughts of the world and the church. translated from english into armenian.] smyrna, . , p. °. *ono petermann, julius heinrich. ueber das verhältniss der armenischen uebersetzung der briefe des ignatius zu der von herrn cureton herausgegebenen syrischen version derselben. (deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft. jahresbericht. leipzig, . °. p. - .) *oaa plato. see conybeare, frederick cornwallis. porphyry. see conybeare, frederick cornwallis. rollin, charles. badmoutiun hrovmeagan. [histoire romaine; translated into armenian.] v. - . venice, - . °. �*onq russell, charles taze. [the millennial dawn; translated from english into armenian under the title hazaramiai arshaloisu.] v. . brooklyn, n. y.: international bible students' association, . °. *onp v. . the plan of the ages. armenian title: asdoudzo dzrakiru. secundus, the sophist of athens. das leben und die sentenzen des philosophen secundus des schweigsamen in altarmenischer Übersetzung von jacobus dashian. p. (kaiserliche akademie der wissenschaften. denkschriften: philosophisch-historische klasse. wien, . f°. bd. , abhandlung .) *ef shakespeare, william. andonios ev gleobadra. [antony and cleopatra; translated into armenian by k. funduklian (parnak).] paris, . , p. °. *onp sue, eugène. taparagan heryah. le juif errant [translated into armenian]. constantinople, . , p., l., pl. °. *onp tasso, torquato. yerousaghem azadeal. [jerusalem delivered, translated into armenian by arsen ghazaros gazikian.] venice, . , p., pl. °. *onp ter-mekerttschian, karapet. see irenaeus, bishop of lyons. ter-minassiantz, erwand. see irenaeus, bishop of lyons. teza, emilio. nemesiana. sopra alcuni luoghi della natura dell'uomo in armeno. (reale accademia dei lincei. rendiconti: classe di scienze morale, storiche e filologiche. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - .) *er thomas à kempis. hamahédévumin krisdosi. [imitatio christi.] amsterdam [ ]. p., pl. °. *onp ---- ---- romae: typis sacræ congreg. de propaganda fide, . p.l., p., l. °. *onp upham, thomas cogswell. darerk imatsagan pilisopayoutian. [elements of mental philosophy translated from english into armenian.] smyrna, . p., ., p. °. *onp vartabedoutiun krisdonagan usd haiots. [christian catechism translated into armenian.] amsterdam, . p. °. *onp p.v. virgil. b. virkileah maroni yeneagan. [the aeneid, translated into armenian by arsen gazikian.] venice, . p.l., p., l., pl. °. *onp ---- mshagagank. [publius virgilius maro's georgica. translated into pleasing metre, with explanatory notes, by arsen gomidas bagratouni.] venice, . , p., l., pl. °. �*onp whiting, george backus. jrak hokvoh. [light of the soul. a tract on self-examination, translated from english into armenian.] smyrna, . p. °. *onp p.v. zanolli, almo. osservazioni sulla traduzione armena del "peri physeôs anthrôpou" di nemesio. (società asiatica italiana. giornale. firenze, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - .) *oaa armenian church translations of the bible are not included in this list. armenian church. garkavorootun hasaragatz aghotitz. [regular service-book of the armenian church.] venice, . , p. °. *onp ---- liturgia armena trasportata in italiano per cura del p. g. avedichian. seconda edizione adorna di rami. venezia: tipografia di s. lazzaro, . p., l., pl. °. *onp ---- liturgie de la messe arménienne traduite en français de la version italienne par monseigneur lapostolest. venise: imprimerie des méchitaristes de saint lazare, . p.l., p., pl. °. zhkd ---- rituale armenorum being the administration of the sacraments and the breviary rites of the armenian church together with the greek rites of baptism and epiphany edited from the oldest mss. by f. c. conybeare ... and the east syrian epiphany rites translated by the rev. a. j. maclean. oxford: clarendon press, . xxxv, p., fac. °. zhkd armenians taking stock of their national church. (missionary review of the world. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) zkva arpee, leon. the armenian awakening; a history of the armenian church, - . chicago: university press, . xi, p. °. znv asgian, g. la chiesa armena e l'arianesimo. (bessarione. roma, - . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- la s. sede e la nazione armena. (bessarione. roma, - . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - , - ; v. , p. - ; serie , v. , p. - , - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - , - .) *oaa aukerian, mëgërdich, vartabed. liagadar vark ev vgayapanoutiun srpots. [vitae sanctorum ecclesiae armeniacae.] venetiis, - . v. °. *ono avedikian, gabriele. see armenian church. bayan, g. see ter israel. blackwell, alice stone. the progress in the armenian church. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk boré, eugène. de l'arménie. de l'action directe et puissante du christianisme sur la société arménienne.... (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa brosset, marie félicité. notice historique sur les couvents arméniens de haghbat et de sanahin. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin scientifique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. v. , col. - .) *qcb ---- notice sur le couvent arménien de kétcharhous, à daratchitchag. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin de la classe historico-philologique. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. ---- sur les couvents arméniens d'haghbat et de sanahin. (imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. bulletin. st. pétersbourg, . f°. tome , col. - .) *qcb reprinted in imperatorskaya akademiya nauk. mélanges asiatiques. st. pétersbourg, . tome , p. - , *oaa. conybeare, frederick cornwallis. see armenian church; also sahak, patriarch. dadian, boghos. l'église d'arménie. déclaration adressée à mgr. sibour, archevêque de paris, relativement aux inculpations qui sont faites à l'église arménienne. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa the day of peril of the armenian church in russia. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - ; v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk de kay, charles. the suppression of a faith. (outlook. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da dowling, theodore edward. the armenian church, by archdeacon dowling.... with an introduction by the lord bishop of salisbury.... london: society for promoting christian knowledge, . xvi, - p., fac., pl., ports. °. znv duchesne, louis marie olivier. l'arménie chrétienne dans l'histoire ecclésiastique d'eusèbe. (in: mélanges nicole. recueil de mémoires de philologie classique.... genève, . °. p. - .) btgp dulaurier, Édouard. histoire dogmes, traditions et liturgie de l'église arménienne orientale avec des notions additionnelles sur l'origine de cette liturgie, les sept sacrements, les observances, la hiérarchie ecclésiastique, les vêtements sacerdotaux et la forme intérieure des églises, chez les arméniens. paris: a. franck, . p.l., vii, - p. . ed. °. znv ---- ---- ouvrage traduit du russe et de l'arménien par Édouard dulaurier. paris: a. durand, . p.l., vii, - p. . ed. °. znv dwight, harrison gray otis. christianity in turkey; a narrative of the protestant reformation in the armenian church. [a review of this book.] (eclectic review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da ---- see also selim iii, sultan of turkey. ebersolt, jean. les anciennes églises d'arménie et l'effort arménien. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ecclesiae armeniacae canones selecti. (in: angelo mai, scriptorum veterum nova collectio. romae, . °. v. . p. - .) �nrd epiphanius of cyprus. ekthesis prôtoklêsiôn patriarchôn te kai mêtropolitôn armenisch und griechisch hrsg. von franz nikolaus finck. marburg: n. g. elwert, . p. °. *onp esteves pereira, francisco maria. see vida de s. gregorio. finck, franz nikolaus. see epiphanius of cyprus; also nilus doxapatrius. fischer, hans. das kloster des hl. thaddäus. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - .) �*oaa fortescue, edward francis knottesford. the armenian church founded by st. gregory the illuminator. being a sketch of the history, liturgy, doctrine, and ceremonies, of this ancient national church. with an appendix by the rev. s. c. malan. london: j. t. hayes [ ]. p., pl. °. znv galanus, clemens.... conciliationis ecclesiae armenae cvm romana ex ipsis armenorvm patrvm et doctorvm testimoniis. in duas partes, historialem & controuersialem diuisæ. romae: typis sacræ congregationis de propaganda fide, - . v. f°. �znv armenian and latin texts. gelzer, heinrich. die anfänge der armenischen kirche. (königlich sächsische gesellschaft der wissenschaften. berichte über die verhandlungen: philol.-hist. classe. leipzig, . °. bd. , p. - .) *ee ---- armenien. (in: j. j. herzog, realencyklopädie für protestantische theologie und kirche.... leipzig, . . ed. °. bd. , p. - .) *r-zeb gregory, g. marcar, translator. see ormanian, malachia. gregory of bysantium, metropolitan of chios. yearnings after unity in the east.... with remarks thereon by george williams. london: rivingtons, . iv, p. °. (eastern church association. occasional paper, no. .) zng hamarod zhamakirk hahasdaneahts sa yegeghetsuoh. [brief breviary.] boston, . p. °. *onp isaacus. see sahak, patriarch. kent, w. h. the ancient church of armenia. (dublin review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da langlois, victor. mémoire sur les archives du catholicosat arménien de sis, en cilicie. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa lapostolest, f. x. see armenian church. lichti, otto. see yeshu' bar shushan. maclean, arthur john. see armenian church. malan, solomon c. see fortescue, edward francis knottesford. mémoire de la mission d'erzeron. (in: lettres édifiantes. lyon, . °. v. , p. - .) kbc missirian, g. m. the national churches of the east. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk reprinted from the boston evening transcript, dec. , . mkhithar of dashir. relation de la conférence tenue entre le docteur mekhithar de daschir, envoyé du catholicos constantin i, et le légat du pape à saint-jean-d'acre, en . (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. monier. lettre du père monier, de la compagnie de jésus, au père fleuriau, de la même compagnie. (in: lettres édifiantes. lyon, . °. v. , p. - .) kbc neale, john mason. a history of the holy eastern church. part . general introduction. london: j. masters, . v. °. znb nerses the graceful, patriarch of armenia. preces sancti nersetis clajensis armeniorum patriarchae viginti quatuor linguis editae. venetiis: in insula s. lazari, . p.l., p., port. °. zhr ---- preces sancti nierses, armeniorum patriarchae, turcice, graece, latine, italice et gallice redditae. venetiis: in insula s. lazari, . p. °. *ono nerses of lambron. extraits de l'ouvrage intitulé réflexions sur les institutions de l'église et explication du mystère de la messe. lettre adressée au roi léon ii. (in: institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens. paris, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��btr armenian text with french translation. nève, félix. l'hymnologie arménienne. (muséon. louvain, . °. v. , p. - .) zaa nilus doxapatrius. taxis tôn patriarchikôn thronôn. armenisch und griechisch hrsg. von franz nikolaus finck. marburg: n. g. elwert, . p.l., p. °. �*onp ormanian, malachia. the armenian church. (armenia. new york, - . °. v. , no. , p. - , no. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - ; v. , p. - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - , - .) �*onk ---- the armenian conversion to christianity. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the church of armenia, her history, doctrine, rule, discipline, liturgy, literature, and existing condition by malachia ormanian, formerly armenian patriarch of constantinople. translated from the french edition by g. marcar gregory ... with an introduction by the right rev. j. e. c. welldon. london: a. r. mowbray & co., ltd. [pref. .] xxxii, p. °. znv ---- l'église arménienne: son histoire, sa doctrine, son régime, sa discipline, sa liturgie, sa littérature, son présent. paris: e. leroux, . p.l., x, p. °. znv ---- unionist tendencies of the armenian church. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk peirce, louise fagan. see peirce, william f., and louise f. peirce. peirce, william f., and louise f. peirce. the armenian church. (the new world. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da proclus, saint, patriarch of constantinople. ein briefwechsel zwischen proklos und sahak. aus dem armenischen übersetzt von p. aristaces vardanian. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa ricaut, paul. the present state of the greek and armenian churches, anno christi, . london: john starkey, . p.l., p. °. znb sahak, patriarch. the armenian canons of st. sahak catholicos of armenia ( - a.d.). [translated by f. c. conybeare.] (american journal of theology. chicago, . °. v. , p. - .) zea ---- isaaci magnæ armeniæ catholici oratio invectiva adversus armenios. (in: andreas gallandius, bibliotheca veterum patrum. venetiis, . f°. v. , p. - .) ��zel ---- narratio de rebus armeniæ. (in: j. p. migne, patrologiæ cursus completus ... series græca. paris, . °. tomus , col. - .) zel ---- sancti patris nostri isaaci magnæ armeniæ catholici, oratio invectiva adversus armenios. (in: j. p. migne, patrologiæ cursus completus ... series græca. paris, . °. tomus , col. - .) zel ---- see also proclus, saint, patriarch of constantinople. samuel, polykarp. see vrthanes kherthol. schreiber, ellis. the armenian church. (american catholic quarterly review. philadelphia, . °. v. , p. - .) *da selim iii, sultan of turkey. translation of an imperial berât issued by sultân selim iii a. h. , appointing the monk hohannes patriarch of all the armenians of turkey, with notes by rev. h. g. o. dwight. (american oriental society. journal. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa serpos, giovanni de. compendio storico di memorie cronologiche concernenti la religione e la morale della nazione armena suddita dell'impero ottomano.... tomo - . venezia: nella stamperia di carlo palese, . v. °. bbx t., a. b. the armenian christmas and new year. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk tchéraz, minas. l'église arménienne, son histoire, ses croyances. (muséon. louvain, . °. tome , p. - .) zaa ter israel. le synaxaire arménien de ter israel publié et traduit par ... g. bayan ... [partie] - . paris: firmin-didot & cie., . °. (patrologia orientalis. tome , fasc. ; tome , fasc. .) �*oac [partie] . mois de navasard. [partie] . mois de hori. ter-mekerttschian, karapet. see timothy, bishop of alexandria. ter-minassiantz, erwand. die armenische kirche in ihren beziehungen zu den syrischen kirchen bis zum ende des . jahrhunderts. nach den armenischen und syrischen quellen bearbeitet von e. ter-minassiantz. leipzig: j. c. hinrichs, . xii, p. °. (texte und untersuchungen zur geschichte der altchristlichen literatur. n. f. bd. , heft .) ze ---- see also timothy, bishop of alexandria. theorianus. theoriani disputatio secunda cum nersete patriarcha generali armeniorum. (in: j. p. migne, patrologiæ cursus completus ... series græca. paris, . °. tomus , col. - .) zel ---- theoriani orthodoxi disputatio cum armeniorum catholico. (in: j. p. migne, patrologiæ cursus completus ... series græca. paris, . °. tomus , col. - .) zel timothy, bishop of alexandria. timotheus Älurus' des patriarchen von alexandrien widerlegung der auf der synode zu chalcedon festgesetzten lehre. armenischer text mit deutschem und armenischem vorwort, zwei tafeln und dreifachem register hrsg. von ... karapet ter-mekerttschian und ... erwand ter-minassiantz. leipzig: j. c. hinrichs, . ix, v-xxxv, p., facs. °. *onp tondini de quarenghi, c. notice sur le calendrier liturgique de la nation arménienne. (bessarione. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - ; serie , v. . p. - .) *oaa tourian, kevork g. the armenian christmas. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk vardanian, aristaces. see proclus, saint, patriarch of constantinople. veyssière de la croze, mathurin. histoire du christianisme d'ethiopie et d'arménie. la haie: veuve le vier & p. paupie, . p.l., p., pl. °. znz vida de s. gregorio, patriarcha da armenia. conversão dos armenios ao christianismo. versão ethiopica publicada por f. m. esteves pereira. [lisboa, .] p. °. *oee villari, luigi. the clergy at etchmiadzin. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. ---- a visit to etchmiadzin. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his fire and sword in the caucasus. vollmer, philipp. the armenian church. (missionary review of the world. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) zkva vrthanes kherthol. die abhandlung "gegen die bilderstürmer." aus dem armenischen übersetzt von p. polykarp samuel. (wiener zeitschrift für die kunde des morgenlandes. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) *oaa williams, george. see gregory of bysantium, metropolitan of chios. williams, william llewelyn. armenia: past and present; a study and a forecast.... with an introduction by t. p. o'connor, m.p. london: p. s. king & son ltd., . xi, p., folded maps. °. bbx ---- the armenian church. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - , - . ---- the armenian church and the schism in christendom. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . ---- the struggle of the armenian church. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . wilson, samuel graham. the armenian church in its relation to the russian government. (north american review. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da yeshu' bar shushan. das sendschreiben des patriarchen barschuschan an den catholicus der armenier. by otto lichti. (american oriental society. journal. new haven, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa young, george. communautés des arméniens grégoriens. [patriarcat arménien catholique.] (in his: corps de droit ottoman. oxford, . °. v. , p. - .) *ogm zavak. armenian church music. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk mechitharists aharonian, avedis. the armenian academy at venice. an impression of the place and of its members. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk ---- a visit to st. lazare. from the armenian. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk aukerian, haroutiun. a brief account of the mechitaristican society founded on the island of st. lazaro. [translated by alexander goode.] venice: armenian academy, . p., pl., port. °. zmtb p. box compendiose notizie sulla congregazione de monaci armeni mechitaristi di venezia. [venezia: tipografia armena di s. lazzaro,] . p., pl. °. *onr cover title: vita del servo di dio mechitar, fondatore dell'ordine de' monaci armeni benedettini detti mechitaristi, venezia, . goode, alexander. see aukerian, haroutiun. kalemkiar, gregoris. eine skizze der literarisch-typographischen thätigkeit der mechitharisten-congregation in wien aus anlass des jährigen regierungs-jubiläums ... kaiser franz joseph i. wien: mechitharisten-congregations-buchdruckerei, . p.l., p. °. *gd langlois, victor. la congrégation mékhitariste et le couvent arménien de saint-lazare de venise. (revue de l'orient, de l'algérie et des colonies. paris, . °. nouvelle série, tome , p. - .) *oaa leist, arthur. die kongregation der mechitaristen. (in his: litterarische skizzen. leipzig [ ]. °. p. - .) *onk armenische bibliothek. no. . mechitharisten-kongregation in wien. huschardzan. festschrift aus anlass des jährigen bestandes der ... kongregation ... ( - ), und des . jahrganges der philologischen monatsschrift "handes amsorya" ( - ). hrsg. von der mechitharisten-kongregation unter mitwirkung der mitarbeiter der monatsschrift und zahlreicher armenisten. wien: mechitharisten-kongregation, . p.l., p., pl., port. f°. ��*onk missions american board of commissioners for foreign missions. historical sketch of the missions ... in european turkey, asia minor and armenia. new york: j. a. gray, . p., l. °. zkvn p.v. barton, james levi. euphrates college. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- what america has done for the armenians. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk conder, josiah. see smith, eli, and h. g. o. dwight. dwight, harrison gray otis. see smith, eli, and h. g. o. dwight. greene, joseph k. leavening the levant. boston: pilgrim press, . xii, p., maps, pl. °. zkvn knapp, grace higley. the mission at van; in turkey in war time, by grace higley knapp, with a chapter by clarence d. ussher, m. d., on the future of the mission at van. new york: privately printed, . p., port. °. btze p.v. national armenian relief committee. brands from the burning. [new york,] n. d. p. °. shs ---- save the remnant. [new york,] n. d. p. °. shs ---- the wards of christendom. [new york,] n. d. p. °. shs pfeiffer, e. die anfänge der protestantischen kirche in armenien - . (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - , - , - .) �*oaa richter, julius. protestant missions in turkey and armenia. (in his: a history of protestant missions in the near east. new york: f. h. revell co. [ .] °. p. - .) zkvi smith, eli, and h. g. o. dwight. missionary researches in armenia: including a journey through asia minor, and into georgia and persia, with a visit to the nestorian and chaldean christians of oormiah and salmas. to which is prefixed, a memoir on the geography and ancient history of armenia, by the author of "the modern traveller" [josiah conder]. london: g. wightman, . lxxii, p., map. °. bby ---- researches of the rev. e. smith and rev. h. g. o. dwight in armenia: including a journey through asia minor, and into georgia and persia, with a visit to the nestorian and chaldean christians of oormiah and salmas. boston: crocker and brewster, . v. °. bby terzian, paul, bishop of tarsus and adana. the church in armenia. (catholic world. new york. . °. v. , p. - .) *da ussher, clarence d. see knapp, grace higley. west, maria a. the romance of missions; or, inside views of life and labor in the land of ararat. with an introduction by mrs. charles.... new york: a. d. f. randolph & co. [cop. .] , p. °. zkvn white, g. e. morning light in asia minor. (missionary review of the world. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) zkva armenian question a., d. g. armianskii vopros v turtsii. (iz perepiski s stambul'skim publitsistom.) (russkaia mysl'. moscow, . °. , no. , [part ,] p. - .) *qca armenian question in turkey. abbott, lyman. the armenian question. [new york: national armenian relief committee,] n. d. p. °. shs apcar, diana agabeg. russian occupation of armenia. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- what the german foreign minister has said. "the powers," the christians of the east, and the turk. russian occupation of armenia. open letter to the right honorable h. h. asquith. yokohama, . broadsides mounted on leaves. °. bbx two of the broadsides are reprinted from the far east, may , and july , ; and one reprinted from the japan gazette, june , . armenia and her claims. memorandum on armenia and her claims to freedom and national independence presented to the democratic mid-europe union by dr. g. pasdermadjian ... and by miran sevasly. part - . (armenian herald. boston, - . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk part . turkish armenia and the armenians in turkey. part . the situation of the armenians, including transcausasia and turkey, prior to the present world war. armenia and the powers: from behind the scenes. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da armenia rediviva. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk the armenian aspirations and revolutionary movements. album, no. . n. p. [ .] l. ob. °. *onk title from cover. title also in turkish, german and french. the armenian question. [signed diplomatist.] (new review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da the armenian question. [signed an eastern statesman.] (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da the armenian question in the house of commons. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - , - .) �*onk the armenian troubles and where the responsibility lies, by a correspondent. new york: [j. j. little & co.,] . p. °. bbh p.v. arpee, leon. armenia and the peace conference. (new armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk barre, andré. l'esclavage blanc (arménie et macédoine). paris: l. michaud [ ]. p. °. (in his: collection d'histoire contemporaine.) gih benjamin, samuel greene wheeler. the armenians and the porte. (atlantic monthly. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da benson, edward frederic. crescent and iron cross. london: hodder and stoughton, . x, p., maps. °. btze ---- ---- new york: george h. doran co. [ .] vii p., l., - p., maps. °. btze bishop, isabella lucy bird. the shadow of the kurd. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *da blunt, wilfrid scawen. turkish misgovernment. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da bowles, thomas gibson. the cyprus convention. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da bratter, c. adolf. die armenische frage. berlin: concordia deutsche verlags-anstalt, g. m. b. h., . p. °. btze p.v. bryce ( . viscount), james bryce. the armenian question. (century. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da ---- die armenische frage in den letzten jahren. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - , - .) �*oaa translated from his transcaucasia and ararat, london, . ---- the future of armenia. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da translated in la voix de l'arménie, année , p. - , *onk. ---- the future of asiatic turkey. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da reprinted in armenia, v. , no. , p. - , jan., , �*onk. ---- transcaucasia and ararat, being notes of a vacation tour in the autumn of . th ed. rev., with a supplementary chapter on the recent history of the armenian question. london: macmillan and co., . xix, p., map, pl. °. psk morton, oliver t. mr. james bryce on the armenian question. (dial. chicago, . °. v. , p. - .) *da buxton, harold. side-lights on the armenian question. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da buxton, noel. the russians in armenia. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da cavendish, lucy c. f., lady. the peril of armenia. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da reprinted in armenia, v. , p. - , �*onk. charmetant, felix. das sterbende armenien und das christliche europa. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - , - .) �*oaa clinch, bryan j. the christians under turkish rule. (american catholic quarterly review. philadelphia, . °. v. , p. - .) *da collet, c. d. the new crusade against the turk. (imperial and asiatic quarterly review. woking, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa contenson, ludovic, baron de. the movement for armenian emancipation. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- la question arménienne. (comité de l'asie française. bulletin mensuel. paris, . °. année , p. - .) �bba ---- les réformes en turquie d'asie; la question arménienne, la question syrienne. paris: plon-nourrit & cie., . p.l., vii, p., map. °. *onq coulon, henri. l'héroïsme des arméniens. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk der-hagopian, nishan. and what of armenia? (forum. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da dicey, edward. nubar pasha and our asian protectorate. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da dillon, emile joseph. armenia: an appeal. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- armenia and the turk. poetic justice. russia's solution of the armenian problem. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- the condition of armenia. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- the fiasco in armenia. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da diplomatische aktenstücke zur armenischen frage. (der christliche orient. westend-berlin, . °. , p. - , - .) �*oaa doumergue, Émile. ce que la suisse a fait pour l'arménie. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk dzotsikian, s. m. haigagank. [the armenians and their national aspirations.] providence, . p.l., p. °. *onp the eastern question. (blackwood's edinburgh magazine. edinburgh, . °. v. , p. - .) *da einstein, lewis david. inside constantinople; a diplomatist's diary during the dardanelles expedition, april-september, , by lewis einstein. london: j. murray, . xvi, p. °. btze engelhardt, Édouard. l'angleterre et la russie à propos de la question arménienne. (revue de droit international et de législation comparée. bruxelles, . °. tome , p. - .) xba ---- l'enquête arménienne. (revue française de l'étranger et des colonies. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa england's policy in turkey. (fortnightly review. london, . . new series, v. , p. - .) *da geffcken, f. heinrich. turkish reforms and armenia. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ghulam-us-saqlain. the mussalmans of india and the armenian question. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da gladstone, william ewart. mr. gladstone on the armenian question. (christian literature. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da gobat, albert. protection of the armenians; appeal to sir edward grey. [yokohama, ?]. broadside mounted. °. bbx repr.: japan gazette, june , . bound with: d. a. apcar, what the german foreign minister has said. grabowsky, adolf. die armenische frage. (zeitschrift für politik. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - .) sea great britain.--foreign office. turkey. , no. . correspondence relative to the armenian question, and reports from her majesty's consular officers in asiatic turkey. london: harrison and sons [ ]. xxiv, p. f°. (great britain.--parliament. sessional papers. , v. .) *sdd gulesian, m. h. england's hand in turkish massacres. (arena. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da harris, walter b. an unbiassed view of the armenian question. (blackwood's edinburgh magazine. edinburgh, . °. v. , p. - .) *da hart, albert bushnell. free armenia. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk havemeyer, john c. the relation of the united states to armenia. an open letter to the president from j. c. havemeyer. [yonkers, .] p. °. bbh p.v. repr.: the new york times. haweis, hugh reginald. a persian on the armenian massacres. (new century review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da herrick, george f. armenians and american interests under russia. (american review of reviews. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da heyfelder, o. die armenier und ihre zukunft. (deutsche rundschau. wien, . °. jahrg. , p. - .) kaa hoberg, otto. die armenische frage und der weltkrieg. (nord und süd. breslau, . °. bd. , p. - .) *df houghton, louise seymour. the armenian uprising. (outlook. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da how to save alive the orphan children of martyrs in armenia. [new york: national armenian relief committee, ?] p. °. bbh p.v. howard, mary. the worst sufferer of the war. what hope is there for the remnants of massacred armenia? (asia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*oaa howerth, ira w., translator. see tchobanian, archag. ismail kemal, bey. armenia and the armenians. (fortnightly review. new york, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da k armianskomu voprosu v turtsii. (sovremennyi mir. petrograd, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca concerning the armenian problem in turkey. kélékian, diran. la turquie et son souverain: la crise actuelle, ses origines, sa solution. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da khalil khalid efendi. the armenian question. (imperial and asiatic quarterly review. woking, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa kovalevski, maksim. armiaiskii vopros. (viestnik evropy. petrograd, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca the armenian question. ---- armianskii vopros. (viestnik evropy. st. petersburg, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca the armenian question. léart, marcel. the history of the armenian question. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- la question arménienne à la lumière des documents. paris: a. challamel, . p., map. °. *onq lecarpentier, g. la nouvelle question d'arménie. (revue des sciences politiques. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) sea leroy-beaulieu, anatole. les arméniens et la question arménienne; conférence faite par m. anatole leroy-beaulieu ... à l'hôtel des sociétés savantes, le juin, . paris: clamaron-graff, . p. °. bbx levine, isaac don. armenia resurrected. (asia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*oaa little, edward campbell. armenia and turkey. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk reprinted from the congressional record, march , . lord rosebery's second thoughts. [signed diplomaticus.] (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da lynch, henry finnis blosse. the armenian question. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - ; v. , p. - , - .) *da ---- the armenian question: europe or russia? (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da mcdermot, george. the great assassin and the christians of armenia. (catholic world. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da macler, frédéric. autour de l'arménie. paris: e. nourry, . p.l., iii-xvi, p., l. °. bbx ---- the beginnings of the armenian movement. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk mahdesian, arshag. armenia, her culture and aspirations. [worcester, mass., .] - p. °. *onq repr.: journal of race development, v. , p. - , qoa. reprinted in new armenia, v. , p. - , - , �*onk. malcolm, james aratoon. an armenian's cry for armenia. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- a cry for armenia. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk mangasarian, m. m. armenia and turkey. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenia's impending doom: our duty. (forum. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da manifestations franco-anglo-italiennes. pour l'arménie et la macédoine: mm. m. berthelot, charmetant.... préface de victor bérard, introduction de pierre quillard, rapport de francis de pressensé. paris: société nouvelle de librairie & d'édition, . p.l., vi-xxx, p. °. bbx marbeau, Édouard. l'arménie et l'opinion publique. (revue française de l'étranger et des colonies. paris, . °. tome , p. - .) kaa meyners d'estrey, guillaume henry jean, comte. caucase et arménie. avenir de la question d'orient. (annales de l'extrême orient. paris, - . °. tome , p. - , - , - , - .) *owb morgan, jacques jean marie de. armenia and europe. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- l'arménie instrument de paix mondiale. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- essai sur les nationalités. paris: berger-levrault, . xi, p., l. °. bbx and btze partie . le problème des nationalités. partie . les arméniens. ---- the fate of the armenians. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- la transcaucasie et l'arménie clés des indes. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk moritz, bernhard. die armenisch-kurdische frage. (grenzboten. berlin, . °. jahrg. , bd. , p. - .) *df mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). europe's duty to armenia. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk murad, bey. la force et la faiblesse de la turquie. les coupables et les innocents. genève: j. mouille, . p. . ed. °. gic p.v. o'connor, thomas power. armenia and her future. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- armenia: united and autonomous. (asia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*oaa o'shea, john j. unhappy armenia. (catholic world. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da our obligations to armenia. (macmillan's magazine. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da pasdermadjian, g. why armenia should be free. armenia's rôle in the present war. (armenian herald. boston, - . °. v. , p. - , - .) *onk the peace congress and the armenian question. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk pears, sir edwin. turkey and the war. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da peterson, theodore. turkey and the armenian crisis. (catholic world. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da pignot, Émile. l'arménie et la question des nationalités. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk pinon, rené. l'arménie et la capitulation maximaliste. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- aux neutres. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- l'avenir de la transcaucasie. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- d'où peut naître une arménie indépendante? (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- l'indépendance de l'arménie. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- un plaidoyer turc sur la question des massacres. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk ---- la résurrection de l'asie occidentale. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk pressensé, francis de. the turks in armenia. (chautauquan. meadville, pa., . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- see also manifestations franco-anglo-italiennes. price, m. philips. the problem of asiatic turkey. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da probyn, john webb. armenia and the lebanon. london: eastern question association [ ?]. p. °. (papers on the eastern question. no. .) bbh p.v. la question arménienne. les massacres d'adana. [signed un ancien diplomate.] (nouvelle revue. paris, . °. série , tome , p. - .) *dm quillard, pierre. see manifestations franco-anglo-italiennes. rafiüddin ahmad. a moslem view of abdul hamid and the powers. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ramsay, sir william mitchell. the armenian atrocities. (christian literature. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da rassam, hormuzd. the armenian difficulty. results of a local enquiry. (imperial and asiatic quarterly review. woking, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- the armenian question. (imperial and asiatic quarterly review. woking, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa robinson, emily j. the case of our ally armenia. (asiatic review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- a new armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the regeneration of armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the truth about armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk rohrbach, paul. aus turan und armenien. studie zur russischen weltpolitik. (preussische jahrbücher. berlin, . °. bd. , p. - , - , - ; bd. , p. - , - , - .) *df ---- a contribution to the armenian question. (forum. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da safir efendi. the armenian agitation. (imperial and asiatic quarterly review. woking, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *oaa safrastian, a. s. the existing position in armenia. (asiatic review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- germany and armenia. (ararat. london, - . °. v. , p. - , - , - , - .) *onk ---- russia and armenia. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk salmoné, h. anthony. the real rulers of turkey. (nineteenth century. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da santini, felice. la questione armena e gli armeni in turchia. (nuova antologia. roma, . °. serie , v. , p. - .) nna scatcherd, f. r. armenia's true interests and sympathies in the great war. (asiatic review. london, . °. series , v. , p. - .) *oaa ---- the armenian question. (asiatic review. london, . °. series , v. , p. - .) *oaa sevasly, miran. the armenian question. (new review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da shahid bey, sadik. islam, turkey and armenia, and how they happened. by sadik shahid bey. turkish mysteries unveiled. [st. louis: c. b. woodward co., cop. .] p., l. °. *onq siebert, wilbur henry. independence for armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the justice of granting autonomy to armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk stein, robert. armenia must have a european governor. (arena. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da stevenson, francis s. armenia. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da stride, w. k. the immediate future of armenia: a suggestion. (forum. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da symonds, arthur g. armenia. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk tchobanian, archag. armenia's loyalty to the allies. (armenian herald. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk ---- the armenian question and europe. [translated from the french by ira w. howerth.] (international monthly. burlington, vt., . °. v. , p. - .) *da reprinted in armenia, v. , no. , p. - , �*onk. thoumaian, g. the hour has struck. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the last chance. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da ---- turkey and armenia. (contemporary review. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da tonapetean, p. russian and british policy towards armenia. (ararat. london, - . °. v. , p. - , - ; v. , p. - , - , - ; v. , p. - .) *onk toynbee, arnold joseph. the position of armenia. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk the two eastern questions. [signed w.] (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da upton, edgar w. can armenia be kept alive as a nation? (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk varandian, mikael. armenia and the armenian question. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- l'arménie et la question arménienne. avec une préface de victor bérard. laval: g. kavanagh et cie. [pref. .] p. °. bbx varaztad, puzant. the armenian question. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk vernes, maurice. l'avenir de l'arménie et de l'asie occidentale. (la voix de l'arménie. paris, . °. année , p. - .) *onk villari, luigi. the anarchy in the caucasus. a new phase of the armenian question. (fortnightly review. london, . °. new series, v. , p. - .) *da vorontzov-dashkov, i. i. iz zapisok. (golos minuvshago. moscow, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca memoirs. watson, william. the purple east. a series of sonnets on england's desertion of armenia. london: john lane, . p., pl. . ed. °. ncm ---- ---- chicago: stone & kimball, . p. °. ncm wheeler, everett pepperrell. armenian independence. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk williams, aneurin. armenia: is it the end? (contemporary review. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) *da williams, william llewelyn. armenian aspirations. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . ---- the modern problem. (new armenia. new york, . f°. v. , p. - .) �*onk reprinted from his armenia: past and present, p. - . zarzecki, s. la question kurdo-arménienne. (revue de paris. paris, . °. , v. , p. - .) *dm armenians in other countries avdyeyev. armiane v avstro-vengrii. (kavkazskii viestnik. tiflis, . °. , no. , [part ,] p. - ; no. , [part ,] p. - .) *qca the armenians in austria and hungary. ---- armiane v rumynii. (kavkazskii viestnik. tiflis, . °. , no. , [part ,] p. - .) *qca the armenians in rumania. bedikian, dikran m. the armenian-american and the question of immigration. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. - , p. - .) �*onk bent, j. theodore. notes on the armenians in asia minor. (manchester geographical society. journal. manchester, . °. v. , p. - .) kaa berberov, r. i. polozhenie armian v rossii. (russkaia mysl'. moscow, . °. , no. , [part ,] p. - .) *qca the position of the armenians in russia. bischoff, ferdinand. urkunden zur geschichte der armenier in lemberg. hrsg. von ferdinand bischoff. (archiv für kunde österreichischer geschichts-quellen. wien, . °. bd. , p. - .) faa cons, emma. armenian exiles in cyprus. (contemporary review. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *da contenson, ludovic de. les arméniens du caucase. (correspondant. paris, . °. nouvelle série, v. , p. - .) *dm goehlert, vinzent. die armenier in europa und insbesondere in oesterreich-ungarn. (ausland. stuttgart, . °. v. , p. - .) �kaa gulesian, m. h. the armenian refugees. (arena. boston, . °. v. , p. - .) *da khakhanof, alexandre. la situation des arméniens dans le royaume de géorgie. (journal asiatique. paris, . °. série , v. , p. - .) *oaa marshall, annie c. the armenians in america. (armenia. boston, . °. v. , no. , p. - .) �*onk ---- a visit to the armenian church and to ter-maroukian's studio at paris. (armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). americahai daretsoitse, . [armeno-american year-book, .] boston, [ ]. , p. °. *onk ---- manchestry hai kaghoutu. [the armenian colony in manchester, england.] boston, . , p., l., pl. °. *onr ob armianakh, starinnykh poselentsakh pol'shi. (viestnik evropy. moscow, . °. , no. - , p. - .) *qca the armenians in poland. pavlovich, m. rossiia i armianskii narod. (sovremennik. st. petersburg, . °. , no. , p. - .) *qca russia and the armenian people. pisemski, a. astrakhanskie armiane. pz putevykh zapisok. p. (biblioteka dlia chteniia. st. petersburg, . °. , v. .) *qca the armenians of astrakhan. sazonov, a. n. nieskol'ko tsyfr ob armianakh na kavkazie. (russkaia mysl'. moscow, . °. , no. , [part ,] p. - ; no. , [part ,] p. - .) *qca statistics of the armenians in the caucasus. seropian, mouchek. see mouchek yebiscobos (seropian). seth, mesrovb j. history of the armenians in india, from the earliest times to the present day. london: luzac & co., . xxii p., l., p., fac. °. *onr tchobanian, archag. la france et le peuple arménien. paris: imprimerie berger-levrault, . p. °. *onr thoumaian, g. the armenians in egypt. (new armenia. new york, . °. v. , p. - .) �*onk ---- the armenians in india. (ararat. london, . °. v. , p. - .) *onk index a a., d. g. armyanski vopros v turtzii, . abaza, v. a. istoriya armenii, . abbott, k. e. notes of tour in armenia, . abbott, lyman. armenian question, . abbruzzese, antonio: le relazioni fra l'impero romano e l'armenia, a tempo di augusto, . le relazioni fra l'impero romano e l'armenia a tempo di tiberio, . le relazioni politiche fra l'impero romano e l'armenia da claudio a traiano, . abdullah, séraphin. vérification d'une date, . abdullah, séraphin, and f. macler. Études sur la miniature arménienne, . abich, hermann: der ararat, . die besteigung des ararat, . ein cyclus fundamental barometrischer höhenbestimmungen auf dem armenischen hochlande, . die fulguriten im andesit des kleinen ararat, . geologische skizzen aus transkaukasien, . hauteurs absolues du système de l'ararat, . [observations sur le mont ararat], . sur les ruines d'ani, . Über die lage der schneegränze und die gletscher der gegenwart im kaukasus, . ueber das steinsalz und seine geologische stellung im russischen armenien, . vergleichende chemische untersuchungen der wasser des caspischen meeres, . vergleichende grundzüge der geologie des kaukasus wie der armenischen und nordpersischen gebirge, . zur geologie des südöstlichen kaukasus, . abuhaiatian, hagop. pastor hagop abuhaiatian von urfa, . acogh'ig de daron, Étienne. histoire universelle, . adadourian, haig. armenian coat of arms, . adana massacres, . adger, j. b. my life and times, . adjarian, h.: classification des dialectes arméniens, . lautlehre des van-dialekts, . s. mesropi ev krerou kiudi badmoutian aghpiurnern ou anonts knnoutiunu, . adontz, n. armeniya v epokhu yustiniana, . aganoon, a. i. dissertation on antiquity of armenian language, . agathangelos: agathange. histoire du règne de tiridate, . agathangelus neu hrsg. von p. de lagarde, . badmoutiun, . agop, joannes: grammatica latina, armenice explicata, . puritas haygica, . puritas linguæ armenicæ, . aharonian, avedis: armenian academy at venice, . armenische erzählungen, . guteton da lakto, . honor, . materi; razskazy, . mother armenia, . vers la liberté, . visit to st. lazare, . ainsworth, w. f. travels and researches in asia minor, . ajcatur. armena fabelo, . akulian, aram. einverleibung armenischer territorien durch byzanz im xi. jahrhundert, . alaux, l. p. armenian schools, . alelouia yerousaghem, . alishanian, gheuont: armenian popular songs, . deux descriptions arméniennes des lieux saints de palestine, . the lily of shavarshan, . sissouan, . table bibliographique, . topographie de la grande arménie, . zartangark avedarani mlké takouhuoh, . allen, t. g., and w. l. sachtleben. across asia, . alphabetum armenum, . american armenian relief fund. cry of armenia, . american board of commissioners for foreign missions. historical sketch of missions ... in asia minor and armenia, . american committee for armenian and syrian relief: more material for sermon on bible lands, . national test of brotherhood, . american sacred songs, . amfiteatrov, a. v. armeniya i rim, . anderson, antony. hovsep pushman, . anderson, william. notes on geography, . andreasian, dikran. comment un drapeau sauva quatre mille arméniens, . apcar, d. a.: betrayed armenia, . in his name, . on cross of europe's imperialism, armenia crucified, . peace and no peace, . peace problem, . russian occupation of armenia, . truth about armenian massacres, . turkish constitution and armenia, . what german foreign minister has said, . apellian, aleksandir. boedi yrazi, . aptowitzer, v.: beiträge zur mosaischen rezeption im armenischen recht, . zur geschichte des armenischen rechtes, . arachin tasakirk mangants, . arakélian, hambartzoum: contes et nouvelles, . les rapports des arméniens avec l'occident, . ararat, . der ararat, . archaeologische, bemerkungen über armenien, . argyll ( . duke), g. d. campbell. our responsibilities for turkey, . arisdaguès de lasdiverd. histoire d'arménie, . armenia. letter from duke of argyll, &c., . armenia and her claims, . armenia and powers, . armenia rediviva, . armenian aspirations and revolutionary movements, . armenian church: garkavorootun hasaragatz aghotitz, . liturgia armena trasportata in italiano, . liturgie de la messe arménienne, . rituale armenorum, . armenian deportations, . armenian documents, . armenian herald, . armenian huntchakist party.--central committee. memorial, . armenian literature, . armenian massacre, . armenian people and ottoman government, . armenian poems, . armenian question, . armenian question in house of commons, . armenian relief association. bulletin, . armenian troubles, . armenians, . armenians and eastern question, . armenians taking stock of their national church, . armenische bibliothek, . die armenischen unruhen, . l'armeno-veneto, . arnot, robert. armenian literature, . arpee, leon: armenia and peace conference, . armenian awakening, . arzanov, d.: istoricheski vzglyad na armeniyu i georgiyu, . zamyechaniya ob armenii i armyanakh, . arzruni, andreas. reise nach süd-kaukasien, . asbarez, . asgian, g.: la chiesa armena e l'arianesimo, . la s. sede e la nazione armena, . aslan, kévork. Études historiques sur le peuple arménien, . assassination of armenia, . assises d'antioche, . les atrocités en arménie, . aucher, g. bollettino: armeno, . augustin badjétsi. itinéraire, . aukerian, haroutiun: brief account of mechitaristican society, . dictionary english and armenian, . dictionnaire abrégé français-arménien, . grammar armenian and english, . grammar english and armenian, . aukerian, haroutiun, and g. g. n. byron, . baron byron. grammar, armenian and english, . aukerian, mëgërdich, vartabed. liagadar vark ev vgayapanoutiun srpots, . avakian, hovhannes, and bedros hovnanian, editors. koharnir hai kraganoutian, . avdyeyev: armyane v avstro-vengrii, . armyane v rumynii, . avedikian, gabriele, khatchadroh surmelian and mëgërdich aukerian. nor parkirk haigasyian lezui, . avidaranian, h., translator. jarakaitk arevelian, . avtaliantz, john, baron: authors of armenian grammars, . covenant of ali, . memoir of hindu colony in ancient armenia, . memoir of life and writings of st. nierses clajensis, . note on origin of armenian era, . on invention of armenian alphabet, . on laws and law-books of armenians, . short memoir of mechithar ghosh, . singular narrative of armenian king arsaces, . ayvazian hovhannes, . azad, . azhderian, antranig. turk and land of haig, . azk, . b b., e. armenian wedding, . bachmann, walter. kirchen und moscheen in armenien, . baker, g. p. ascent of ararat, . banaser, . banks, e. j. to summit of mount ararat, . banse, ewald. die türkei, . barby, henry. au pays de l'épouvante, l'arménie martyre, . barkley, h. c. ride through asia minor and armenia, . baronian, h. h. maitre balthasar, . barre, andré. l'esclavage blanc (arménie et macédoine), . barrès, maurice. tigran yergat, . barrileah, a. h. ara keghetsig badmagan vibasanoutiun, . barton, j. l.: armenian qualifications for success, . daybreak in turkey, . euphrates college, . what america has done for armenians, . who are armenians? . basil. oraison funèbre de baudouin, . basmadjian, k. j.: armenia, home of grecian architecture, . histoire moderne des arméniens, . léon vi, . les livres de médecine chez les arméniens, . les lusignans, . note on van inscriptions, . une nouvelle inscription arméniaque, . une nouvelle inscription vannique, . la plus ancienne inscription arménienne, . la presse arménienne, . quelles étaient les frontières de l'arménie ancienne?, . quelques observations sur l'inscription de kelischin, . souvenir d'ani. . la stèle de zouarthnotz, . survey of ancient armenian history, . baumgartner, adolf. ueber das buch "die chrie," . baumstark, anton. die christlichen literaturen des orients, . bayan, g. armenian proverbs, . baynes, n. h. rome and armenia, . bedickian, s. v. how armenians keep new year and christmas, . bedikian, d. m. armenian-american and question of immigration, . bedrossian, matthias. new dictionary armenian-english, . belck, waldemar: archäologische forschungen in armenien, . armenien im altertum, . armenische expedition, . aus den berichten über die armenische expedition, . beiträge zur alten geographie, . eine in russisch-armenien neu aufgefundene, wichtige chaldische inschrift, . die keil-inschriften in der tigris-quellgrotte, . die kelischin-stele, . mittheilungen über armenische streitfragen, . das reich der mannäer, . die rusas-stele von topsanä, . die steleninschrift rusas' ii, . untersuchungen und reisen in transkaukasien, . belck, waldemar, and f. f. k. lehmann-haupt: bericht über die armenische forschungsreise, . bericht über eine forschungsreise durch armenien, . chaldische forschungen, . inuspuas, sohn des menuas, . mittheilung über weitere ergebnisse ihrer studien an den neugefundenen armenischen keilinschriften, . ein neuer herrscher von chaldia, . reisebriefe von der armenischen expedition, . Über die kelishin-stelen, . ueber neuerlich aufgefundene keilinschriften in russisch und türkisch armenien, . vorläufiger bericht über die im jahre erzielten ergebnisse einer forschungsreise durch armenien, . weiterer bericht über die armenische expedition, . zu jensen's bemerkungen betreffs der sitze der chalder, . zweiter vorbericht über eine forschungsreise in armenien, . belin, f. a. extrait du journal d'un voyage de paris à erzeroum, . bell, m. s. around and about armenia, . bellaud. essai sur la langue arménienne, . benjamin, s. g. w. armenians and porte, . benoit, lucien. les massacres d'adana, . benson, e. f. crescent and iron cross, . bent, j. t.: notes on armenians in asia minor, . travels amongst armenians, . berberov, r.: die armenier, . polozheniye armyan v rossii, . bertin, george. abridged grammars of languages of cuneiform inscriptions, . beshgeturian, azniv. arachnort anklierin lezvin, . beshigtashlian, mëgërdich. kertouadzner ou jarer, . bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis, . bibliothèque nationale, paris. catalogue des manuscrits arméniens, . bicknell, e. p. red cross and red crescent, . bierbaum, p. w. streifzüge im kaukasus und in hocharmenien, . binder, henry. au kurdistan, . bischoff, ferdinand: das alte recht der armenier in lemberg, . urkunden zur geschichte der armenier in lemberg, . bishop, i. l. b. shadow of kurd, . bittner, maximilian. der vom himmel gefallene brief christi, . black, g. f. gypsies of armenia, . blackwell, a. s.: armenian poems, . armenian poet: siamanto, . armenian virtues, . battle of avarair, . bibliography, . progress in armenian church, . blau, otto: ueber-karta, -kerta in ortsnamen, . vom urumia-see nach dem van-see, . bliss, e. m.: armenia, . turkey and armenian atrocities, . turkey and armenian atrocities; a reign of terror, . bluhm, julius. routen im türkischen armenien, . blunt, w. s. turkish misgovernment, . bodleian library, oxford university. catalogue of armenian mss., . bogdanov, artemy. memoirs of life of artemi, . bolton, h. c. armenian folklore, . bonney, t. g. notes on some rocks from ararat, . boré, eugène: arménie, . de l'arménie, . Élégie sur la prise de constantinople, . bourgeois, h. la grammaire arménienne de denis de thrace, . bowles, t. g. cyprus convention, . boyajian, z. c.: armenian legends and poems, , . raffi, . brant, james: journey through part of armenia, . notes of journey through part of kurdistan, . bratter, c. a. die armenische frage, . bresnitz von sydacoff, p. f. abdul hamid und die christenverfolgungen in der türkei, . brézol, georges. les turcs ont passé la, . british museum.--department of oriental printed books and mss. catalogue of armenian mss., . brockelmann, karl: ein assyrisches lehnwort im armenischen, . die griechischen fremdwörter im armenischen, . ein syrischer text in armenischer umschrift, . brockelmann, karl, and others. geschichte des christlichen litteraturen des orients, . brosset, m. f.: activité littéraire des géorgiens et des arméniens, . analyse critique de la vseobshchaya istoriya de vardan, . de quelques inscriptions arméniennes, . des historiens arméniens, . détails sur le droit public arménien, . Études sur l'historien arménien mkhithar, . Études sur l'historien arménien oukhtanès, . examen critique de quelques passages de la description de la grande-arménie, . examen d'un passage de l'historien arménien oukhtanès, . explication de diverses inscriptions géorgiennes, arméniennes et grecques, . extrait du manuscrit arménien ... relatif au calendrier géorgien, . listes chronologiques des princes et métropolites de la siounie, . monographie des monnaies arméniennes, . note sur les inscriptions arméniennes de bolghari, . note sur le village arménien d'acorhi, . notice historique sur les couvents arméniens de haghbat et de sanahin, . notice des manuscrits arméniens, . notice sur le couvent arménien de kétcharhous, . notice sur le diacre arménien zakaria ghabonts, . notice sur edchmiadzin, . notice sur l'historien arménien thoma ardzrouni, . notice sur un manuscrit arménien, . notice sur la plus ancienne inscription arménienne connue, . le prétendu masque de fer arménien, . projet d'une collection d'historiens arméniens inédits, . rapport sur diverses inscriptions, . rapport ... sur un manuscrit arménien, . rapport sur la de partie du voyage du p. sargis dchalaliants, . rapports sur un voyage archéologique dans la géorgie et dans l'arménie, . revue de la littérature historique de l'arménie, . samouel d'ani, . sur les couvents arméniens d'haghbat et de sanahin, . sur deux rédactions arméniennes ... de la légende des saints baralam-varlaam et ioasaph-iosaphat, . sur l'histoire ancienne de l'arménie, . sur l'histoire composée ... par thoma ardzrouni, . variétés arméniennes, . brosset, m. f., and p. a. jaubert. description des principaux fleuves de la grande-arménie, . brosset, m. f., and e. kunik. notice sur deux inscriptions cunéiformes, . broussali, jean. l'arménie, . browne, j. g. tartars and armenians, . brunhes, jean. le rôle ancien de l'arménie, . bryce ( . viscount), james bryce: armenian massacres, . armenian question, . die armenische frage, . ascent of ararat, . future of armenia, . future of asiatic turkey, . on armenia, . transcaucasia and ararat, , . budushcheye ustroistvo armenii, . bugge, sophus: beiträge zur etymologischen erläuterung der armenischen sprache, . etruskisch und armenisch, . buhse. vorläufiger botanischer bericht über meine reise durch einen theil armeniens, . bunyan, john. krisdianosin ou krisdinein jamportoutiuni, . burchardi, gustav: raffi, . der zweifel und das böse, . burgin, g. b. armenian at home, . buss, kate. archag tchobanian, . buxton, harold. side-lights on armenian question, . buxton, noel. russians in armenia, . buxton, noel, and harold buxton. travel and politics in armenia, , . byron ( . baron), g. g. n. byron. lord byron's armenian exercises and poetry, . c c., e. armenian folk songs, . calfa, ambroise. dictionnaire arménien-français, . calfa, corène. arschag ii, . cappelletti, giuseppe. l'armenia, . carlier, Émilie: au milieu des massacres, . en arménie, . carrière, auguste: inscriptions d'un reliquaire arménien, . la légende d'abgar, . la rose d'or, . un version arménienne de l'histoire d'asséneth, . cavendish, l. c. f., lady. peril of armenia, . cayol, henri. littérature arménienne, . chahan de cirbied, jacques: détails sur la situation actuelle du royaume de perse, . grammaire de la langue arménienne, . mémoire sur le gouvernement ... des anciens arméniens, . chakijian, ephrem. badmoutiun hahots, . chakmakjian, h. h.: armenia's place, . armeno-american letter writer, . badmoutiun hahots, . chalatianz, bagrat. die armenische literatur des . jahrhunderts, . chambers, l. p. massacre of armenia, . chamchian, michael: badmoutiun hahots, . history of armenia, . chanazarian, g. v. la littérature arménienne, . chant populaire sur la captivité de léon, . chantre, b. a travers l'arménie russe, . chantre, ernest: l'ararat, . les arméniens, . de beyrouth à tiflis, . mission scientifique dans la haute mésopotamie, . premiers aperçus sur les peuples de l'arménie russe, . rapport sur une mission scientifique dans l'asie 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curtis, w. e. around black sea, . d dadian, boghos. l'église d'arménie, . dadian, m. b. la société arménienne contemporaine, . daghbaschean, h. gründung des bagratidenreiches, . dale, darley. armenia and armenians, . dalyell, r. a. o. earthquake of erzerûm, . damadian, mihran: furfurcar, . ramgavaroutiun, . damas, andré de. coup d'oeil sur l'arménie, . dan, demeter. glaube und gebräuche der armenier bei der geburt, hochzeit und beerdigung, . dante alighieri. asdouadzahin gadagirkoutiun, . dashian, hagopos, vartabed: vartabedutune arakelotz anvaveragan ganonatz madiane, . zur abgar-sage, . davey, richard: sultan and his subjects, . turkey and armenia, . davoud zadour de melik schahnazar. notices sur l'état actuel de la perse, en persan, en arménien et en français, . day of peril of armenian church, . de kay, charles. suppression of faith, . delatre, louis. place de l'arménien parmi les langues indo-européennes, . denis of thrace. grammaire ... en grec, en arménien et en français, . 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Élégie sur les malheurs de l'arménie, . gauthiot, robert. note sur l'accent secondaire en arménien, . geffcken, f. h. turkish reforms and armenia, . gégharvest, , . gelzer, heinrich: die anfänge der armenischen kirche, . armenien, . zur armenischen götterlehre, . georgius, pisida. vetsoreahk keorkah bisiteah, . germany, turkey, and armenia, . ghambashidze, d. georgia and armenia as allies, . ghazarian, mkrtitsch. armenien unter der arabischen herrschaft, . ghévont, vartabed. histoire des guerres et des conquêtes des arabes en arménie, . ghisleri, arcangelo. l'armenia e gli armeni, . ghulam-us-saqlain. mussalmans of india and armenian question, . gibbons, h. a.: blackest page of modern history, . 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"vor megoun yedeven," . harris, j. r. notes from armenia, . harris, j. r., and h. b. harris: briefe von schauplatz der letzten massacres in armenien, . letters from scenes of recent massacres, . harris, w. b. unbiassed view of armenian question, . hart, a. b. free armenia, . hauff, wilhelm. badouoh yediuen gam likhtunshtain, . havemeyer, j. c. relation of united states to armenia, . haweis, h. r. persian on armenian massacres, . hayrig, chrimian. soldier's lament, . henderson, b. w. chronology of wars in armenia, . henry, j. d. baku, . hepworth, g. h. through armenia, . herold, a. f. l'amitié de la france et de l'arménie, . herrick, g. f. armenians and american interests under russia, . hethoum, prince of gorigos: chronographie, . histoire orientale, . historia orientalis, . historie of ayton, . relation de hayton, . table chronologique, . hethoum ii, king of armenia. poëme, . heyfelder, o. die armenier und ihre zukunft, . hin havadk gam hetanosagan gronk hahots, . hincks, edward. on inscriptions at van, . histoire de pharmani asman, . hittite--armenian? . hoberg, otto. die armenische frage und der weltkrieg, . hodgetts, e. a. b. round about armenia, . hoffmeister, e. von. durch armenien, . holynski, a. j. j. nubar pacha devant l'histoire, . homer. iliagan, . hommaire de hell, adèle. les arméniennes à constantinople, . horace. arvésd kertoghagan, . houghton, l. s. armenian uprising, . how to save alive orphan children of martyrs, . howard, mary. worst sufferer of war, . howard. w. w. horrors of armenia. . howel, thomas. journal of passage from india ... through armenia, . hrasdan, saven. sind die armenier kriegerischen geistes bar? . hubboff, prince. genealogical catalogue of kings of armenia, . huebschmann, heinrich: die altarmenischen ortsnamen, . armeniaca, - . armenische grammatik, . iranisch-armenische namen auf karta, kert, gird, . die semitischen lehnwörter im altarmenischen, . ueber aussprache und umschreibung des altarmenischen, . ueber die stellung des armenischen im kreise der indogermanischen sprachen, . huet g. les contes populaires d'arménie, . hughes, t. mck. notes on some volcanic phenomena in armenia, . hugo, victor. innsoun yerek, . huntington, ellsworth: mittheilungen aus englischen briefen ... über armenische alterthümer, . through great cañon of euphrates river, . weitere berichte über forschungen in armenien, . hyvernat, henry. armenia, . i imprimerie arménienne de saint-lazare: catalogue des livres, . tzoutzag krots, . in türkisch-armenien, . ingersoll, r. g. inch e gronu, . injijian, ghougas: description du bosphore, . hnakhosoutiun, , . nachrichten über den thrazischen bosporus, . villeggiature de' bizantini sul bosforo, . institut de france.--académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. recueil des historiens des croisades. documents arméniens, . international bible students association. scenario of photo-drama of creation, . irenaeus, bishop of lyons: armenische irenaeusfragmente, . des heiligen irenäus schrift zum erweise der apostolischen verkündigung, . isaverdentz, hagopos: easy method of learning english, . histoire de l'arménie, . ischchanian, b. die armenische bevölkerung in der türkei. . ismail kemal, bey. armenia and armenians, . j jaubert, p. a. voyage en arménie, . jean vi, patriarch of armenia. histoire d'arménie, . jean ouosk'herdjan. mémoire, . jenkins, h. d. armenia and armenians, . jensen, peter: hittiter und armenier. . die hittitisch-armenische inschrift, . die sitze der "urarto-chalder" zur zeit tiglatpileser's i, . joannissiany, abgar: armenische sprichwörter, . sprichwörter, . johansson, k. f. om de nyaste upptäckterna i armenien, . john of crimea. description des monastères arméniens d'haghbat, . junker, heinrich. zur flexion der altarmenischen demonstrativa, . k k armyanskomu voprosu v turtzii, . kachouni, m. v.: arouisdapanoutiun gam shdimaran kidiliats, . bardizbanoutiun, . bdghapanoutiun, . gatnapanoutiun, . meghouapoudzoutiun, . kachouni, manouele. hnakhosoutiun hahasdani, , . kalemkiar, gregoris: die siebente vision daniels, . eine skizze der literarisch-typographischen thätigkeit der mechitharisten-congregation in wien, , . kalenderian, v. h. armenians as soldiers, . karamianz, n.: einundzwanzig buchstaben eines verlorenen alphabets, . verzeichniss der armenischen handschriften der königlichen bibliothek, . karekin, paul. bibliographie arménienne, . karst, josef: armenisches rechtsbuch, . aussprache und vokalismus des kilikisch-armenischen, . beruehrungspunkte in der pluralbildung, . historische grammatik des kilikisch-armenischen, . das trilingue medizinalglossar aus ms., , . kassabian, dr. mihran k., . katchoony, h. to martyrs of adana, . kélékian, diran. la turquie et son souverain, . kennedy, j. indians in armenia. . kent, w. h. ancient church of armenia, . keworkian, komitas. armeniens volkstümliche reigentänze, . key of truth, . khakhanof, alexandre. la situation des arméniens dans le royaume de géorgie, . khalathianz, bagrat: die armenische heldensage, . ueber den ursprung der armenischen fürstentümer, . der ursprung der armenischen fürstentümer, . khalathianz, g. a.: armyanskii epos v istorii armenii moiseya khorenskago, . fragmente iranischer sagen, . märchen und sagen, . nachalo kriticheskavo izucheniya istorii armenii moiseya khorenskago, . 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"chaldisch" und "armenisch," . chaldische nova, . die einwanderung der armenier, . entgegnung auf hrn. belck's einsendung "über die keil-inschriften der tigris-grotte," . materialien zur älteren geschichte armeniens, . eine neue ausgabe der auf russischem gebiet gefundenen chaldischen keilinschriften, . neugefundene menuas-inschriften, . die neugefundene steleninschrift rusas' ii, . religionsgeschichtliches aus kaukasien und armenien, , . ein schlusswort, . der tigris-tunnel, . von der deutschen armenischen expedition, . vorschläge zur sammlung der lebenden armenischen dialekte, . weiterer bericht über den fortgang der armenischen expedition, . zwei unveröffentlichte chaldische inschriften, . zwei unveröffentlichte keilschrifttexte, . leist, arthur: gabriel sundukianz, . die kongregation der mechitaristen, . litterarische skizzen, . mkrtitsch beschiktaschlian, . pater leo alischan, . raphael patkanian, . lenormant, françois. sur l'ethnographie et l'histoire de l'arménie, . léon iii, king of armenia. décret ou privilège ... en faveur des génois, . léon vi, king of armenia. 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Étude sur thomas de medzoph, . exposé des guerres de tamerlan et de schah-rokh, . l'hymnologie arménienne, . new armenia, . niepage, martin. horrors of aleppo, . nilus doxapatrius. taxiz ton patriarchikon thronon, . nolde, eduard, baron. reise nach innerarabien, kurdistan und armenien, . norman, c. b. armenia, . notice de la ville d'Érivan, . o ob armyanakh, starinnykh poselentzakh polshi, . o'connor, t. p.: armenia and her future, . armenia: united and autonomous, . ohanian, armene. en arménie, . ormanian, malachia: armenian church, . armenian conversion to christianity, . church of armenia, . l'église arménienne, . unionist tendencies of armenian church, . o'shea, j. g. unhappy armenia, . oswald, felix: armenien, . zur tektonischen entwicklungsgeschichte des armenischen hochlandes, . our obligations to armenia, . p palgrave, w. g. eastern christians, . papazian, b. s. tragedy of armenia, . parechanian, h. k. tirahauad khilkin hauadatsial ullalou jampan, . parrot, friedrich. journey to ararat, . pasdermadjian, g. why armenia should be free, . patkanian, raphael: cradle song, . drei erzählungen, . woe of araxes, . patkanov, k. p.: armyanskaya geografiya vii vyeka po r. kh. pripysyvavshayasya moiseyu khorenskomu, . bibliograficheski ocherk armyanskoi istoricheskoi literatury, . catalogue de la littérature arménienne, . de quelques inscriptions de van, . essai d'une histoire de la dynastie des sassanides, . recherches sur la formation de la langue arménienne, . sur l'écriture cunéiforme arméniaque, . ueber die stellung der armenischen sprache im kreise der indo-europäischen, . patkanov, k. p., and a. h. sayce. de quelques nouvelles inscriptions cunéiformes, . paton, w. r. critical notes on plato's laws, . patrubány, l. von. zur armenischen wortforschung, . pavlovitch, michel: rossiya i armyanski narod, . la russie et les arméniens, . payson, edward. hokeshah mdadzoutiunk, . peace congress and armenian question, . pears, sir edwin: turkey and its people, . turkey and war, . pedersen, holger: armenisch und die nachbarsprachen, . les pronoms démonstratifs de l'ancien arménien, . zur armenischen sprachgeschichte, . peirce, w. f., and l. f. peirce. armenian church, . petermann, j. h.: beiträge zu der geschichte der kreuzzüge, . brevis linguae armeniacae grammatica, . grammatica linguae armeniacae, litteratura armeniaca, . ueber den dialect der armenier von tiflis, . ueber einige neuere erscheinungen der armenischen litteratur, . ueber die musik der armenier, . ueber das verhältniss der armenischen uebersetzung der briefe des ignatius, . peterson, theodore. turkey and armenian crisis, . peterson, wilhelm. aus transkaukasien und armenien, . petite bibliothèque arménienne, . pfeiffer, e. die anfänge der protestantischen kirche in armenien, . photios. der brief des photios an aschot, . pichard, c. e. essai sur moïse de khoren, . pichon, jules. itinéraire de djoulfa à roudout-kalé, . pignot, Émile. l'arménie et la question des nationalités, . pilibbosian, h. m. kordznagan aroghzapanoutiun, . pinon, rené: l'arménie et la capitulation maximaliste, . aux neutres, . l'avenir de la transcaucasie, . d'où peut naître une arménie indépendante? . l'indépendance de l'arménie, . un plaidoyer turc sur la question des massacres, . la résurrection de l'asie occidentale, . la suppression des arméniens, . pisemski, a. astrakhanskiye armyane, . pisma iz armenii, . pitton de tournefort, joseph. relation d'un voyage du levant, . pocket dictionary of english, armenian, and turkish languages, . political papers, . porter, r. k. travels in georgia, persia, armenia, . portoukalian, m. armenian girl, . powers, h. g. in armenian villages, . pratt, a. t. on armeno-turkish alphabet, . pressensé, f. de. turks in armenia, . price, m. p.: journey through turkish armenia, . problem of asiatic turkey, . war & revolution in asiatic russia, . probyn, j. w. armenia and lebanon, . proclus, saint, patriarch of constantinople. ein briefwechsel zwischen proklos und sahak, . proschianz, pertsch. sako, . q la question arménienne, . quillard, pierre: l'extermination d'une race, . les nouveaux massacres, . r radde, gustav: briefe von g. radde über seine bereisung von hoch-armenien, . die ebene des oberen frat, . karabagh, . vier vorträge über den kaukasus, . raffi: bilder aus persien und türkisch-armenien, . dzhalaleddin, . jelaleddin, . khent, . lake of van, . schön-vartig, . raffi, aram: armenia: its epics, folksongs and mediaeval poetry, . armenian nation, . armenians and persia, . english and armenians, . from london to armenia, . land of armenia, . raffi commemoration, . rafiüddin ahmad. moslem view of abdul hamid and powers, . ramsay, sir w. m.: armenian atrocities, . two massacres in asia minor, . rassam, hormuzd: armenian difficulty, . armenian question, . asshur, . rawlinson, george: parthia, . sixth great oriental monarchy, - . story of parthia, . raynolds, g. c. thrilling experiences in van, . reclus, Élisée. asiatic turkey, . red cross, united states.--american national red cross. report, . reinach, théodore. mithridate eupator, . reisen im armenischen hochland, . reisen in hoch-armenien, . rey, f. c. les périples des côtes de syrie, . ricaut, paul. present state of greek and armenian churches, . richardson, e. c. armenia, . richter, julius. protestant missions in turkey and armenia, . riggs, elias: brief grammar of modern armenian language, . inverted construction of modern armenian, . rikli, martin. natur- und kulturbilder aus den kaukasusländern und hocharmenien, . riseis, g. de. traverso l'armenia russa, . ritter, karl. die erdkunde im verhältniss zur natur und zur geschichte des menschen, . robert, l. de. Étude philologique sur les inscriptions cunéiformes de l'arménie, . robert, ulysse. la chronique d'arménie, . roberts, chalmers. mother of martyrs, . robinson, e. j.: armenia and armenians, . case of our ally armenia, . new armenia, . regeneration of armenia, . truth about armenia, , . rockwell, w. w.: armenia. list of books, . deportation of armenians, . roesler, emil, and w. belck. archäologische thätigkeit im jahre in transkaukasien, . rohrbach, paul: armenier und kurden, . aus turan und armenien, . contribution to armenian question, . deutschland unter den armeniern, . vom kaukasus zum mittelmeer, . rolin-jacquemyns, gustave: actual position of armenia, . armenia, armenians and treaties, . armenia under treaty of paris, . l'arménie, les arméniens et les traités, . diplomatic remonstrances, . legal position of turkish armenia, . period from to , . review of consular reports, . rollin, charles. badmoutiun hrovmeagan, . roth, karl. armenien und deutschland, . roussel, thérèse. souvenirs d'une française en arménie, . rushdooni. sixth-and-a-half cousin's inheritance, . russell, c. t. millennial dawn, . russia.--ministerstvo inostrannykh dyel. sbornik diplomaticheskikh dokumentov. reformy v armenii, . russia and armenia, . s s., a. g. general yeprem khan, . saad, l. zwei türkische städtebilder, . sabrijian, dimoteos: deux ans de séjour en abyssinie, . zwei jahre in abyssinien, . safir efendi. armenian agitation, . safrastian, a. s.: armenia, . dashnaksuthiun, . existing position in armenia, . germany and armenia, . russia and armenia, . sahak, patriarch: armenian canons, . isaaci magnæ armeniæ catholici oratio, . narratio de rebus armeniæ, . sancti patris nostri isaaci magnæ armeniæ catholici, oratio, . saint-martin, j. a.: analyse d'une tragédie arménienne, . discours sur l'origine et l'histoire des arsacides, . fragments d'une histoire des arsacides, . histoire des révolutions de l'arménie, . mémoires historiques et géographiques sur l'arménie, . notice sur 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its physical features; its people, their religious beliefs, customs, etc., from the oldest dates, as recorded in armenian histories and church records. a presentation of the true causes of the recent atrocities and a detailed account of the massacres. by rev. george h. filian a native pastor, banished by the turkish government from the city of marsovan, armenia hartford, conn. american publishing company dedication in remembrance of the martyrs of armenia who sacrificed their lives for christ this volume is affectionately inscribed contents. i. page. the land of armenia, ii. the people of armenia, iii. the armenian dynasties, iv. rulers of the ottoman empire, v. the great powers and the armenian question, vi. the causes of the atrocities, vii. the turkish atrocities in armenia, viii. the armenians of to-day, ix. the future of armenia and the battle of armageddon, x. poems on the armenian question, illustrations. face page portrait of armenian catholicos, portrait of author, city of antioch, map of armenia, mount ararat, kurdish bandits, oriental threshing floor, armenian flags--coats of arms, lake and city of van, oldest church edifice in the world, portrait of armenian patriarch, recent portrait of sultan of turkey, early portrait of sultan of turkey, a bread seller, a zeibeck, a softa, group of circassians, group of georgians, kurdish home, kurd chiefs, kurd woman, massacre at sassoun, massacre at erzeroum, massacre at stamboul, city of harpoot, armenian peasant girl, mousa beg, kurd chief, rev. prof. thourmain, city of marsovan, a water peddler, city of trebizond, group of armenian children, group of young armenian women, anatolia college, armenian family, preface. the problem of armenia and the turkish atrocities there, is in the very forefront of the world's burning questions at the present time. in every civilized land it is ranked alongside their own pressing local issues; everywhere there is not only sympathy and indignation, but a feeling of real responsibility. we are a group of christian nations, and the first christian nation is being exterminated. within a few months the unspeakable turks and barbarous kurds destroyed more than a thousand villages and towns, murdered a hundred thousand armenian christians,--men, women, and innocent children,--and left , others without homes, clothing, or food, thousands of women shamefully defiled, and thousands of men put to horrible tortures. dying in the streets, in the fields, on the mountains; dying of hunger, of cold, of storm, and of diseases bred of all these; dying of broken hearts and despair, even more, of shame and mental torture. yet all these armenians who thus suffered and were driven forth to starve and die like deserted animals, were absolutely peaceable,--indeed, they were totally unarmed and could not have been otherwise if they wished,--perfectly respectable, most of them comfortably off, and some of them rich. one who was last week a banker is to-day a beggar; yesterday a merchant, to-day a tramp. why? for the main reason that he is a christian, and the sultan has resolved to have no more christians in his dominion; the doom of islamism is hanging over their heads. "if you accept islam," they are told, "well and good; if you do not, you shall be killed--or worse--as your fellows have been." these are all facts, proved to superfluity, though the sultan denies them and instructs his ministers everywhere to deny them. how often has the turkish minister in washington, mavroyeni beg, officially (?) declared the armenian atrocities to be fiction, giving the papers lying statements (which come from the sublime porte), and asserted that the armenians were the aggressors! it is precisely as though one should account for a devastated sheepfold, with the wolves raging about in it, by alleging that the lambs had wantonly assailed and slain the wolves first. some pretended to believe this rubbish; but most people, to their credit, are only the more angered and disgusted by it. the turkish proverbs, occasionally good, are generally evil,--a significant index to the race; one of the commonest is this: "yalan yigitin kullesi dir" (a lie is the fortress of the brave). kill, plunder, ravish, and then deny it; not simply deny it, but charge those very things to your enemy, and make them an excuse for all you do to him or his. such are the principles of the sultan, the false successor of the false prophet of arabia. at the very time when noble american and european christians are sending help to the survivors of his massacres, to the half-million homeless, naked, starving, heart-broken beggars he has made from prosperous citizens, he coolly denies that anything has happened but the putting down of a few local riots. he writes to queen victoria sympathizing with her expressions of humane sentiment, but declaring that the reports were invented by evil-disposed persons; that on the exact contrary, it was the turks who were first attacked while praying in the mosques. he assures the queen that his measures have succeeded in restoring order. and this same sultan a few months ago, before the greatest of the recent massacres, wrote to lord salisbury as follows:--"take the words of my honor, i will make reforms in armenia. i will keep before me every article of the desired reforms, and will order the governors of the provinces to carry them into effect." he at once began to put this pledge of his "honor" into effect, by sending orders from yildiz kiosk to the provincial governors in armenia to root out or convert the accursed infidels. since that promise of his "honor" months have passed away; and during the time at least eighty thousand more armenian christians have been killed, and even death has been the most merciful "reform" he has bestowed on the land. the word in his mouth means beggaring, burning, ravaging, violating, mutilating, torturing, and assassinating. when all the leading armenians are slain and their helpless families forced to become mohammedans, after the women have been dishonored,--in a word, when all the armenian christians are exterminated, then armenia will have been reformed. a special chapter is devoted to the person and doings of this eminent reformer. the author. a sketch of his life and birthplace. i was born january , , in a suburb of antioch; twelfth child and youngest son of a family of nine boys and four girls, and therefore considered the joseph of the family, and as a small boy went to a missionary school with my elder brothers. my father was a banker and merchant. his partner in the former business was mr. edward barker, english consul at aleppo; in the latter a greek, jabra antaki, their traffic being in raw silk, for which and for silk-worms antioch is a great center. millions of dollars passed through his hands, and he was considered one of the wealthiest men in the city. a common saying was, "if you can drain the mediterranean dry, you can drain filian's money dry." this saying roused the cupidity of the local governor; he imprisoned my father, and proposed to torture and kill him, and confiscate his property. americans would relish living under this sort of government. his partner, the consul, saved him, however, and won his undying gratitude; and when mr. barker died, my father gave his son a part of his own orchard for a burial ground. the son erected a beautiful $ , monument there, which still stands, the ground being owned by my brother, moses filian. when i was fourteen or fifteen, my father lost all his money through the failure of others, became hopelessly bankrupt, and was too old to regain his position, and sank into a poor and broken-hearted old man: his mediterranean was not inexhaustible. he often patted me and said, "my dear boy, i am sorry--i helped your brothers and gave them good educations, and i meant to do the same by you; but i cannot, for i am too poor. you will have to make your own way." he was a devoted friend of education, himself highly educated, master of three languages,--armenian, arabic, and turkish,--and of strong reasoning powers, logical, imaginative, profound, and far-sighted. moreover, he was a zealous christian, greatly respected and liked. in person he was tall, and very stout, with large, bright eyes, and full, rosy cheeks; built like my great-grandfather, from whose elephantine figure the family took its surname. filian means "son of an elephant," and his descendants--about in all, one of the largest single families in the orient--have been mostly large-framed men and women. at about fifteen i had to go to work. one of my brothers being a weaver, i learned that trade from him, and kept at it for three years, weaving both cotton and silk, and not only supporting myself, but helping support my father. then i took up shoemaking, which paid better, but neither my father nor myself was satisfied to have me remain a common workman. he wanted me to become a banker and merchant, as he had been, and his old friends, who respected him, would have given me a chance to start; but i had always been devout from a little boy, and felt that i had a call to be a minister. while making shoes, i prayed the lord to open the way. i often thought, "suppose i become the richest shoemaker or even the richest banker in antioch, what then? shall i ever be happy? no. then lord, what is my call?" i believed i heard the answering voice of god in my soul saying, "i have created thee to become a minister of the gospel." so i went to a missionary of the american board in antioch, and consulted him; by his encouragement i went to the theological seminary at marash, in armenia minor, and studied there three years in the preparatory course. before taking my theological lessons i was sent by the missionaries to caesarea (kayserieh) to teach in a town near by. on reaching the city the pastor of the protestant church invited me to preach to his congregation the following sunday morning. i did so; the missionaries heard me, changed their minds, said i was better fitted for a preacher than a teacher, and sent me to preach at a village named chomakli, near mt. argaeus. the lord seemed to fill me with eloquence, and crowds flocked to hear me. then the missionaries called me to a larger field, talas, their central town; the same fortune attended me there, and steadily followed me in the other places to which i went. i will not make a long story of it. enough to say that i always felt utterly helpless before preaching, empty of matter and words; i went to my room and cried to my heavenly father, and always overflowed with things to say when the time came. there was no limit to my imagination; illustrations thronged upon me by hundreds; i felt inspired from heaven. i never wrote a sermon before preaching it, but wrote it down literally as soon as i had finished.--i wrote every monday.--and they are all ready to be published in both armenian and turkish. i was a successful preacher, but i had no theological education (though i studied my bible hard), and felt that i needed one. i decided to go to america for it, but the missionaries opposed the plan bitterly. one of the ladies told me plainly it was a sin; that i had no right to give up a successful and useful ministry to go there. i replied that giving up the ministry would be a sin, but not going away to prepare for higher usefulness, and coming back to carry it out. then she said i had no money to go, and did not understand english. i answered that i had faith that god would create the means. she laughingly bade me give her best regards to her friends when i came. she meant it for a joke, but i carried it out in earnest. how i finally came to this country would take too long to tell. i will only say that i crossed the ocean by faith. when i reached new york in july, , i had only cents in my pocket. i worked hard day and night in a rag felt factory in the bowery, and slept on the rags on the floor, covering myself with a piece of flannel. but the lord opened the way. i went to oberlin, ohio, and studied there, supporting myself by sawing wood for the professors of the theological seminary. in six months i could talk english well enough to lecture, and after that time i supported myself by lecturing. finally i was sent to nebraska as a home missionary during the summer vacation. on my return i entered the chicago theological seminary, and graduated there in , after which i lectured rather widely through the country. then i went home, and for a time was pastor of the constantinople evangelical armenian church. later i had a call from marsovan, accepted it, and had so large a congregation there that a church with a capacity of , was needed. i returned to this country, raised the money, left it in a chicago bank (where it still lies in trust), and went back to build the church. that very success aroused the jealousy of some wicked men, and they falsely charged me with being the leader of the revolutionary societies in turkey. on this charge i was banished, and now i am here again,--free and happy with my family, but full of sorrow for my dear people daily martyred by the turks. antioch. the city of antioch, where the disciples were first called christians, (acts xi. .) was built by seleucus nicator, b.c., and enlarged by antiochus epiphanes. all the civilized world was then under roman rule; rome, antioch, and jerusalem were the leading cities. jerusalem being a jewish city, and rome being a roman heathen city, there was no room in either to preach the gospel freely; nor indeed in any other--the disciples were persecuted and martyred everywhere. there was just one exception--the city of antioch; that was as free as any american city is to-day. this arose from the fact that when in the asiatic campaign of pompey the great, he came about b.c. to antioch, he was received by the people with great honors; and was so charmed with the city, and his treatment, that he made it an absolutely free city for all, for every nation and for every religion, and the roman emperors continued its privileges. when stephen was martyred in jerusalem the disciples were scattered; some of them reached antioch, miles north, and began to preach freely, making many converts. barnabas was in jerusalem, but hearing of his brethren's success, he also went to antioch and began to preach; as he was a great orator, full of enthusiasm and faith, thousands were converted. but he was not satisfied. crossing the bay of iskenderoon, about eighty miles off, he went to tarsus, where paul, now a convert, was living, and induced paul to return with him to antioch that they might preach the gospel together. only scholars have any idea of the greatness and beauty of antioch at this time; it was second only to rome, and was the second largest city in the world, with nearly a million people; so rich and luxurious as to be called the golden city; so lovely and architecturally imposing as to be called the queen city. the finest street ran east and west for several miles; it was of great width, paved from end to end with vari-colored marble blocks, and with marble pillars on both sides along its whole extent, on which were magnificent marble palaces of the roman officers. in that same grand avenue were theaters, singers of both sexes, fortune-tellers, great heathen orators and philosophers, and throngs of people passing along. paul and barnabas stood on the marble pavement month after month for a year, full of the holy ghost, and proclaimed the everlasting gospel. crowds gathered to hear them; even the officers and their wives, stretching their heads from the windows of their palaces, listened to them; they gained disciples from every rank for christ and his religion, and the converts there first received the name of christians. this was my birthplace and my relatives still live there. since the time of christ and his disciples, antioch has been ten times destroyed by earthquakes. in the fourth century the whole city was destroyed, and , people were buried under the ruins. that beautiful street and its magnificent palaces are now buried two or three yards below the surface of the ground. in , when i was there, an earthquake destroyed the whole city, and almost in a moment several thousand people perished. several of my own relatives and many of my friends were killed. the city has now only , people, most of them mohammedan turks. there are many fellahin, and perhaps , greeks, and armenians, but in the suburbs the armenians are more numerous, and are the intellectual heads of the whole. antioch is still a beautiful and stately city, and a great center for licorice, raw silk, wheat, and soap. the finest soap is manufactured there. about thirty factories make it, from pure olive oil and daphne oil, the latter giving it a sweet fragrance. the daphne groves are very numerous. the city has excellent orchards and vineyards, orange trees, olive trees, fig trees, yeniduinya trees, palm trees, pomegranate trees. all sorts of fruits, in every season of the year, are fresh on the branches. but for occasional earthquakes, it would be a queen city yet; none could surpass its beauty or fruitfulness. george h. filian. translation of a letter (see opposite page) written in by the district catholicos at city of sis to kevork filian (father of the author) in antioch: +------------+ | red seal | | of | | catholicos.| +------------| +--------------+ | symbol in | +--------------+ | colors | | symbol in | | representing | | colors | | an altar. | | representing | +--------------+ | the name | michael catholicos, the servant of jesus christ | jesus christ.| by the grace of our lord, the supreme father of +--------------+ all armenians who live in great seleucia. i the servant of st. gregory's right hand and most holy throne of the holy mother church. greetings of love and blessings upon my spiritual son kevork filian esteemed and honored and to all who belong to his family, perpetual happiness through jesus christ. honorable gentleman. you will be informed through my letter of spiritual greetings and blessings that truly and earnestly, more than a father, i am willing to bestow upon you my blessings and praises, and in order to show my respect practically, i feel it my duty to thank you for your hospitality, when i came to your blessed home, as a spiritual father, where i was entertained and received proper honors. the lord bless your valuable soul and keep you prosperous and happy through the mediation of jesus and st. gregory. the lord give you and to all those who belong to you, power and ability in doing good. for a long time i have desired to send to you this letter of blessing; but i have not been able. now i am glad to send to you one of my spiritual sons rev. sarkis vartabed (a preacher). when he comes he will see your good deeds and enjoy your hospitality. may . . author's explanation. the author feels that it is due to both his armenian readers and himself to explain why, in some points, he has deviated alike from the armenian historians and his own conviction. it is because on these points, the armenian records are in irreconcilable conflict with those of rome or persia, or both, and in a book mainly for anglo-saxon readers it is not possible to defy the general consensus of western scholarship, which, in my judgment, has not given proper weight to armenian sources. i will specify only two or three items; if my armenian friends notice other contradictions of their accepted history they will be safe in setting them down to the same cause. it is a commonplace of armenian history that st. gregory, the illuminator, the christianizer of armenia, was the son of anag, the murderer of king chosroes (see page ) born about the time of the murder, and made himself the companion of chosroes' son, tiridates, partly in order to atone for his father's crime. i am very reluctant to omit this fact; but the birth of gregory and the death of ardashir will not fit according to western dates, though they are coherent from armenian. i have also given twenty years' rule and a good character to king artavasdes, who reigned three and was a coward. most unwillingly of all, i have changed a very full and eulogistic account of moses khorenatzi, the great national historian of armenia, for a meager and depreciating one. that he lived in the fifth century and wrote as an eye and ear witness, instead of being a not wholly veracious compiler of two centuries later, and that his history is sound and consistent, is my firm belief. that his work is better known than all other armenian works together, and is the one native book that has become a standard western classic, shows the powerful genius of the man. george h. filian. i. the land of armenia. physical features. where is armenia? it seems a simple question, yet during my lecturing in the united states i have met far more people who did not know than who did. that is natural enough, for until the late horrors, it seemed little more than a name of old history, of no present importance; but there is a further reason. the present sultan forbids the use of the name altogether, and insists on the district being termed kurdistan, or called by the names of its vilayets, diarbekr, van, erzroom, etc. many maps do not have the name armenia at all. a few years ago, when the missionaries of the american board were organizing the college at harpoot, now so bloodily famous, they named it armenia college; but the sultan forbade it on the ground that there was no longer an armenia, and the use of the name would encourage the armenians [ ] to revolt. the missionaries were forced to change the name to euphrates college. if any turkish subject uses the word, he is fined and imprisoned; if it is used in any book, the book is confiscated, and the author banished or killed. the study of armenian history is forbidden to the armenians; they must be kept in ignorance about their own land, so that many of them do not know where armenia was or what armenia is. a letter directed to any person or place in armenia will never reach its destination; for the turkish postal authorities recognize no such address. there is still another cause for the widespread ignorance concerning armenia. it has been partitioned between three different powers, turkey, russia, and persia. the northern part, from batoum on the black sea to baku on the caspian,--the river araxes being the boundary to near mt. ararat,--belongs to russia; the southeastern course of the araxes from near mt. ararat, to persia; the largest and most fertile part, the western, from mt. ararat to the black sea and the kizil-irmak to turkey. but at the time of its greatest extent and power, when its people were great and its kings were great, long before alexander's conquest,--armenia covered about , square miles, and stretched from the black sea and the caucasus on the north to persia, and syria on the south, from the caspian and a much smaller persia on the east, to cilicia and far beyond the halys (kizil-irmak) on the west, but including also old media and a part of mesopotamia. it is one of the most picturesque of countries; travelers call it the switzerland of asia. its general character is that of a plateau some , feet above the sea, a natural garden watered by noble streams and studded with beautiful lakes; but the mountain ranges are , to , on the average, while that historic land-mark, the superb snow-capped mt. ararat, is about , ,--towering toward heaven nearly in the center of armenia, piercing and ruling over the clouds and the storms. armenia is the mother land, the cradle of humanity, and all other lands are her daughters; but she is fairer than any other. even her mountain tops of perpetual snow are a crown of glory; the sun kisses her brow with the smile of morning; and she supplies the beautiful rivers, euphrates, tigris, pison, araxes, and many others from the jewels of her crown. these rivers penetrate to every corner of the land; traverse many hundreds of miles to give life to the fields, the vineyards, and the orchards, to turn the mills, and finally close their course in the caspian sea, the black sea, and the gulf of persia, carrying the bounty and good-will messages of the mother land to her children in remote parts, to persia, india, and russia. from the same inexhaustible reservoir she feeds her noble lakes; sevan (gokche), urumiah, van and the rest. lake sevan is the only sweet-water lake; the others are salt. the most important is lake van, probably the most elevated of any large-sized lake in the world; it is , feet above sea level, and its area is , square miles. a few words from the author's respected teacher, professor philip schaff, will not be amiss. schaff's bible dictionary, page , "physical features of armenia," says: "it is chiefly an elevated plateau about , feet above the level of the sea, the highest peak being mt. ararat. the lower portions of the plateau are broken by valleys and glens, including the fertile valleys of the euphrates and tigris. it is watered by four large streams, the araxes, the kur, the euphrates, and the tigris; also by numerous lakes, one of the largest, the salt lake van, being over , feet above the sea." natural resources. the mineral wealth of armenia is very great; but like the other potential riches of the turkish empire, it profits nobody, not even the greedy despot whose word is death. gold, silver, copper, iron, and minor metals, besides marble and other beautiful stones, are present in abundance. about three miles from marsovan, where i preached, is a mountain called tarshan dagh (rabbit mountain), rich in gold; another called goomish dagh, about eight miles west, is laden with silver; and they are likely to remain so, for no one will rifle them of their treasures while turkey endures. the sultan, it is true, sends an officer from constantinople under large salary, to take out the precious metals, but that person does very little work. he lives like a lord, lets things go as they will, bribes the palace officials, and all the gold and silver extracted does not pay his wages. the sultan will not permit christians to work mines, and if they did, he would rob them of the proceeds. everywhere the condition is the same. though armenia is the oldest inhabited country, she is, in utilization, the newest; much newer than the united states, for indeed she does not exist yet. she is a virgin land, her mines not open, her soil not half tilled. the turks and the kurds are lazy and stagnant; they will do nothing, and they will not permit the industrious armenian christians to do anything of importance. the country has all the old fertility which made asia minor under the byzantine empire the garden of the world, till the turks half turned it into a desert, as they do every spot accursed by their presence. the grain, the fruit, the vegetables are hardly, if at all, to be equaled. the watermelons raised on the banks of the euphrates and the tigris are the largest and sweetest of their kind; two melons are sometimes a camel's load. it is impossible for a family to use the whole of such a melon, which has to be cut up and sold in pieces. the grapes, either fresh or in the shape of wine or raisins, are of the first rank. many varieties when cured and dried as raisins exceed in size the plumpest grapes of other lands. nearly everything is raised or grows wild in armenia which is to be had in the northern or southern states of america, though of course each country has some things peculiar to itself. the products of the north are paralleled by those of the rugged picturesque highlands of north turkish and russian armenia, with their cold, snowy winters, short, hot summers, and mild intervening seasons; those of the south find their counterparts from the rich upland valleys, or the lowland plains needing irrigation, of kurdistan and persian armenia (azerbijan), with its semi-tropical climate, and alternations of wet and dry seasons. the grain crops are wheat, indian corn, barley, and oats. cotton is one of the main products; a great deal of tobacco and rice are raised; and sugar is made in the persian part. in the fields and gardens you can find not only the wonderful melons i have just spoken of, but pumpkins and squashes, lettuce and egg-plant, and indeed most of the vegetables that come to an american table. as to fruits, all that you know we know also, only of finer flavors. asia minor is the original home of the quince, the apricot, and the nectarine, and i believe of the peach too; while our apples, pears, and plums are incomparable. the muscat apples of amassia are exceptional even there. after eating them, one hardly wonders that adam and eve could not resist the temptation of doing the same, at the cost of innocence and eden. the pears of malatia keep them company; and the quince grows sometimes as large as a man's head. another fruit equally important is the mulberry for silk-worms. the olive and fig are cultivated and also grow wild, and filberts and walnuts can be gathered anywhere in the woods, as well as orchards; of course not the american "hickory nuts," but the "english walnuts" of the groceries. in spite of the dreadful roads, and the lack of protection for travelers, the armenians manage to send a good deal of grown or manufactured stuff to the ports on the black and caspian seas,--trebizond, batoum, poti, baku,--silk and cotton, and fabrics made from them; hides and leather, including lambskins; wine, dried fruits, raisins, tobacco, drugs, and dyestuffs, wax, and other things. methods of cultivation are probably much like what they were in abraham's time; there are no very modern machines or even tools. the plough is not quite the mere scratching-stick of the savages, to be sure; but it is only a crooked piece of wood with a bit of iron fastened to the end that touches the ground, drawn by oxen and held by the farmer. the fields of grain are reaped by the sickle as of old; it takes as long to cut down one acre so as fifty by a common mowing machine. the sheaves are carried to a gal or threshing floor near the house, an open platform, not sheltered from the weather; and there the grain is separated from the straw by a process so curious that i doubt if any american, save a missionary to armenia, has ever heard of it. it is not treading it out under the feet of the cattle, as pictured in the bible, nor beating it out with a flail; both these methods kept the straw whole. a threshing board is made by fastening hundreds of sharp flints into a wooden frame; the grain is placed between this and the threshing floor, the oxen attached to the board, and the farmer sitting on it drives them round and round in a circle until the straw is cut fine, and the grain well rubbed and shaken loose. then, on the first windy day, he takes the old hand fan or winnow, and separates the grain from the straw, keeping the latter to feed the animals in winter; for the long grass of american plateaus, and the barns of hay from them, are seldom seen in armenia. the wheat crops are extraordinary; not only great in yield, but the grains often double the size of ordinary american wheat, as compared with specimens from the large and representative fields of minnesota and nebraska. taxation. but when this wheat is threshed out, the farmer cannot shovel it up and grind, or sell, or put it into bins; no indeed! he cannot take up a quart of it without permission from the government; for the government claims one-eighth of it as a tax,--it was always a "tithe" or tenth from the oldest historic times down to the present sultan, but he raised the percentage to an eighth,--and it must stay on that exposed threshing floor, in rain or winds, or any sort of weather, till the tax-gatherer comes and measures it, which may be a week, or two weeks, or a month, and will be forever unless he is bribed to come. nor is even this double tax all; the tax-gatherer is a tax farmer,--that is, he pays a lump sum to the government for the taxes of a district, and all he can get above that is so much profit to him; so if the grain on a threshing floor actually measures ten bushels, say, he will write it fifteen. after the farmer has paid first the tax on the land to the government direct, then the double, or rather treble, tax to the gatherer on the crops, more than half the income he can get from the land has gone to the government. i do not know an armenian farmer who is not in debt; they work hard, but the products of their labor go to the government and the kurds, and any one who complains is considered a revolutionist, and imprisoned or killed. the simple unvarnished truth is that an armenian christian has no rights of life or property whatever; and all he keeps of either (not very much) is what the regularly appointed officials or the self-appointed kurdish fleecers choose to leave him. this, however, is anticipating. i have only begun on the catalogue of taxes which strip most armenians, and are intended to strip them, of everything but the means of sustaining life and perpetuating their race. when a boy is born, a poll-tax is laid on him,--two dollars on the average,--which must be paid every year as long as he lives, whether he remains in armenia or leaves it. of course, during boyhood the parents have to pay this tax on every male child; if a woman is widowed, she has to go on paying these capitation taxes just the same. they are assumed to be taxes in lieu of military service; the sultan takes no soldiers from the armenians,--does not dare,--and this poll-tax is used to raise and pay that very turkish army which in return butchers the armenians, just as the old tribute of christian children was used to butcher their parents. (that the armenians are unwarlike and would not make good soldiers is ridiculously untrue; many of the best soldiers and best officers, even commanders-in-chief, in the russian service are armenians.) when the boy has attained manhood he pays his own tax,--he must have a paper of citizenship, which must be renewed every year, and for which he must pay; but he is not allowed to leave the country without providing absolute security, either in property or bondsmen, for paying that tax through life, wherever he may be. of course this is utterly impossible in most cases,--men of property do not often migrate, and men without property do not easily get people to be responsible for lifelong obligation to let them emigrate; which is one chief reason why so few armenians, except banished ones, or runaways, are seen in foreign countries. furthermore, as i have said, he must pay for a passport every time he stirs from home. land, houses, cattle, crops, are all separately taxed. suppose an armenian owns a vineyard. first, the land is taxed; there is a separate tax for irrigation, a third for the grapes, a fourth if you make wine from them. in all, a vineyard pays five taxes, and the government gets more than the owner. why don't they emigrate? ask my american friends. i have given one explanation. pharaoh would not permit the hebrews to go away, nor will the sultan permit the armenians. another reason is that even if one has property, it is very hard to sell it. turks have no money and armenians no confidence. and to run away to a foreign country, whose language you do not know, wholly without money, is so desperate a remedy that most of them shrink from it. the climate. armenia, in my belief, is the healthiest country in the world; i do not say one of the healthiest, but the very healthiest. the climate is excellent all the year round, and, though the winters are severe, and much of the country is covered with snow, yet on account of the elevation--being several thousand feet above sea level, and in latitude ° to °, or say from north carolina to massachusetts--the air is dry, pure, and agreeable, a preventative of disease, and conducive to longevity. the dread disease, consumption, does not exist there, while dyspeptics, if any are to be found, must have been imported. the perfect type of physical vigor is to be seen there. generally the armenians are tall, powerful, and ruddy cheeked, full of endurance and energy. shrewd and enterprising they are, as reputed; but pure and honest too. they are longer lived than any other people. i have known armenians of and even years of age; one old lady of my acquaintance at was full of life and fun; i have seen her dance at wedding festivities like a girl of . an old gentleman of was my neighbor; he worked on his farm as if he were not over . he could run and jump and was as gay as a boy, and greatly enjoyed children's society. if the people of armenia could have the same government, the same encouragements, the same freedom from horrible fears, as the people of the united states, they would live many, many years longer than they do, till it might be necessary to kill the old folks in order to get rid of them. the most of the american missionaries in armenia would be sure to echo these words. a returned missionary gave a striking testimony to this effect. he was addressing the students of the chicago theological seminary, and spoke as follows:--"before i became a missionary i had very poor health; most of my family died of hereditary consumption, and i was attacked by it. my physicians strongly protested against my becoming a missionary, saying that if i went to a foreign land i would grow worse, and probably die there. i paid no attention to this; i presumed they were right, but i was determined to go anyway, and if i must die, to die in my chosen work. when i offered myself to the american board, i was allotted to armenia, and thither i went; my disease disappeared and now i am as healthy as any missionary in the world. you see how stout and vigorous i look, and i do not expect to die soon. but i feel sure that if i had stayed in america to save my life, i should have lost it before this time." he is still living in armenia, and i hope will live to be over a hundred, as many of the natives do. the reader will smile at all this as the patriotic boastfulness of an armenian, and say perhaps that he can make as fabulous declarations for his own land, wherever he may be; but such claims cannot be substantiated by records and personal observations as these for armenia can. take the bible; some of the patriarchs lived to be , , one even to , if indeed he ever died a natural death; some were taken up to heaven without knowing death; and all these long lives, as will be shown, were lived in armenia. god's judgment was good. he did not create man in america, europe, or india, or anywhere but in armenia. he came down there from heaven, planted the garden of eden there, and from the dust of that land created the first man. when the race had become sinful and only noah's family were preserved, the ark was not brought to rest on the rockies, the alps, or the himalayas, but on ararat in armenia. where was the garden of eden? in my belief, around lake van, the highest lake, the largest lake, and the most picturesque lake in the bible lands; its surrounding country, mountains, plains, flower gardens, and orchards, make it a most charming spot, and quite worthy to have been the seat of paradise on earth. as the wickedest cities, sodom and gomorrah, were on the lowest, ugliest, and nastiest lake, the dead sea, it is natural that paradise should be on the highest and loveliest one. a certain very learned gospel minister, who desired to change my views respecting the garden of eden, declared that when the north pole was discovered the garden of eden would be. some think it was in india, and there are about as many opinions as there are countries on the earth. the bible, however, seems to be pretty clear about it and settles the question to the armenian mind; we feel, therefore, that we cannot be far from the scriptural descriptions. travel and transportation. both are as hard in armenia as they can be, short of impossibility. in the russian section the roads are as good as in any part of russia, and there are railroads; but in persian and turkish armenia there are none of the latter, and the roads are very poor bridle-paths. a few years ago the government levied an extra tax to build "shosse yolou" or macadamized roads for carriages; but most of the money was spent as usual, in a good time for the turkish officials; the roads built were wretched, and riding over them in the springless carriages of the country is weariness and torture. most of the traveling is done on horseback or muleback, while the transportation of goods is almost entirely by camels and donkeys. an hour's journey in america in distance is a two days' journey in armenia, and it must be accomplished on horseback, muleback, or foot; or perhaps in a wagon without springs. almost all the horse and mule keepers are turks, kurds or circassians, all mohammedans and of the lowest types,--which does not increase either the comfort or the security of a journey. the tenders and drivers of animals are never of a very high order of men in any country; in armenia they are specially vulgar, dirty, and sometimes dangerous brutes. if you wish to travel with your family, you must arrange with the horse-keeper several days or even weeks beforehand; if he is ready when the time comes, he calls at your house and tells you. if animals are used and the family large, baskets will be needed to put the children in; they are put on the animals like panniers, one on each side with the mother between. this is attended with more or less danger from accidents of various kinds, liable to occur on the unkept paths, which, rough in some places and horribly muddy in others, are used for roads. as in the case of the writer, who, when an infant, nearly lost his life before he could be pulled out of the mud into which he had fallen from his mother's arms, she being thrown from the stumbling horse she was riding. a more modern way of travel is in springless carriages; which on the rough roads means racking your body horribly, bones, nerves, and all, into outright and often severe suffering, a pain and fatigue which the traveler feels for a long time. at evening all travelers must go to a caravanserai or khan; often they are all huddled into a single room, men, women, and children, and the room is invariably filthy, and full of every kind of vermin. such getting about is constant torment. there is no safety in traveling; kurdish, circassian, or georgian brigands may meet you on the roads anywhere, and plunder, torture, or perhaps kill you. a few years ago, when traveling in armenia with a company of about forty persons of both sexes, we came to a forested pass between two mountains. suddenly three men leaped out in front of us; they were georgian brigands (mohammedans), armed from top to toe. they stopped the caravan, picked out the rich persons and the christians, and robbed them of all their valuables. they did not search the writer, probably supposing that as a minister he was too poor to be worth troubling. the women were dreadfully frightened, for the robbers declared that if they did not give up their earrings their ears would be cut off, and if they did not give up their bracelets their hands would be cut off. it can easily be imagined that they made haste to relinquish all their valuables. such robberies take place every day in armenia, for there is no protection or redress whatever; it is a matter of indifference at best, and probably of satisfaction, to the sultan and his governors. the brigands are not the only robbers. bear in mind that before any one in armenia can travel at all, the government officials plunder him. he must get a passport first; i do not mean when he goes to foreign countries, for an armenian is forbidden to go there at all,--all who are in other lands reached there by bribing the police and running away,--but when he goes to another place or town in armenia itself, even if it is not over fifteen or twenty miles off. this passport will cost him from two to five dollars in bribes to the officials to let him have it. when he reaches his destination, the officials of the latter place must examine his passport, and they force him to pay for the examination, else they will not let him enter the town. so the armenians are robbed at every step whether they travel or stay at home. transportation of goods is even harder. nearly all goods are carried on camels or donkeys which never go more than ten miles a day, and of course much less in bad spots; it takes months and even a year to get goods if they have to come very far, or may never be received. if an armenian merchant orders goods from constantinople, say miles away, it takes five or six months at best from the time of sending the order to the time of receiving the goods, even if he ever gets them, no matter what condition they are in. the difficulties of transportation prevent the export, to any extent, of armenian products to foreign countries, and even between neighboring cities exchange of supplies is well-nigh impossible. as all through the east, there is often famine in one part of armenia, while there is plenty in other parts; one city may be hungry while another is feasting; one willing to pay any price but unable to buy, another eager to sell but with no one to sell to; because there is no way to transport the grain or produce. yet good highways are not built because the officials embezzle the funds, railroads are not built because it would hinder the sultan from crushing the people. it may be asked, are there no railroads in turkey? and will not the sultan permit them, and are there not armenians in the places along their route? yes, there are a few short lines; one from constantinople to adrianople, one from constantinople to angora, one from smyrna to aiden, one from mersina to adana, one from joppa to jerusalem. i think there is also one lately built from beirout to damascus. the length of the whole system is not over , miles, one of them is in europe, part of them are tourist lines, along routes that streams of europeans would traverse anyway. some of them were built before the time of the present sultan; some of them are near the seashore, where there are some armenian emigrants; but none of these roads are in armenia. plenty of money has always been available from european and even armenian sources to build railroads; syndicates and private capitalists have tried again and again to get permission to build them; but the sultan will not grant it, for it runs counter to his fixed policy of isolating the armenians, to make their oppression or destruction easier. railroads would mean not only prosperity and strength for the people, but easy gathering and sending out of news to the world, easy bringing of help from the world, lighting up the dark places, and exposing the horrors of the hell now existing. when they are built, commerce will follow; europeans will flock in, and a new era dawn. who are the commercial class? the armenian christians or europeans; not a turk or a kurd among them. commerce means, then, the increase of the christian population; wealth, greatness, security for the armenians; finally freedom from the ottoman power. therefore that power forbids any improvement of the backward conditions. ii. the people of armenia. their lineage. who are the armenians? the average american knows very little about them, while few even of the educated classes have much knowledge of the race or its history. many people regard them as barbarians, partially christianized. some think them of chinese type; most often they are considered as turks because the chief portion of armenia is part of the turkish empire; every armenian feels justly indignant at the latter classification. the old story applies of the irishman who refused to consider himself an american though born in america, on the ground that "being born in a stable did not make one a horse"; we know that the scotch and english in ireland do not consider themselves irish; we know it would be worse than absurd to call the english children born in india hindoos. when the missionaries of the american board first went to turkey, the people there supposed from the name american, that they must be indians, and crowded to see them out of curiosity, but they were much surprised and probably somewhat disappointed when they found them very like themselves. in the same way, being born in turkish armenia does not make one a turk. the turks are one race, the armenians a totally different one, and different in the very foundation type. the turks are turanian, the armenians aryan. the turks belong to the turko-tataric stock; they are kinsmen of the tartars. the primal origin of the armenians will be found in genesis, chapter ,--from togarmah, the son of gomer, the son of japheth; the armenians are sometimes called the sons of togarmah. togarmah had a son named haig (the armenian records tell us), and armenians call themselves haigian or haigazian from him; and the land of armenia is called hayasdan or the land of haig. he was a powerful warrior and the founder of the armenian kingdom, which began b.c., and ended with levon vi., a.d.; thus lasting years, though with intervals of extinction. their own kings did not always reign in armenia; sometimes other nations ruled over it; by way of compensation, sometimes the armenians ruled over other nations. the people never call themselves armenians, or their country armenia; they use the name simply for the sake of foreigners. but where did the name come from? of course as with many very old ones, the origin is somewhat a matter of guesswork. some derive it from the great king, aram, the seventh from haig; some from armerag or armen, the eldest son of haig,--the more probable supposition of the two; still others connect it with the hebrew aram (aramea), the district of mesopotamia and north syria, and derive both from a word meaning "man," most old names of nations having meant that originally. whatever its origin, it is certain that the armenians are a very ancient nation,--as ancient as the assyrians or persians. the people belong to the stock formerly known as japhetic, later as caucasian (from the caucasus mountains on the north of armenia), then as indo-european, now as aryan; the most advanced type of mankind, and the most physically beautiful. and what are the people of the united states? hamitic or negroid? of course not. semitic (arab, jew)? certainly not. they are japhetic or aryan too--exactly the same as the armenians. indeed, the type of face is the same, and the type of character. the armenians are often called the anglo-saxons of the east; they are the same blood, features, religion, and civilization as those of the west, and are true brothers and sisters, though the opportunities of the latter have been greater; however, the ancestors of the former were christians in asia before those of the latter were in europe, and they kept the mother land faithfully while the others ran away. their language. the tongue spoken by the armenians is one of the great family now known as the aryan languages; certainly one of the oldest of them if there is any difference in the ages of the different branches, though that really means nothing. it has no relation whatever to the semitic tongues like chaldee or phoenician, nor the tataric tongues of scythia, though those were in the earlier ages its nearest neighbors, while it is blood brother to languages so widely separated as irish on the west and hindoo on the east, to gothic and greek, lithuanian and latin. linguists think the whole aryan family much younger than the semitic or the turko-tataric or the mongoloid, but this would not be granted by the armenians without much more solid proof than has yet been brought forward. they claim first that noah and his sons lived in armenia, which has been shown must be true; second, that they spoke the armenian language, which therefore was the very oldest. some of the arguments in favor of this are as follows:--in armenia, near mt. ararat, are places with armenian names, which have preserved the same names from the time of noah till now. north of ararat is a city named erivan, which in armenian means "appearance"; after noah's ark rested on the mountain, the first place he saw was erivan. another city southeast of ararat is called nakhichevan, which in armenian means "the first station"; it was the first stopping-place of noah when he came out of the ark. the first chief or king of the armenians, haig, built a village and called it hark, which means "fathers," as he was the father of the armenians; and when haig fought with belus and killed him, the place was called kereznank, meaning "grave" or "graves." there are many such places in armenia, where the names have always been the same and are certainly armenian now, indicating that the language has always been the same; here are a few: arakaz, armavir, shirag, ararat. the latter took its name from ara, the armenian king who was the son of aram, that great king who ruled in armenia for fifty years; the name means "lofty" or "holy." these instances show the antiquity of the language; but even if they were not sufficient, it would not affect the antiquity of the race. many very old races speak languages much less old. the mass of people in tuscany are etruscans, a race which some people hold to be much older than the whole aryan family; but they speak italian, a very modern tongue. a large part of the basques, believed by many scientists to be the oldest race in europe, older even than the tuscans, speak spanish, much more modern even than italian. so that it does not follow that the armenian race, aside from the language, may not be the oldest in the world. the old armenian classic language is very difficult, from the number of particles and participles in it; but modern armenian is one of the easiest of languages to learn, very regular in inflection and the spelling entirely phonetic. there are no exceptions or anomalies; for instance, to pluralize a noun, you invariably add the particle ner or er. thus, doon means "house;" the plural is dooner. manch is "boy"; plural mancher; mannugh is "child," mannughner "children." the irregularities of english in these forms are too well-known to need illustration. the armenian tongue is not only very regular, but very sweet, as well to the ears of foreigners as of natives. the testimony of "sunset" cox of ohio is worth citing on this point. he was united states minister to turkey some years ago, and as such presided at the commencement exercises of robert college in constantinople, that being the rule of the college. in his address on this occasion, he said he did not like bulgarian (which is a turkish tongue), because it had no sweetness;--indeed, there is none in any of the turkish languages, which are strong and emphatic, but harsh. but he said he liked armenian; it was the "sweetest language he ever heard." he went on to say that adam talked armenian in the garden of eden, proposed to eve in that language, and succeeded in winning her heart; in any other language he might not have done it. "it is the loveliest of tongues to make love to a woman in, and sure of success if the lady knows armenian." i think he was right; but i think too, that next to armenian, if not equal to it, is english. it sounds as sweetly to my ears as armenian. i am an armenian and my wife is an armenian; but i proposed to her in english and was successful; not a sure test, perhaps, for any language is beautiful when words of love are uttered in it to ears that are willing to hear; and true love may be successful without any words at all. iii. the armenian dynasties. according to the histories written by native historians from the old armenian records. . the haigazian dynasty. this dynasty began years before christ, and ended in the time of alexander the great, b.c. no other recorded dynasty has so long an unbroken succession. . the arshagoonian dynasty. this dynasty began years b.c. and ended a.d. . the pakradoonian dynasty. this dynasty began a.d. and ended a.d. . the rupenian dynasty. this dynasty began a.d. and ended a.d. i shall try to show the condition of the armenians under the rule of these different dynasties. . the haigazian dynasty. as already mentioned, haig was the founder of the armenian kingdom. he can scarcely be called a king, because in his time there was not a great armenian nation; it was rather a tribe, and haig was chief or governor. his position was like that of abraham; what would now be called a sheikh; and like abraham, he was a worshiper of the true god. haig went from the highlands of armenia to the plains of shinar to help build the tower of babel. during the progress of the work, belus, a warlike giant, descended from ham, assumed to direct the enterprise; haig would not submit to this, and so returned to his own country. when the undertaking failed, all the tribes became scattered. to wreak vengeance on haig, belus resolved to go to armenia, kill him in fight, and reign over his land. when he reached armenia with his men on his errand, haig went with a force to meet him; a great battle took place and haig was victorious, killing belus and saving his country from being overwhelmed by the hamites. his spirit was inherited by his posterity, though recent irresistible force and refusal of permission to bear arms may seem to make them submissive. they have battled stoutly against awful odds and with insufficient means for liberty and for freedom of thought and conscience; and millions have lost their lives for those principles; if they could now have arms and help, they would fight and die again for them. after the repulse of this hamitic invasion, the armenians increased so rapidly that haig became a real king and took that title, thus actually founding the armenian kingship. they were free, lived long lives, and married only one wife each,--all favorable conditions for growth of population,--it need not be pointed out how slavery and polygamy check national growth. and they kept their faith in the one true god, as their ancestor noah did. haig's son armen succeeded his father, and greatly enlarged the kingdom. he subdued a large district northeast of mt. ararat and built cities and towns there. it is most likely the name armenia comes from him. some recent foreign writers have the impudence to say that there was no such king, but that his name was made up to account for that of armenia; but the same records which tell us of haig, tell us of his son. after armen we find his son armaiss, who built the city of armavir. i will not enumerate all the names of the dynasty; it would only be a tedious catalogue without profit. i will only mention the most noted ones, and those most interesting from their relations with the jews or the heathen nations. one of the notable kings is aram, the seventh in succession, and the greatest of armenian conquerors. he raised and drilled an army of , men, whose efficiency and his own military skill and energy are proved by his invading and conquering media. he then invaded assyria and conquered a part of that country. next he marched westward and subjugated some of the eastern portion of asia minor inhabited by the greeks,--the later cappadocia, along the halys or kizil-irmak. aram named this district the hayasdan, translated by the romans as "armenia minor"; which, oddly enough, in later times became greater armenia or armenia proper. aram set over this province a governor named mishag, with instructions to compel the greeks to speak armenian. mishag built a city which exists in cappadocia (karamania) to-day, frightfully familiar from recent events. he called it by his own name; the greeks mispronounced it as mazag; the roman emperors afterwards named it caesarea, which the turks corrupted into kayseri, and several thousand armenians were massacred there some months ago, which will be described further on. the richest and most enterprising armenians in the turkish empire are from kayseri, and it is a leading missionary station of the american board. the writer preached there and in that vicinity for four years. the enormous growth of the armenian kingdom under aram, and its conquest of part of assyria, excited the alarm of the assyrian king, ninos. not feeling strong enough to engage in open warfare with him, he thought to compass his destruction by winning his friendship and then putting him out of the way, and, as a first step, sent him a costly jeweled crown. the intrigue failed, however, and aram lived to a great age, reigning fifty years. aram was succeeded by his son ara, called "ara the beautiful." the fame of his beauty went abroad through the world; the assyrian queen semiramis was so enchanted by the sight of his person that she fell madly in love and proposed marriage to him, but he refused her. this military amazon was not to be balked so. she resolved to marry him by force, and came with a great army to armenia to capture the prize; but he was killed in the war, and she took possession of the country, with which she was so charmed that she decided to remain; she removed the capital of the enlarged assyrian kingdom to the lovely shores of lake van, erecting a palace there for herself, and building on the eastern side a city named "shamiramaguerd" (built by semiramis). many years later, a king of the haigazian dynasty whose name was van rebuilt it and called it after himself. this was the present city of van, another great center of the american board and of turkish horrors. the next great interesting event was in b.c. when sennacherib of assyria was assassinated by his two sons, adramelich and sharezer, who escaped into armenia. the king of armenia at this time was sgayorti, which means "son of a giant." he received the sons of sennacherib with great kindness; they married armenian women, and remained in the country till their death. their descendants were great armenian princes, bearing the titles prince arziroonian and prince kinoonian. armenia comes to view again in connection with biblical history in the capture of jerusalem by nebuchadnezzar, b.c., and the deportation of the judean people; the armenian king, hurachia, was one of his allies in the siege, and on returning to armenia carried with him a hebrew prince named shampad. this was a very intelligent man, and made himself greatly loved and esteemed by the armenians; a sort of daniel or joseph. he, too, married an armenian noblewoman, and his descendants became the very foremost of the noble families and ecclesiastical functionaries of the country, crowning the kings on occasion. they were called pakradoonian princes, and at last one of them founded the third dynasty of armenian kings, the pakradoonian. though the nation is aryan, there is noble hebrew (semitic) blood mixed with it. perhaps the most interesting part of the haigazian dynasty comes just before the end; the time of dikran or tigranes i. in him both wisdom and valor were combined to an eminent degree. as soon as he succeeded his father, yerevant, he instituted great reforms to improve the state of the country. he not only enlarged it by conquest, but he greatly improved public education and morals, removed obstructions to international commerce, introduced navigation on the lakes and rivers, encouraged cultivation; trade flourished, every acre of ground was tilled, the country was alive with energy and hope. this vigor and prosperity aroused the envy of ashdahag, king of media; he resolved to kill dikran, and to throw him off his guard married his sister, princess dikranoohi. a plot to murder dikran was then set on foot; the princess learned of it, warned her brother, whom she loved, and ran away. dikran collected an army, made a rapid march to media, surprised and slew ashdahag, and brought back a vast amount of spoils in captives and goods. he built a fine city on the banks of the tigris, and called it dikranagerd, the city of dikran; it was afterwards the residence of the sister who had saved his life. it is now called by the turks diarbekr, and was the scene of a frightful massacre a few months since. the most important political achievement of his life was assisting cyrus in the capture of babylon b.c.; the two monarchs were very friendly, and dikran's armenian army was a chief factor in the conquest. in jeremiah's prophecy of the capture, about a century before it occurred, he mentions the armenian kingdom as one of the actors: "the kingdoms of ararat, minni, and ashchenaz." (jer. li. .) after dikran's death his son vahakn succeeded him; he was considered a god by the people, and worshiped as such through a monument after his death. thus far the people had mostly worshiped the one true god, but from this time they relapsed into heathenism for a while on account of the influences pressing on them from outside. the last king of the haigazian dynasty was vahe. when alexander the great invaded persia, vahe went to darius' help with , infantry and , cavalry; but alexander conquered first darius and then vahe ( b.c.), and annexed both persia and armenia. thus came to an end the first armenian dynasty, after an existence of years. arshagoonian or arsacid dynasty. this dynasty began not far from b.c.,--close to the time when carthage was utterly destroyed, and greece was finally subjugated; it ended a.d., about half a century before the extinction of the western roman empire, and about the time genseric and his vandals conquered africa. it is by far the most famous of the armenian royal houses; for it embraces the very heart of the classic times with which all educated people are familiar, it brings us perpetually in contact with the most brilliant and best-known of classic names, it is sprinkled itself with names towering up familiar and powerful, even among the greek and roman magnates; and, in spite of political ups and downs, it covers a time of immense expansion for the armenian people, of a firmly rooted growth in numbers, wealth, and consciousness of national unity, which has enabled the nation to survive and keep its united being through many centuries of dismemberment, impoverishment, massacre, and attempts at outright extermination again and again. more than all, it covers the time of jesus christ, and the conversion of armenia to his religion, first of all the nations of the earth, as by its history and traditions it ought to have been. during the time between the disappearance of the line of haig and the rise of the line of arshag, armenia was not by any means wholly without kings of its own; but it was mostly a dependency. alexander the great, after his conquest, put a native governor named mihran over it; but on alexander's death, five years later ( b.c.), his generals partitioned the macedonian empire among themselves, and armenia fell to neoptolemus. his government was at once so oppressive, and so contemptuous of native feeling (he and his court were greeks, and despised all asiatics), that the people rose and drove him out in , under the lead of one arduat (ardvates), who remained their king for thirty-three years; but he left no successor, and armenia was conquered by and became part of the great syrian empire founded by seleucus. it remained so in the main for about three quarters of a century, though the eastern part (kurdistan), fell under the parthian kings. armenia was never a very quiet province, however, and its revolts against the syrian satraps kept it much of the time in a half-anarchic state. about b.c. antiochus the great quelled one of these uprisings, and divided the country into greater and lesser armenia (whose boundaries i have described), putting a separate deputy over each. but after his crushing defeat by the romans at magnesia in b.c., and having to buy peace by giving up everything beyond the halys, each governor proclaimed his province an independent kingdom. zadriades (zadreh), in lesser armenia founded a family which kept their hold for almost exactly a century, when tigranes ii once more united the two armenias. artaxias (ardashes), in greater armenia was powerful as long as he lived, and sheltered hannibal at his court when the romans had set a price on the head of their great foe; but about the middle of the century his family was dispossessed by mithridates of parthia, who conquered the country. the family name of this parthian house was arshag, rendered by the greeks arsakes, spelled by the romans arsaces. mithridates made greater armenia a kingdom for his brother wagh-arshag (val-arsaces), whose family remained in succession to the throne, though sometimes eclipsed for long periods from actual occupation of it, for six hundred years. the new king had the great hereditary ability both in war and statesmanship which characterized the whole arsacid line, and the mithridates in particular, and its great knowledge of men. he knew an able man when he saw him, and liked to raise him up; he promoted industry and built cities; he reformed the system of laws and their administration as well. the new line did not escape the usual fate of eastern dynasties, of having disputes over the succession, in which their neighbors interfered. in b.c., dikran or tigranes ii (great-grandson of wagh-arshag), owed his possession of the throne of greater armenia to his third cousin, mithridates ii (the great), of parthia, who exacted seventy armenian valleys as the price; probably part of kurdistan. tigranes, however, paid no more blood-money to anybody when once on the throne. on the contrary, he began at once to overrun and annex the neighboring states. he first conquered lesser armenia, and made it one with its sister again; then part of syria, so long the mistress of his own state; then, in a series of wars with the weak successors of mithridates, he half destroyed the parthian empire itself, not only recovering the seventy valleys he had paid for his throne, but conquering media, and annexing mesopotamia and adiabene. after these conquests he called himself "king of kings" (that is, emperor, king with other kings under him), which title the parthian kings had claimed theretofore. he would probably have ended by mastering and restoring the unity of the old seleucid kingdom in its widest extent, the whole heart of western asia, had he not in an evil hour been induced by that reckless old fighter, his father-in-law, mithridates of pontus, to join him in war against the romans. tigranes' own son had quarreled with him, and taken refuge with the king of parthia, whose daughter he married; and now offered to guide his father-in-law into armenia if he would invade it as the ally of the romans. this was done, and tigranes the elder had to fly to the mountains; but the parthian king grew tired of the siege of rock castles, and went home, leaving his son-in-law to carry on operations with part of the army. the great armenian king at once broke loose and annihilated the forces of his son, who fled to pompey, just invading armenia with the roman army. even the great tigranes was no match for rome, and had to surrender. pompey was not harsh with him, but left him armenia (except sophene and gordyene, which were made into a kingdom for his son), and his parthian conquests; even going so far as to send a roman division to wrest these from the parthian king, who had re-conquered them on tigranes' defeat, and restore them to the latter. on the departure of pompey the parthian once more reclaimed them, but a compromise was finally made. phraates of parthia, however, resumed once more the title of "king of kings." tigranes remained the ally of the romans till his death in b.c.; a reign of thirty-nine years, on the whole of great glory and usefulness. he was succeeded by his son, artavasdes (ardvash) ii, who inherited that most dreadful of legacies, a place between the hammer and the anvil. for the next quarter of a century the romans, and the steadily growing and consolidating power of the parthian empire were alternately irresistible in eastern anatolia; it was impossible to avoid taking sides, for neutrality meant invasion by one party or the other; and whichever side he took he was sure to be punished for as soon as the other came uppermost. if artavasdes had been as dexterous as alexius comnenus himself, he could hardly have escaped ruin; that he kept his throne for over twenty years is proof that he was not unworthy of his father. first came the invasion of parthia by crassus; artavasdes, faithful to his father's roman allegiance; asked him to make the invasion by way of armenia, and offered to help him. crassus refused, but the parthian king, orodes, invaded armenia; however, he made peace, and betrothed his eldest son, pacorus, to artavasdes' daughter, just before news was brought him of the annihilation of crassus' army, guaranteed by crassus' severed head and hand. the civil wars at rome for years to come broke the roman power, and the parthians (with the good-will of the inhabitants, who detested the roman proconsuls), swept westward, compelled submission or alliance from all the countries to the taurus, and even annexed all syria for a time, just as seven centuries later the syrians, from hate of the byzantine governors, gave up their cities to the saracens. but the roman power once more rallied; the parthians were driven out of syria, and pacorus was killed; the aged orodes, under whom the parthian empire proper reached its pinnacle, died, leaving the throne to one of those jealous murderous despots so familiar in eastern history, who made a general slaughter of his brothers, and even murdered his son, to remove any possible leader of a revolt, and artavasdes once more returned to the roman alliance. in the year a.d., mark antony undertook the task crassus had so terribly failed in seventeen years before, of striking at the heart of parthia; but this time the invasion was by way of armenia. it was almost as frightful a disaster as the former; a third of the army of , men was destroyed by the enemy, , died of cold and storm in the armenian mountains, the wounded died in enormous numbers; but that artavasdes let the army winter in his country it would have perished as completely as crassus' did. in spite of this, the romans, wanting a scapegoat, laid the whole blame on artavasdes, without a shadow of reason that can be shown. it was the last time for a century and a half that the romans attacked parthia. in default of that plunder, they resolved to have armenia, and a couple of years later, in the year a.d., they seized artavasdes by treachery, and occupied the country. the parthians at once took up the cause of his son, artaxes, and made war on the romans to seat him on the throne; and when the roman troops were withdrawn to help antony's cause, which was lost in the battle of actium, the parthians overran armenia, and killed all the romans in the country, and made their candidate king as artaxes ii. this was in b.c., and in the same year his father, artavasdes, who had been carried to alexandria by antony, was beheaded by cleopatra. but the very next year the worthless tyrant phraates of parthia was driven from the throne by a rebellion, and artaxes made peace with rome. the history of artavasdes' reign is in essence the history of the next four centuries, save that the results were incomparably worse. we have been dealing with a time at least of steady, single-handed government, of able rulers either inside or outside, of some sort of ability to keep the civil structure of the country from breaking to pieces; but even that disappears over long periods in the early centuries of the roman empire. one great secret of armenia's misery during these ages of woe--indeed, to a large extent during all the ages since--lies in the fact that she is a borderland; a buffer between great states, and indeed between great natural divisions of climate and society. she is the boundary between semi-tropic central asia and temperate eastern europe, touching the land of the fig and the silk-worm on the one side, and that of the apple and the mountain goat on the other; between scythian steppes and syrian deserts. in these earlier ages she was fought for between east, west, and south,--parthia, rome, and a syro-egyptian power of some sort; in these days divided between east, west, and north,--persia the successor of parthia, turkey the successor of rome, while the southern power is ages dead, and a great northern power, russia, has grown up in the steppes. had armenia been smaller, or more level, she would have perished without a struggle, perhaps rather would never have existed; but her territory is so large and so defensible that her history could have been predicted,--final dismemberment between great states surrounding her, yet not without ages of desperate struggle. she was not large enough to be permanently the seat of empire; she was far too large for either rival to let pass wholly into the hands of the other--so she was pulled to pieces. but she wanted to control her own destiny, and made a long and heroic fight before being dismembered. to write the history of the next few centuries would tire out all my readers, and would not do any good; it was a long duel between rome and persia for the ownership of armenia, in which the prosperity and happiness of their unhappy foot-ball nearly perished. almost the whole foreign policy of parthia was to control, or to have a paramount influence in armenia; almost the whole foreign policy of rome in the east was to do the same thing. for nearly a century following artavasdes' deposition, though the romans professed to govern the country and the parthians sometimes held it, and both sides repeatedly put kings on its throne, it was actually in a state of pure anarchy. every great family, seeing it must depend on its own strength for preservation, extended its rule over as wide a district as would submit; nearly two hundred houses acted with perfect independence of each other, and of the nominal government, and some of them established principalities of considerable size. after this, though the country was for century after century just the same shuttlecock between the rival states, the feudal anarchy was somewhat reduced, the turbulent nobility better held in check, but it was impossible that there should be really firm and orderly government when a king could not be secure of his throne for a year on one side or the other, and dared not render his powerful subjects disaffected by making them obey the laws. we may be sure that the government was really an oligarchy under the forms of a monarchy, and even the title "king of armenia" during this period must not be taken to mean too much. there were sometimes separate kings of upper and lower armenia, one under roman, and one under parthian influence; the independent princes often made head against both, and outlying principalities, like those of osrhoene and gordyene probably got hold of more or less armenian territory in the melee. no king of armenia after tigranes ever held sway over all of old armenia for any length of time, if at all. but any king who got an acknowledged position at all was invariably an arshagoonian; the people considered that line the only rightful kings. artavasdes iii, whom the romans seated in power just before the birth of christ; tigranes iv, who expelled him by parthian aid the year of christ's birth; vonones, a deposed parthian king, who got himself chosen king as the roman favorite in a.d., but was persuaded by tiberius to retire; arsaces, son of the king of parthia, assassinated by the king of iberia whose brother was the roman candidate, about the time of the crucifixion; ervand, who made himself master of the land after a fashion, in ; dertad (tiridates), set up by the parthians in , and acknowledged by the romans in ; exedarus (eshdir?) son of the parthian king, given the throne with roman consent about , pulled down by his uncle in , resulting in the conquest of the country by trajan; sohaemus, set up by the romans about , dethroned by the parthians in in favor of another arsacid, restored by the romans in ; and the other fleeting monarchs of this long nightmare were all of the same line of arshag, which in armenia survived for over two centuries its brother line in parthia, the last of whom, ardvan (artabanus), was slain in battle in by ardashir (artaxerxes), first of the sassanian house, and founder of the persian empire. but i must go back a little. the most important event in the history of any nation is its conversion to christianity, and therefore we wish to know when the armenians first came to believe in christ, and how it came about. of course it did not come all at once; but it came very early, and the story of the first converts is very curious. according to the armenian church history, and also the great christian father eusebius, it came through king abgar or apkar (abgarus), the fifteenth king of the little kingdom of osrhoene, in northern mesopotamia, whose capital was the flourishing city of edessa, now oorfa; it lay next the southern border of armenia. the church history gives the following account: "the origin of christianity in armenia dates from the time of its king abgar, who reigned at the beginning of the christian era; he had his seat of government in the city of edessa, and was tributary to the romans. "herod antipas, the tetrarch of judea, was hostile to king abgar, but was unable to injure him except by exciting the romans against him. he therefore accused him falsely, to the emperor tiberius, of rebellious projects. king abgar, on being made acquainted with this accusation, hastened to send messengers to the roman general marinus, then governor of syria, phoenicia, and palestine, for the purpose of vindicating himself. during their stay in palestine these messengers--among whom was anane, abgar's confidant--hearing of the wonders that were wrought by our saviour, determined to visit jerusalem, in order to gratify their curiosity. "when, therefore, their mission was concluded, they proceeded thither and were filled with wonder at witnessing the miracles performed by jesus our lord. "on returning to armenia they related all the particulars to their master. abgar, after having listened to their narrative, became satisfied that jesus was the son of god, and immediately wrote to him as follows: "'abgar, son of arsham, to jesus, the great healer, who has appeared in the country of judea at the city of jerusalem--greeting lord,--i have heard that thou dost not heal by medicines but only through the word; that thou makest the blind to see, the lame to walk; that thou cleansest the lepers and makest the deaf to hear; that thou castest out devils, raiseth the dead, and healest through the word only. no sooner had the great miracles that thou performest been related to me, than i reflected, and now believe that thou art god and the son of god, descended from heaven to perform these acts of beneficence. for this reason i have written thee this letter, to pray thee to come to me, that i may adore thee and be healed of my sickness by thee, according to my faith in thy power. moreover, i have heard that the jews murmur against thee, and seek to slay thee. i pray thee, therefore, come to me; i have a good little city, which is enough for both of us, and there we can peaceably live together.'" the messengers sent with the letter were instructed to offer sacrifices for the king at the temple in jerusalem; and one of them was a painter, who was to make a portrait of the saviour, that if he would not come, the king might at least have his features. jesus received the letter joyfully,--as it was the day of his triumphal entry into jerusalem, the messengers did not venture to approach him, and it was taken to him by the apostles philip and andrew,--and dictated the following answer to the apostle thomas: "blessed be he who believes in me without having seen me; for thus it is written of me: those who see me shall not believe in me; and those who do not see me, they shall believe and be saved. inasmuch as you have written to me to go to you, know that it is necessary i should fulfill here all for which i have been sent. and when i shall have done so, i shall ascend to him who sent me; and then i will send you one of my disciples, who shall remove your pain, and shall give life to you and those around you." the painter could not execute his order on account of the multitude; the saviour at last noticed him, and causing him to approach, passed a handkerchief over his face and miraculously imprinted on it a perfect likeness of his countenance, and then gave it to him, and bade him take it to his master as a reward for his faith. the king received the letter and portrait with great joy, and put them in safe custody, and awaited the fulfillment of our lord's promise. after the ascension, thomas, the disciple, sent thaddeus, one of the seventy, to abgar, as our lord had directed. thaddeus went to tobias, a prince of the pakradoonian tribe, and consequently a jew by blood, who received the apostle into his house, and became a believer. thaddeus then began to perform many miracles upon sick people, and his fame being spread throughout the city, reached king abgar, who sent for prince tobias and desired him to bring the apostle to him. this was done, and thaddeus healed the king in his sickness, and instructed him in the faith. he did likewise to all the people of the city, and baptized them, together with the king and his court. all the temples dedicated to idols were shut up, and a large church was built. thaddeus then created a bishop to rule the new congregation, selecting a silk-mercer, the king's cap-maker, for that office, and giving him the name of adde. it is related that upon the principal gate of edessa was the statue of a greek idol, which all who entered the city were obliged to reverence. king abgar ordered this to be taken away, and placed in its stead the sacred portrait of our lord, with this inscription: "christ god, he who hopes in thee is not deceived in his hope;" at the same time ordering all those who entered the city to give it divine honor. this conversion of king abgar and of the edessians took place in the thirtieth year of the vulgar era, or in the thirty-third year after the birth of christ. shortly after, thaddeus, desiring to spread the light of the gospel in other parts of the country, went to inner armenia to visit sanadrug, who then resided in the province of shavarshan or ardaz. sanadrug soon became a christian and was baptized, together with his daughter santukht, and a great number of the chiefs and common people. here thaddeus also consecrated a bishop, named zachariah, and then proceeded to upper armenia; but finding the people there unwilling to listen to his preaching, he left them and went to the country of the aghuans. abgar, in his zeal for the faith he had just embraced, wrote to the emperor tiberius in favor of christ, informing him how the jews unjustly crucified him, exhorting him at the same time to believe and command others to adore the saviour. many letters passed between the two monarchs on the subject of his divine mission. he also wrote to ardashes, king of persia, and to his son nerseh, the young king of assyria, exhorting them to become believers in christ. however, before he received replies to these, he died, in the third year of his conversion to christianity. his death seemed at first to have undone all his work. his son anane apostatized and tried to make his people do the same; he reopened the heathen temples, resumed the public worship of the idols, and ordered the sacred handkerchief removed from the city gate. adde the bishop walled up the latter. the king ordered the bishop to make a diadem for him as he had for his father; the bishop refused to make one for a head that would not bow to christ, and the king had the bishop's feet cut off while he was preaching, causing his death,--the first christian martyr on record. by a just retribution, the savage king met his own death by a marble pillar in his palace falling on him and breaking his legs. meantime abgar's nephew, sanadrug, had set up his standard in shavarshan or ardaz, proclaiming himself king of armenia,--one of the countless chieftains who took advantage of armenian anarchy to carve out principalities for themselves. on the death of anane he marched to edessa, claiming it as his own inheritance. the people admitted him on his oath not to harm them; but once inside he massacred all the males of the house of abgar. he spared his aunt, queen helena, abgar's widow, who became widely famed as a christian philanthropist, and was buried with great pomp before one of the gates of jerusalem, where a splendid mausoleum was erected over her remains. he himself had apostatized, and ordered all his people to do likewise; but most of them refused to obey, and thaddeus, hearing of it at caesarea, in cappadocia, started for edessa to reconvert him. on his way he fell in with a roman embassy to sanadrug, composed of five patricians headed by one chrysos; he converted and baptized them all, conferred priest's orders on chrysos, and they gave up all their property and became preachers of christ. they were known as followers of chrysos, and all eventually obtained the crown of martyrdom. on the news of these conversions, sanadrug invited thaddeus to shavarshan; on his arrival he put him to death, and with him his own daughter, santukht, who would not give up her faith in christ. at her death various miracles were wrought, which caused many conversions to christianity; among them a notable chief, who was baptized with all his family, was renamed samuel, and was put to death by the king's order. a princess named zarmantukht also became a convert, with all her household, two hundred people in all; the whole of them suffered martyrdom in consequence. dr. philip schaff says: "it is now impossible to decide how much truth there may be in the somewhat mythical stories of correspondence between christ and abgarus, and the missionary activity and martyrdom of thaddeus, bartholomew, simon of cana, and judas lebbeus. but it is certain that christianity was introduced very early in armenia." i, however, consider what i have told to be true. after this time, christianity spread in armenia as it did in other parts of the greek empire; rapidly in the cities, where intelligence was quick, and new ideas were welcomed; slowly in the country districts, where people did not readily change. its first result everywhere was not so much to make people believe in it as to make them disbelieve in paganism; for every person who actually came to believe in christ, there were fifty who ceased to believe in jupiter, or bel, or thoth, venus or astarte. there would be a flourishing christian church in a great city when most of the people did not have any faith in any religion. but everybody who had a family came gradually to think very well of a religion that gave them the power to teach children righteousness, and enforce it by the command of god; and the respectable classes became more and more christian. but the fact that till two or three centuries after christ there was no general attempt on the part of the pagan governments to put down the christians by persecution, shows that not till then did they become so numerous as to frighten the governments for fear they would before long have a majority; persecution means fear. the governments let the christians pretty much alone, except for little fits of anger now and then, till they were afraid the growth of the sect would overthrow themselves or bring on civil war. the christians had become well established in armenia within a century or so after the death of christ; but it was over a century and a half before they seemed an imminent menace to the ruling class. then a furious persecution began, about the same time as that of diocletian in the roman empire, and indeed, part of the same movement. diocletian had set the persecuting king tiridates on his throne, and tiridates had passed his life from boyhood almost to old age in the roman service, and had the same ideas as the pagan roman upper classes. yet in the providence of god this same tiridates made christianity supreme in armenia, fifteen years before constantine made it supreme in the roman empire, thus making armenia the first christian nation. gregory the illuminator and king dertad. in the continual struggle between rome and parthia for the control of armenia, the parthian kings had one great advantage; they were arsacids, and could put their sons or brothers on the armenian throne with the good-will of the people, thus strengthening their dynastic position without much cost in military force. often, too, the armenian kingship was obtained by parthian princes, who fled after a family quarrel, or after deposition or other misfortune. one of these armenian kings was chosroes, who reigned in the time of ardashir, the first king of persia, before spoken of. it is not certain just who he was; some say a brother of ardvan, the last king of parthia; some say the son of ardvan, who fled after his father's death. anyway, he was a mortal enemy of ardashir, and was at first supported by the romans. ardashir invaded armenia, but was beaten later. chosroes quarreled with the romans, who withdrew their support, and assailed him, but he defeated them; and when ardashir again invaded the country, chosroes again drove him back. the old days of tigranes seemed to have returned, and armenia to be on the road again to unity and independence; and chosroes was called the great. ardashir was furious at being baffled, and is said to have offered his daughter's hand and a share in the kingdom to any one of his leading nobles who would assassinate chosroes. an arsacid named anag accepted the offer, though he had a wife already, and went with his family to armenia, pretending to be in flight from persian troops. chosroes gave him a military escort into the province of ardaz, where he lived for a time in the very place st. thaddeus' bones were deposited. later on, anag removed to vagharshabad (the present city of etchmiazin, where the armenian catholicos resides), chosroes' royal city. here anag seizing his opportunity, stabbed chosroes to the heart. in his flight he was drowned in trying to cross the aras, and his family were massacred by the soldiery. ardashir had gotten rid of his unconquerable enemy, and without having to pay the stipulated price. he at once entered armenia and put to death every member of chosroes' family save a boy and a girl, tiridates and chosrovitukht, who were somehow smuggled away, and the old game of perso-roman foot-ball over armenia went on as before. tiridates entered the roman army, when grown up, and became distinguished there, evidently inheriting his father's military ability; and remained in the roman service certainly to the age of over , and perhaps till over . that the romans waited all this time before using him as a candidate for the armenian throne seems strange; but the reason probably is that the early years of his manhood fell in a time when rome was weak and persia strong. the great shahpur, ardashir's son, reigned in persia till about ; the imbecile gallienus of rome reigned from till , and was succeeded by a crowd of emperors able indeed, but too short-lived to carry out any steady policy, or drive the persians out of their strong places. the first emperor who found himself in a position to restore the roman power in the east was diocletian, who came to the roman throne in , and it is significant that he made tiridates king of armenia only two years later. as diocletian was a soldier of fortune, probably he had known and respected tiridates long before. anyway, in rome once more had her turn in armenian affairs, and with one short interval, kept absolute control of the country for over half a century. now there had been born in armenia about a child who had early been taken to caesarea by christian relatives, baptized, named gregory, and reared in the christian faith. on reaching maturity he married a christian girl by whom he had two sons; but after three years they separated by mutual consent. the wife entered a convent. gregory, hearing of tiridates' renown in the roman army, went and obtained service near the prince's person, to be able to have influence with him if he ever regained his kingdom. they became fast friends. when tiridates was proclaimed king, he went first to erija, in the province of egueghatz, where was a temple of anahid (diana), whom the armenians worshiped as guardian goddess of the country; and making offerings to her of garlands and crowns, asked gregory to join him in his idolatry. gregory refused to worship anything but the one god. tiridates ordered him imprisoned for a while, thinking the loathsome dungeon of that time would change his resolution; finding him still firm, he had him tortured in a dozen frightful ways, and at last taken to the fortress of ardashad and thrown into a deep pit, where criminals were left to starve. there gregory remained fourteen years, supported all that time by the charity of a pious christian woman. after about ten years of reign, tiridates was driven from his throne by persians, and once more became a wanderer; but two years later he was reinstated by the romans, and finished his life on the throne. in gratitude for this second restoration, he had daily offerings made to the heathen gods all over his kingdom; and on being told that the christians refused to comply, ordered all recusants to be tortured, and their property confiscated. about this time diocletian determined to find and marry the handsomest woman in his empire, and sent officers all over in search of noted beauties. one party, hearing that a nun named ripsime was very beautiful, entered her convent by force, had a portrait made of her, and carried it to the emperor. diocletian was enchanted with it, and ordered preparations made for the nuptials; but the abbess, kayane, to save the nun from sin, and the community from danger, broke up the convent, and the inmates with several priests--seventy in all--went to the east, and scattered themselves in different localities. ripsime and kayane, with thirty-five companions, reached ardashad in armenia, and took refuge in a building among the vineyards, where wine vats were stored. diocletian had search made for his flown bird, and, hearing that her company had gone to armenia, commanded tiridates to send her back to him unless he wished to keep her for his own wife. tiridates had her hunted out, and the officers bringing a report of her extraordinary beauty, so great that people flocked to admire her, he ordered her brought to him, intending to marry her. kayane exhorted her not to deny christ for the sake of earthly honors, and she refused to go. she was carried by force, however, and the king undertook to gain a husband's rights at once; but the virgin, strengthened by divine power, resisted him successfully. tiridates then had the abbess kayane brought to him to overcome the girl's scruples; but instead, she once more exhorted ripsime to keep herself pure in spite of all offered grandeur. the king once more endeavored to deflower the maiden, and was once more beaten; and ripsime, opening the doors and passing out through the astonished guards, walked out of the city, to her companions in the vineyard, went to a high place, and knelt down in prayer. the incensed tiridates sent a body of guards to put her to death by the most dreadful tortures, which was done, and her body cut into small pieces. her companions gathered to bury her remains, and were at once butchered by the soldiery, as well as a sick one, who had stayed behind in the wine press. the bodies of the thirty-four martyrs were thrown into the fields as food for the beasts of prey. the next day tiridates had kayane and two other companions put to death. these events occurred on the th and th of october, . shortly after, god visited the king and many of his household with a dreadful disease for his persecution of the saints. they ran around like mad people or demoniacs. while they were in this state, the king's virgin sister chosrovitukht had a divine revelation that she should go to ardashad and release gregory from the pit, and he would heal them all. as he had been thrown there fourteen years ago, and was believed to be long dead, no attention was paid to it; but the next day it was repeated five times with threats, and a chief named oda was sent, who brought him back alive, to their great amazement and joy. they prostrated themselves before him and asked forgiveness, but he told them to worship only their creator. then he demanded to be shown the bodies of the holy martyrs lately just slain for belief in christ; they were found after nine days and nights untouched, and he gathered them up and put them into the wine press, where he also established himself. first he ordered the king and all the people to fast five days, and commended them to the mercy of god; and after that for sixty consecutive days he preached the word of god, instructing them in all the mysteries of the christian religion. on the sixty-sixth day they again besought him to heal them, but first he made them build three chapels for the relics of the martyrs, each in a separate coffin, wall in the place where he had seen a vision of the son of god coming down from heaven, and erect a crucifix before which the people should prostrate themselves. finally, seeing that they all believed in the true god, st. gregory bade them kneel down and pray to him for healing; he himself prayed for them at the same time, and a miraculous cure was at once effected on all the sufferers. this done, gregory and tiridates set about exterminating idolatry; they smashed the idols and demolished the temples, the new converts joyfully assisting them. the work of conversion went on rapidly, under the wonderful preaching of the saint, and the zeal of the king; all the people converted were baptized by immersion. in eight years the majority of the armenian nation, many millions in number, had become christians. that religion was made the state creed of armenia in , while the council of nice, which did the same work for rome, was not held till . gregory deserves every credit for this magnificent work; but i cannot help wishing he had been less zealous in destroying the pagan literature, which is a very great loss to the world. however, christianity is worth it, if we could not have it at a less price. schools, as well as churches and benevolent institutions, were organized in great numbers under christian auspices during the next two or three centuries, and a brilliant band of scholars and preachers went out from them, the equals of any in their age, and perhaps in any age. i will give sketches of some of the principal figures, but first let me briefly tell the history of armenia during that period. the rivalry between rome and persia grew fiercer than ever with the introduction of christianity, for now religious hate was added to political ambition; and on the side of persia the armenian difficulties were doubled, for a considerable part of the armenians were still zoroastrians, and sympathized with the persians against their own government, while many of the persians had become christian, and opposed their pagan rulers. thus the persians felt that they had a civil war on their hands as well as foreign wars, and persecuted their christians horribly. on the other hand, they had the help of the pagan part of the armenians in invading or controlling that state; still again, the armenian christians now favored the romans much more strongly than they had before, because rome was now christian; while on top of all were the great barons, almost independent of the nominal kings, and who favored neither party but wanted their feudal independence. yet the roman control of the kingship, for what it was worth, lasted without a break for over half a century after the victory of christianity, and over three-quarters of a century from the accession of tiridates; which was due largely to the great ability of the roman emperors diocletian and constantine, and the excellent administration and military organization they left, which saved the eastern provinces from persia for over a quarter of a century after constantine's death. shahpur ii, of persia, won many victories, but he could not hold even the places he captured, and he gained no territory till the death of "julian the apostate" in his persian campaign of . his weak and frightened successor jovian surrendered a great section of the eastern roman territory, and still more disgracefully agreed that the romans should not help their ally arshag (arsaces), king of armenia, against shahpur. armenia was at once invaded, but she felt her national existence at stake, and fought with desperation. though shahpur had the help of two apostate armenian princes, merujan and vahan, and other native traitors, who ravaged the country and fought their king because he was a christian, arshag held out four years, aided by his heroic though unprincipled wife parantzem, and his able chief commander vashag. vagharshabad, ardashad, ervandshad, and many other cities were taken and destroyed; finally arshag and vashag were captured. arshag's eyes were put out, and he was thrown into a persian dungeon in ecbatana; vashag was flayed alive, and his skin stuffed and set near the king. queen parantzem still refused to surrender, and with , soldiers and , fugitive women held the fortress of ardis fourteen months, till nearly all of them were dead from hunger or disease; then she opened the gates herself. instead of honoring her, shahpur, who was a worthy predecessor of the turks, had her violated on a public platform by his soldiers, and then impaled ( ). meantime, her and ashag's son, bab (papa), had escaped to constantinople and asked the help of the co-emperor valens. that emperor hated to break the treaty, and involve rome in a new eastern war; but he could not suffer persia to be strengthened by the possession of all armenia, and the roman statesmen had determined to end the long struggle over armenia by dividing it between persia and themselves. bab was secretly helped by the romans; he kept up a guerrilla warfare in the mountains, and a large part of the armenian people were prepared to welcome him back to his rightful throne. the romans tried to keep within the letter of their treaty by not letting him assume the title of king. the persians considered his support by greek troops a breach of the treaty, none the less, and valens alternately aided and disavowed him. the matter was not mended by the worthless character of bab himself, who murdered his best friends on the least suspicion, and had the incredible baseness to hold a secret correspondence with shahpur, the worse than murderer of his parents. finally the romans, convinced that he must be under their watch if they were to have any security of him, tolled him down to cilicia, and prevented him from returning by guards of soldiers. he made his escape, and professed his allegiance to the romans as before; but valens resolved to be rid of him, and had him murdered by count trajan, the roman commander in the east. meantime a powerful roman army under count trajan, and the chief persian host, had actually camped opposite each other on the borders of armenia ( ); but neither side wanted a general war just then,--rome must have her hands free for the goths, and persia hers for the mongols. finally, in , shahpur died, and there was an instant and entire change in persian policy toward rome, and even toward christianity for a while. his brother and successor, ardashir, was an old man, and reigned but four years; his successor, shahpur iii, at once sent embassies to rome, and made a treaty of peace ( ). finally, on the succession of bahram iv (kirman shah), in , that monarch arranged a treaty of partition with theodosius, the roman emperor, by which armenia ceased to exist. the western portion became a roman province; the then reigning sovereign, arshag iv, was made governor to keep the people contented. the eastern, and much the larger section, was annexed to persia, under the name of persarmenia; and to please the people, an arsacid, chosroes iv, was made governor, and the dynasty was continued in its rule over the armenians till after the great perso-roman war of - , and the persecution of christians by persia, which was the pretext of it. the persecution and the war led to a movement for armenian independence; after it was over, bahram v of persia (gor, the wild ass, "the mighty hunter") put a new vassal, ardashes iv, into the governorship; but the great armenian barons would not give up the struggle, and this last of the arshagoonian dynasty was removed in and persian governors substituted. thus ended the rule of the line of arshag. it was a mighty race, and swarms with brilliant names; but in persia it was justly displaced by one of better public policy, and in armenia the position of the country was fatal to it. the interregnum. prominent men; literature; the church and the clergy. from the time of the partition to the succession of the pakradoonian dynasty there was not in name an armenian kingdom; but it must not be supposed that there was not an armenian nation. no matter how its neighbor nations changed, that country was always called armenia, and the people held to their armenian ways and feelings. the national feeling was as strong as before, and above all the feeling of church unity was very intense. no one will ever understand armenian history, or indeed any oriental history at all, who does not realize that religious questions come first, and political questions second. the armenian church was, it is true, a christian church; but it was the armenian christian church, not the greek church, and the syrian and african churches had their separate creeds and preferences, and the greek church, which was the official church of the greek empire, was always trying to root out their "heresies" and make them greek. that was one reason why the mohammedans conquered those countries so easily. the africans would rather be ruled by the mohammedans than by the greek church, the syrians were angry because the greek church wanted to take away their own church and give them the greek. but the armenians would not take either the greek or the mohammedan or the zoroastrian; they wanted their own. so they were persecuted terribly by the greek christians and the persian fire-worshipers alike. just as before the partition, each country invaded the other's part of armenia whenever they got into war; and whichever won, the armenians were the losers. when the greeks won, they tortured the armenians; when the persians won, they tortured the armenians; later, when the mohammedans won, they also tortured the armenians. the mediaeval history of armenia is that of a battle-ground between contending races--greeks, persians, scythians, arabs, seljuk turks, ottoman turks, mongols, and so on. millions of its people were slain; millions died of famine and disease; millions of its women were forced to embrace mohammedanism and become the wives and mothers of mohammedans,--half the blood of those who are called turks at this day is armenian; millions of its boys were forced into the turkish service, so that many of the best-known names in turkish history, and in the turkey of to-day, are armenian names. yet through all these calamities and decimations armenia has kept its national life and national religion. from to the history of both sections of armenia is little more than an account of religious persecutions and their results; the persecutors on the one side were christians, and on the other side zoroastrians, but the results to the armenians were much the same. the persian atrocities, however, were on the larger scale, and the outcome was a chronic state of revolt, which will be alluded to in the sketch of vartan the defender. but the rise of the saracen power changed armenia's greatest foe from the persian to the arab, from the fire-worshipers to the mohammedans. persia was invaded by the forces of the caliph omar in , and about - the decisive battle of nehavend annihilated the last great persian army, though scattered places held out much longer. the armenian highlands at once resumed their independence, and their chiefs, with those of the western section belonging to the byzantine empire, fought for their own hand in lack of a true national chief whom all could look up to, but allied themselves mainly with the greek power against the barbarians; and for two entire centuries, and more, armenia was a furious and bloody battle-ground between greeks and saracens, while internally in a state of feudal anarchy. then a prince of the family of pakrad or bagrat (well-known to students of the last century's history in the form of bagration), of jewish descent, as has already been mentioned, which had obtained power over the central and northern parts of armenia, was recognized by the caliph as an independent monarch; and thus founded the pakradoonian dynasty, which lasted till armenia's independence was once more extinguished by the byzantine empire,--a crime almost immediately punished by the overwhelming of asia minor by the seljuk turks. prominent men of the period. nierses the great. this was the great creator of armenian scholarship. he was a descendant of st. gregory; studied in the greek schools of caesarea during boyhood; later in those of constantinople, where he became famous for learning, married a greek princess of a distinguished house, and on his return to armenia was made pontiff. (all the clergy were married then, as the greek priests are now.) he founded over , schools, and benevolent institutions, as well as great numbers of churches, was a powerful and persuasive preacher, and a considerable writer, part of the church history being his. from these schools went forth a very brilliant band of scholars, preachers and orators, the equals of any in the world. it was during his pontificate that the affairs of arshag and bab took place, and he was intimately connected with them till his death at the hands of the latter. previous to the desertion of armenia by the romans in , they had quarreled with arshag, and sent an army to punish him; but on nierses' intercession with valens it was recalled, and the saint obtained high favor with the emperor. arshag's conduct, however, grew too bad for endurance; he had his father and a relative named kuenel (or gnel) killed, and married kuenel's wife, parantzem (who afterwards met such a horrible fate), though his own wife, olympias, was still alive. nierses, finding admonition of no avail, quitted vagharshabad and went into a convent. but arshag, getting into fresh difficulties with the emperor and his own rebellious vassals, besought the saint to assist him once more, and once more nierses complied. he first pacified the turbulent nobility; then interceded with the roman commander to such effect that the general withdrew his army and went to constantinople to justify himself to the emperor, taking a letter to him from arshag, and hostages for the latter's loyalty, and also inducing nierses to accompany him. but valens was enraged at the withdrawal, would neither read the letter nor see the saint, and ordered the hostages killed and nierses banished. the former sentence was revoked on the general's intercession, but nierses was shipped for his place of exile; on the way a storm wrecked the vessel on a desert island, but he and the crew were saved. it was winter, and they could find no food but the roots of trees, but in a short time the sea miraculously cast abundance of fish on shore, and for eight months they never suffered for sustenance. at the end of that time the saint was set free. after the restoration of bab to the land, though not the acknowledged throne of his fathers, nierses convened an assembly of armenian princes and ecclesiastical heads, with the king, and swore them all to mutual concord and good behavior, to unite the land against the persians; but bab, like so many eastern potentates and indeed his father, cared for nothing but to indulge his own passions, and would have sold his country to shahpur if he could have got his price. nierses in vain tried to turn him from his evil ways; bab merely hated him for it, and finally had him poisoned, in the village of khakh in the province of eghueghiatz. nierses had been pontiff eight years, but they were crowded with labors of immense variety and usefulness. he left one son (isaac), who eventually became pontiff also. sahag and mesrob. isaac was educated at constantinople like his father, and had at first no thought of being a great churchman, but only of leading the life of a noble. he was always, however, of a very pure and lofty character, a marked contrast to the proud and dissolute nobility around him; and after the early death of his wife, devoted himself to religious seclusion, into which he was followed by sixty disciples. in , a few years after his father's death, he was called out to fill the pontificate, once more vacant. this was the year before the partition of armenia; but even after that, though the country was divided, the church was not. the armenian church was still one, with a single head; but the appointment of that head was of such immense political importance that, as the king had before claimed the deciding voice in it, so now each power insisted on being satisfied,--no easy matter. some of the nobles who opposed chosroes of persarmenia now complained to the king of persia that the appointment of the new pontiff had been made without his consent, in order to foment a rebellion, and make armenia independent again; and the king deposed isaac. shortly after, however, a new king reinstated him; and a new vassal king being put in chosroes' place, and the country more quiet, st. isaac began to repair the churches, which had fallen into decay,--rebuilding that of st. ripsime, destroyed by shahpur, in the course of which he discovered st. gregory's urn sealed with his cross-engraven signet. about this time st. mesrob began to be famous for sanctity. he was a scholar well versed in greek, syrian, and persian, as well as his native tongue; had been secretary to st. nierses, and after his death remained at court under the patronage of a prince named aravan, where he became chancellor. finally he became wearied of earthly glory and court corruptions, and entered a convent, whither many disciples were attracted by his learning and sanctity. hearing of st. isaac's beneficent deeds, however, he left the convent and attached himself to him; and under his authority preached and taught in all parts of the province. we are told that by the aid of the chief of koghten he extirpated a diabolic heathen sect in that province. but his fame is chiefly as having begun with isaac the golden age of armenian literature; i shall speak of this a little later. barouyr or broyerios. we must not judge the ability and reputation of men in their own ages solely by the familiarity of their names to us; those that have come down to us are a mere handful, and not by any means always the greatest of their time. much depends on chance--the preservation of certain works, and the loss of others, or certain men happening to do something dramatic. great orators are especially likely to be forgotten; they leave no written works of their own, and not being in political life, the common histories do not mention them. the name of barouyr is wholly unknown to this age; but we have the testimony of a contemporary writer, eunapius of sardis,--not a countryman of his, and therefore free from all suspicion of patriotic brag, and most unlikely to make out an armenian greater than he was,--that he was the most wonderful orator of his time, famous all over the roman world, and greatly admired even by the emperors. he was one of those men to whom all languages seem alike to come by nature, and his oratory was as easy and as perfect in one as in the other; in latin or greek as in his national armenian. the only comparison i can give in modern times is louis kossuth. that barouyr has not the fame of cicero or demosthenes, kossuth or gladstone, is probably because under the circumstances of the time he could not engage in political life; military service or high birth were about the only avenues to that. i will quote in substance what eunapius says of this brilliant orator, whom he probably knew all about, as our boys know gladstone,--for he was born in , and barouyr was certainly alive in the time of the emperor julian, who came to the throne in :-- barouyr lived to be ninety, and was beautiful even in old age, having the vigor of youth in his looks. he was eight feet high. when a boy he left armenia and went to antioch, the first seat of the christians, and entered the school of oratory under the celebrated albianos, where he shortly became the foremost pupil. thence he went to athens and studied under julian, the greatest of the teachers of oratory there,--supporting himself by working meantime, as he was very poor; in no long time he was recognized as the leading orator of athens, and taught the art to the athenians. the other teachers were so angry that they bribed the governor to banish him; but on the governor's removal some time after, he was permitted to return. the new governor instituted an oratorical competition; whoever could deliver the best extempore oration on a subject to be given out on the spot, should receive great honors. barouyr took part on condition that the auditors should take careful notes, and should not cheer; but they were so fascinated that they broke both conditions, listening in rapture and applauding repeatedly. the governor offered him his chair, and honored him as the greatest orator in athens. later, the emperor constans was so struck with his wisdom and oratorical power that he called him first to gaul and then to rome, where he delivered his greatest orations, and the romans erected a bronze monument in his honor, inscribed "regina rerum romae, regi eloquentiae" (rome queen of affairs, to the king of eloquence). from rome he returned to athens, and taught there many years with great repute, up to the time of the emperor julian, who honored him, and spoke as follows of him: "barouyr was a flowing river of oratory, and in power and persuasiveness of speech was like pericles." and i must add that with all this he was a thorough christian man,--not a priest, but a great christian layman and teacher. vartan, defender of the faith. vartan mamigonian is the most esteemed and beloved name in armenian history. tiridates founded the christian kingdom; but when the religion was in danger of extermination throughout persian armenia at the hands of the fire-worshipers, vartan saved it, and died for it, a faithful servant of god and his saviour. it was said of him that he was an honest, modest, wise, brave, true, pure, childlike, and christ-like christian commander, a great soldier of the cross. he was a lamb in nature, but when he came to defend his religion he was a lion. as a little boy he was so full of grace that the pontiff sahag adopted him as his son; and through this companionship of the aged ecclesiastic and the religious boy, the latter developed into a great spiritual light. in he went to constantinople with st. mesrob, and was much loved and esteemed by the emperor (theodosius ii) and the court; then to persia, where the king honored him and gave him the title of prince. in yazdegerd ii of persia succeeded his father, bahram v, the destroyer of the arsacid dynasty, and began a furious persecution of both jews and christians, which lasted a dozen years, and ended in a complete victory for religious freedom. the king, like james i of england, fancied himself a great theologian, and could always be victorious in a debate by killing his opponent. one specimen will suffice. he called a convocation of armenian priests and noblemen, and commanded them to embrace fire-worship on pain of death. "your christ cannot save you," said he, "for he is crucified and dead." "oh my gracious king," replied a young nobleman, "why did you not read further about christ? he was indeed crucified, but rose again, ascended to heaven, and is living now and our saviour." the king in a rage had his head struck off. finally in the people of persian armenia rose in revolt, and determined to fight for their religion. vartan took command of them, and showed himself the ablest commander of his time. for a year he held at bay the overwhelming forces of the persian empire, and was victorious in every battle, even to the last,--a striking parallel to judas maccabaeus in historical position, as well as military ability. finally the forces were arrayed for battle on the banks of the dughmood river, in the plains of avarayr, near the present city of van. vartan had , men, the persians several times as many. vartan prayed to god for help, and to christ for his own salvation; then he made a speech to his soldiers, in substance as follows:--"soldiers, as christians we are averse from fighting; but to defend the christian religion and our own freedom we have to fight. surely our lives are not as valuable as christ's, and if he was willing to die on the cross for us, we ought to be willing to die in battle for him." then, with his troops, he crossed the river, fell on the enemy's center, and scattered the huge army in rout, killing , men besides nine great princes, and losing , of his own; but alas! one of these was himself, dying from a mortal wound not long after. nevertheless, he had won the victory he was striving for. yazdegerd saw it was impossible to conquer the armenians in a war for religion, and granted entire liberty to the christians to believe and preach as they pleased. armenian literature. fifth century. the armenian schools and universities and their outpour of great scholars and writers have already been spoken of, but of course armenian youths, eager for the best of the world's learning, did not confine themselves to their own country; they studied in constantinople, athens, antioch, alexandria, and wherever great teachers were located. all were zealous christians, and the books they have left behind were christian literature, not works of mere enjoyment. a very rich and valuable literature it is, too, in my judgment the most so of any single body that exists; though much of it has perished in the recent destruction of everything christian the turks can reach. my readers will not credit my opinion of it, because most of it has never been translated, but that makes it all the more valuable now, it has so much that is new to add to the stores of the world. it is not necessary to give them all, but to point out the chief writers. the fifth century is called the golden age of armenian literature. first in point of time as well as importance comes the armenian bible. the furious opposition of the church in the middle ages to letting the people have the bible to read in their own tongues seems perfectly ridiculous, when we remember that in the early christian church every people had it in their own language, and it was thought to be the greatest work for a heathen people that could be done, to translate the bible for them. it was not thought needful then to keep the word of god in a strange tongue, so that the people could neither read it for themselves nor understand it when it was read to them. there were probably some books of popular tales and songs in armenia before the fifth century, for we are told that there was an armenian alphabet to write them in as early as the second, but if so they have all perished, and the alphabet was doubtless a poor and meager one. armenian scholars and writers read greek or latin books, and occasionally hebrew or syriac ones, and wrote in greek or latin themselves; if it was necessary to write armenian, as in letters, they made the greek, syriac, or persian characters, which of course were insufficient to give the armenian sounds. they would have got along with this, however, if it had not been for the eagerness of christian enthusiasm which made them wish to give the bible to armenia; it was to spread the word of god, not to write books, that they were anxious. st. mesrob set to work and invented a very perfect alphabet of thirty-six letters, to which two have been added since. according to one of his disciples, having vainly sought help from the learned, he prayed to god, and received the new alphabet in a vision. this was about . he and sahag the pontiff at once began to translate the new testament and the book of proverbs from a poor greek version, the best they had, with the assistance of two pupils, john of eghueghiatz and joseph of baghin. this was finished in . many years later (seemingly about the time persian armenia was made a satrapy), they undertook the translation of the old testament; but as the persians had destroyed all the greek mss., it was necessary to use a syriac version. the same two assistants aided them; but being sent to the council of ephesus in , they brought back copies of the greek septuagint, and the old translation was at once dropped, and a new one put under way. but all found their knowledge of greek too imperfect to rely on, and the pupils were sent to alexandria and athens to complete their education; on their return they seem to have brought a new alexandrian version, and corrections were made from that, and the work completed, most likely about . the bible completed, they turned to other labors. the saints sahag and mesrob are said to have written six hundred books themselves, all in christian theology and instruction; and the pupils from the schools st. nierses and themselves had founded--the chief of their own were at noravank, ayri, and vochkhoroz--wrote great numbers besides. the first original work of sahag was one on pastoral theology, setting forth that the church of christ is the bride of christ, and the ministers must therefore be holy, pure, and obedient. he wrote many epistles to kings and emperors, all of whom reverenced and were greatly influenced by him. he wrote a large part of the armenian church history, composed many hymns, and translated many commentaries and theological works from the greek. fortunately during this period the government of armenia was very good, with the exception of one period of two years or so; even after its partition, for close on forty years it had practically self-government in internal affairs, and for another decade the christians enjoyed full rights of worship. bahram iv of persia ( - ), who helped divide it, was a monarch who loved peace above all things, both with foreign countries and his own people; his successor, yazdegerd i ( - ), went even further, employed the catholicos or pontiff on embassies to constantinople, and as mediator with his own brother, and made his son, shahpur, governor of persian armenia, continuing the arsacid dynasty. he was murdered by his nobles, instigated by the zoroastrian priests, for being too tolerant to the christians, and his successor bahram v, who got the throne by favor of the rebellious elements, tried to please them by persecuting the christians; this involved him in a war with rome, as i have said, and after a couple of years he made peace and gave toleration again. the turning of persian armenia into a satrapy in i have already told; but no fresh persecution was undertaken till that of yazdegerd ii, in , ending in vartan's revolt just detailed. shahpur of armenia was a prince of great wisdom, generosity, and public spirit; he patronized men of learning, founded schools, made large grants from the treasury for scholarship, and sent scholars to all the great seats of learning to teach and acquire the languages, literature, and history of other nations, after which they wrote and translated hundreds of volumes. among them were tavit, khosrov, mampre, and zazar; a great historian, eghishe (elisaeus), author of the life of vartan; and a great philosopher, yeznic. these are only a few out of scores worthy of mention. dr. philip schaff says:--"in spite of the unfavorable state of political and social affairs in armenia during this epoch, more than six hundred greek and syrian works were translated within the first forty years after the translation of the bible; and as in many cases the original works have perished, while the translations have been preserved, the great importance of this whole literary activity is apparent. among works which in this way have come down to us are several books by philo-alexandrinus, on providence, on reason, commentaries, etc.; the chronicle of eusebius, nearly complete; the epistles of ignatius, translated from a syrian version; fifteen homilies by severianus; the exegetical writings of ephraim syrus, previously completely unknown, on the historical books of the old testament, the synoptical gospels, the parables of jesus, and the fourteen pauline epistles; the hexahemeron of basil the great; the catechesis of cyril of jerusalem; several homilies by chrysostom, etc. the period, however, was not characterized by translations only. several of the disciples of mesrob and sahak left original works. esnik wrote four books against heretics, printed at venice in , and translated into french by le vailliant de florival, paris, . a biography of mesrob by koriun, homilies by mambres, and various writings by the philosopher david, have been published; and the works of moses chorenensis, published in venice in , and again in , have acquired a wide celebrity; his history of armenia has been translated into latin, french, italian, and russian." sixth century. the leading authors in this century are abraham mamigonian, who wrote on the council of ephesus; and bedross sounian, who wrote on the life of christ. there are, however, many others of merit. seventh century. by far the greatest name in this century, and indeed the best-known and most important name in armenian literature altogether, is the writer who calls himself movses khorentzi, well known to all historical scholars as moses of chorene, author of the history of armenia. for more than a thousand years, up to this century, indeed, this was practically the only source of armenian history to the world; the other writers were inaccessible. and it is still very valuable, though not in just the way it was once thought to be. it preserves a vast amount of armenian tradition, stories and ballads, and real history, which have perished except for this work; but he seems not to have had the greek and latin histories to draw from, and makes a great many mistakes. he gives a life of himself, and says he is writing in the fifth century, and knew sahag and mesrob when he was young; but he really lived in the seventh, and wrote history about the year . but still he is a great writer, and one of armenia's literary lights; and we do not need to claim for him anything more than he deserves. besides movses, the chief authors were gomidas, yezr, matossagha, krikoradour, hovhannes, vertanes, and anania. they wrote chiefly religious books; but anania shiragatzi is the author of a valuable work on astronomy. eighth century. the leading authors were: hovhan imassdasser, sdepannoss sounetzi, and levont yeretz. they wrote hymns, books on oratory, etc. ninth century. zakaria shabooh, tooma, kourken, etc. tenth century. the chief authors were anania, khasrov, and krikor naregatzi. the latter wrote a prayer book in ninety-five chapters, which one of the missionaries of the american board thinks the best in the world. he says that only beecher was able to offer such prayers as krikor naregatzi. eleventh century. the leading writers were hovhannes, krikor, and aristagues. in this century some of the best commentaries were written on the bible. twelfth century. leading authors: nerses shinorhali is the foremost of armenian poets, and a thoroughly converted and consecrated man of god. his hymns were intensely spiritual, and the armenians still chant them in their churches. they are worthy to be translated into english. nerses lampronatzi, the greatest scholar ever born in armenia, was a distinguished commentator on the old testament, and wrote many other books. another is yeremia. again i quote from the schaff-herzog encyclopaedia:--"another nourishing period falls in the twelfth century, during the rubenian dynasty. nerses klagensis and nerses lambronensis belong to this period; also ignatius, whose commentary to the gospel of st. luke appeared in constantinople in and ; sargis shnorhali, whose commentary on the catholic epistles was published in constantinople in , and again in ; matthew of edessa, whose history, comprising the period from to , and continued by gregory the priest to , contains many interesting notices concerning the crusaders; samuel aniensis, the chronologist; michael syrus, whose history has been edited with a french translation by v. langlois, paris, ; mekhitar kosh, of whom a hundred and ninety fables appeared at venice, and . a most powerful impulse the armenian literature received in the eighteenth century by the foundation of the mekhitarist monastery in venice, from whose press the treasures of the armenian literature were spread over europe, and new works, explaining and completing the old, were added. the armenian liturgy was published in , the breviary in , the ritual in ." thirteenth century. leading authors:-- krikor sguevratzi, kevork sguevratzi, mukhitar anetzi, vanagan vartabed, vartan vartabed, etc. they wrote histories, commentaries, etc. as the armenian dynasties ended in the fourteenth century, i will reserve my notes on the later literature till towards the end of the book. the peculiar value of the armenian literature is not realized as it should be, by european and american scholars; the language is well worth learning for what it can give the student. not alone is the original work that comes from the first christian nation specially valuable for its bearing on primitive christianity, but the armenian scholars translated great numbers of works from other languages, and these translations are preserved in armenian monasteries when the originals have been irretrievably lost in the wars, and burnings, and devastations of other countries. six hundred volumes of this old literature are known to exist now, two hundred in europe, and four hundred in different places in armenia. the armenian church. the first thing to remember about this is, that it is an independent and separate body as much as the greek or the roman catholic church, and older than either of them. i often hear such expressions as "the armenian catholic church," and many people think it simply a "branch" of the great eastern or greek church. it would be just as sensible to consider the greek a branch of the armenian church. each of them represents a form of church organization and body of doctrine which best satisfied the representatives of certain races or nations; the advantage of the greek was that that race--or at least its speech and thought--happened to be dominant in the roman empire at the time when christianity won the battle, and so had the official backing of the empire, and was able to outgrow and crush down the others. it was not any truer, any more the real church of christ, than the syrian or african or armenian; it was not the earliest, for the very first christian churches sprang from the jews; it was not even the earliest great national church body, for the armenian church has that distinction. it had the most soldiers back of it to put down its opponents, that is all. i have already told the story of the foundation of the armenian church by st. gregory and tiridates. that church has its own head--the catholicos or pontiff, who is no more a subordinate of either the pope or the greek patriarch than the grand llama is, or dr. parkhurst--and its own self-subsistent being. as to the differences between them, in the first place the armenian is a purely trinitarian. there is no room for unitarianism within its lines. when gregory the illuminator was preaching his sermons on the hills and plains of armenia, he laid the foundation of the national church in the trinity. his first sermon was on the trinity; his last sermon was on the trinity. in all his sermons he asserted the trinity,--the father, the son, and the holy ghost. jesus christ being a perfect man and a perfect god; in his person we see god in man and man in god; a perfect emmanuel, god with us. we see in him that man can be united with god. the only possible way of salvation is through jesus christ. he is the saviour of the world and none else, and whosoever believeth in him shall be saved. this is the belief and the only belief of the armenian church. its members repeat the apostolic creed and the lord's prayer every day in their churches. i say every day because armenians go to church every day,--twice, morning and evening, and three times on sunday. secondly, the armenian has never been a persecuting church, and every other one of the great christian churches has been. the armenian church, as befits the first and most christ-like of all the bodies that professed christ before luther's time, has always been the broadest, the most inclusive, the most untechnical of churches. it fellowships with all other churches. it demands only that men shall profess and believe in christ, and live christian lives; not that one shall belong to its own church body. its canons are conversion and regeneration, purity, holiness, being born again from the holy spirit and becoming christ-like. it holds that christianity is brotherhood through jesus christ, and gives no warrant for oppression or persecution, curses or anathemas. i need hardly say that it is alone in this of the older churches. the others hold that no one can be saved outside of their own bodies; hence they fulminate anathemas against all others, and have the anathemas read in their churches, and they persecute others to compel them to join themselves, or rid the world of a possible danger that their own members may be tolled outside. the greek church, where it has full power, will not even allow people of other creeds to come into its country; for example, in croatia a protestant is not allowed to live there at all, and the people said in the hungarian diet that "intolerance was the most precious of their rights." the russian greek church will not permit a protestant missionary in russia. where the roman catholic power is complete, it is just as intolerant. the armenian church has been repeatedly persecuted by both, and has always protested against the principle of it, as well as against the pretensions of the popes to universal sway. it is fairly entitled to be called the first protestant church. that the armenian contention is for freedom of will, freedom of conscience, freedom of worship, and political freedom, is the cause of their being hated both by the mohammedans and by their so-called christian neighbors; but it ought to be also a reason why americans, who believe in these things themselves, should sympathize with us. if the armenians would accept mohammedanism, would the turks persecute them? no. if they would accept roman catholicism would the turks persecute them? no, for the catholic states would not permit it. if they would accept the greek church, would the turks persecute them? no, for russia would not permit it. but as they are an independent church the others are interested in persecuting them, and nobody is interested in defending them. if there is any help to come to them it will not be from the old churches of europe, but from protestant anglo-saxons helping their spiritual brethren, the anglo-saxons of the east; and it will be found, when the great battle comes, that the slavonic, greek, and catholic churches will be on the side of the mohammedans against the armenian christians. but that battle will come, and the victory will be on the side of freedom and righteousness. as to theological questions, the armenian church fathers did not pay much attention to them. not because they were not able, but because they were too able, and very far-sighted. they knew well that such questions can never be solved, no matter how many centuries pass away, no matter how great scholars the world produces; therefore they would not enter into the debate. and so every armenian scholar has his own theology. i confess that the armenian church has not a theology, or an especial official doctrine; and this is a very fortunate thing for the armenians. they care more for righteousness of life than for particular beliefs about the way of getting it. when there was a great controversy in the council of chalcedon, a.d., about the nature of christ, armenians did not care about it. some of the great theologians said christ had two natures; some said he had only one nature; the armenian bishops would not give any opinion. they believe in christ as their saviour, that is the essential thing; but whether he has two natures or one nature is not essential. then came the controversy about the holy spirit. whence does the holy spirit proceed? some say from the father and the son, some simply from the father. when the question came before the armenian bishops they replied that they did not care whence he proceeds. they know that they need the holy spirit for guidance in spiritual life, for regeneration; they know that the holy spirit is one of the persons in the trinity; and that is enough for them. now i would ask, do the theologians of the nineteenth century agree on such questions, or any other theological question? are the theologians of the coming centuries going to agree on them? i leave this to the scholars of europe and america. i simply state that i studied in three different theological seminaries in america; first in oberlin, in ; second in union theological seminary, new york, in ; and finally i was graduated from the chicago theological seminary. but i never saw a theologian who could agree with any other, and have no hope ever to see any such. president fairchild of oberlin differed from professor shedd of new york, and professor boardman of chicago did not agree with either of them; and i never agreed with any of them, and as an armenian i have my own theology. so every reader of this book will see that the armenian scholars had the best judgment, far-sightedness, and common sense of those in any or all the communions. instead of theological controversies, they preached the gospel and reached the masses, for the kingdom of christ. the armenian clergy. the armenian clergy are divided into three classes: the pastor, the preacher, and the presiding bishop. the pastor is called yeretz, the preacher is called vartabed, and the presiding bishop is called yebisgobos (episcopus). the presiding bishop ordains the preacher and the teacher. the armenians believe in apostolic succession, and they believe in immersion. baptism can be administered both to grown people and to children, if they are the children of members of the church; but always by immersion, and in the name of the father, the son, and of the holy ghost. if you unite the present episcopal church with the baptist, you will make an armenian church. all the clergy of the armenian church, bishops, preachers, and teachers, were married in the early centuries. gregory the illuminator, the first bishop of armenia, was married. his sons were bishops, and were married. there was no church law whatever against marriage of the clergy. at present the bishop and the preacher, or the yebisgobos and the vartabed, cannot marry, but the pastor or yeretz must be married. no armenian pastor can be ordained if he is not married. of course i am not writing here an armenian church history; the main object in writing this book is to inform the american public about the causes of the atrocities, and the atrocities themselves. therefore i consider the above information about the armenian church enough; but i will add that the armenian church until the twelfth century was as simple in ceremonial as any american protestant church is to-day. but when their kingdom was coming to an end, and they were in a life-and-death struggle with the mohammedan powers, popes innocent, benedict, and others promised to help them if they would accept some of the roman doctrines and ritual; and since that time--the twelfth century--there has been more or less similarity in the ceremonial of the two churches. but armenians have never believed in the pope, and now they are getting rid of the roman ritual also, as it is foreign to them. before i finish this subject, i must give a little information about the armenian patriarch in constantinople, and the armenian catholicos of etchmiazin. there are many people in this country who do not know the difference between the patriarch and the catholicos. the difference between them is as follows: the patriarch at constantinople has nothing to do with religion, though he is a bishop. as a personal bishop, he goes to the church, and occasionally preaches and leads the pastors, but his duty is political. he is the political head of the armenians in constantinople, and responsible to the sultan for the armenian nation who live in turkey. the armenians are not anxious to have such a political head; it is simply the wish of the sultan, or it has been the wishes of the sultans in centuries gone by. the present patriarch, right rev. bishop izmirlian, is a very learned, experienced, and eloquent bishop. he is very popular; the whole armenian nation love and esteem him; but the sultan hates him, because he is brave, honest, and true. the sultan ordered him to send out false reports, alleging that the armenians were not being massacred, but were safe and prospering under abdul hamid's reign; but the patriarch refused to issue any such documents while in fact the armenians were being plundered, tortured, outraged, and killed. the patriarch's life is consequently in great danger, but the patriarch says that if it is necessary to sacrifice his life for his beloved nation, he is ready to die. the armenian catholicos is the spiritual head of the armenian church; he has nothing to do with politics. he is considered to be fallible, and he is elected both by bishops and laymen; and if the nation is not satisfied with him, they may remove him and elect another. he is a presiding bishop. he lives at etchmiazin (the former vagharshabad) north of mt. ararat in russia; it has been the seat of the pontiff since the time of st. gregory. the present catholicos is rt. rev. bishop mugurditch kirimian. he is very much esteemed and loved by the armenians throughout the world. before he became catholicos, he was patriarch in constantinople, and was the most popular and the ablest of patriarchs, but the present sultan of course hated him, and according to stories i heard from good authority, when i was in constantinople, tried repeatedly to kill him. one day he was summoned to the palace to see the sultan; but on arriving there, was instead locked into a room with a brazier of burning charcoal, and left to die. before it was too late, however, the russian ambassador, being informed of the attempt, saved his life. failing to get rid of him that way, the sultan banished him to jerusalem, but sent false reports to the newspapers, that he thought highly of the patriarch, and had given him money to go to jerusalem that he might improve his health and enjoy himself. the sultan lives and breathes falsehood. while in jerusalem, kirimian was shadowed by the sultan's detectives; but about three years ago he was elected catholicos by the armenians, and the russian czar (not the present one, but his father, alexander), sanctioned his election. the armenians are proud of him, for he is worthy of his office. he is a great scholar, and the author of several books which are worthy of translation into english. his book traghti endanik (the family of paradise), is the best book i ever saw or read in any language on family life. in it he describes the first holy family, which was created in the garden of eden, in armenia, and then goes on to describe a holy family, the ideal family, a true home. it is full of the holy spirit. catholicos kirimian was married and had a family, and really his family was a holy family and he had an ideal home,--therefore armenians call him kirimian hayrig or "father," and he is worthy of the title; but his wife died. he is also a great orator, preaching fiery gospel sermons as our greatest revivalists preach them. he loved the american missionaries in constantinople, and they returned the feeling. kirimian was born in van april , ; therefore he is now years old, but full of life and vigor. i hope he will live longer, to see his beloved nation and country saved from the oppressions of the cruel turkish sultan. i could write a book on the life of kirimian and his great deeds in armenia, for the armenians; how he opened schools and established printing presses; how he went to the congress in berlin and championed the armenian cause; and all his noble works. but this is not the place. the pakradoonian dynasty. for a century after the mohammedan conquest of persia, the fortunes of armenia were apparently at their lowest ebb, and as a country it almost disappears from history; but by one of the compensations of nature, which provides that human force, like other force, cannot be extinguished, but if suppressed will find an outlet elsewhere, its people began a career of brilliancy and power unequaled in its history, and broadened from the rule of a tormented buffer-state to that of the great byzantine empire itself. the saracen torrent flowed over armenia's lowlands and up to the base of its mountain fortresses, but never overcame them; generation after generation the contending forces battled together, surging back and forth, and filling the beautiful valleys with fire and blood, but armenia proper was never added to the list of saracen conquests, never made a part of the mohammedan empire or strengthened mohammedanism till four centuries later through byzantine greed and folly. internally it was all in feudal anarchy again so far as concerned any one central focus of government. even the persian satraps had gone from the persian side, and with them the half-control they had kept over the turbulent baronage; on the roman side from early in the seventh century to early in the eighth, the throne of constantinople was filled with weak and unstable monarchs, fighting for anatolia against the saracens, and unable to exercise any effective control over armenia, to which indeed they looked as a frontier defense against those very foes. but let us not attach too harsh a meaning to "anarchy." there were a hundred rulers, it is true, great dukes and barons, each supreme in his own district; but because they held power by the sword against a savage enemy, their subjects had to be a strong, independent race, with arms in their hands, which they would use against their chiefs as well as the foreigners if there was great oppression. in this fiery school, armenia learned the sternest lessons of self-help and discipline. with no interference from outsiders to fear, and no help from them to be got, it became even more confirmed in its own independent isolated ways, a world to itself as it has been ever since. its cultivators tilled their fields as they had done for so many centuries, and its scholars read such books as they had, and wrote such as their own minds furnished. but vast numbers of its hardy sons took service in the greek armies, and became the bone and sinew of the defense of asia minor against the caliphs; not only so, but they rose by hundreds to the highest commands in the empire, both civil and military. they formed the best "society" in constantinople itself; and to crown all, a score of emperors and empresses in four different lines, including the most illustrious ones that ever sat on the throne from constantine down, and who ruled the empire for two hundred and seventy-seven years, were armenians. it is within the truth, and can be justified from the greatest of english historians, to say that for four centuries the byzantine empire was not a greek but an armenian empire. armenians by blood filled all the great offices of state, commanded the armies, occupied the throne for nearly three hundred years, preserved the empire from external invasion and internal disintegration. it was the accession of an armenian dynasty that turned it from a decaying power to one that expanded steadily for two centuries, from one falling into anarchy to one the glory of the world for scientific organizations; and it was the final overthrow of armenian influence that ruined the empire, being followed almost at once by the loss of half its territory and the richest part, and the break-up of its system of civil administration. everywhere in the time of byzantine glory you find the list full of armenian names. the appearance of "bardas" as the name of generals or civil magnates is always proof of armenian blood, and that name is monotonously common; it is the greek form of "vartan," though now and then they make it "bardanes." one of the greatest conquerors in byzantine history, john kurkuas, was an armenian, from a family which supplied three generations of statesmen and generals, and two great emperors. and this is part of what the immortal historian of "greece under foreign domination," george finlay, has to say:-- "at the accession of leo iii ( ), the hellenic race occupied a very subordinate position in the empire. the predominant influence in the political administration was in the hands of asiatics, and particularly of armenians, who filled the highest military commands. of the numerous rebels who assumed the title of emperor, the greater part were armenians. artabasdos, who rebelled against his brother, constantine v, was an armenian. alexios mousel, strangled by order of constantine vi, in the year ; bardan called the turk, who rebelled against nicephorus i; arsaber [arshavir] the father-in-law of leo v, convicted of treason in ; and thomas, who revolted against michael ii, were all asiatics, and most of them armenians. many of the armenians in the byzantine empire belonged to the oldest and most illustrious families in the christian world; and their connection with the remains of roman society at constantinople, in which the pride of birth was cherished, was a proof that asiatic influence had eclipsed roman and greek in the government of the empire. an amazing instance of the influence of asiatic prejudices at constantinople will appear in the eagerness displayed by basil i, a sclavonian groom from macedonia, to claim descent from the armenian royal family." (but i shall show that he was an armenian.) let us note the armenian sovereigns of the byzantine empire. first the great iconoclast house, of leo the so-called isaurian, the saviour and restorer of the empire, which reigned from to . leo considered himself an armenian, and he ought to have known best, and he married his daughter to an armenian. he saved constantinople from capture by the saracens, causing the destruction of the finest mohammedan army ever got together; of its , men only , got back home, according to the mohammedan historians. twenty-two years later another great moslem army was annihilated by leo, and for two centuries the saracens scarcely troubled the empire again. but not only so, he remodeled the whole administration so effectively that no serious break-down occurred for three centuries, and he put new life into the whole society, so that it began to outgrow its enemies, as well as outfight them. after his able dynasty ended, another armenian, leo v, reigned seven and a half years, from to . about half a century later began the basilian dynasty, under which the laws were codified, and bulgaria destroyed. basil was born in macedonia, but the name of his brother, symbatios, armenian simpad, shows that he was of an armenian family, the colonies of armenians having spread all over the civilized world. his line reigned without a break from to , when the beautiful widow theophano was pushed aside for sixteen years by another armenian house, nikephoros phokas and his nephew john zimiskes, two of the ablest generals and statesmen ever on the throne, descendants of a brother of the great commander, john kurkuas, before spoken of; then theophano's son, basil ii--boulgaroktonos, the bulgarian slayer, and the ultimate destroyer of armenia as well--took the throne, , and the dynasty continued till , when it had run to dregs, and had just before finally ruined armenia, and by so doing ruined the empire. to go back to armenia itself. the reason a feudal anarchy always ends in a military monarchy, no matter how able or self-willed every one of the separate chiefs may be, is that this very class most interested in perpetuating it grow weary of it. the stronger barons oppress and plunder the weaker, who are always superior in numbers, and in united strength if they will act together. a small lord may like to be free from control by the king's officers as well as a great one; but if he can only have that privilege by letting his overbearing neighbor be free from it too, and rob him, he finds it does not pay, and sighs for a law that will control everyone alike, and a strong ruler to enforce it. so if a chief in such a community comes to be known as having a hard hand and letting no one be above the law but himself, the small landholders flock under his banner; he grows into a prince, and eventually some prince of such a family will make himself king, with the goodwill and help of all but a few great houses, who feel able to take care of themselves and desirous of taking care of others. this happened in armenia. in , a century after the battle of nehavend and four years after leo's crushing defeat of the second great saracen army, we find that a chief named ashod, of the family of pakrad or bagrat, claiming descent from the ancient jews (see the haigian dynasty in this book), had managed to win control over central and northern armenia; how long it had been exercised, or what it grew from, no one knows. ashod i is the first known founder of the pakradoonian dynasty, though it is counted as beginning from the recognition of its independence by the caliphs over a century later. he recovered some parts of armenia proper, and fought hard for lesser armenia. the family had vigorous blood in it, and somewhere in the ninth century-- is the date fixed--it was recognized by the caliphs as an independent house of kings, and armenia as a kingdom. but it had really been so for over a hundred years before. ashod ii, "the iron," gained his title from his stern military power; he beat back the arabs and gave the land peace for a considerable time. he left no son, and his brother appas succeeded him; another brave and wise ruler, who brought back the armenian captives held in bondage by the saracens. he made the city of kars his capital. it is now owned by russia, having been captured by her forces in the russo-turkish war of . he greatly improved the city, and built a beautiful cathedral there. after a reign of twenty-four years he died in peace, and his son succeeded him as ashod iii. this was the glory of the line in prowess and generosity; he reminds one of alfred the great, in england. he was the terror of his country's enemies; not one of them--arab, greek, or persian--dared to invade armenia, and they sent presents to conciliate his friendship. it was under him that the country became formally independent again. he filled it with fortified places. he gave all his personal income in charity, and established almshouses and state charities. he was so benevolent and so interested in the destitute that he was called the merciful. he ruled over armenia twenty-six years, and was succeeded by his son simpad. this was neither a good man nor good ruler; corrupt, cruel, and ambitious only for selfish purposes. he made the city of ani, on the north side of mt. ararat, the royal capital, built strong walls and lofty towers around it, and is said to have erected churches in it--which he might do, and still be a bad man. the extent of its still existing ruins of palaces, churches, towers, and castles testifies that it was one of the great cities of the world, like babylon and antioch. for more than a century armenia flourished and grew rich; then it disappeared once more under the hammer and anvil of byzantine and saracen, aided by internal disruption--the traitorousness of its great nobles, who hated the kings for controlling their lawlessness. let us take in just its situation. it included the heart of the armenian highlands; but it had not the extent of old armenia, several armenian districts being independent of it, and either free or tributary to the byzantine empire. ani was its seat; but the district around kars, fifty miles northwest, had split off into a separate principality, the boundary between the two being the aras; on the east was vaspourakan, another princedom; on the west sebaste, another; on the north iberia, and abkhasia or abasgia or albania, the realms of the georgians; and one or two others not quite certain,--but all these ruled by armenian princes, mostly of the pakradoonian house. though armenia was in fragments, therefore, the pieces formed a sort of family confederacy, and often acted together, as they did to their eventual ruin. their folly paved the way for the destruction of armenian national existence, and the worse folly of a byzantine emperor accomplished it. about the seljuk turks were pressing so hard on vaspourakan that the prince, sennacherib, was unable to hold out, and ceded his dominion to basil ii of constantinople in return for the sovereignty of sebaste, which he agreed to hold as a byzantine governor; great numbers of his subjects went with him. something about this transaction roused the armenian national feeling to resentment; for john simpad, king of armenia (known at this time as the kingdom of ani, from its capital), joined with george the pakradoonian king; of iberia, to promise help to a couple of discontented generals, one at least an armenian, who were to raise the standard of revolt in cappadocia and call on all armenians to rise. it was to have been a general revolt of all eastern asia minor. but the mighty basil, conqueror of bulgaria, and nearing the end of his half-century's reign, first crushed the rebellion by buying up one of the generals and getting him to assassinate the other (the armenian), and then crushed the league of bagratian kings. the king of armenia, as the price of retaining his throne, was compelled to sign a treaty ceding the kingdom to the byzantine empire after his death. john simpad was succeeded by his nephew kakig, an able ruler and good general. but in there was placed on the byzantine throne the fourth husband of the despicable old female (zoe), whose male creatures, married or not married to her, misgoverned the empire for nearly thirty years. the reign of constantine monomachos stands out black in the history of the world; it not only destroyed armenia, but it fatally wounded the greek empire; it gave asia minor to the turks; it was the first great step towards subjecting eastern christianity to the mohammedans; it began the eastern question. the sack of constantinople by the turks, four centuries later, was directly due to it. almost never has sheer contemptible negative good-for-nothingness produced such awful results. he was a worthless man and an utterly incapable statesman; a libertine without decency, a spend-thrift without generosity or taste, a ruler without sense of responsibility. having spent on debauchery or his favorites, or diversions, or palaces in constantinople, or other selfish, short-sighted gratifications, or on the church to win its indulgence for them, all the money he could wring from his subjects without risking his throne, he bethought himself of another resource. the provinces on the frontiers of iberia, armenia, and syria, were exempted from taxation, and the small dependent states in that region from tribute, in consideration of maintaining bodies of militia to defend their territories, and save the central government from keeping regular troops there. the emperor ordered the militia disbanded, and the taxes and tribute collected and remitted to constantinople as from other places. this monstrous piece of imbecility laid the southeastern frontier open to the turks at once; and the money was quickly wasted in the emperor's pleasures. but even this was not enough, and he cast his eyes on armenia as a rich country to squeeze taxes out of, and sent word to kakig to fulfill his uncle's will, and yield up his kingdom. kakig refused. constantine formed an alliance with the saracen emir of tovin (on the east flank of armenia), and sent an army to attack ani; and a number of the great armenian nobles turned traitors and joined the byzantine forces. kakig could not make head against the three allies with the slender forces left him; and choosing to yield to christians rather than saracens, though constantine evidently had no such scruples, surrendered ani to the imperial forces ( ), and went to constantinople to plead his cause with the emperor. constantine would not yield, and kakig resigned his kingship for a magistracy, and large estates in cappadocia. the emperor forced the catholicos to leave ani and live at arzen, then at constantinople; finally the comnenian house allowed him to settle in sebaste among his people. the princedom of kars alone preserved its independence against both christians and saracens, and thus the armenian life still beat; but as a kingdom, armenia perished and the pakradoonian dynasty with it when ani surrendered. this piece of wanton foolishness and criminality had its immediate reward; it laid all asia minor open to the turks--for the armenians after they had lost their independence would not fight for their oppressors as they had fought for themselves; and the turks were ready. three years before the capture of ani, a turkish chief, cousin of togrul beg, flying after a defeat, had asked the byzantine governor of vaspourakan to let him pass through that district; on being refused, he attacked the imperial troops, routed them, captured the governor, and on reaching turkish ground sold him as a slave, and urged togrul to invade the byzantine territories, as they were of matchless fertility and wealth, and the troops not formidable. togrul sent his nephew ibrahim to do so in ; the timid byzantine commanders, after defeating a detachment of his troops, waited for reinforcements before encountering the main body, and ibrahim, finding the movable wealth mostly stored up in fortresses, assailed the rich, unfortified city of arzen, with , people, who had neglected to transfer their possessions to theodosiopolis, the nearest fortress. it was one of the chief seats of asiatic commerce, full of the warehouses of armenian and syrian merchants. they defended themselves for six days with such desperation that ibrahim, giving up the hope of plunder, and wishing at once to secure his rear from attack while retreating, and to injure byzantine resources, set fire to the city, and reduced it to ashes. few such conflagrations have ever been witnessed on earth; perhaps moscow and chicago are the only things comparable. it is said that , persons perished in the fire and in the massacre by the turks that followed, and the prisoners taken were such a multitude that the slave markets of asia were filled with ladies and children from arzen. this was the first of the many such calamities that have dispersed the armenians all over the world, like the jews, have reduced one of the richest and most populous countries on the earth to a poor and thinly populated one, and turned asia minor practically into a desert. the next year kars was overrun; but in an attack on manzikert failed, and after an unsuccessful invasion again in , the turks retired for a while, but only for a more terrible onslaught. before going on to the next dynasty, i will finish the story of kakig. in his cappadocian magistracy he was still called king kakig and honored as a king. one day he heard that a greek bishop had called his dog "armen" to insult the armenians, and went to his house to make sure, and to exact vengeance if it were true. they drank heavily together, and kakig ordered the bishop to call his dog; the bishop, too drunk to know what he was about, called him "here, armen." kakig, in a rage, ordered his retainers to put the bishop and his dog into a bag together, and then beat the dog till he bit his master to death. the church was too powerful for even a king to murder a bishop with impunity, and kakig was hanged on a castle wall. this gave rise to the turkish proverb, "kart giavour musliman almaz, room ermenie dost almaz" (an infidel never becomes a moslem, a greek never loves an armenian). the turks have always acted on this, and used the greeks against the armenians; but the old hate has died out now under common oppression. the rupenian dynasty. the imbecile policy of the byzantine court continued after the suppression of the line of pakrad, and with even worse results. having destroyed the interest and even the right of armenia to keep up an army of her own, and confiscated her revenues applied to that purpose, the loss of defenders should have been made good as far as possible, by keeping a large regular army there in their place; but the same corrupt and profligate court avarice which had caused the one, prevented the other. not only did constantine x ( - ) actually reduce the number of his army, leave it unprovided with arms and ammunition and other supplies, let the frontier fortifications fall out of repair, and leave the garrison unpaid, to save money for his overgrown court of costly favorites (the byzantine court a little later cost $ , , a year by itself), and let the officers put civilians on the rolls, and made artisans and shop-keepers of their real soldiers to pocket fraudulent pay for themselves, as the persians do now, but he used to disband most of his army after every campaign to save paying them, letting them have free quarters on the citizens. the seljuks were prompt to take advantage of this. in togrul sacked sebaste. in his greater nephew alp arslan began a series of raids that soon reduced iberia and northern armenia almost to a waste. the systematic policy of the turks was to make any country they invaded impossible of civilized habitation again, by obliterating all the results and "plant" of civilization which many ages of labor and money had enriched it with. they deliberately cut down all the vineyards, orchards, and olive groves, wrecked the aqueducts, filled up the wells and cisterns, broke up the bridges, and in short made the land (except for a few fortresses) a mere desert pasture ground to feed their cattle on. they were only nomad shepherds and cattle-men, despised cities as at best necessary evils, and did not care for tilling the soil. whatever spot the turk has set his foot on, he has blasted like a breath from hell, turning to naught the labors of thousands of years at a blow; and he has never put anything of his own in place of what he has destroyed. where are the turkish great cities developed by them, the turkish flourishing agricultural regions, the turkish manufactures, the turkish literature or art? at most they have not quite been able to exterminate others' progress, because they must perish themselves in doing it. the armenian king of iberia had to submit; the armenian prince of lorhi close by had to give his daughter's hand to alp arslan; and at last the royal city of ani, though strongly situated on a rocky peninsula and protected on two sides by a rapid river and a deep ravine, was left without help by the byzantines, and in spite of a heroic defense, was taken by storm, june , . this convinced the armenian prince of kars (another kakig), that he could not hold out; he surrendered his province to the byzantine empire for the appanage of the district of amassia. this removed the last armenian prince from the old seats of the race, which were now all occupied by the turks; and the armenians emigrated in vast numbers to the districts west and south (old cappadocia and cilicia), where their native princes were living as great byzantine dukes and governors. a number of semi-independent vassal principalities were soon formed, making as before an armenian wall between the turks and the empire; but only part way, and far weaker, having left its impregnable mountains, and being much poorer, and having lost heart. the upper part, through old armenia, was left wholly open; and the seljuks poured into asia minor like a flood, ruining the country beyond reparation as they went. within a dozen years from the capture of ani, the seljuk dominion reached to nicaea, fifty miles from constantinople, and the seat of the first christian church council. its lands could be seen from st. sophia; the byzantine empire retained only a strip of asia minor along the sea-coast. but the armenian courage and national spirit, and the political and military ability which had governed the eastern empire so many centuries, were not extinct. the heart of the nation, forced out of its immemorial lands, still beat strongly, and animated their mass of dukedoms, now forming a compact body in the center of asia minor, with a common life and national instinct, which was soon to weld them into a new armenian kingdom, as true and real a one as the old, armenians under an armenian prince, but in a wholly different territory, south and southwest of the former. among the great barons of this district was one rupen (reuben), a relative of the slain kakig; it is said that he saw him hanged. at any rate, no sooner was the deed accomplished than he retired to the mountains of northeastern cilicia, and raised the standard of armenian independence, with himself as king. there was absolutely no reason why it should not be gained; the seljuk conquests had cut the armenian districts wholly off from the greek empire, so that a greek army could not come upon them to punish them for revolt without traversing at least a hundred miles of turkish or other mohammedan territory. the armenian settlements were an island in a sea of mohammedanism. the new kingdom of cilicia or lesser armenia grew with a rapidity that would seem miraculous, only it was a mere coalescing of the fragments of armenia into their old unity; in no long time it had spread east to the euphrates, taking in melitene (malatia), and samosata, north fully half way to the black sea, and south to the mediterranean, occupying the coast from tarsus almost to antioch. this kingdom played a part of the first importance in the history of asia minor for close on three centuries; its territories were gradually whittled away by turks and mongols, but it kept the eastern mediterranean open for christian action against the mohammedans to the last. to their shame, the byzantine emperors were much more hostile to it than to the turks, with whom they often allied themselves against it; for some years it was vassal to the byzantine empire; later it was overwhelmed by the mameluke deluge from egypt, and allied itself with jenghiz khan's mongol hordes against them; but the mongols passed and the mamelukes remained, and exacted a terrible vengeance, putting an end to the kingdom with the usual horrors of oriental conquest in . rupen's son constantine succeeded him. it was by his help that the leaders of the first crusade captured antioch. constantine was succeeded by his two sons, leo and theodore jointly, but finally leo reigned alone; he was an able prince, fought the saracens with success, and much enlarged his kingdom, and at last made a naval attack on isaurian seleucia, the frontier fortress of the byzantine empire in this part, and an important seaport. this brought "handsome john," the ablest of the comnenian line of byzantine emperors, into the field; he stormed the cilician seaports, and then reduced the chief interior fortresses; leo fled to the taurus mountains, but was captured, and died in captivity at constantinople. his son rupen had his eyes put out on a charge of treason, and died of it; but his other son, toros, escaped, and after john's death restored the cilician kingdom, which had temporarily been made vassal by john. toros is the glory of the whole rupenian line; he was of the first rank, both as a general and a statesman. he scarcely ever suffered a military reverse. he beat the byzantine armies in campaign after campaign, and the seljuks as well; under him the new armenia was almost a match for all its enemies combined, and no one of them dreamed of attacking it single-handed. levon was another able ruler, who maintained the power and prosperity of the kingdom; he was an ally of the great emperor frederick barbarossa in the third crusade, assisted him in capturing iconium ( ), and both frederick and the greek emperor alexius iii sent him crowns,--the second no great honor, as alexius was one of the most contemptible of human beings. in levon's time the capital of the kingdom was cis, where there is now a great armenian monastery with rare manuscripts, the residence of a catholicos. the changes in the extent of the kingdom are very curious; perhaps most curious of all (since the armenians were always a race of inland and highland farmers, not seamen), the new kingdom was gradually crowded down on the north and lost two-thirds of its territory in that direction, but steadily extended along the coast until it came to include not only all cilicia but all of old isauria clear to its western mountain barrier; hundreds of miles of seaboard, from close to antioch on the one side, to far west of cyprus on the other, being indeed a strong maritime power. at the end it had lost these western coast extensions, but still had an area larger than that of the crimea now, a very considerable power to hold the northeast corner of the mediterranean. it was during these times that the hard-pressed armenians received promises from the popes to help them against their enemies if they would use the roman ritual and ceremonial, and submit themselves to the papacy. the country never did accept romanism, though some churches introduced the ritual and images, and conformed to the roman fashion; and of course it never did get any help from the popes, who had nothing to give but recommendations, which the temporal powers paid no attention to. levon vi was the last of the line. he was a weak, easy-going man, handsome and popular, but not of much ability; perhaps he could not have saved his country if he had been. i have told of the mamelukes and their invasion; they overran the country, and treated the people as the turks have done lately, striking terror to them by terrific massacres, satiating their lust on the women, and carrying off many thousands of captives for wives or slaves. levon was taken captive also; after some years in egypt, he was permitted to go free, wandered through europe for a dozen years, and finally settled in paris, where he died in . he was buried by the high altar of the church of the celestine; the following epitaph is on his monument, which still exists to-day: here lies levon vi, the noble lousinian prince, the king of armenia, who died , a.d., nov. d, in paris. i have been dealing here with the special kingdom of armenia, under a regular king; but it must not be forgotten that the older sections, ruled by greek or turk, were armenia still, inhabited largely by armenians, in spite of emigration and turkish settlement, and their fortunes really part of this history. under both jenghiz khan and his successors, and timour, every horror was let loose on the unhappy lands. for nearly a century the first tatar invasion cursed and devastated it; hundreds of villages were destroyed, the inhabitants slain or at the mercy of the savages, and vast numbers emigrated in despair. among others, the cities of ani and erzeroum were captured, and every inhabitant put to the sword, each soldier being given his portion to kill, so that none should escape. timour compelled all whom he spared to become mohammedans. when he took the city of van, he threw the inhabitants from the castle walls until the dead bodies reached to the height of the walls. a great famine followed, and many thousands died of it; the starving wretches sometimes ate their children or parents to sustain life a little longer. the reader will see later whether the modern turks have any superiority over the hordes of the thirteenth or fifteenth century. iv. rulers of the ottoman empire. sultans of the past. the ottoman empire begins with othman, born a.d.; the dynasty is usually counted from the time of his being given a local governorship by the last of the seljuk sultans, in . the tribe was simply one small group of families when we first hear of it; othman's father ertogrul entered the seljuk dominion not many years before that date with only four hundred tents, say two thousand people in all, counting women and children. they had been driven from their homes in central asia by the mongols. the seljuk sultan ala-ed-din iii made othman governor of karadja-hissar (melangeia). now othman, though a plundering marauder like other tribal chiefs, turbulent and cruel, knew some things that better men never find out. he knew that impartial justice is a greater strength to a state and a greater lure to draw others to it than anything else; he made the fair at karadja-hissar a model of business equity for all races and religions, it was thronged with traders, and other turkish tribes soon flocked to the banner of the man who never broke his promises and dealt out even-handed justice. the lying greeks never learned the lesson in all their history. in a dozen years he was able to collect an army of , soldiers, beat a byzantine force sent against him, overrun a large province of asia minor, and with the plunder greatly increased his following. he realized too that education and thorough practical training and moral discipline were the foundations of success; most of us know that now, but few understood it then. but the wild and barbarous turks could not be educated and disciplined as he wished,--would not stand it and were incapable of profiting by it,--and so he or his son orkhan developed the terrible system which for centuries made the "turks" irresistible, which made the "turks" seem to increase rapidly, and makes the "turks" to-day appear numerous while in fact not one drop in ten of the blood in their veins is turkish at all. this was to exact from the christian population--greek or armenian chiefly--a regular tribute of boys as well as money. these were taken from their parents at about eight years old, educated and trained in the household of the ottoman sultan himself, of course drilled in the mohammedan religion, and gradually inducted into the highest posts, civil or military, if fit for them, or made into a special body guard for the sultan. these were called "yeni cheri" (new soldiers), which is familiar to everybody in the form "janissaries." from that day to this, the turkish system has been built up by foreign blood, and outside of the sultanate pretty much entirely by foreign brains; it was the constant infusion of fresh civilized christian ability and moral character into it that kept its inherent defects and vices from bringing it to an end long ago. finally the system partly rotted out and partly became impossible to enforce for fear of revolution (sultan mahmoud ended it in ); but never outside of this has a tribe of barbarians ever succeeded so completely in impressing into its own service the powers of a higher race. it is as though horses should have regularly broken and driven teams of men for centuries; even more usefully to the turks, because intermarriage (largely by force on their part) has filled their own veins with civilized armenian and other blood. as soon as this reinforcement stopped, the turks began to decay. i cannot enter even in outline into the political history of the armenians during the next few centuries. the country has been torn into fragments, and each fragment has a history so separate that there would be no unity between them. one section of what was once armenia would be governed by persian officials; another occupied by the savage kurds; another mis-governed and oppressed by the turks; another under the rule of russia; and so on. persia, when she recovered her national being, held and still holds a small part of the eastern section, as i stated earlier in the book, russia the north; but the heart of old armenia is in turkish hands. the sultans have succeeded in mixing themselves with the natives and occupying their confiscated lands till the armenians are put in a minority in their own country. i must correct here a notion fostered by historical writers, that the turks are very brave. they may have been once, though i doubt it and there is no proof of it; but they certainly have gotten over it now. in the last turko-russian war ( ), they ran by thousands to christian houses for protection. they are just like wild dogs: savage and ferocious, but not brave. nor are they wise: they have some low cunning, but no practical sagacity--that too is a thing of the past. as to industrial talents they have simply none whatever; they depend on foreigners for everything: they will not learn and indeed cannot learn, and never try to learn. they have never made a cannon or even a gun, they never built a war vessel and very few if any other kinds, they make neither powder nor shot; all come from europe or america. nor have they even decent military talent, the very thing they pretend is their special business: their best generals are germans, their admiral for a long time was the englishman hobart, i think the englishman woods is so now. as to civil ability, their best administrators have always been armenians. bezjian amira was sultan mahmoud's adviser; haroun dadian, another armenian, is the chief adviser in foreign affairs of the present sultan. his personal treasurer is an armenian, portucalian pasha. is this inconsistent with what i have said of his hating the armenians for their intelligence? not in the least: he employs them in spite of his hatred, because he can trust no others: the turks are too stupid and all others too unsafe. list of ottoman sultans and date of accession. a.d. | a.d. . othman i, gazi, | . ibrahim i, . orkhan i, gazi, | . mohammed iv, . murad i, gazi, | . suleyman ii, . bayazid i, yelderim, | . ahmed ii, . mohammed i, chelebi, | . mustafa ii, . murad ii, gazi, | . ahmed iii, gazi, . mohammed ii, fatih, | . mahmud i, gazi, . bayazid ii, gazi, | . othman iii, . selim i, yavouz, | . mustafa iii, gazi, . suleyman i, kanooni, | . abdul hamid i, gazi, . selim ii, gazi, | . selim iii, . murad iii, gazi, | . mustafa iv, . mohammed iii, gazi, | . mahmud ii, adil, . ahmed i, gazi, | . abdul mejid i, gazi, . mustafa i, | . abdul aziz i, . othman ii, guendj, | . murad v, . murad iv, gazi, | . abdul hamid ii, gazi, some of the above sultans have special titles, like our "william the conqueror," "charles the bold," "henry beauclerk," etc. thus, gazi and fatih mean conqueror; adil, righteous; guendj, young; yavouz, brave; kanooni, law-giver; yelderim, lightning; chelebi, gentleman. most of them have the title gazi, or conqueror; the present sultan bears it because he fought with russia. he was beaten, to be sure, but he took the title all the same. sultan mohammed ii, who captured the city of constantinople, established an armenian patriarchate there in a.d. the first patriarch was hovaguem, the bishop of broosa, a friend of the sultan. mohammed ii had two motives in this: first, to have an armenian ecclesiastical center in constantinople for the nucleus of a strong armenian settlement there, to play off against the greeks from whom the city was taken and who might be dangerous, whereas the feud between armenians and greeks would make each weaken the other; second, to have a hostage for the armenians, responsible for their not breaking into revolt; not at all for the benefit of the armenians, but for that of the sultan. the same reason obtains to this day. if there was no patriarch, their cause would be much better off. after the establishment of this patriarchate the armenians had no more kings or princes; their political head was the patriarch. even after the patriarchate was established they were not safe. they yielded to the sultans, they became slaves to the sultans, but the persian mohammedans were foes of the turkish mohammedans, and armenia, as of old in roman times, was the battle-ground. in the time of sultan ahmed and shah appas, the latter overran armenia and carried away the people to captivity, besides killing hundreds of thousands. then it was retaken by the turks. then a part of it was captured by the russians. historians write of the huguenots and their sufferings; of the conflicts in europe between the catholics and the protestants. how many centuries were the protestants persecuted and martyred? how many millions were killed by the roman catholics? do all the protestant martyrs in europe number as many as the armenian martyrs? i doubt it. and let it not be said that these were not religious martyrs, but merely victims of the fortunes of war or political conflicts. the wars were three times out of four based on real if not nominal grounds of religious antagonism,--mohammedan or zoroastrian against christian,--or claims of religious protectorate, as russia over the armenian christians; the political exigencies which called or formed a pretext for the massacre of myriads of men and old women, the outrage of the young brides and maidens, the enslavement of the children, were without a single exception created by the resistance of christians to forced conversion, or the fear of mohammedan rulers that as christians they meant to revolt, or sheer blind hatred to men of another creed. the victims were truly martyrs to christianity. the present sultan, hamid ii. this is the thirty-fourth sultan in the ottoman line, and probably the worst, the least, and the last. it is not likely the turks will ever have another sultan, for this one is pretty sure to bring the sultanate to an end. his days are numbered, he knows it well, and the turks know it well too. before his life and his kingdom are finished, he has resolved to end the armenian nation; that, however, will not be ended, the people will not be exterminated; when the turkish empire is abolished the remaining armenians will have freedom. hamid ii was born september , , second son of abdul mejid, and wrested the throne from his brother mourad august , . he is not a legitimate sultan, but a usurper. when but a little boy he manifested a savage and cruel spirit. while the dalma bagsh palace, the largest in constantinople, perhaps in the world--was going up, he went to visit it; seeing it unfinished, he called the armenian architect and told him it must be finished by the next day. "my dear prince and lord," said the architect, "i wish i could finish it, but it is impossible; and especially not to-morrow, since it is sunday, and we christians do not work on sundays." "you heathen dog, you armenian," said the boy hamid, "if i grow up, and some day become a sultan, i will force all the armenians to break the sabbath, and if they do not, i will order the soldiers to kill them all." he is carrying out his threat. he grew to manhood without becoming any milder, and is morally corrupt besides. he has drunken bouts with worthless associates, and spent his time in all sorts of monstrous debauchery and brutality. he was such a miserable wretch that it is impossible to describe his beastly life on paper. there is no humanity in him, no grace, no sympathy, no brains, no strength; he is pale and sick, well worthy to be called the "sick man of turkey." this is a very different description of him from that given by general lew wallace and mr. terrell. i can only say that i know what i am talking about, and they do not. i lived in constantinople, as a native of turkey, and with means of knowing, seeing him often, and hear authentic stories of his doings day by day. general wallace was invited to the palace, feasted and flattered, and his wife decorated with jewels; naturally, he thinks no ill of a man who treated him so well, and with whom he hopes for more good times when he goes back. he has done infinite harm to the cause of armenia by his popular lectures, declaring the atrocities "exaggerated" (he evidently thinks that if a newspaper report gives ten thousand men murdered when there were only five, and all the women of a city violated when a dozen of them got away, you are entitled to dismiss the whole thing from your mind as of little account), and the sultan a good man, incapable of such things. people are bewildered, and ask, "how can we doubt a good american who was minister there?" why, good people, what has his ministry got to do with it? he was hundreds of miles from armenia, and did not know any of the chief languages of constantinople,--either armenian, turkish, or romanic; and what could he tell of his host, except of the quality of his hospitality? a man usually shows his best side to those he entertains; did he suppose the sultan was going to amuse his guests by having one armenian disemboweled, and another emasculated or impaled on red-hot iron rods, and a couple of women ravished, as a light and playful interlude between the main dishes and the dessert? his praise of the sultan is as valuable as his praise of the grand llama would be,--he knows nothing of either; and his inference from the sultan's pleasant talk that he could not order a nation extirpated with hideous cruelties, is simply imbecile. and since he has given all this loose talk, the consular reports, from english residents among the very scenes, have been published, showing that the atrocities have not only not been exaggerated, but are even worse than reported. in this case, even the newspapers were unable to come up to the truth; their rhetoric fell short of the full measure of the awful truth. to go back a little: twenty years ago abdul aziz, uncle of the present sultan, was the ruler of the ottoman empire. he cared little for the country or the people; he wanted only to eat and drink, and have good times. he was a very strong and hearty man, and i was told he could eat a whole roast lamb for dinner, and think it probable. he had the innate cruelty of his family, their love of blood for its own sake. he had tigers and lions fight together; he would order a live lamb flung to a lion, and laugh to see the lion tear and devour it. he married all the handsome girls he could find, but for pure animality; he cared nothing for their education or virtue, and his several hundred wives were what you might expect. one of them fell in love with the commander-in-chief, or minister of war, heussein avni pasha, a very ambitious and daring adventurer, who had gained the confidence of the sultan, and went often to the palace. the sultan heard of the intrigue, went to the woman's room, kicked her fatally, and threw her out of the window. but before her death, she sent word to heussein to avenge her on the sultan. heussein's position was very critical; evidently it was a race between him and the sultan which should kill the other first. he went to midhad, the grand vezir, and to kaysereli ahmed, the admiral, both liberal-minded pashas, in favor of establishing a constitutional (or even if they could, a republican) government, and without telling them his relations to and fears from the sultan, persuaded them that now was the time to depose the sultan, and establish liberal institutions, and told them it must be done that night, or the sultan would get wind of it, and then good-by to all of them. and he clinched the argument by telling them he would order his soldiers to kill both of them if they refused to join him, and then depose the sultan just the same; "as commander-in-chief," he said, "i can compel obedience, and i am in earnest." they consented, and while the sultan was asleep that night the commander's soldiers and the admiral's sailors surrounded the palace by the land and sea. this was the dalma bagsh, the largest and handsomest palace in constantinople. heussein entered, saying he had important news for the sultan. going to the chamber where aziz was sleeping, he awakened him, and said, "in the name of your nephew, sultan murad, i depose you." then he compelled him to go down-stairs to a boat in waiting, filled with soldiers, carried him to cheragan palace, and imprisoned him there; after which he informed the sultan's nephew, then prince murad, that his uncle had been deposed because the people would not endure him, and added, "as the oldest in the royal family you succeed him, and i, as commander-in-chief, have the honor and privilege of humbly serving my master, and leading your majesty to the throne of the ottoman empire." murad was too astonished to know what to do or say; but heussein was resolute, and murad reluctantly followed him to the dalma bagsh; there the commander ordered the soldiers to cry out three times "padishahum chock yasa" (long live the sultan). all this was about midnight; and meantime printed notices were prepared and scattered throughout constantinople that sultan aziz was deposed and sultan murad was on the throne. after a few days the commander-in-chief sent a eunuch and a physician to cheragan palace, with orders to put aziz to death. they did so by chloroforming him and cutting his blood-vessels with scissors. heussein prepared a false report stating that he had committed suicide, and brought it to sultan murad. the latter did not believe it, and said, "you killed my uncle." heussein left the sultan's presence in great anger, and went to midhad's palace to confer with him, calling in also kaysereli ahmed and other officers. while they were together, another officer, cherkez hassan by name, brother-in-law of the dead sultan, came to the palace, informing the guard that he had a message from the sultan to the pashas, who were in conference. the guard admitted him, and he went to the parlor. after the usual salutations the commander asked him, "hassan, why did you come here?" hassan replied, "i came to kill you, dog," and fired three shots at him from his revolver, stretching him dead on the floor. then, before the others could assail him, he killed every one present, except midhad, who escaped. hassan was finally captured and hanged, but murad was established on the throne. he was a good-natured and liberal-minded man; he believed in constitutional government, and organized a working system. there was to be a parliament, one-third christians and two-thirds mohammedans, elected by the people of the provinces or vilayets. each vilayet furnished three members, two mohammedans and one christian, all indorsed by the clergymen. during the elections i was pastor of adana in armenia minor, and had to endorse our members. the adana member was an armenian named krikor bizdigian, the richest man of that city, perhaps in turkey; if still living, he must be ninety. when the parliament was opened in constantinople, sultan murad presided, and told the members to discuss any questions freely. he said, "we are here for the good of the country, and the empire needs to be reformed; how can we reform it?" this was an entire novelty; "government by discussion" is not the oriental way, and not the oriental liking either. the mohammedan members were astonished, and they were wrathful at the christian members when the latter began to make free and able speeches. they said, "are we going to be governed by these heathen dogs, the christian hogs? we will have no parliament where every dog is free to open his mouth. we want the good old ways of mohammed." they were like mad dogs, ready to bite. they hated the christians, and they hated the sultan. they went to his younger brother, the present sultan, and told him his brother murad was insane. "he makes christian dogs equal to mussulmen; he will ruin the country; you must become sultan to save the turkish empire." this suited abdul aziz exactly; he headed a revolt, deposed his good brother, dissolved the parliament, imprisoned murad in the palace where his uncle was assassinated, and since then has been carrying the country to destruction. he is a perfect devil in all respects. a devil can take the guise of an angel, and the sultan has the cunning to make himself appear a perfect gentleman, a benevolent and humane person. the devil can cheat most people, and so can the sultan, all but the native christians in turkey, to whom he shows his horns, and hoofs, and tail. the nauseous praise of the sultan from travelers and ministers reminds me of a turkish brigand named guro, who infested asia minor a quarter of a century ago. he robbed year after year all travelers who had anything worth taking; but when he met tramps he gave them money, and even a roasted lamb to eat now and then. the tramps all praised him; he was a benevolent, humane, kind-hearted man; they had never seen anything cruel or dishonest about him. so the sultan robs the armenians, and uses their money to feast the american ministers and decorate their wives. oh, but the sultan sent money to the sufferers from famine in the western states of america; so generous of him! i am glad to say the money was refused. all americans who praise the sultan are like the tramps and the brigand. they are either ignorant or in effect bribed. and then there is the affectation of impartiality, so easy a cover for ignorance, coldness, and laziness. you must say some good things about a scoundrel, and some ill ones about a saint, or you will be considered a partisan. you must not tell even the truth, if the truth is all on one side. if the sultan massacres all the christians in turkey, why, there are two sides to the question; perhaps the christians were not agreeable people, and if so, you cannot wonder he has them exterminated by sword, and fire, and torture, and rape; it is really the only way he could get rid of them. and then, he is king, and has a right to do what he pleases with his own; nobody has any business to interfere. of course a president could not order three millions of people put to death by letting loose all the savage indians of the west on them to do as they pleased with them, for the sake of making them worship the big manitou; but a sultan--that is different, even though a kurd is exactly as bad as an indian, and an indian's knife does not cut throats any more effectively, nor an indian's tortures inflict more unnamable horrors of suffering, nor an indian's torch burn houses any better, nor an indian's beastly lust defile women any worse. are all the writers, then, who have praised him ignorant or silly? yes; the sultan's deeds, proved by countless thousands of witnesses, set forth in the consular reports, show that they are. as soon as abdul hamid had seized the throne, he girded on the sword of osman, which i will explain later is equivalent to coronation. the keys of the palace where murad was imprisoned he keeps in his pocket. the nominal ground of his imprisonment is insanity, but he was not insane; it was his liberality of mind, his greatness of heart, and his mild and kind spirit. he was an exceptional turk. then hamid called midhad pasha to him, gave him $ , , and told him to leave the country and never come back. the country was thus left without a single man of any force of character and a large position combined. after the death of aziz the two greatest turks were sultan murad and midhad pasha, and had murad not been imprisoned, and midhad banished, the turkish empire would be an entirely different country, and have a different future. midhad was finally recalled, but only to be murdered. as the sultan felt his position secure, he began to get rid of all men of superior character and education. some he banished, some he imprisoned, some he killed. but midhad, as the greatest, was the most obnoxious. he was of course not dispatched at once. he was invited back, made governor of smyrna, given the highest emoluments, paid the greatest honors; then one night he was suddenly summoned to constantinople by the sultan. he knew it was the death-call, and fled to the french consulate for shelter, but the consul was afraid to protect him. finally he was taken by force to constantinople, tried before a tribunal of course packed by the sultan, and condemned to death. but the kind-hearted sultan commuted the death sentence to banishment and hard labor for life, and quietly ordered the officers who were going to take him to banishment to kill him instead, which they did. after he had got rid of all the great turks, he appointed a host of ignorant and cruel ruffians as governors, sub-governors, and generals; like hadjii hassan pasha, governor of beshick-tash near the sultan's palace, and whose business is to watch over the sultan, and who cannot read or write. he prefers ignorance, because it means fanaticism, and he thinks cannot plot against him. he dreads and hates education and the educated, though he makes a show of encouraging them. he taxed the people for public schools and put up magnificent buildings, but there are few if any scholars in them; they were not built for educational purposes, but for a show, and if necessary, for barracks in the future. all the same, he has his agents in europe and america chant his praises as a lover of learning. parents will not send their children to them anyway, for there are not competent teachers in them; there are a very few ignorant mohammedan teachers, but even they are so corrupt morally that no one dares trust his boy or girl with them. the sultan professed that people of all nationalities and religions would have equal privileges in his public schools, therefore he ordered all to contribute money for them. he raised the farmers' tax from one-tenth to one-eighth of the crops on pretense of supporting the public schools. of course he got most of it from the armenians, but there is not an armenian teacher or child in them. abdul hamid is a stupendous hypocrite and charlatan; he makes a great pretense of wisdom, religion, and morality, and he has not a spark of either one. his wisdom is only the animal cunning of a jealous, cruel, suspicious brute, his morals simply do not exist, and his religion is pure sham. it is often reported that he is very religious. all that it amounts to is that every friday (the mohammedan sunday) he goes to the mosque to worship (a ceremony called selamlik), with several thousand soldiers lining the roads from the palace to the mosque to prevent his assassination, of which he is in hourly fear; that once a year he goes to the old seraglio and pays tribute to the mantle of mohammed and other relics, kissing the slipper, coat, and beard of the prophet; and he worships in the mosque of st. sophia as a conqueror. all this is merely for show, to please the fanatic mohammedans. he advertises himself as a temperance man, too, but he drinks to excess privately. in a word, he is thoroughly false from top to bottom, pretending all good, and doing all evil. his officers of course imitate him; most of them are absolute infidels, believing in nothing, but professing great devotion. i knew a governor of this stamp. he used to worship at the mosque, and even ordered a hair of mohammed's whiskers to be brought from constantinople to please the mohammedan population. he never drank a drop of liquor in public, but privately drank all he could hold. he had plenty of fellows. for instance, khalil rifat pasha, the present grand vezir, appointed a few months ago, has been governor of several different provinces, and notorious in all as a great hypocrite and a thoroughly corrupt man, full of lust and profligacy. when a european or a native christian of high position called on him, he would treat the visitor with great politeness, promise anything he asked, say, "take my word of honor," and assure him of his entire sincerity; as soon as he was gone, khalil would curse him, and call him a heathen dog, say to another mohammedan, "see how that christian hog believed what i said!" and keep not a word of his promises. the sultan is just the same. he is outwardly very pleasant, very gentlemanly, very humane. he will promise almost anything, but he will do nothing, and he calls his enraptured guests dogs and hogs behind their backs. who knows how many times he has called lord salisbury, the german emperor, or the russian czar, who are helping him to kill the armenians, heathen dogs? see the promises of the sultan in , in the berlin treaty, article :--"the sublime porte undertakes to carry out without further delay the improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by the armenians, and to guarantee their security against circassians and kurds. it will periodically make known the steps taken to this effect to the powers, who will superintend their application." these promises were made eighteen years ago, and the reforms were to be made "without further delay." his reforms have consisted in ordering circassians and kurds to murder and plunder them. since the berlin treaty, the sultan, calling the european kings, emperors, and princes heathen hogs and christian dogs, directly and indirectly has killed , armenians. that was his reform. when he seized the throne, turkey had , , people, and the sultan thought his power was irresistible. he let loose a horde of circassians to massacre the bulgarians, just as he has let loose the kurds to massacre the armenians. but the bulgarians are slavs, and belong to the greek church, and the russian czar, alexander, grandfather of the present czar, interfered in their favor. this excited the fears of the other powers, and a congress was held in constantinople to settle the question. lord salisbury came from england, count ignatieff from russia, and others from other parts of europe, gathered in a beautiful palace (now the admiralty) on the shores of the golden horn of sweet waters, discussed the question, and decided that the bulgarian atrocities must stop, bulgaria be reformed and allowed to govern itself internally, and that turkey must not fight russia because it was too weak. this decision was communicated to the sultan, and he was furious: he would not grant freedom or a government to bulgaria, and he was quite able to fight russia. finally he refused flatly to accept the decision, and called a turkish congress to give their "opinion." of course they gave what was wanted, and pronounced in favor of a war with russia. a few were bold enough to disfavor it, and the sultan punished them. one of these was hagop efendi madteosian, the representative of the protestant armenian community. another was a thoughtful, experienced turk, and when the sultan asked him his reason for opposing the war, he related the following parable: "there was once a miser whom the king gave his choice of three things: to eat five pounds of raw onions without bread at one meal, to receive five hundred lashes on the bare back, or to pay $ , . the miser could not bear to lose so much money; he could not endure such a flogging; and he chose to eat the onions. after eating a pound or so their bitterness and rankness nauseated him, and he concluded to take the whipping. he stood about a hundred lashes, and saw that he should die under it; and decided to pay the $ , after all." "now," said the wise turk, "this illustrates what i mean. if you go to war with russia, you will sacrifice many thousands of soldiers, which is a very bitter thing to digest; then you will lose european turkey, and finally you will have to pay millions of dollars indemnity and ruin the country. i cannot approve the war." the sultan cried out in rage, "begone, you old crank! i will not listen to any more foolish words from you. i shall conquer the czar, enlarge the country, and strengthen my kingdom." he did go to war in , was whipped by the czar, and lost almost the whole of european turkey and other parts of the empire, with , , people: roumania, bulgaria, servia, bosnia, herzegovina, part of macedonia, part of armenia, cyprus, and afterwards egypt. he lost many thousands of soldiers and millions of dollars, and besides has had to pay millions of dollars indemnity to russia. and the sultan is called an "able man" and "wise ruler"! these things look like it. after the war and the loss of the provinces, he encouraged the mohammedan population of european turkey to emigrate to asiatic turkey, that they might not live under christians, and that they might increase the number of mohammedans in the asiatic part. the slaughter of the armenians and the confiscation of their property forms part of the scheme to make room for them. before his time the armenians in armenia outnumbered the turks; but the massacres, the occupation of the farms and houses by the savages let loose on them, and the emigration of many more armenians to persia and russia, have greatly diminished their numbers. of course they are not permitted to emigrate, they simply fly. about , have actually perished. as to the forced conversions, the sultan does not care a particle for islamism, but wants to please the moslem and finds this an agreeable way to do it. as to the converts from islamism to christianity, they are ordered to go to constantinople and are killed there. hundreds and thousands of the mohammedan turks are christians in secret, but do not dare to confess it. these are the ones who helped and protected the armenians during the recent atrocities. some six years ago a number of such professed the christian religion publicly; they were at once ordered to go to constantinople and every one of them was murdered by order of the sultan. when the representatives of the christian powers asked about them the sultan denied that they had come there at all. this was the method of their assassination: the sultan has several pleasure boats, and in one of these boats he fitted up an air-tight room with an air-pump; each night one of the converts was taken from prison and put into this room, the air was pumped out, and he was suffocated; then an iron chain was hooked round him, and he was thrown into the bosphorus. one by one all of them were so murdered. how did the author of this book discover the secret? well, when in constantinople, i had an intimate friend among the engineers; the engineer of this death boat told my friend about it, and he told me. and the sultan is not simply a murderer by proxy and official order; he is a murderer himself personally. when in constantinople, i learned from several authoritative sources that he killed with his own revolver several of his servants, for no cause whatever, but merely from suspicion or rage. he always keeps a revolver in his pocket, and whomever in the palace he suspects, he shoots. he is a great coward. i heard there that he has more than , detectives, at a cost of several hundred thousand dollars a year. he lives in yildiz palace, about two miles from the bosphorus, on a hill on the european shore; he has built new barracks, and keeps a large army around the palace to protect him from assassination. his "wisdom" is merely care for his skin. he cares nothing for the prosperity of the country; it is steadily growing poorer, while he is personally growing very rich. that is one reason why he keeps an armenian treasurer, that the turks may not know his secrets. even the turks are disgusted with him. i often used to hear the turks say, "god deliver us from the sultan and send another master, even if he is the czar of russia." his immense family costs him from $ , , to $ , , a year; it is the largest in the world. i was told that it consists of , persons, counting the eunuchs, the servants, and all. he has about wives; he did not marry them all; he inherited most of them. when a sultan dies, his successor has everything that belonged to him, including his wives. and besides, he has to marry a new wife every year, by the mohammedan and governmental law; he has no choice in the matter. that makes twenty wives in the twenty years of abdul hamid's reign. this is the system: he has at present nearly one hundred young girls in the harem, supposed to be the most beautiful in the world; they are presented to him by the governor-generals, who get them from the local governors, who get their offices by sending their superiors the finest looking girls, or the best arabian horses, and the governor-generals get theirs by passing the gifts on to the sultan. that is the way to get office in turkey. you may be a murderer, a thief, or an ignoramus, but you can be sure of an office if you can furnish a handsome girl, or a fine stallion, or a few thousand dollars. when i was pastor in marsovan, the local governor, sudduc bey, bought a very pretty girl, and sent her to the governor-general of beshick-tash in constantinople, hadji hassan pash, the sultan's special guard; he had got his office from that functionary. as to how the girls are got, it depends; if they are mohammedan, they are bought; if they are christian they are seized by force, for the christians will not sell their daughters. several months ago bahri pasha, the governor-general of van, carried off several armenian girls and presented them to the sultan, who decorated him for the service, and appointed him vali or governor-general of adana, in armenia minor. these girls are kept in the harem of the sultan. when the time comes to marry another wife, he has the girls stand in a row, and chooses one of them by covering her face with a silk handkerchief; then she is taken by the eunuchs to the quarters allotted to the sultanas, and can have separate servants, carriages, and eunuchs. the life of the sultan and his big family is the most miserable in the world. the palace is a focus of discontent, quarrels, jealousy, lust, and cruelty; in a word, it is a perfect hell. the women have nothing to do, and nothing to think of; they do not read, they have no work, and no share even in household management; they are idle, and unspeakably bored, and they do what most idle people of both sexes do all over the world--excite their nerves with sensual cravings, and then try to satisfy them. they often manage to bring boys to their quarters by stealth, and keep them there for weeks for purposes of lust, and the sultan knows nothing about it; often they bribe their eunuchs, and go to other places to satisfy their desires, and the sultan never hears of it. aziz lost his life through an intrigue of one of his wives. with so large and exacting a family, it is no wonder the sultan has no time or energy left for improving his administration. he only finds a little time to send telegrams to the governors to exterminate the armenians. the sultanate and its powers. there is no coronation in turkey; instead the sultans gird on the sword of osman, the founder of the ottoman dynasty, which is kept in the mosque of ayoob, in constantinople. when a sultan is proclaimed, he goes to that mosque with great pomp, and all the members of the sublime porte, the civil officers, the generals, commanders, soldiers, patriarchs of different religions, and the sheik-ul-islam, the mohammedan religious head, follow him. but no christians enter that holy place, as it is forbidden them. after impressive service, the chief of the dervishes of the order of mevlair girds the sultan with the sword; then he is officially recognized as emperor. then, as god's will be done, sultan's will be done, because the sultan represents god in heaven, mohammed in paradise, osman on the earth. he has three offices, god's office, mohammed's office, osman's office. he is as infallible as the pope of rome, and temporally everything belongs to him without exception, men, women, children, money, property, just as everything belongs to god. a turkish proverb says, "mal, jan, erz, padishahin dir" (property, soul, and virtue belong to the sultan). he can claim any man's wife for his enjoyment at any time; his son, or his daughter, or his money, or his property of any sort; there is no use refusing--a man does not own himself, or his wife, or his children; the sultan owns them all, and it is only by his grace that he permits his subjects to have anything, and he can resume it at any time, for half an hour, or forever. besides, anybody's head would come off that refused. if the sultan asks a millionaire in constantinople to send him half his wealth, the millionaire must not refuse; he himself is simply a steward; if the sultan wants it all it must go to him, and the millionaire must beg bread for a living. at the same time he must praise the sultan, because the sultan is god on earth. if he refuses to send his wife or daughter to the sultan's bed, or his son or money for whatever uses they are wanted to supply, the sultan has a right to kill him, and take all his possessions by force, because the man was not a faithful slave. "but i cannot believe this," says the american in his free, peaceful country. "it is not natural. how can a man be considered as god, owning everything, not in a spiritual sense, but in a very material, pecuniary, and male sense?" go to turkey, get naturalized there, become a turkish subject, and you will understand it fully, and perhaps shockingly. of course, if you go as an american citizen, with plenty of money, travel under the escort of soldiers, or zapties, get presented by the american minister to the sultan, are entertained in the palace, and receive handsome presents, you will not understand it at all; very likely not believe it; you may come home and praise the sultan like the rest. the natural question is, i know, "do the sultans, any of them, carry this theory into practice? has the present sultan?" yes; and not once or twice, but thousands of times. to be sure, they do not go in person on such errands; they depute their officers and soldiers to do what they wish. i have shown how the history of the armenians illustrates it, in the seizure of their property, the forced conversion of their boys into troops to fight against their parents, the appropriation of their wives and daughters, to be given to the sultan. as to the present sultan, i have already spoken of bahri pasha's exploit in carrying off by force several armenian young brides, and girls, and presenting them to the sultan, and his being decorated and promoted for it. while on his way, he had to pass through trebizond, and the armenians fired on him to rescue the women, but failed. they forgot that all women belong to the sultan, and they made a mistake in firing on one of his officers. he at once ordered all the armenians in trebizond to be slaughtered. some of the richest of the nation lived there; every penny was taken from them, most of them were killed, and their wives and children, and those of them who survived are begging bread. and all through armenia the girls and young brides are being looked over to pick out the best looking ones for the sultan's harem. once for all, armenia is not america. the turks, the kurds, the circassians, the georgians, though they may be like americans, are like american indians only. the sultan is not a president, and his divine right to kill any man, appropriate any property, or enjoy any woman, is not like the constitution of the united states. people who think that the sultan would not do or be allowed to do such things because no ruler they are familiar with does them, that it is impossible they can happen in armenia because they could not happen in america, that the armenians must have provoked them in some way, because it is hard to believe any ruler could do so in pure wantonness or from deliberate policy, are reasoning from wrong premises. they did happen, and are happening,--see the consular reports; were perfectly unprovoked,--see the plentiful proofs that the armenians carry no arms, and cannot even defend themselves from murder, or their wives from dishonor before their eyes. why it is done, and how much more is to be done, i have explained repeatedly. the sublime porte and the mohammedan religion. the sublime porte, or in turkish babi-ali, is the cabinet of the turkish government, as follows:-- . the grand vezir, or prime minister. . the minister of the interior. . the minister of foreign affairs. . the superintendent of the cabinet council. . the commander-in-chief, or minister of war. . the minister of the navy. . the minister of finance. . the minister of commerce and public buildings. . the minister of sacred properties. . the minister of education. . the sheik-ul-islam, or religious head. there is no election in turkey; all officers are appointed by the sultan, who can dismiss any of them at any time, and appoint some one else, and i have already explained why he almost always appoints bad ones. the sublime porte has no power to decide anything; it is simply a farce council to cheat the european powers; a dumb tool in the hands of the sultan. for instance, the sultan calls the grand vezir, the president of the sublime porte, into his presence, and tells him such a question is to be discussed in such a way, and this or that conclusion reached. "very well, my lord and master," says the grand vezir; he goes to the sublime porte palace, and says to the council: "to-day i was permitted to come into the presence of his majesty the sultan, and he instructed me that i must bring such a question before you, and after we discuss it in such a manner, we must come to such a decision." then all of them stand up and say, "sultan's will be done," and that is all; their "decision" is announced to the sultan, and he "sanctions" it. there is no discussion for days or weeks, as in england or here; it is all cut short. the sublime porte can decide any question in a few minutes. this is the sort of thing mr. carlyle wanted. you have seen the beautiful effects of it. the question naturally arises, why does the sultan keep a sublime porte, since he decides everything himself? there are three reasons. first, it is the old custom. all the other sultans have had one, and he might offend the turks if he abolished it. second, as the sultan can do no wrong, there must be somebody else to lay blame on. he is the representative of god and prophet mohammed. if there is any mistake in any decision, he is not responsible for it; the sublime porte is responsible. third, because he has relations with the european powers, and if any decision needs to be reversed, it can be if it is that of the sublime porte; but if it were the personal decision of the sultan it could not be changed, because he is considered immutable, just as god is. when people read about the sublime porte after this, i hope they will understand that there is not really any sublime porte; that it is a mere name, an echo, a farce, a show to bunco the world with. some newspaper and other writers think it is "impartial" to say that the sultan means well, but he has a "corrupt ministry"; that it is the sublime porte that ruins the turkish empire; if it were left to the sultan, he would reform the country; he would not let the armenians be massacred. put no faith in such ignorant rubbish. the sultan dictates everything; and if any minister has the sense and courage to suggest any improvement, the sultan dismisses him, saying that it is his own business to consider the improvements of the country and not that of any one else. the governors would not dare to order the kurds and the turks to wreak their worst and vilest will on the armenians without direct orders from the sultan. the sultan originates all these cruelties. the recent grand vezir, said pasha, at one time was a very decent turk. when he differed with the sultan about massacreing the armenians, the sultan threatened to kill him, and he had to fly to the english embassy for protection. murad bey was another good turk who remonstrated against the cruelties; his life was threatened, and he fled to europe; now he is in egypt, denouncing the sultan in the press and in letters. the sultan sentenced him to death, and asked the british government to hand him over to the turkish officers; but the representative of the british government in cairo refused. just before the armenian atrocities in constantinople, the members of the sublime porte tried to have the armenian grievances redressed, and the people pacified; the sultan would have no such pottering, and ordered the soldiers to kill the armenians in the streets. but this was a rare piece of virtue in the porte. mostly they are as bad as the sultan himself, for he appoints men of his own stripe. good men would not be useful tools. the sultan has another trick of management; before making any one a member of the porte, he tries to find out whether he is a friend to any of the ministers already in; if so, he will not appoint him. on the other hand, if the man happens to be an enemy to one of the members, he is almost sure of appointment. the sublime porte, therefore, is a group of mutual enemies, hating one another, and ready to betray one another at any time. he thinks if they are friendly, they may unite and depose him some day. besides this, there are more detectives in the sublime porte, watching the ministers on behalf of the sultan, than there are members. they keep the sultan informed about the situation. if any minister or officer acts contrary to the wishes of the sultan, he is marked for death. the sheik-ul-islam. sheik-ul-islam means chief of islam--the mohammedan religion. his office is solely religious; he has nothing to do with politics. he sees that the mosques and priests are kept in order, and the religious services properly conducted; and there are many questions among the mohammedans which are settled without going to a magistrate, by the sheik-ul-islam, or by his deputies, called muftees. these muftees can be found in every city in turkey. the sheik-ul-islam and his representatives issue fetvas (religious decrees) according to the koran. there is no inconsistency between this and what i have said before about the sultan being the representative of mohammed, and therefore the chief of his religion. both the sultan and the sheik-ul-islam are the heads of it, just as the greek emperor and the patriarch were of the greek church, and the relative position is about the same. the sheik-ul-islam is the special head of the ecclesiastical organization. the sultan appoints him, but once appointed, if he is insubordinate and opposes the sultan, the latter cannot suppress or replace him without grave scandal to the mohammedan world. it is like henry ii and becket; it is easier to make a head of a church than to rule him afterwards. it is like the emperors and the popes in the middle ages; and as with them, sometimes the sheik-ul-islam joins with political officers to depose the sultan, and his fetva, or decree, makes it legal. when abdul aziz was deposed, the then sheik-ul-islam, khairollah effendi, issued the fetva for it, reluctantly, for heussein avni pasha forced him to do it under threat of death. as heussein's own head was in immediate peril, he had no scruples about the sheik-ul-islam's. every fetva has two questions and one answer. a case is set forth; after a brief discussion the question olourni (to be?) and olmazmi (not to be?) are asked, and the answer is given as either olour or olmaz (to be, or not to be). the fetva which heussein forced the sheik-ul-islam to sign was something like this:--"if a sultan should prove to be unworthy to govern his people, is it necessary to uphold him or not?" the answer was olmaz, and abdul aziz was deposed. mohammedanism and the internal state of turkey. nobody who has not lived in turkey can realize how hopeless, almost self-contradictory, it is to talk of "reforming" turkey. it could not be reformed and be mohammedan turkey; the lack of reform or power of reform is just what makes it what it is. the root of the evil is mohammedanism itself; it is embodied social stagnation, corruption, ultimate ruin. neither the sultan nor the turks can improve the state of the empire, even if they wished. the usual "broad-minded" statements about mohammed and his religion are simply elaborations of ignorance, made up out of men's own minds, and what they think must be true. it is customary for writers to talk in this fashion:--"mohammedanism is a half-way house to christianity; mohammed converted the heathen arabs to a belief in the true god. mohammed established a great religion and a great empire," etc., etc. there is no truth in this, for all its plausible sound. mohammedanism is not even on the road to christianity; and arabia, asia minor, and palestine were all much better off before the mohammedan conquest than after it. buddhism and brahmanism are better religions than mohammedanism. the chinese, the japanese, the people of india are much better than the turks. the chinese emperor and the japanese mikado are far better men than the mohammedan sultan. the heathen religions rear better men than mohammedanism. the mongols are more humane and sympathetic than the turks. heathenism at its worst, though a low form of religion, is really a form of religion; but mohammedanism is not a religion at all. then what is it? it is a system of imposture and false pretense, and of lives of human lust and cruelty. mohammed practiced all these, and his successors have done the same, and taught the same ever since; and the system means just that now, and nothing else. there is neither love nor sympathy, manliness nor humanity in mohammedanism. can a system lacking all these be considered a religion? this is the substance of mohammed's teachings:--"love your fellow believers, hate and slay all who refuse to accept your religion. marry as many wives as you can afford; if you can afford but one do not repine, for you shall have seven thousand to enjoy in paradise. if you conquer a country, show no mercy to the people unless they embrace islam; if they refuse, either kill them or make slaves of them." what sort of reforms can you expect in armenia, or in turkey, when the very religion that is to make people better, inculcates such principles? if one does not know a language he cannot speak it; if he has not a principle he will not practice it; how can the sultan, a vicious man to begin with, trained in a religion calculated to make a cruel and licentious animal even out of a decent man, reform anything? his very religion forbids it; he cares nothing for the religion when it stands in his way, but he will follow its injunctions to please the mohammedans, especially when they gratify and justify his worst passions. i shall be asked if the mohammedans do not believe in one god, and the same god as the christian; and if that does not make it a religion, and very near that of christians. yes, they do; and so do the devils. that is what mohammedanism is, the religion of devils. most of the turkish conversation consists of oaths and smut. i do not mean among the common people--theirs is nothing else--but of the educated upper classes, their scholars, teachers, governors, and priests. i came in contact with them for years, and i hated to listen to them, their talk was so full of cursing and filth. you never see the fruits of the spirit in them; only the fruits of the flesh. they do not understand what spiritual life is; with them all is sense,--eating and drinking, finery and lust,--lust above all, everywhere and always, like cattle. they seem never able to forget sex and its uses. some people think the climate makes the turks lazy; it is enough on that point to say that constantinople is almost exactly in the same latitude as new york, and smyrna as st. louis. the turkish climate is a temperate and salubrious one, with no greater extremes of temperature than the united states; not tropical or enervating. nor is it their race that makes the turks lazy; they were not so at the outset. it is their religion and the habits it breeds. their minds and bodies are enervated by the unwholesome nervous excitation of lust, their energies further sapped by a falsehood that leaves no room for aspiration, their vanity as a military caste in not working takes all the spirit of manly enterprise out of them. if the climate enervates the turks, why does it not the christians? in the very same cities you find the christians rich, enterprising, full of energy; the turks poor, ignorant, unambitious, and lazy. the religion makes all the difference. christianity teaches purity, sympathy, and industry; mohammedanism teaches impurity, hate, and sloth. the pure life of the christian conserves all the energies; the hopes of christianity give vigor and endurance. the promise of each for the future gives the clue to the history of each; the christian heaven of unity with god, the mohammedan heaven of a lot of street dogs and sluts. here i must comment on the extraordinary statement of alexander webb, at the parliament of religions in chicago. mr. webb was an american consul in the east, and became a convert to mohammedanism, or professes to have done so; it is not very hard to guess what part of that so-called religion attracted him. he said the religion of mohammed teaches the fatherhood of god, and the brotherhood of humanity. now, as a fact, mohammedans believe in neither one. as to god, they believe he is a monarch, and that no one can approach him; they have the same idea the jews had. "our father who art in heaven" is a purely christian aspiration, not that of any other religion on earth; it is christianity alone that teaches the fatherhood of god. and mohammedans directly ridicule the idea of god the father, or of a son of god. they say god is not married, and cannot be a father; and that when they go to heaven they will not be in his presence, nor wish to be, but will have a separate heaven, to enjoy their wives in. they look at everything from a sexual or sensual standpoint. as to brotherhood, there is no such thing in mohammedanism; even sons of the same mother are not brothers in feeling. a mohammedan has not confidence enough, even in his brother, to show his wives to him, and even in heaven they will have to live in different places on account of their wives. how can there be brotherhood without love or purity? and we have seen and know what the "brotherhood" of mohammedans to other nations and religions is; there can be no relations whatever but of master and slave, or murderer and corpse, or violator and victim. the impudence of this talk of brotherhood is fathomless. and then he said he was proud to be a convert to islam, because that meant believing in purity! this is more outrageously impudent still. his ideal of purity must be a curious one if he finds more in mohammedanism than in christianity; in a religion with a heaven stuffed with concubines than in one where even earth is sprinkled with nuns; in one that makes titanic lust its crowning reward, as if men were so feeble in sexual desires that they needed to be stimulated, than in one which makes chastity its key-note, and pronounces the very coveting of more than one wife a spiritual adultery; in one that prescribes polygamy (that is, keeping erotic turbulence stirred up much oftener and longer than it naturally would be), than in one that allows but one wife, and smiles on getting along without that; in one whose devotees are ashamed of foul language, and even of foul thoughts, than in one whose devotees are rank and rotten with lustful ideas and talk to correspond. the whole mohammedan system is designed to make the gratification of lust as easy and plentiful as possible short of a promiscuity that would lead to civil anarchy. a mohammedan can divorce his wife any time he pleases by paying back her dower, and marry another and do likewise; every week, or day if he sees fit, and he can remarry and redivorce the first one as often as he pleases. it is like trading horses; as little sentiment or morality in one as the other; the slightest possible regulation of sheer animal desire. there is, however, one form or divorce which is complete, and does not allow of remarriage until another marriage has intervened; that is called the achden docuza (three to nine) divorce, from the terms the husband uses in doing it, "i divorce you three to nine." nobody knows what it means or meant. after this, if he wants his wife back, he must get somebody else to marry and divorce her regularly; and as this is perilous, because the second husband after marrying her may take a notion to keep her, or anyway keep her much longer than the first one relishes, or demand a large sum of money, the usual plan is to fix on a very poor man, or a blind beggar (preferably blind, so that he cannot see the wife, and be so charmed by her beauties that he will wish to keep her), get him to become the woman's husband for a few days, and then pay him something to divorce her. then the first can marry her again if he chooses. there are many more specimens of mohammedan "purity" too shameful to write, and too shameful to read; i cannot soil the paper with them. doubtless they are part of mr. webb's pride in being a mohammedan. but i must mention one more engine of corruption which lies at the very root of mohammedanism itself: the pilgrimage to mecca, to the birthplace of mohammed in arabia. once a year mohammedan pilgrims from every quarter of the world go to mecca to pay homage to their beloved prophet; averaging a million a year. it is their duty to sacrifice animals there, and about a million are so sacrificed. this is done on the hills which surround the great temple, the greatest mosque in the world. it is a square building, which covers several acres of land. just in the cluster is the holy well, called zemzem. mohammedans believe that if they drink of that water, hell-fire cannot burn them, and every pilgrim does so; then they begin to die from cholera to the tune of fifty thousand a year or so, for the well is a mere cesspool. you see, after cutting the throats of the animals, they leave the filth and blood just as they are, for the mohammedan religion does not allow the sacrifice to be touched. the sandy soil absorbs this putrid filth, which leaches into the well. but it is a great merit to die on the spot where mohammed was born; one goes straight to heaven if he does. that is not the worst, however; they fill bottles with that water, and carry it to their families, and friends throughout the turkish empire, persia, and india, from which cholera is spread abroad over the world. the pilgrims do not take their wives as far as the birthplace of mohammed, but leave them half-way, and on reaching mecca they marry temporarily. about , prostitutes there make a business of being short-term wives of the pilgrims, getting $ to $ from each, and being his wife for anywhere from a day to a fortnight, so that each woman marries from fifty to a hundred pilgrims a year. this is not prostitution; it is religion--and mohammedan "purity." mecca is considered the most holy spot on earth by mohammedans; but it is the most corrupt spot. it is a hell. and the mohammedan paradise is worse than mecca. in one word, mohammedans have no right to exist, politically, socially, or religiously. in the first they have wrought nothing but ruin; in the second nothing but corruption; in the third nothing but devilishness. they are working nothing else now in either of the three. they have never built up anything; they are pure destroyers. anything which is built in any mohammedan country is built both by christian money and by christian architects; mohammedans have neither the money, the architects, nor the sense. the day one becomes a mohammedan he loses his intellect, his skill, and his common sense. mohammedanism is a poison fatal to any good gifts or graces; it cultivates in him falsehood, cruelty, and lust. it was sent by god for a curse to the christians; as a punishment, just as the philistines were sent to the people of israel. v. the great powers and the armenian question. there was no armenian question till the time of the present sultan; under abdul aziz, whatever his faults as a ruler or a man, the armenians prospered well, and though the whole system of administration is bad, corrupt, and uncertain, they had no special grievance as a race to complain of. i have already referred to abdul hamid's usurpation, his bulgarian atrocities, his famous war against russia, and the congress in berlin in which the powers ordered him to execute reforms in armenia, and report to them, and the sultan signed the treaty promising to do it. this was in . the sultan lost no time in violating the treaty, and not only so, but in acting grossly contrary to it. he called in circassians and kurds to settle in the midst of armenians, and confiscated armenian lands for them to settle on. the armenians were far worse off than before the treaty; but foolishly depending on the powers, they did not try to arm themselves for the future. they have had plenty of chance to repent in blood and tears, agony and shame, their faith that christian nations would not ignore a solemn obligation, voluntarily entered into, to save a whole people from being exterminated by fire and sword. england was the worst of these sinners, for she had taken on special obligations by a separate treaty, and forced those who would have taken the sultan by the throat to let go. the anglo-turkish convention. this took place at the same time as the berlin congress; it was simply between turkey and england. article i. "if batoum, ardahan, kars, or any of them shall be retained by russia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by russia to take possession of any further territory of his imperial majesty, the sultan, in asia, as fixed by the definitive treaty of peace, england engages to join his imperial majesty, the sultan, in defending them by force of arms. "in return, his imperial majesty, the sultan, promises england to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later between the two powers, into the government and for the protection of the christian and other subjects of the porte in these territories; and in order to enable england to make necessary provisions for executing her engagement, his imperial majesty, the sultan, further consents to assign the island of cyprus to be occupied and administered by england. article vii. "if russia restores to turkey kars and the other conquests made by her in armenia during the last war, the island of cyprus will be evacuated by england, and the convention of the th of june, , will be at an end." when england was preparing this private treaty, the english fleet was on the sea of marmora, at the gate of the bosphorus, threatening russia, to make her withdraw her soldiers from the gates of constantinople, for the conquering russian army had reached the suburbs, and encamped at san stefano, only eight or ten miles away. but for england, russia would have captured constantinople, and kept it. but england backed turkey, and the other powers backed england, and russia reluctantly withdrew her troops. but russia has never forgiven england for it; and if england wishes to help the armenians, no matter how many are massacred, russia will help turkey, while the others side with neither. as to there ever being a european concert to reform armenia, a pleasant dream which has deluded many thousands, i have always laughed at it, and i laugh at it still. the powers will never act together for any such purpose. it is not "practical politics" to think of it. the real center of action is not germany or russia, but england, for several reasons. one is that london is the money capital of the world. money rules; money buys force. the richest nation is the strongest. what does lombard street say? is the vital question. the second is her navy, the strongest in the world; stronger that that of any other two nations combined; perhaps in actual fight a match for all combined. the third is that her possessions are everywhere; she is a local power in every quarter of the globe; she has to pass by everybody's doors in managing her colonies. so i will begin with england. england and the armenian question. if england had wished to solve this question, she could have done it long ago; but she never cared to. when mr. gladstone was in power, he tried to do it, but his cabinet overbore him. he did, however, show by isolated cases what power england had if she chose to exercise it. after i was banished by the turkish government, two native christian ministers supplied my pulpit. they were sentenced to death on a false charge, but gladstone threatened the sultan, and the latter commuted the sentence to banishment. these ministers were professors thoumaian and kayayian, who are now in england with their families. what could be done on a small scale could be done on a large one. i will give here some of the speeches of gladstone on the armenian question; then compare lord salisbury with him and his policy. w. e. gladstone. he assails turkey's intolerable misgovernment and emphasizes the value of impartial american testimony. [by cable to the new york herald.] london, aug. , .--a pro-american meeting, presided over by the duke of westminster, was held at chester this afternoon. mr. gladstone was among those present, and upon entering the hall was received with great enthusiasm. in addressing the meeting, mr. gladstone said he had attended rather to meet the expectation that he would be present than because he had any important contribution to make to the discussion of the subject under consideration. the question before the meeting, he said, was not a party question, neither was it strictly a religious question, although the sufferers, on whose behalf the meeting was called, were christians. the evil arose from the fact that the sufferers were under an intolerably bad government--one of the worst, in fact, that ever existed. a resolution would be proposed presenting, with justice and firmness, the true view of the matter. mr. gladstone added that as america had no political interest in the levant her witnesses were doubly entitled to credit. important treaty provisions. the treaty of , mr. gladstone continued, gave the powers the right to march into armenia and take the government of the country out of the hands of turkey, and under the treaty of the sultan was bound to carry out reforms. the ex-premier made three proposals:--first, that the demands of the powers should be moderate; second, that no promises of the turkish authorities should be accepted; and third, that the powers should not fear the word "coercion." "we have reached a critical position," said mr. gladstone, in conclusion, "and the honor of the powers is pledged to the institution of reforms in armenia." a resolution was then proposed expressing the conviction that the government would have the support of the entire nation in any measures it might adopt to secure in armenia reforms guaranteeing to the inhabitants safety of life, honor, religion, and property, and that no reforms can be effected which are not placed under the continuous control of the great powers of europe. the resolution was seconded by the rev. canon malcolm maccoll, and was adopted. says baseness and villany have reached a climax in turkey's treatment of armenia. [from the new york herald.] london, dec. , .--murad bey, formerly ottoman commissioner of the turkish debt, who recently fled from constantinople to paris, sent to mr. gladstone a few days ago a pamphlet which he had published in paris, entitled "the yildiz palace and the sublime porte," with a view to enlightening public opinion on turkish affairs. in the course of his reply acknowledging the receipt of the pamphlet, mr. gladstone disavowed any feeling of enmity toward the turks and mussulmans generally. he said:--"i have felt it my duty to make it known that the mohammedans, including the turks, suffer from the bad government of the sultan. i have heartily wished success to every effort made toward ending the great evil. still, turks and other mohammedans are not, so far as i know, plundered, raped, murdered, starved, and burned; but this is the treatment that the sultan knowingly deals out to his armenian subjects daily. there are degrees of suffering, degrees of baseness and villany among men, and both seem to have reached their climax in the case of armenia." his masterly speech in chester re-enforced with a letter to a turk. [from the new york sun.] london, aug. .--once more have the wonderful power and the true greatness of england's grand old man been demonstrated in the remarkable revival of popular interest in the fate of armenia. the whole nation is marveling over his great speech at chester, and there are no words, even among those who have always been his political opponents, save those of sympathy and admiration. nobody is any longer foolish enough to deny the main features of the fearful atrocities in armenia, and there is no possible doubt of the accuracy of the latest reports that thousands near the scene of the massacres are perishing of starvation. the only protest against mr. gladstone's speech has been a long letter from khalef khalid, a conspicuous turk, who asks the grand old man why he hates and denounces the turks so indiscriminately, when as many and as great outrages against the mohammedans have been perpetrated by christians as were ever committed by the subjects of islam. mr. gladstone's reply was made public to-day. it is one of the most pointed epistles the old man ever wrote. he says:--"i entirely disclaim the hatred and hostility to the turks, or any race of men, which you ascribe to me. i do not doubt that you write in entire good faith, but your statements of facts are unauthenticated. i proceed only upon authenticated statements. i make no charge against the turks at large, but against a turkish government. i make the charges which they have been proved guilty of by public authority. in my opinion, i have been a far better friend to the ottoman empire than have the sultan and his advisers. i have always recommended the granting of reasonable powers of local self-government, which would have saved turkey from terrible losses. this good advice has been spurned, and in consequence turkey has lost , , of people, and may lose more. pray weigh these words."-- the birthday of the ex-premier was made the occasion for an anti-turkish demonstration. outrages and abominations of in bulgaria repeated in armenia in . [from the new york herald.] london, dec. , .--mr. gladstone celebrated his eighty-fifth birthday to-day, and was the recipient of hundreds of letters and telegrams of congratulation and parcels containing birthday gifts. mr. gladstone was in remarkably good health and spirits, and, despite the stormy weather, drove through the village of hawarden to the church, where he met a deputation of armenian christians from paris and london. the deputation presented a silver chalice to the church. the chalice was presented to the rev. stephen gladstone, son of the ex-premier, and rector of the hawarden church, in recognition of the interest his father has taken in the armenian outrages. mr. gladstone, in his reply to the deputation's address, said that it was not their duty to assume that all the allegations of outrages were true, but rather to await the result of the inquiry which had been instituted. however, he said, the published accounts pointed strongly to the conclusion that the outrages, sins, and abominations committed in in bulgaria had been repeated in in armenia. continuing, mr. gladstone said: "don't let me be told that one nation has no authority over another. every nation, aye, every human being, has authority in behalf of humanity and justice." he had been silent, he said, because he had full confidence that the government knew its duty. if the allegations made should prove to be true, it was time that the execration of humanity should force itself upon the ears of the sultan of turkey, and make him sensible of the madness of such a course as was being pursued. mr. gladstone, in conclusion, said:--"the history of turkey is a sad and painful one. the turkish race has not been without remarkable, even fine qualities, but from too many points of view it has been a scourge which has been made use of by a wise providence for the sins of the world. if these tales of murder, violation, and outrage be true, well, then, they cannot be overlooked, nor can they be made light of. i have lived to see the empire of turkey in europe reduced to less than one-half of what it was when i was born. and why? simply because of its misdeeds, and the great record written by the hand of almighty god against its injustice, lust, and most abominable cruelty. i hope and feel sure that the government of great britain will do everything that can be done to pierce to the bottom of this mystery, and make the facts known to the world. "if happily (i speak hoping against hope) the reports be disproved or mitigated, let us thank god. if, on the other hand, they be established, it will more than ever stand before the world that there is a lesson, however severe it may be, that can teach certain people the duty of prudence, and the necessity of observing the laws of decency, humanity, and justice. if the allegations are true, it is time that there should be one general shout of execration against these deeds of wickedness from outraged humanity. if the facts are well established, it should be written in letters of iron upon the records of the world that a government which could be guilty of countenancing and covering up such atrocities is a disgrace to mohammed the prophet, a disgrace to civilization at large, and a disgrace to mankind. now that is strong language, but strong language ought to be used when the facts are strong. but strong language ought not to be used without the strength of facts. "i have counseled you to be still and keep your judgment in suspense; but as the evidence grows, the case darkens, and my hopes dwindle and decline, and as long as i have voice it will be uttered in behalf of humanity and truth. i wish you heartily every blessing, and also wish with every heartiness prosperity to your nation, however dark the present may seem." lord salisbury. now we come to the present prime minister, lord salisbury. he is reputed a great statesman. that should mean that he has accomplished something great. well, what? i know of nothing, have heard of nothing. has he saved any country? has he elevated any? has he done any public action that can be set down to his credit? he has hindered some good ones, that is all. on the armenian question he has done enormous harm. if he is not a great hypocrite, there is no use comparing a man's words with his actions. i have always told my friends that nothing good could be hoped for from him, for morally he is worse than the sultan. an eminent english clergyman told me that lord salisbury is another sultan, and i believe him. here are a few of lord salisbury's deliverances; see how they agree:-- [from the new york world, august , .] lord salisbury to sir philip currie, the british ambassador to constantinople:--"the porte must accept the proposals of the powers unconditionally, or england would use sharper means than those adopted by lord rosebery to settle affairs in armenia."--[july , . lord salisbury, in a speech in london about the time of the above, said, "the concert of europe on the armenian question is complete, and england has the loyal support of other powers to reform armenia." at another time we note:--"there is every reason to believe that the chinese government is sincerely desirous of punishing the perpetrators of the outrages and those who connived at them. should any lukewarmness become discernible, it will become our duty to supply its defect. "with respect to armenia, we have accepted the policy which our predecessors initiated, and our efforts will be directed to obtaining an adequate guarantee for the carrying out of reform. we have received the most loyal support from both france and russia. the permanence of the sultan's rule is involved in the conduct he pursues. if the cries of misery continue, the sultan must realize that europe will become weary of appeals, and the fictitious strength which the powers have given the empire will fail it. the sultan will make a calamitous mistake if he refuses to accept the advice of the european powers relative to the reforms." the house of lords adopted the address in reply to the queen's speech. after the above strong words, lord salisbury backed down and sneaked out of his bold attitude in this way. (jan. , .) see how he asserts, first that england cannot do anything for the armenians, and second that it is not her duty to do anything:-- [from the new york tribune.] "the prime minister expressed sympathy with the armenians, but denied that great britain was under obligation to declare war against the sultan of turkey in order to compel him to govern justly, and cited the treaties in proof of his contention. he ascribed the atrocities to the passions of race and creed. he believed that the sultan's government was wretched and impotent, but there was no ground for imagining that the sultan had instigated the massacres. it might be asked why europe did not interfere. he could only answer for england. she had lacked the power to do the only thing necessary to end the troubles, namely, to militarily occupy turkish provinces. none of the powers wished so to occupy them. "lord salisbury said he concurred in the belief that the only authority, albeit it was an evil one, in that country was the prestige of the sultan's name. patience must be exercised, and time must be given to his majesty to enforce the reforms he had promised. he remarked upon the gradual return of order in anatolia during the last few weeks, although he admitted that these signs should not be trusted too much. he concluded by declaring that if great britain did not co-operate with the other powers, she must act against them, which would lead to calamities far more awful than the armenian massacres." ambassador currie instructed not to exert undue pressure on the sultan. [from the new york world, .] london, nov. , .--it can be authoritatively stated that lord salisbury's instructions to sir philip currie, the british ambassador to turkey, who left england a few days ago on his return to his post of duty, are to refrain from exerting undue pressure on the sultan for the execution of the reforms in armenia, and to give the porte time to recover from the existing administrative anarchy, and appoint authorities through whom the reforms must be effected. sir philip has taken with him an autograph letter from the queen to the sultan. this is supposed to be a reply to a letter the sultan sent to her with the communication he sent to lord salisbury, which the latter read at the meeting of the national union of conservatives at brighton, on tuesday night last. it is reported that the queen will invite the sultan to visit england, when the time shall be auspicious. the anxiety at the foreign office in regard to the east has greatly lessened during the week. england possessed the island of cyprus, and it became her duty to look after the reforms in turkey. but now salisbury denies it, saying that it is not her duty, and meantime says that time must be given to the sultan of turkey, as if all the time had not been given him since the berlin treaty of . salisbury used another silly trick, persuading the queen of england to write a letter to the sultan and appeal to his good nature; as if the sultan had a good nature; but the queen wrote the letter. a strong criticism by the editor of the new york "press" on lord salisbury's speech. february , . "we confess that we are at a loss to comprehend the meaning of lord salisbury's armenian speech. we do not know what to make of it when he says that the berlin treaty "bound the signatory powers, that, if the sultan promulgated certain reforms, they would watch over the progress of these reforms. nothing more." we cannot understand him when he declares that the cyprus convention 'contains no trace of an understanding to interfere in behalf of the sultan's subjects.' when russia made, in march, , a treaty with turkey, called the treaty of san stefano, great britain became alarmed lest russia should secure too much influence in constantinople. russia then held some armenian provinces bordering on her territory, and it seemed clear that it was her purpose to seize others. england protested to the sultan against the treaty of san stefano, but the government of the ottoman porte was helpless against the czar, and the sultan declared that he must adhere to the treaty. great britain then secretly bound herself to aid turkey by force of arms in preventing russia from appropriating further armenian provinces, turkey agreeing, on her part, to reform her local administration in her remaining armenian provinces and assigning the island of cyprus to be occupied and administered by great britain. "great britain, meanwhile, had incited the other powers of europe to take action against the treaty of san stefano. austria was induced to suggest a european congress. russia at first refused to go into this congress; but, seeing that all the great powers were uniting against her, she consented to attend. the result of this congress was the treaty of berlin, signed by the six powers,--england, russia, germany, france, austria, and italy. by this treaty turkey was stripped of bulgaria, servia, and roumania, and russia was deprived of all she had won during the turko-russian war, except the armenian provinces which she still controls. by this treaty, also, the signatory powers became guardians and trustees of the ottoman porte, pledging themselves that religious freedom should be secured in the turkish empire, and that armenian christians should be protected against the circassians and kurds. "we are puzzled, therefore, to understand lord salisbury when he says that all these promises did not mean anything. certainly he ought to know, for, as the agent of the disraeli government, it was lord salisbury who drafted the agreements and drew up the promises. for eighteen years christian civilization has supposed that they did mean something. but lord salisbury says not. he says that all the powers agreed to do was to 'watch over the execution of those reforms' if they were promulgated. "what does that mean, anyway? does it mean, as the christian world has all along supposed, that the six powers would engage themselves to see that these reforms were carried out by turkey, or does it mean that if the reforms were carried out they would simply look on; and if the reforms were not carried out, if ten thousand armenian homes were destroyed, and four times ten thousand armenian citizens were butchered, they would still simply look on? "nor do we understand lord salisbury when he pleads that it requires time for the turkish government to carry out the reforms 'which the sultan recently has accepted.' why the turkish government? there is no turkish government. there is a mohammedan administration, but the government of the ottoman porte expired with the treaty of berlin. the turkish government is vested de facto in the six signatory powers of the berlin congress. even the local government of constantinople itself lies in the hands of these powers. the capital is divided into six sections, each controlled by a treaty power. each has its own courts, its own military, even its own police. when englishmen wish a wrong to be righted in the turkish empire, or a reform to be executed, they do not request the 'turkish government' to listen to their appeal. the british minister summons the grand vezir and orders him to do what is wished. and he does it forthwith, so far as he is permitted by the orders of the representatives of the other treaty powers. it is in london, in berlin, in st. petersburg, in paris, in vienna, and in rome that the turkish government rests. "it is for these reasons that we are unable to understand what lord salisbury means when he says that the berlin treaty and the cyprus convention impose no responsibility for armenian reforms upon any one save the sultan. the cyprus convention specifies:-- "treaty of defensive alliance between the british government and the sublime porte, signed on june , :-- article i. if batoum, ardahan, kars, or any of them shall be retained by russia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by russia to take possession of any further territories of his imperial majesty, the sultan, in asia, as fixed by the definitive treaty of peace, england engages to join his imperial majesty, the sultan, in defending them by force of arms. in return, his imperial majesty, the sultan, promises to england to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later between the two powers, into the government, and for the protection of christian and other subjects of the porte in these territories; and in order to enable england to make necessary provision for executing her engagement, his imperial majesty, the sultan, further consents to assign the island of cyprus, to be occupied and administered by england. "why, then, does not lord salisbury carry out england's pledges, for which he is directly responsible, since he made them in her name? "england must be held to an accounting for the disorders in armenia. there are no such disorders in the provinces administered by the czar, provinces adjoining those where for the last six years pillage, destruction, and murder have swept away every sign of government. in the provinces controlled by the czar the armenians have been so well treated, enjoying unquestioned religious freedom and rights, that there have been not the slightest disorders. but in the provinces where england pledged reform, the armenian is butchered daily. "does lord salisbury mean that so long as great britain occupies cyprus, pending the execution of reforms, it is better for england that the reforms should not be executed and that england should 'watch over them; nothing more'?" note carefully what salisbury says first; then what he says afterward. first he says there is complete concert among the powers, then he says there is not; first he threatens the sultan, then he is friendly. first he seems to be a brave and noble statesman, then a cowardly politician. sir philip currie, the british ambassador at constantinople, is a brave and noble gentleman. he was sent there by the liberal government, before salisbury's accession. he has done a great deal for the armenian cause. but after lord salisbury became prime minister, he called him to london and instructed him to have cordial relations with the sultan, and now he can do nothing. finally there appear to be two englands, conservative england and liberal england, slave england and free england, selfish england and noble and sympathetic england, false england and true england. the head of conservative, selfish, false, oppressive england is lord salisbury. the head of liberal, free, noble, and true england is mr. gladstone. therefore nothing for armenia can be expected from the conservatives, while much may be hoped from the liberals. gladstone is an old man, but god will raise a joshua to succeed moses; gladstone will see the armenian nation free, and then he will die. germany and the armenian question. listen to what the haughty young ruler of germany says:--"it is better that the armenians be killed than the peace of europe be disturbed." the explanation is easy enough. when he visited constantinople half a dozen years ago, the sultan presented him with arabian horses, jewelry of massive gold, and many other valuable articles, worth in all several hundred thousand dollars; and last summer sent him a beautiful and valuable sword made in constantinople by armenians, which was carried to him by shakir pasha, the butcher who was afterwards appointed by the sultan to reform armenia,--the commander of the "hamidieh cavalry," whose work i tell of later on. this embassy was to secure the alliance of germany against molestation by russia. the german emperor has three motives in his present action. one is to show gratitude for the sultan's generosity--as though it were not the easiest thing in the world to be munificent when it all comes out of other people. the second is to punish lord salisbury for not getting england to join the triple alliance, when the emperor asked him in person on his journey to england. when salisbury threatened the sultan in the interest of armenia, the german emperor said, "the english government has no right to interfere with the turkish empire. every sovereign must have the right to govern as he thinks necessary, or he is no sovereign." he afterwards sent his chancellor, prince hohenlohe, to the czar to arrange united resistance to england, and afterwards sent count von moltke on the same errand. and the czar instructed his ambassador at constantinople, m. nelidoff, to inform the sultan that he would not support the english government in coercing turkey. the sultan therefore refused salisbury's demands, and he dared not go on alone. the emperor's third motive was to gain the friendship of the czar against france, which had lately been taking up the russian alliance with great fervor. another reason is that he hates the armenians for having bought the german factories and property in amassia. he is very anxious to plant german colonies in turkey, of all places in the world, for profit. there are about fifty families in amassia, near marsovan, and they had started various kinds of factories there; but the shrewd and wealthy armenians bought them out. the emperor is angry because his colony was not successful. for all these reasons the german emperor refused to send gunboats to the bosphorus when the other powers did; he said he saw no need of it. he was right so far as germans were concerned; the sultan was not going to allow his ally's subjects to be slaughtered and the ally turned into an enemy. and if he could stop the massacre of one sort of people, he could of another; nothing shows the sultan's deliberate purpose in the massacres better than the fact that when he chose not to let any particular sort of people be harmed, that sort were not harmed. but as to germany, what hope for armenia is there from it? the emperor has his own interests, and the armenians might be tortured or outraged to death, and he would not stir a finger. russia and the armenians. the present czar, nicholas ii, is a corrupt weakling, who is on the throne by the law of heredity, against the will of his father. morally he is as bad as the sultan; not so cruel yet, though he may develop that in time, but fully as sensual and devoid of principle. i have had it from good russian authority that his life before his marriage was so bad that it has rendered him entirely impotent. "birds of a feather flock together." no wonder he helps the sultan. his political aims and character are wholly selfish. he, too, like the german emperor, is continually exchanging presents with the sultan. here is a press notice of feb. , :--"m. nelidoff, the russian ambassador, has presented to the sultan a pair of jasper vases from the czar, together with an autograph letter from his majesty thanking the sultan for the gifts sent to him." not only so, but they have concluded an alliance. read the following dispatch of jan. , :-- "london, jan. , .--a dispatch to the pall mall gazette from constantinople, dated yesterday, says that an offensive and defensive alliance has been concluded between russia and turkey. the pall mall gazette correspondent adds that the treaty was signed at constantinople, and that the ratifications were exchanged at st. petersburg between arifi pasha and the czar. "the basis of the treaty is declared to be on the lines of the unkiarskelessi agreement of , by which turkey agreed, in the event of russia going to war, to close the dardanelles to war-ships of all nations. the pall mall gazette's correspondent then says the treaty will soon be abandoned, owing to the refusal of the powers to recognize it. he also says that the french ambassador, m. cambon, conferred with the sultan yesterday, and that it is probable france will be included in the new alliance. "the pall mall gazette says: 'we regard the news as true, and the result of the treaty is that the dardanelles is now the southern outpost of russia, and turkey is russia's vassal. we presume the british government will protest against the treaty for all it is worth. "'the information is plainly of the very gravest importance. the first intimation reached us four days ago; but we withheld it until the arrival of strong confirmation, which we received this morning. this brings russia into the mediterranean with a vengeance, and may necessitate the strengthening of our fleet in those waters. politically, the effect will be far greater. the treaty means that turkey has realized her own impotence against disorders both from within and without, and has decided to throw herself for safety into the arms of russia. she is now russia's vassal, and russia is entitled to dispatch troops to any part of the sultan's dominions whenever there is the least breach of order--and when is there not? "'we presume the arrangement will give the keenest satisfaction to the anglo-american section of our people. with them lies the chief blame for the complete alienation of turkey, though it must be owned that it has been sedulously fostered by a long term of weak policy at constantinople.'" for the present the czar will do no more mischief, because he is to have his coronation in may, and prefers to put on the smoothest outside to every nation; but after that is over he will show his hand. his father and his grandfather favored the armenians in russia, and they prospered wonderfully, but this one proposes to persecute them to please the sultan. the two will join in a common policy toward the unhappy race, till not less than a million are slain. the czar's motive is not love of the sultan, whom he hates in spite of their community of character; it is simply that he wishes to get constantinople peaceably if he can. the sultan knows this quite well, but he is too weak in military power, and too poor, and owes too large an indemnity to the czar to be able to help himself. he is compelled to throw himself on the czar for protection. will the czar succeed in getting constantinople? no; the attempt will ruin and break up the russian empire. all the european powers would resist it; some of them may seem friendly to the czar now, but when he comes to seize constantinople every one of them will be against him. he will try it, none the less. the famous "will" of peter the great, though a patent and notorious forgery of napoleon's,--never seen till , just before the russian campaign, and circulated then to influence europe against russia,--was the most magnificent piece of forgery ever committed, for it has actually become a guiding policy to the country it was aimed against, just as if it had been real. nothing in history equals this for impudence and success combined; it is a true napoleonism. this bogus "will" has become the "monroe doctrine" of russia; i am not entitled to say whether the latter is as mischievous as the former. that most russian of all russian journals, the "ruskija vjadomosti," has lately been having one of its periodical spasms of hysterical hatred toward all policy not "good russian," and boldly proclaims that russia must follow the precepts laid down in this will! since, therefore, it is just as important as if it were not the greatest of all "fakes," i give it here that the reader may know what russian policy is to be:-- will of peter the great. in the name of the most holy and indivisible trinity, we, peter the great, unto all our descendants and successors to the throne and government of the russian nation: the all-powerful, from whom we hold our life and our throne, after having revealed unto us his wishes and intentions, and after being our support, permits us to look upon russia as called upon to establish her rule over all europe. this idea is based upon the fact that all nations of this portion of the globe are fast approaching a state of utter decrepitude. from this it results that they can be easily conquered by a new race of people when it has attained full power and strength. we look upon our invasion of the west and east as a decree of divine providence, which has already once regenerated the roman empire by an invasion of "barbarians." the emigration of men from the north is like the inundation of the nile, which, at certain seasons, enriches with its waters the arid plains of egypt. we found russia a small rivulet; we leave it an immense river. our successors will make it an ocean, destined to fertilize the whole of europe if they know how to guide its waves. we leave them, then, the following instructions, which we earnestly recommend to their constant meditation. i. to keep the prussian nation in constant warfare, in order always to have good soldiers. peace must only be permitted to recuperate finance, to recruit the army, to choose the moment favorable for attack. thus peace will advance your projects of war, and war those of peace, for obtaining the enlargement and prosperity of russia. ii. draw unto you by all possible means, from the civilized nations of europe, captains during war and learned men during peace, so that russia may benefit by the advantages of other nations. iii. take care to mix in the affairs of all europe, and in particular of germany, which, being the nearest nation to you, deserves your chief attention. iv. divide poland by raising up continual disorders and jealousies within its bosom. gain over its rulers with gold influence and corrupt the diet, in order to have a voice in the election of the kings. make partisans and protect them; if neighboring powers raise objections and opposition, surmount the obstacles by stirring up discord within their countries. v. take all you can from sweden, and to this effect isolate her from denmark, and vice versa. be careful to rouse their mutual jealousy. vi. marry russian princes to german princesses; multiply these alliances, unite these interests, and by the increase of our influence attach germany to our cause. vii. seek the alliance with england on account of our commerce, as being the country most useful for the development of our navy, merchants, etc., and for the exchange of our produce against her gold. keep up continual communication with her merchants and sailors, so that ours may acquire experience in commerce and navigation. viii. constantly extend yourselves along the shores of the baltic and the borders of the euxine. ix. do all in your power to approach closely constantinople and india. remember that he who rules over these countries is the real sovereign of the world. keep up continued wars with turkey and with persia. establish dockyards in the black sea. gradually obtain the command of this sea as well as of the baltic. this is necessary for the entire success of our projects. hasten the fall of persia. open for yourself a route toward the persian gulf. re-establish as much as possible, by means of syria, the ancient commerce of the levant, and thus advance toward india. once there you will not require english gold. x. carefully seek the alliance of austria. make her believe that you will second her in her projects for dominion over germany, but secretly stir up other princes against her, and manage so that each be disposed to claim the assistance of russia; and exercise over each a sort of protection, which will lead the way to a future dominion over them. xi. make austria drive the turks out of europe, and neutralize her jealousy by offering to her a portion of your conquests, which you will further on take back. xii. above all, recall around you the schismatic greeks who are spread over hungary and poland. become their center, and support a universal dominion over them by a kind of sacerdotal autocracy; by this you will have many friends among your enemies. xiii. sweden dismembered, persia conquered, poland subjugated, turkey beaten, our armies united, the black and baltic seas guarded by our vessels, prepare, separately and secretly, first the court of versailles, then that of vienna, to share the empire of the universe with russia. if one accept, flatter her ambition and vanity, and make use of one to crush the other by engaging them in war. the result cannot be doubted; russia will be possessed of the whole of the east and a great portion of europe. xiv. if, which is not probable, both should refuse the offer of russia, raise a quarrel between them, and one which will ruin them both; then russia, profiting by this decisive movement, will inundate germany with the troops which she will have assembled beforehand. at the same time two fleets full of soldiers will leave the baltic and the black sea, will advance along the mediterranean and the ocean, keeping france in check with the one and germany with the other. and these two countries conquered, the remainder of europe will fall under our yoke. thus can europe be subjugated. but aside from this, no help could be expected from russia in any event, because she needs all her strength to save herself from destruction by her own internal decay. she is a great tree, hollow in the inside. the nihilists and the constitutional reformers are both against her, and, in my belief, she will go to pieces in the present czar's lifetime. the sultan's days are numbered, but the czar's and the emperor's are too; their own people will rise and depose them. it is against socialists and nihilists that they are massing such great armies. how can they spare any service for a people being murdered off the earth? france and armenia. of the other powers, little need be said. france has lost all her great men, and become a tail to russia, and is ready to be moved blindly, as russia may direct. and as part of the people are infidels, and the rest fanatical catholics, there is no religious motive to prompt them to come to the rescue. france, in a word, can or will do nothing directly; all it can do is to threaten the haughty emperor of germany. italy is bankrupt, and even the throne of king humbert is in danger, and that country will follow in the wake of austria. the pope of rome and the armenians. pope leo xiii sent , lire to the armenian sufferers; probably to the catholics alone, for there are about , catholic armenians in turkey. but the armenians can expect no help from the pope; he has no troops; he has no great fund of spare money, and he would be very unlikely to use either if he had them. the motive of all the popes has been to convert the protestant armenian church to become a part of the roman catholic church,--to acknowledge the papacy. i say protestant, for before martin luther was born, the armenian church protested against the popes of rome age after age, and was persecuted by them. the armenians offer their thanks to the pope for his gifts, but they cannot accept his dominion. [press dispatch, n.y. herald.] "rome, dec. , .--the pope has sent , lire for the relief of the sufferers from turkish misrule in anatolia, in addition to the , lire previously given by him for the same purpose." the european edition published recently in a dispatch from rome the following passage dealing with the eastern question in the allocution delivered by leo xiii at the consistory on november :-- "the whole of europe in anxious expectation looks toward its eastern neighbor, troubled by grievous events and internal conflicts. the sight of towns and villages defiled by scenes of blood and of vast extents of territory ravaged by fire and sword is a cruel and lamentable spectacle. "while the powers are taking counsel together in the laudable effort to find means of putting an end to the carnage and restore quiet, we have not omitted to defend this noble and just cause to the extent of our power. long before these recent events, we voluntarily intervened in favor of the armenian nation. we advised concord, quiet, and equity. "our counsels did not appear to give offense. we mean to pursue the work we have begun, for we desire nothing so much as to see the security of persons and all rights safeguarded throughout the immense empire. "in the meantime we have decided to send help to the most tried and the most needy of the armenians." america and armenia. now we cross the ocean and come to the united states. everywhere here the people have shown the greatest sympathy for us; and the armenians are deeply moved and exceedingly grateful for it. the newspapers have almost uniformly been on our side also; the only exception of any moment has been the new york "herald," which has steadily favored the sultan. the reason is the same as for general wallace's like opinion of that worthless animal,--mistaking his entertainments and gifts for proofs of good character, humanity, and statesmanship. mr. bennett, too, knows the taste of the dinners at the palace, and perhaps the weight of the golden ornaments he gives out. fortunately his paper has very little influence on public opinion; and the real leaders of it have remained true. i believe it will be the americans who will finally put an end to the armenian atrocities; but the time has not come yet. it will take two years more, then this , , of people will be aroused as one man and stop them. i should like here to give an account of the many mass meetings held here for our cause; but i can only take space for two, one which i organized in baltimore, and one held in new york, at which i was present. mass-meeting at levering hall, baltimore [report from baltimore sun.] december , .--an enthusiastic meeting of baltimoreans was held last night at levering hall, johns hopkins university, to make an emphatic protest against the turkish outrages upon christian armenians, and to urge the united states government to do all in its power to remedy the existing evils. the meeting was called by a committee of baltimore ministers. it was presided over by attorney-general john p. poe, and the rev. t. m. beadenkoff was the secretary. addresses were made by mr. poe, rev. george h. filian, an exiled armenian christian minister, rabbi wm. rosenan, and rev. dr. f. m. ellis. cardinal gibbons and judge harlan sent letters regretting their inability to be present, and expressing sympathy with the object of the gathering. mr. poe, in taking the chair, said:--"the accounts which have reached us of the indescribable atrocities recently committed upon the christians in armenia have stirred the indignation and aroused the sympathy of the whole country. "at first the nameless outrages inflicted upon them were received with incredulity, for it seemed almost impossible that they could be true. but there is now no reason to discredit the harrowing details. indeed, denial is hardly any longer attempted, nor is it claimed that the reports of the cruelties of which these helpless people are the victims have been exaggerated. "conscious that the facts cannot be suppressed or belittled, the representatives and apologists of the ruthless perpetrators of these atrocities are endeavoring to palliate and excuse the enormities which they cannot truthfully deny. in order to shield themselves and their governments from universal execration, the world is asked to believe that the christians of armenia were themselves the aggressors, and that the horrors of massacre and rapine which have been visited upon them with such relentless fury were but necessary and pardonable measures of punishment and repression. the long record of the patient and submissive sufferers is a silent yet unanswerable refutation of this falsehood. "in their misery and woe these sufferers lift their eyes to us, and ask us to extend to them such sympathy and assistance as will rescue them from total ruin. "we are met here to-night to express these feelings--to declare that we cannot look unmoved upon the calamities of our christian brethren, though separated from us by thousands of miles, and to recommend to congress the adoption of such measures as, without departure from the well-settled policy of our government, will bring to them speedy and effectual deliverance, safety, and peace." cardinal gibbons' letter sent to the meeting was as follows: "i regret my inability to attend the meeting to protest against the alleged outrages recently committed in armenia. "the reports of these outrages have been published with harrowing details throughout the civilized world, and i am not aware that these circumstantial details have been successfully denied. "the christians of armenia have been conspicuous among their oriental co-religionists for their enlightened and progressive spirit. "it is earnestly to be hoped that these alleged deeds of lawless violence will be thoroughly investigated in a calm and dispassionate spirit, so that the whole truth may be brought to light, and that outraged law may be vindicated. the recital of these inhuman cruelties is calculated to fill every generous heart with righteous indignation. "the commercial and social ties that now bind together the human family quicken our sympathy for our suffering brethren, though separated from us by ocean and mountains, and this sympathy is deepened by the consideration that many of their countrymen have cast their lot among us, and that they and their persecuted brethren are united to us in the sacred bonds of a common christian faith. "it is gratifying to note, from recent publications, that a mixed commission, to make thorough investigation, has been appointed by the sublime porte." dr. cyrus hamlin of lexington, mass., whose article on the outrages in armenia, published in the "congregationalist," has been used by the turkish government as a defense of the recent actions of the soldiers of the porte, was asked to be present at the meeting, and was also asked to define his position as to the probable accuracy of the reports from armenia, and as to the responsibility of the sultan for the occurrence of the massacre. his letter of reply was read at the meeting. he stated emphatically that he believed the accounts of the horrible atrocities to be in the main true, and added that he believed the sultan of turkey was perfectly cognizant of them, and should be held responsible for them. extracts were also read from a letter from some congregational missionaries now near the seat of the massacres. the stories which they told, having been written nearly a month after the occurrences, showed that the earlier dispatches did not enlarge upon or exaggerate the horror of the scenes. much interest was manifested in the address of mr. filian, who feelingly described the pitiable condition of his country and his countrymen, and graphically portrayed the extent of the recent massacres, illustrating his talk with references to a large map of turkey and armenia. "armenia," he said, "was mentioned in the bible years before christ. it then had an area of , , square miles, and it was in that land that the garden of eden was situated. adam was created there, and within its confines, upon mt. ararat, the ark of noah found a resting place after the flood. armenia was named after armen, the great-grandson of japhet, one of the three sons of noah. in the time of christ the population of the country was , , . it was fully christianized in a.d., and was not only the first christian nation of the earth, but the first civilized nation. and now, from all these glories, the people of armenia have dwindled to , , ." he concluded by citing the cause of the massacre as the desire of the turks to check the rapid growth and improvement of the armenians. the following resolutions, which had been prepared by a committee composed of rev. dr. conrad clever, rev. w. t. mckenney, rev. y. t. tagg, and rev. c. a. fulton, were, after some discussion, passed: "it has come to our knowledge through sources that cannot be disputed that an outrageous massacre of armenians has been executed within the boundaries of the turkish empire. "these outrages have been committed by soldiers who are in the employ and under the direction of the sultan at constantinople. "the thousands who have been murdered were christians and peaceably disposed citizens. "we, representatives of the citizens of baltimore, prompted by motives of christianity and common brotherhood, do call upon our government to use every power in its control, in harmony with that international law which governs nations in their relationship with each other, to aid these sufferers, and if possible to bring such influence to bear upon the turkish government as will render justice to those who have been deprived of their rightful liberties as honest and industrious citizens of one of the recognized empires of the earth." it was also resolved that a committee of five, with mr. john p. poe chairman, should be appointed to present the resolutions to the president at the earliest opportunity, and "to gratefully acknowledge the steps already taken in the appointment of an american member of the committee of investigation." mass meeting in dr. greer's church. [report from n.y. tribune.] the interest which the american christian feels in the armenian question was shown by the large attendance at st. bartholomew's church, last night, when a special service was held under the direction of rev. dr. david h. greer. the object was to express indignation at turkey's acts of violence toward armenians, and to enter a protest against a course of conduct which is not in keeping with the spirit of the nineteenth century. the main body of the church was reserved for armenians, of whom there were about present. after the processional hymn, "the son of god goes forth," had been given, the full choir sang the anthem, "i will mention the loving kindnesses of the lord." dr. greer then spoke of the outrages committed last september in armenia, the particulars of which had only recently become known. he said in part: "the purpose of this meeting is not only to express sympathy with those who have suffered, and are suffering now from the atrocities and barbarous cruelties inflicted by turkish soldiers, but for protesting against the further infliction of such atrocities. what has been done is done, and cannot be undone; but if it is possible to prevent in any measure a repetition of it in the future, it should become everyone who is not a christian merely, but a man, to exert himself to the utmost in that direction." the speaker told of the untrustworthiness of reports from turkey, and said that letters recently received from good sources give the following details: early in september some kurds--the brigands of that region--robbed some armenian villages of their flocks. the armenians tried to recover their property, and about a dozen kurds were killed. the authorities then telegraphed to the sultan that the armenians had killed some of the sultan's troops. the sultan on hearing this ordered the army, infantry, and cavalry, to put down the rebellion; and not finding any rebellion to put down, they cleared the country so that none should occur in the future. a number of towns and villages--the estimate varying from twenty-four to forty-eight--were destroyed. men, women, and children were put to the sword, and from six to ten thousand persons massacred in the district of sassoun. as the result of this wholesale butchery and slaughter, an epidemic of cholera has broken out, which is still ravaging the country. the turk has always been a cruel force, and has practiced his cruelties hitherto with impunity. but he cannot do so now. an enlightened public opinion is to-day the governing power of the world. it is to that we have to trust to accomplish moral reforms, not only here, but everywhere. it is stronger than states; it is mightier than empires, and the most arbitrary and autocratic of despots feel its controlling force. it is the force that moves the world. if meetings similar to this are held in different parts of the country and public sentiment aroused, even the turkish authorities will not be impervious to it. dr. greer read a letter from bishop potter, in which he expressed his regret at being unable to be present at the meeting. "i am," he wrote, "a monroe-doctrine disciple, first, last, and all time, but i am a human being also, and while i think our competency as a nation to send a commissioner to turkish-armenia is open to question, i am quite clear that our duty as something else than savages is to protest against barbarism wherever it is to be found." the rev. abraham johannan then spoke in armenian, and was followed by the rev. dr. george h. mcgrew, who, during years of missionary work in armenia, had become familiar with the people and their customs, and gave vivid pictures of the hatred of the turks toward any who acknowledges christ as the son of god. mr. depew's speech. chauncey m. depew was then introduced, and made an eloquent appeal for the armenians. he said in part: "the closing days of could not be passed more appropriately than in a protest by the christian peoples of the world against the outrages upon humanity which will be the ever-living disgrace of the dying year. the industrial and financial disturbances which have convulsed the world, and caused such widespread distress during the last twelve months, are of temporary and passing importance compared with the merciless persecutions of a people because of their religious faith. "it is a criticism upon the boastfulness of the nineteenth century that there should be any occasion for this meeting, but it is also a tribute to the spirit of the century that this meeting is held. there have been religious wars and persecutions, and bloody reprisals, in all ages of modern times. they arouse our indignation and our horror, but they excited little attention beyond the countries where they occurred from the twelfth to the nineteenth centuries. the distinguishing feature of our period is an international public opinion. it came with steam and electricity; it is the child of liberty of conscience. the turkish government, founded by the sword of islam, is a hierarchy and a creed, and not a government of liberty and law." mr. depew then described the disadvantages under which christians dwell in turkey, and how their standing before the law amounts to nothing. "it was the atrocities incident to such institutions," he said, "which aroused europe and liberated greece, which caused the other nations to stand still and risk the balance of power, while russia freed bulgaria, roumania, and servia, and made them practically independent states. it was to assure religious liberty that the treaty of berlin recognized the autonomy of the states, and bound the christian nations of europe to protect the christian people still within the turkish dominion." after holding up to ridicule the european "peace" which is being maintained with continually growing armies, mr. depew said: "the armenians are the new englanders of the east. their intellect, industry, and thrift make them prosperous." he spoke of their being the oldest christian people, and of the sacrifices which they have made and which they daily make in the cause of their faith. the horrible outrages committed against the peasants in armenia were graphically described, and in this connection mr. depew said: "the story of the attacks of these savage hordes and no less savage troops reads as if fourteenth-century conditions, repeated with all their horrors in , were the means adopted by providence to shame the civilized world into the performance of its duty, and to stir the christian conscience to a sense of its neglect of it." mr. depew's description of the heroism of the armenian women who, rather than be captured by the turks and suffer defilement, threw themselves into the ravine which surrounded their village, moved the audience deeply. he went on: "the world has taken little note of this supreme tragedy. fifty years from now, and some painter will become immortal by putting it upon canvas. a few years, and some novelist will mount to enduring fame by a romance, of which it will be the center. a few years, and some poet will embalm it in verse which will stand in literature alongside of the battle lyrics of campbell, macaulay, and tennyson. some orator will give to the narrative and its lesson a setting and an inspiration, so that from the stage of the school and the academy, from the lips of the boys and the girls, it will teach down the centuries the triumphs of patriotism and faith. "yesterday an old man of world-wide fame celebrated his eighty-fifth birthday. he had been the ruler of the british empire--he is a private citizen. among the utterances which he deemed appropriate, in reply to the congratulations which came to him from every land, was an indignant protest against the outrages against the armenian christians, and a demand upon the christian people of the earth to compel their governments to call upon turkey for a halt. "this warning and appeal from the lips of mr. gladstone was flashed across continents and under oceans; it penetrated cabinets, it thundered in the ears of sovereigns, and through the great journals it thrilled every household and every church of every race and of every tongue. "to-morrow--aye, to-day--rosebery is consulting with the french premier, and france and england are speaking to the emperor of germany, and the young czar and the king of italy, and the emperor of austria for united action, which will bring the turk to mercy, peace, and liberty for the armenian christian without destroying the equilibrium of europe. "we seek no foreign alliances, we court no international complications, but we claim the right under the fatherhood of god to demand for our brother and our sister in the distant east, law, justice, and the exercise of conscience." dr. greer then read resolutions expressing sympathy for the armenians, and protesting against further outrages. the document closes as follows: "resolved, that we hereby extend our deepest sympathy to the armenian people who, for their christian faith, have repeatedly suffered unspeakable cruelties from their turkish rulers and kurdish neighbors; "resolved, that we hereby express to our christian brethren in england and on the continent, who are endeavoring to investigate these outrages and to bring the perpetrators of them to justice, our hearty good-will and godspeed. we hope and believe that they will not pause until the extent of these atrocities is clearly ascertained and the responsibility for them finally fixed; "resolved, that in their efforts to provide against the recurrence of similar acts of oppression in the future, they shall receive our hearty and unwavering moral support; "resolved, that we earnestly call upon our christian fellow-citizens everywhere throughout the country to organize and express an indignant and universal protest against the continuance of a state of affairs under which it is possible for women and children to be murdered simply because they are christians." the resolutions were adopted by a rising vote, and the rev. dr. tiffany, archdeacon of new york, pronounced the benediction. very many such mass meetings were held in different cities of the united states. the u. s. senate discussed the question and made similar resolutions. mr. call submitted the following as a substitute for the committee resolutions: "'that humanity and religion, and the principles on which all civilization rests, demand that the civilized governments shall, by peaceful negotiations, or, if necessary, by force of arms, prevent and suppress the cruelties and massacres inflicted on the armenian subjects of turkey, by the establishment of a government of their own people, with such guarantees by the civilized powers of its authority and permanence as shall be adequate to that end.'" all these resolutions, both of the people and the senate, went to president cleveland, but he has not seen fit to act on them. it would be absurd to impute this to weakness or unwillingness to decide a new question: mr. cleveland, whatever his limitations, has never lacked firmness or decision. doubtless it is because he thinks this country ought not to break away from its old traditions and involve itself with european concerns. but this is not a european concern; it is european, asiatic, american, the world's; the concern of all humanity, not to say christianity. it concerns the lives and result of sixty years' work of american missionaries; the government cannot wash its hands of all concern or responsibility for them, and alone of all great powers declare that its christian citizens may not spread christianity. and a great and rich nation has no more right to go off with its hands in its pockets, and declare that it has no obligation to the well-being of the world, than a great, rich man has a right to declare that he has no obligation to society. the rich man only keeps his money because there is a civilized society with laws and policemen to protect him in it; this nation only keeps at peace because other nations' civilization and international law prevent a great combination to plunder it. it ought to accept its share of the general social duty--man the fire pumps, and do police work if needed; and not let a thug murder one of its companions--nay, relatives--before its eyes. it is bound as a christian state not to let a bloody and sensual mohammedan barbarism extinguish the light of a sister christian community; it is bound as a nation of civilized beings not to let a horde of savages like its own indians stamp out a civilized nation millions in number by horrors unspeakable, every atrocity of butchery, and rape, and torture that ever sprung from the cruelty or the lust of man. these things are as awful, as hideous to the armenians as they would be to you if fifty thousand indians overflowed colorado and inflicted them on your american families. what would you feel and do if most of that state were turned into a burnt desolation, with here and there a cabin standing, denver half obliterated and ten thousand of its inhabitants slaughtered in cold blood, hundreds impaled, or burnt, or flayed alive, the sisters and daughters of your own households by thousands violated over and over, thousands made slaves and concubines in the wigwams of dirty indian brutes, and others wandering as naked beggars in the wintry snows about the ruins of their once happy homes? yet this is a picture of what happened over part of armenia; can you think it is of no concern to you? ought congress and the president to think it of no concern to them? surely there are some things where national lines ought not to count. mr. cleveland has been unfortunate in his advisers, partly chosen by himself, and partly inherited. minister terrill has taken the word of the sultan and the palace clique, and made no attempt to investigate for himself; consequently he is full of respect for the mohammedans, and scorn for the armenians. admiral kirtland visited a few seaports, found the armenians there working as usual (of course--the massacres were carried on where news could be intercepted and suppressed by the turks), and reports that he didn't find any evidence of outrages or disorders, and considers the stories false, or much exaggerated. and such lazy or prejudiced negatives as these are to be counted as outweighing the sworn official reports of consuls on the spot, and of pitiful letters from the survivors among the very victims themselves! i have said that mr. cleveland does not lack firmness. he does not in internal policy, but he certainly did not show enough in the matter of these atrocities. the sultan asked him to nominate a commissioner to join those of other powers in investigating the sassoun massacres. he appointed milo a. jewett, consul at sivas; but mr. jewett was much too keen and forcible a man for the sultan, who refused to let him take his place on the commission. mr. cleveland did not insist, as he ought. the very fact that the sultan did not want it, was the best of reasons for persisting. again, last year, the senate voted to send two more consuls to armenia; mr. cleveland appointed messrs. chilton and hunter to go to erzeroum and harpoot respectively, but the sultan refused to accept them, and they had to come back. to consent to this was wrong and weak; the american government should firmly declare its right to protect its own interests in its own way. but the president will act if the american people will stand at his back. when will they send forth a mandate that these horrors must stop? vi. the causes of the atrocities. the great question. the armenian atrocities can never be fully understood by those who may be born in a free land, where there are no turks, no kurds, no circassians, no georgians, no zeibecks, and no mohammedan religion, with its oppressions and persecutions. why the sultan orders the turks, kurds, or other followers to destroy the armenians, whereby more than , of them have recently been killed, and , been rendered homeless and left to die of starvation in the streets and fields, or why the sultan ordered all who are spared to accept the mohammedan religion, is never referred to with any sort of correctness by the newspapers or periodicals in their accounts of the dreadful atrocities taking place in armenia, and therefore the people are left in ignorance and doubt respecting the true situation both as to the causes and the atrocities themselves. first cause. the first cause is a very simple one. that the armenians are christians, and the turks, kurds, circassians, and georgians in turkey are mohammedans, and the mohammedan religion urges brutality. it has already been shown to be not a religion, but a system of falsehood, hatred, cruelty, lust, and sensuality; of course, these things combined can only result in corruption. it would seem that mohammed must have taken his inspiration from both the domestic fowl and a bull. a rooster is a polygamist; he has his hens without limit. so mohammed, the professed prophet, had wives without limit. he claimed to have received a revelation from heaven directing him to take to himself any woman he pleased, no matter whether she was married and had a husband or not; that made no difference with mohammed. he took any woman he wanted, and if her husband objected he was sure to be put to death. mohammedans cannot differ from their prophet, they follow him, they strive to imitate him just as much as true christians strive to follow and imitate christ. further, cocks, as a rule, have crowing spells five times in twenty-four hours, and generally mount a high place and do their screaming there. so the mohammedan priests, who are called moezzins, ascend a minaret, or a tower, and five times in twenty four hours they call the people to worship. there is so little confidence placed in the priests or criers that the people prefer to have a blind one go on the minaret to give the calls, so that he may not see their women unveiled in their houses. from a bull, because he is not only immoderately lustful, but fierce and destructive; and the farmers say that the older he grows, the worse he is in both respects. it is certainly so with mohammedans,--naturally enough, for nothing is so lickerish as an old man who has been sensual all his life, and cruelty is a trait which grows with indulgence. the sultan grows more of a beast, and more of a fiend as he grows older, and all the mohammedans are of the same stripe. armenian men and armenian women alike dread the approach of an old turk far more than of a young one. unless one has witnessed a fight between bulls, he can have little idea of turkish warfare. no animal fight can approach it in ferocity or insatiability; when a bull conquers another, he never leaves him until he gores him to death. so when mohammedans conquer a nation, be sure they will exterminate it. to them mercy means apostasy; to leave a man alive or a woman unravished is to be false to the precepts of mohammed. they cannot help it, it is their religion; a religion for wild animals. their priests go to the mosques and preach to them thus: "believers in mohammed, love your fellow believers, but hate and kill all others; they are giaours, heathen dogs, filthy hogs." to kill a christian and to kill a hog is all the same to a mohammedan; there is as little sin in one as the other. the priests say, "ask them to accept our religion; if they do, you must not harm them; but if they will not, kill them, for they have no right to live in a mohammedan country. it is not only no sin, but a great virtue; the more christians you kill, the greater reward you will have from allah and his prophet mohammed." the turks are slaughtering the armenians to earn this reward. of course if the men apostatize they are spared; but the turk has no notion of losing the gratification of his lust on the women in that way. a woman who falls into their hands need not hope to keep her virtue on any terms, even by abjuring her religion; they violate her first, and force her to become a mohammedan afterwards. let it be fully understood throughout the christian world that the massacre is a religious demand; the turks have to comply. as a christian tries to be faithful to christ and his teachings, so the turks are trying to be faithful to their prophet and his. they go to the mosques and pray, "allah, help us; strengthen our hands and sharpen our swords to kill the infidel armenians." then they come from the mosques and begin to kill, and plunder, and outrage, and commit every sort of indescribable atrocities on the peaceable and defenseless armenians. and it will grow worse instead of better, since so-called christian nations have given the sultan public notice that they will not interfere with him. do not be deceived by his lying reports; there was no armenian rebellion; they could not rebel; they did not kill the turks, they never dreamed of such madness. this awful fate has fallen on them purely and simply for being christians. second cause. this seems frivolous and incredible, but it is true; namely, a dream of the sultan. some six years ago, a report was circulated in constantinople about this dream. it was, that in his sleep the sultan saw a little tree planted in the center of his kingdom. it began to grow larger and larger, till it covered the whole turkish empire, and overshadowed even the mountains. all the nations of turkey dwelt under its glorious and majestic shade. still it grew, till the branches crossed the oceans and covered all the other kingdoms, finally the whole world. he woke, but the dream troubled him deeply, and he called some of the ulemas or wise men, of whom he always has a number in his palace, to interpret it for him. they explained it by saying that the tree was christianity; christian missionary work in the heart of his empire. it was a menace to his throne and country, and would grow till it covered the world. the sultan, alarmed and angry, asked what he should do. the ulemas advised him to cut it down while it was small, and he has been doing his best to follow their advice. he did not dare to kill the missionaries, but he is accomplishing the same result by destroying their churches and schools and forbidding any more to be built, confiscating all religious books, and killing the native christian ministers. he has employed every device to force the missionaries to depart by paralyzing their work; if they chose to stay, he would accuse them of inciting the natives to revolt. he has succeeded so far; plunder, burning, torture, murder, violation and forced conversion of christian women, have practically put an end to missionary work. now the time has come to kill the missionaries; and he will very likely find some excuse for doing it--he has an arsenal of falsehoods always at his command. quite likely he will say the armenians killed them, and then murder more armenians in reprisal. his cunning is as infinite as his cruelty. he gives a charter to a missionary institution and destroys ten others. he invites minister terrell to the palace, gives him grand receptions, and loads him with promises and flatteries, and all the time goes on obliterating the schools and churches and killing the native pastors. he creates a ruin; when the european powers protest, he says he will make amends, and he does it by perpetrating a greater one, in which the first is forgotten. he massacres hundreds in a city; when the powers protest, he says he will restore order, and does it by ordering thousands killed in another city, and the first is again forgotten. his atrocities increase as he finds that he is to be unmolested; he is resolute to cut down that spreading tree, and has already cut thousands of branches from it. and the christian nations look on and say they cannot help it. they know perfectly well what is going on, but their "interests" of one sort or another will not permit them to remove that awful blot on civilization. third cause. the mohammedan population in turkey is decreasing, and the christians are increasing. when the present sultan captured the throne from his brother murad, turkey had , , people; as soon as he girded the sword of osman, he began the great battle with russia, and after the turko-russian war he found himself with , , . who are the lost? roumania, bulgaria, servia, montenegro, bosnia, herzegovina, a part of macedonia, cyprus, and a part of armenia. practically the whole of europe was lost for turkey except constantinople and the district edirne or adrianople. turkey is not an empire any more, but it is a little kingdom; rather a little feudal system, or more accurately still, a little anarchy. if it were not for mutual european jealousy, the sultan could not keep his anarchism. yet many still think that the ottoman empire is a great one, a powerful government. they look at the sultan and his dominion through a magnifying glass. this shows ignorance. the turks are decayed and are decaying. the sick man of turkey is the dead man of turkey, and ought to be buried, but the european powers do not bury him because there are precious stones and jewelry in the coffin; no matter how bad the corpse smells, they will endure it. and the bad smell of the sultan is killing hundreds of thousands of christians; but the dead stays where it is, and may stay for some years, but the end will come before many have gone by. when i say that the days of the sultan are numbered, and the brutal turkish mis-rule will cease, many americans will rejoin "that the same has often been said long years since, though the empire remains to-day, and seems likely to remain." the fact is, however, that during my own life more than half of it has gone to pieces, and the fragment which remains will go to pieces soon. permit me to say that all former prophecies have been mistaken because those who made them have judged and misjudged the situation from an occidental standpoint; i judge it from that of a native, who knows the realities as only a native can. what can an english ambassador or an american minister in constantinople, staying perhaps two or three years, and entertained and decorated by the crafty sultan, know about the internal state of turkey? having traveled through the country, lived and preached for years at a time; preached in different cities, including constantinople, i can see signs of a break-up that a foreigner would not notice. the reason the turkish population does not increase is this: the army has to be made up of mohammedans, partly because the sultan does not put arms into the hands of the christians, for obvious reasons, since they have no motive to uphold and every motive to fight him, and partly because to be a soldier in turkey is a holy service, the privilege of mohammedans alone. as there is a large standing army, nearly all the mohammedan youths have to become soldiers. their service begins when they are about twenty years old. the shortest term is five years; for many it is ten; and even after that, there are many who cannot escape. if a young mohammedan is not married at twenty, obviously he cannot marry until twenty-five anyway, and perhaps thirty,--very late for a country population; if he is married his wife is virtually a widow for five to ten years. now the reader can see my drift. with marriages so late, and husbands so long absent, turkish families are small; they do not make good the deaths. and there is a still plainer cause: the soldiers being very poorly fed, and constant fighting going on, ninety per cent. die in the army, and so never have any families; the flower of the nation perishes barren. those who survive and return are pale and sick, good for nothing, a burden to their families and to the nation. the armenians have to support the sultan's army, since they do not furnish it, but they rear families, and are drowning out the turks. another cause of decrease is the pilgrimage to mecca, where mohammed was born. on an average, a million pilgrims go there every year,--of course not all from turkey, but most of them, and every year about , of them die of cholera before reaching home, from the holy well (zemzem sooyi), which is full of unholy foulness; even those who live and return home take that water to their families, and many of the latter die too. cholera is perpetual in turkey, and it originates at mecca. when i was in marsovan twelve at one time went on the pilgrimage and only four returned. it is a great virtue to die where mohammed was born, or to drink that water and die, and they are going to him at a rapid rate. last year, when the english, russian, and french consuls at jiddeh, the seaport of mecca, established a quarantine to detain those coming from mecca and bringing cholera, they were murdered by the mohammedan arabs, who said they were interfering with the sacred religion, and the sultan had to pay the indemnity. still another reason is the shocking increase of abortions among the wealthy town dwellers. the mohammedan women are growing to love selfish indulgences better than the duties and delights of motherhood. they do not wish to be "bothered" by children, and they take medicine to prevent having them. where the women come to this, it is better for a race to die out; they have outlived their purpose. a fourth cause is polygamy. people naturally think that marrying more than one wife should increase the number of children; but the facts emphatically prove the reverse. the polygamous turks do not increase as fast as the christians who have but one wife. for the fifth, the turks are an exceedingly sensual race, by nature and education, as i have shown. the very religion that should help to make them pure, helps to make them vile. lust leads them, and they follow; nature prompts, and their religion requires it. i am truly ashamed to tell it, but even when they go to their mosques to worship, they manifest their sensuality. not only the relations of male and female are very rank, but between male and male they are worse; between the old turks and young turks, the very boys, the relations are too disgusting to describe. all such moral corruptions not only weaken a people's forces morally, but physically as well; they substitute barren lusts for legitimate gratifications, selfish passions for mutual ones. hence the mohammedans are fast decreasing in turkey, and the sultan is terrified, and hopes by killing a large part of the christians, and forcing the survivors to accept mohammedanism, that their power of multiplication may be the boon of a mohammedan people. out of the , , inhabitants of turkey, , , are native christians, about half of them armenians. this leaves only , , for the whole mohammedan population in the present turkish dominion; and it grows less, while the christian part grows greater. to check this increase, the sultan a few years ago made the obtaining of a marriage certificate compulsory, and the turkish authorities have understood that they are to make it as hard as possible to get; it has cost great sums of money to obtain it. but for many months now, there have been no marriages at all in armenia; the authorities will not grant certificates on any terms, and to prevent any more christians being born, the daughters and young brides of the murdered thousands are made mothers through violation by the turks and kurds. the christians have been increasing not only from within, but from without. europeans have begun to go wherever railroads go. hence another reason for massacre and forced conversion. that the sultan has been planning this massacre ever since the turko-russian war is evidenced by the fact that after the war he encouraged or ordered a number of mohammedan tribes--circassians, georgians, kurds, and lazes--to emigrate from russia to armenia, confiscated masses of christians' property, and gave it to them, and directed them to reduce the number of armenian christians by any way they saw fit, giving them full license to do what they would with armenians, without penalty. you know what that means with fierce tribes of human wild animals, cruel and foul, and he knew what it meant too, and intended it to mean that. before his time the christians far outnumbered the mohammedans in armenia proper; but under his "government"--his deliberate policy of extermination--great numbers fled the country, numbers were killed and their women made concubines to mohammedans, and now the mohammedans are more numerous in armenia than the armenian christians. and if the sultan is permitted to go on, he will kill a million more, the rest will be "converted," and then he will call the attention of the european powers to this fact, and say, "see here, you ask me to reform armenia; armenia is reformed. there is no armenia; there are no armenians; the people in that part of my empire are mohammedans, and they are satisfied with my government. what do you want from me? what right have you to interfere with my country and religion?" that is his plan. when the berlin congress was held, the armenians were the majority in their own country, and the congress decided on reforms for it; the sultan promised them, with the full intention of depopulating and converting it, and then telling the powers there was no need of reform there. he is doing this now incessantly, and as remorselessly as a fiend. fourth cause. the armenians are rich and educated, and the mohammedans are poor and ignorant. the turks have never cared for money or education. they have always said, "let the christians make the money, and we will take it from them whenever we choose. we will be the rulers, the soldiers, the police; we will have the sword in our hands. then their property, and their women too, will be ours at will, and we can force them to become mohammedans." such being their reasoning, they took good care of their swords and their guns, which were furnished to them from europe and the united states. the christian armenians believing that the great christian powers would never permit the turks to wreak their murderous and shameful will on them, did not risk the vengeance of the turks by secretly buying weapons, nor train themselves in the use of arms. they trained their minds, got education, traveled in europe and this united states, enlightened themselves in every way they could; they sharpened their intellects rather than their swords. they learned to make money also; they established all the business houses in turkey; all the turks that get employment in the cities get it from the armenian merchants. as far as turkey has any finances, they are in the hands of armenians. go where you will in turkey, seaboard or interior, all the money and education belong to the armenians, poverty and ignorance are the portion of the turks. ninety per cent. of the armenians know how to read and write, while ninety per cent. of the turks do not. sixty per cent. of the mohammedan property has been sold to the christian armenians within twenty years. when i was in armenia, the mohammedans were always selling and the christians always buying. one day a turk was going to sell his field to an armenian, and they went to the government office to make the transfer. the officer in charge said he could not transfer the property of a mohammedan to a christian. this was something new. "why is that?" they asked. "the governor forbids it," said the officer, "he told me that hereafter it should not be done." finally both went to the governor and asked him why he forbade it. the governor replied, "of late the armenians have bought up the fields of the mohammedans, till they own the greater part of them; if we let them go on they will own everything, and the mohammedans will be left without property. therefore i forbid it; no mohammedan shall hereafter sell any property to a christian." he told the turk he might sell his field to another mohammedan, but not to a christian. "all right," said the turk, "i will sell it to you, then, at the same price, or maybe a little less; will you buy it? i need the money to support my family." "i cannot buy it," said the governor; "i have no money." "i know that," replied the turk; "and not only you, but all the other mohammedans have no money either. they are all poor. i cannot find any turk who has the money to buy my field, and i need money, and i have to sell it to that christian." finally the governor was forced to give the permission, and the armenian bought the field. this is only one case, but it is typical. there are thousands of just such. and this is another cause which aroused the jealousy of the sultan and his subordinates to order the massacre of the armenians, and the seizure of their property. i often hear it said in this country, "let us help the poor armenians"; and i feel very indignant. poor armenians! there are poor among the armenians, as among all nations; but the armenians as a body are not poor. they are the richest people in turkey. that is one reason why they are plundered and killed. i do not want the american people to help the armenians as a poor, ignorant, miserable people, but because they deserve help as a rich, noble, christian nation being rooted out by plunder and murder, for the benefit of, and by means of a horde of savages. i will illustrate by a very little story. when alexander the great reached the mountains of afghanistan on his way to india, the afghan king refused to let him pass through his country. after a great battle, and the slaughter of thousands on both sides, alexander was victorious. the king himself was captured, and brought before alexander, who said to him, "you are my captive; how shall i treat you?" "as a king," said the prisoner. alexander was charmed with the dignity of the answer, and replied, "you shall be treated as one, and a brave one. i leave you on your throne; but permit me to pass on to india." so the king kept his royalty as before, and alexander continued his conquests. such is the armenian question. they are a noble people, an enterprising people, but captives in the hands of the turks. but the turks have not the magnanimity of alexander. we need a nation which does have it, to say to the armenians, "remain where you are, in your ancient home, and rule there; govern yourselves freely as a christian nation. you have fought centuries after centuries for home and honor, and now we come to your help, to establish you on the old armenian throne." do not help the armenians merely as a poor people, but help them because they were rich, and now they are stripped and poor, without fault of their own, from hate of their (and your) religion, and envy of their superiority. fifth cause. this is perhaps the greatest of all. it is the american missionary work in armenia. it was in that the american board of foreign missions established the first protestant mission there. their purpose was to send missionaries, not simply to the armenians, but to all classes and sects in turkey. those pioneer american missionaries were among the noblest of men, and greatest of teachers, preachers, and organizers. i will name a few: dr. goodell, dr. dwight, dr. schaffler, dr. cyrus hamlin, founder of robert college, living now at lexington, mass., years old, one of the greatest missionaries ever born, dr. h. van lennep, another great missionary, greatly beloved by the armenians. books could be written about these christian chiefs, to whom, and to the american people who sent them, we armenians are grateful. when dr. van lennep died at great barrington, mass., about six years ago, the author was raising money here to build a church in armenia, as already told. he went to condole with mrs. van lennep, and told her not to put any monument over the doctor's grave. he would see the other armenians, and as a grateful people they would erect him a beautiful one. he kept his word, and his faith was justified; they raised the funds and put up the monument. it stands in the cemetery at great barrington, with the following inscription:-- henry john van lennep, d.d. - . for thirty years missionary in turkey. this monument is erected by his armenian friends in grateful appreciation of his heroic virtues, and endearing services rendered to their people. the beloved missionary van lennep. when the noble missionaries went to turkey, the turks hated them, the jews hated them, the greeks hated them, and these three peoples hate them still. but the armenians welcomed them; they loved and esteemed them, and they love and esteem them more than ever now. the question is often asked "are not the armenians a christian people? then why did the missionaries go there?" yes, they are; but still they needed the missionaries, and need them now more than ever. why? well, for two reasons. their churches and schools having been destroyed by the long oppression by the turks, they needed help from a sister christian church to help them educate themselves, and build up churches, schools, and colleges, benevolent institutions, printing offices. the missionaries have done that great work in armenia, but i am sorry to say that some of their creations have been destroyed by the turks during the recent atrocities. the second reason is that the armenian church stood in great need of reformation. i have already explained in this book (see "the armenian church") how in the last desperate struggle for national existence, a part of the people reluctantly accepted help from the pope of rome, at the price of uniting with the roman church, and using its rituals, images, etc. hence, in many of the armenian churches there was no pure gospel preaching; rituals were the leading element of the services. there was therefore great need that such preaching should be introduced; the missionaries did so, and the armenian church has been greatly reformed. my purpose here is not to write a church history, nor to give an account of missionary work in turkey. i mention it incidentally as a chief cause of the atrocities. the missionaries have trained both boys and girls in their schools for sixty-five years now; many thousands of them. the turks have not been permitted to go to them, the greeks are too proud to send their children, but the armenians were hungry for education, especially for an american education. the new-born baby of the time when the missionaries arrived is now sixty-five years old, with his american education, which has wonderfully elevated the armenians, and turned armenia almost into a second america, educationally. the american colleges in different parts of turkey are great centers of light; about ninety per cent. of the students and the leading native professors and teachers are armenians. i will mention a few: robert college and the woman's college in constantinople; the ladies' seminary in smyrna; anatolia college, the ladies' seminary, and the theological seminary in marsovan; the writer's pastorate, central turkey college and the ladies' college at aintab, euphrates college (first called armenia college, but the name is forbidden by the turks, as encouraging armenian independence) and the ladies' department at harpoot; the academy and the theological seminary at marash, where i studied three years; the colleges both for girls and boys at beirut; and many high schools and primary schools throughout armenia. the american bible house is a great depot of christian literature. these are all american christian institutions, and nine-tenths of their inmates are armenians. the reader can clearly see how the armenians have become a wholly new race; they have had the advantage of american education, and it has revolutionized the nation. it has elevated, refined, and prospered them. this great improvement among the armenians aroused the jealousy of the sultan and his underlings. he first began to close the schools; then to imprison the native armenian teachers and preachers; then to kill the armenians and destroy the missionary institutions, that no armenian may be left to go to any american school, and that if any escapes, there may be no american school to receive him. i consider this missionary education the very greatest cause for the atrocities, and the armenian bishops agree with me. here is what the armenian bishop of oorfa (edessa), where about , armenians were massacred, has to say: to the americans. march , . "we have been strenuously opposed to your mission work among us, but these bloody days have proven that some of our protestant brothers have been staunch defenders of our honor and faith. you at least know that our crime, in the eyes of the turk, has been that we have adopted the civilization you commended. behold the missions and schools which you planted among us, and which cost millions of dollars, and hundreds of precious lives, now in ruins. the turk is planning to rid himself of missionaries and teachers by leaving them nobody to labor among." it is very significant that wherever there was a missionary institution, and especially a missionary theological seminary to train armenian ministers, there has been the greatest atrocity. this shows how the sultan hates americans, and american education. there are nearly two hundred american male and female missionaries in turkey. they are in great danger. the turks have determined to kill them, and the sultan can no longer control them, for he gave the order and put the sword into their hands. the kurds and the turks say, "the missionaries have better things than the armenians had. we killed the armenians and got their valuables, and we enjoy them. we are richer now, and we did not work for it; we did not waste time in hard labor; the only thing we had to do was to obey the sultan and kill the armenians and get their property. why not kill the americans and get richer?" reader, keep in your mind that the turks will kill the missionaries also. the horrible time is coming, in spite of what your minister to turkey says, and partly because he believes turkish lies, and says there was no need of sending missionaries there. another point worthy of consideration is this: russia and turkey made an alliance. russia is as much opposed to the missionaries as turkey is, and perhaps the czar is secretly encouraging the sultan to get rid of them. undoubtedly russia is trying to get rid of protestant influence in turkey, and therefore sacrifices the old protestant armenian nation to turkey. in my belief, the time is coming when the protestant nations will unite and protest practically against the outrages of turkey and russia. they have no right to persecute turks or russians, but they have a perfect right to protect an old protestant church and the american missionaries. no matter how much it costs, it pays to protect them, and, pay or no pay, it is the duty of america and england to unite and protect them. and if england and america should really unite, turkey and russia will yield. i do not at all concur with americans who favor russia and hate england. lord salisbury is too timid to do it, but lord salisbury is not england. the english people are a noble people, and if the american noble people unite with them, they can accomplish a great work for god and humanity, for peace and liberty, for freedom and happiness in armenia. as far as i can judge, the foregoing are the causes of the atrocities in armenia. perhaps there may be other minor ones, but they are not worthy of discussion. vii. the turkish atrocities in armenia. the beginning. turkish atrocities in armenia are no new thing; they have gone on for centuries, and left but a fraction of the population it once had. but let us disregard old history, and come to the subject of to-day. practically that begins with hamid ii, the present sultan. he began his persecutions nearly twenty years ago, but on a small scale. he has continually devised new methods of getting rid of the armenians without responsibility; finally he hit on the plan of arming the kurds and letting them loose with full power to do their worst. when i was in constantinople he summoned the kurdish chiefs, hundreds of them--i have seen them with my own eyes--entertained them in the palace, armed them with modern rifles, and sent them to armenia on their mission. the pretense under which he did it was worthy of him: he called them the "hamidieh cavalry," and pretended that they were a sort of mounted police, who were to keep order and protect the armenians. this was exactly as though a regiment of red indians should be armed and sent to oregon to protect the inhabitants, and called, say, the presidential guard, and the armenians knew well what they were for. but the european travelers and newspaper correspondents took it all seriously, and talked of his "civilizing the kurds," etc. now these were only the chiefs; each chief had a large following of tribesmen, so that about , kurds in all were given arms and ordered to go to work exterminating the armenians. this work began in , but on a small scale, and in a very crafty way, so that it should not have the appearance of a premeditated massacre; then it was stopped till about sixteen months ago, when they were encouraged to begin again, publicly, and with full swing. it was decided to begin in sassoun, a district far from the sea, with no roads and a sparse population; if successful in escaping report there, he could carry out the massacre through all armenia, for which "reforms" were asked and promised. he ordered zekii pasha to have his soldiers ready, and meantime to have the "hamidieh cavalry" the kurdish chiefs and tribesmen, ready to attack and kill all the armenians in sassoun. this city lies between moosh and bitlis, in a mountainous country, and the sassounites are a brave people, as much so as the zeitoonlis are. the district had about sixty villages and towns, and about , people sixteen months ago, but it has none now. the regular soldiers and the armed kurds surrounded the district from all sides, and in about a month had slaughtered the entire population. it was reported that zekii pasha carried on his breast an order from the sultan as follows: "whoever spares man, woman, or child is disloyal." after he had finished his task, he received great rewards from the sultan, and is now one of his most esteemed commanders. zekii pasha is said to have had , kurds and regular soldiers under his command when he began the massacre. the people of sassoun, knowing that they were doomed, fought desperately. they repulsed the kurds several times, and killed many of them; but finally the regular soldiers took part, pretending to come in aid of the armenians, and overbore them, killing all without quarter. the sultan's order was to spare neither man, woman, nor child; but as the men met the enemy first, they were killed first. when the women's turn came, the turks and kurds abused all they could get hold of, and then told them that if they would deny christ and accept mohammed and become their wives, they should live; but if they refused, every one of them, according to the sultan's order, should be killed. "now," said they, "choose between islam and death." these noble armenian christian women said:--"we are christians, we can never deny christ. jesus christ is our saviour. he came down from heaven and died on the cross for us. for that dying and loving christ we are christians; we are ready to die for him who died for us." and they added further, "we are no better than our husbands were; you killed them, kill us too." then the horrible butchery began on those defenseless women. thousands of them were slaughtered, and thousands ran to different churches, hoping that perhaps they might find protection in some way in those holy walls, or hoping that god in his great mercy might shelter them. but the ferocious kurds and turkish soldiers pursued them, sword in hand, violated them, even in the churches, and cut their throats there until the floors were streaming with blood. then they poured kerosene on the buildings and burned them. they went to one village and killed every man; the women of course, knowing their fate was soon to be worse than their husbands'. one of the leading women, named shaheg, perceiving that the turks and kurds were getting ready to seize and ravish them, called the other women and said, "sisters, our husbands are killed, and you know what is in store for us and our children. don't let us fall into the hands of these savage beasts; we have to die anyway, and can die easier, and without being defiled first, and perhaps tortured. let us go to the precipice and jump off." so saying, she took her baby on her arm, ran to the rock, and threw herself over; the others followed her, and thus all were killed. the turks captured many boys and girls, six, or eight, or ten years of age, held them by an arm or foot, and hacked them to pieces with their swords. sometimes they stood the boys in a row and shot them, to see how many could be killed by a single bullet. they wrenched babies from their mothers' arms, cut their throats while the mothers shrieked and pleaded, and boiling them in kettles, forced the mothers to eat the flesh. they cut open women about to become mothers, tore out the unborn babes, and marched triumphantly with the ghastly trophies on their spears--something almost surpassing the savagery of the apache indian. even their worst horrors they made worse yet by the way they did them; they took a gloating delight in doubling the cruelty or the shame by making it torture others too. the husband was forced to look on while his wife was violated, and she in turn while he was mutilated, tortured, and murdered; the father while his daughters, even little girls of ten or twelve, were deflowered and their throats cut, the son while his parents had every form of shame and torture inflicted on them, and were killed before him, or saw him killed first. they tortured their victims like indians or inquisitors, in every fashion of lingering death and torment that makes the heart sicken and the blood run cold to read of. crucifying head downward, and pouring boiling water or ice-cold water on them, leaving them so till death came; flaying alive; cutting off arms, feet, nose, ears, and other members, and leaving them to die; thrusting red-hot wires into and through their bodies. they pulled out the eyes of several christian pastors, said, "now dance for us," poured kerosene on them and burned them to death. they put a bible and a cross before others, and ordered them to first spit and then trample on both, and deny christ; on their refusal they were butchered. the handsomest girls and young matrons were not murdered, but worse; each one was kept as a spoil of some turk or kurd, who carried her to his house, and made a slave and concubine of her. many hundreds of them are there to this day, enduring the awful fate of having been dragged from happy and virtuous homes, seen their husbands, or parents, or brothers, or all of them horribly murdered, and passing their lives each in doing menial labor and serving the lust of a brutal master, and all the other men he lets have their will of her, without hope, or comfort, or decency, and a long life of shame and misery yet to look forward to. this is another specimen of mohammedan purity, and it all happens because the armenians are christians. if my readers think i am exaggerating, i refer them to the consular reports. all this was done by the barbarians con amore, with relish and delight. they boasted of it, they plumed themselves on it, they praised the sultan for ordering them to do it, and he praised them for doing it, and decorated all the officers. the condition of those who were murdered out-right was much better than that of those who were imprisoned and tortured. the following was written by an armenian from one of the prisons:-- "our condition in prison passes description. only he who sees can understand it. most of the occupants of every room are christians, but many are moslems. life would be a shade more tolerable if the subject race were not compelled thus to associate with the dominant race, whose temper, tastes, and habits are so different. into one small room twenty persons are crowded. except for a few moslems, not a single person has room enough on the bare floor to stretch out and lie down. for fully sixteen hours in the night, the doors of the rooms are all locked. in one of these small rooms, sometimes twenty cigarettes are smoking at once. out of the small amount of food which reaches us, instead of eating themselves, the christians are obliged to feed the moslems confined there. moslem oppression continues, even here; it is a tyranny within a tyranny. in every room there are a few aghas or principal moslems, and every christian must contribute money to their lordships. those who withhold such contributions are not allowed to sit down. "among the inmates of the prison are twenty or thirty rowdies and bullies, under whom the christians must serve as menial slaves. there is no respect, no pity. the horrible blasphemies cannot be described. there is no book, no bible, no work, no sleep. every man is covered with the swarming vermin with which the unwashed rooms of the prison teem. to clean ourselves is impossible. now and then the rumor sweeps through the prison that we are all to be put to death, and all our hearts melt like water. "the terrible darkness of the night, the curses and stripes inflicted from time to time, cause us to live in the valley of the shadow of death. it is a living grave, a visible hell, a world without god. out of this throng of prisoners more than a hundred are in daily suffering from the gnawing of hunger, and from nakedness, but there is no one to pity. many praying men are tempted to cease praying, many are tempted to change over to the moslem faith. in truth, all of us are dumb; what to say we know not. we are wearied of the long silence; our eyes are strained with watching, our bones ache, our prayers are despised by the revilers. night is not night, and day is not day. our grief is our food, our sleep is weeping, for how long a time must we cry? o lord, wilt thou hide thyself forever? how long will thy anger burn like fire? and yet some of us are saying: 'though he slay me, yet will i trust in him.' "when will the christian statesmen and philanthropists of the world find a way to cleanse these augean stables all over turkey? long centuries cry out for redress. within a month the following incidents have occurred: a christian confined in this prison was ordered to receive stripes. after had been inflicted he cried out that he could endure no more or he must die. an officer then presented to him a paper with the names of fifty christians in the city who were accused therein of sedition. in his great agony he signed it, and this is to be used to incriminate others, wholly regardless of their guilt or innocence. the other victim of unendurable stripes was an old man. when he could endure no more of this inhuman treatment, he also was asked to sign a paper implicating others indiscriminately. "can any one living in a free country for a moment understand what it is to live under such a government? there is a great flourish just at present over the reforms that are being instituted in certain parts of this land. no resident of this country can have confidence in the superficial operations. what will you do with a land where lying is the simplest of mental exercises, and where no one was ever known to blush over it if exposed?" i give here the testimony of a gentleman from sassoun who escaped the atrocities. he is an armenian from sassoun, and my personal friend. i quote this from a little pamphlet, entitled "facts about armenia." the massacre of . "the armenians of sassoun were fully aware of the hostile intention of the government, but they could not imagine it to be one of utter extermination. "the porte had prepared its plans, sassoun was doomed. the kurds were to come in much greater number, the government was to furnish them provision and ammunition, and the regular army was to second them in case of need. "the various tribes received invitations to take part in the great expedition, and the chiefs, with their men, arrived one after the other. the total number of the kurds who took part in the campaign may be estimated at , . the armenians believed in the beginning that they had to do only with the kurds. they found out later that an ottoman regular army, with provisions, rifles, cannons, and kerosene oil, was standing at the back of the kurds. "the plan was to destroy first shenig, semal, guelliegoozan, aliantz, etc., and then to proceed toward dalvorig. the kurds, notwithstanding their immense number, proved to be unequal to the task. the armenians held their own, and the kurds got worsted. after a two weeks' fight between kurd and armenian, the regular army entered into an active campaign. mountain pieces began to thunder. the armenians, having nearly exhausted their ammunition, took to flight. kurd and turk pursued them, and massacred men, women, and children. the houses were searched and then set on fire. from certain villages groups of men, tax receipts in their hands, went to the camp and asked to be protected, but were slaughtered. "a great number of villages outside of the dalvorig district, which had in no wise been concerned in the conflicts of the previous years, were also attacked, to the unspeakable horror of the populations. the troops climbed up even the mount antok, where a multitude of fugitives had taken refuge, and massacred them. a number of women and girls were taken to the church of guelliegoozan, and after being frightfully abused, were tortured to death. "when the work of destruction was nearly accomplished in the other districts, some of the kurdish armies were set on dalvorig. the people defended themselves against the overwhelming number of the barbarians, but after four or five days they saw other tribes and regular turkish troops marching on them from every side, and they took to flight, but were overtaken and massacred. the scene was most horrible. the enemy took a special delight in butchering the dalvorig people. an immense crowd of turkish and kurdish soldiery fell upon the villages, busily searching the houses and rooting out hidden treasures, and then setting fire to the village. while the troops were so occupied, a number of the fugitives fled wildly to get out of the district, and tried to hide themselves in caves, between rocks, or among bushes. three days after the complete destruction of dalvorig villages, the kurds and the regular soldiers divided among themselves the result of the plunder, and the kurds returned to their own mountains." as my use of english is defective, i take the liberty here of quoting from a long letter by e. j. dillon to the contemporary review, january, . dr. dillon is an englishman who was the special correspondent of the london "daily telegraph," a most accurate and conscientious reporter, who writes as an eye-witness: "if a detailed description were possible of the horrors which our exclusive attention to our own mistaken interests let loose upon turkish armenians, there is not a man within the kingdom of great britain whose heart-strings would not be touched and thrilled by the gruesome stories of which it would be composed. "during all those seventeen years, written law, traditional custom, the fundamental maxims of human and divine justice were suspended in favor of a mohammedan saturnalia. the christians, by whose toil and thrift the empire was held together, were despoiled, beggared, chained, beaten, and banished or butchered. first their movable wealth was seized, then their landed property was confiscated, next the absolute necessaries of life were wrested from them, and finally honor, liberty, and life were taken with as little ado as if these christian men and women were wasps or mosquitoes. thousands of armenians were thrown into prison by governors like tahsin pasha and bahri pasha, and tortured and terrorized till they delivered up the savings of a lifetime, and the support of the helpless families, to ruffianly parasites. whole villages were attacked in broad daylight by the imperial kurdish cavalry without pretext or warning, the male inhabitants turned adrift or killed, and their wives and daughters transformed into instruments to glut the foul lusts of these bestial murderers. in a few years the provinces were decimated, aloghkerd, for instance, being almost entirely 'purged' of armenians. over , woe-stricken wretches, once healthy and well-to-do, fled to russia or persia in rags and misery, deformed, diseased, or dying; on the way they were seized over and over again by the soldiers of the sultan, who deprived them of the little money they possessed, nay, of the clothes they were wearing, outraged the married women in the presence of their sons and daughters, deflowered the tender girls before the eyes of their mothers and brothers, and then drove them over the frontier to starve and die. those who remained for a time behind were no better off. kurdish brigands lifted the last cows and goats of the peasants, carried away their carpets and their valuables, raped their daughters and dishonored their wives. turkish tax-gatherers followed these, gleaning what the brigands had left, and, lest anything should escape their avarice, bound the men, flogged them till their bodies were a bloody, mangled mass, cicatrized the wounds with red-hot ramrods, plucked out their beards hair by hair, tore the flesh from their limbs with pincers, and often, even then, dissatisfied with the financial results of their exertions, hung the men whom they had thus beggared and maltreated from the rafters of the room, and kept them there to witness with burning shame, impotent rage, and incipient madness, the dishonoring of their wives and the deflowering of their daughters, some of whom died miserably during the hellish outrage. "in accordance with the plan of extermination, which has been carried out with such signal success during these long years of turkish vigor and english sluggishness, all those armenians who possessed money, or money's worth were for a time allowed to purchase immunity from prison, and from all that prison life in asia minor implies. but as soon as terror and summary confiscation took the place of slow and elaborate extortion, the gloomy dungeons of erzeroum, erzinghan, marsovan, hassankaleh, and van were filled, till there was no place to sit down, and scarcely sufficient standing room. and this means more than english people can realize, or any person believe who has not actually witnessed it. it would have been a torture for turkish troopers and kurdish brigands, but it was worse than death to the educated school-masters, missionaries, priests, and physicians who were immured in these noisome hotbeds of infection, and forced to sleep night after night standing on their feet, leaning against the foul, reeking corner of the wall which all the prisoners were compelled to use as.... the very worst class of tartar and kurdish criminals were turned in here to make these hell-chambers more unbearable to the christians. and the experiment was everywhere successful. human hatred and diabolical spite, combined with the most disgusting sights, and sounds, and stenches, with their gnawing hunger and their putrid food, their parching thirst and the slimy water, fit only for sewers, rendered their agony maddening. yet these were not criminals nor alleged criminals, but upright christian men, who were never even accused of an infraction of the law. no man who has not seen these prisons with his own eyes, and heard these prisoners with his own ears, can be expected to conceive, much less realize, the sufferings inflicted and endured. the loathsome diseases, whose terrible ravages were freely displayed; the still more loathsome vices, which were continually and openly practiced; the horrible blasphemies, revolting obscenities, and ribald jests which alternated with cries of pain, songs of vice, and prayers to the unseen god, made these prisons, in some respects, nearly as bad as the black hole of calcutta, and in others infinitely worse. in one corner of this foul fever-nest a man might be heard moaning and groaning with the pain of a shattered arm or leg; in another, a youth is convulsed with the death spasms of cholera or poison; in the center, a knot of turks, whose dull eyes are fired with bestial lust, surround a christian boy, who pleads for mercy with heart-harrowing voice while the human fiends actually outrage him to death. "into these prisons venerable old ministers of religion were dragged from their churches, teachers from their schools, missionaries from their meeting-houses, merchants, physicians, and peasants from their firesides. those among them who refused to denounce their friends, or consent to some atrocious crime, were subjected to horrible agonies. many a one, for instance, was put into a sentry-box bristling with sharp spikes, and forced to stand there motionless, without food or drink, for twenty-four and even thirty-six hours, was revived with stripes whenever he fell fainting to the prickly floor, and was carried out unconscious at the end. it was thus that hundreds of armenian christians, whose names and histories are on record, suffered for refusing to sign addresses to the sultan accusing their neighbors and relatives of high treason. it was thus that azo was treated by his judges, the turkish officials, talib effendi, captain reshid, and captain hadji fehim agha, for declining to swear away the lives of the best men of his village. a whole night was spent in torturing him. he was first bastinadoed in a room close to which his female relatives and friends were shut up so that they could hear his cries. then he was stripped naked, two poles extending from his armpits to his feet were placed on each side of his body and tied tightly. his arms were next stretched out horizontally and poles arranged to support his hands. this living cross was then bound to a pillar, and the flogging began. the whips left livid traces behind. the wretched man was unable to make the slightest movement to ease his pain. his features alone, hideously distorted, revealed the anguish he endured. the louder he cried, the more heavily fell the whip. over and over again he entreated his tormentors to put him out of pain, saying, 'if you want my death, kill me with a bullet, but for god's sake don't torture me like this!' his head alone being free, he at last, maddened by excruciating pain, endeavored to dash out his brains against the pillar, hoping in this way to end his agony. but this consummation was hindered by the police. they questioned him again; but in spite of his condition, azo replied as before: 'i cannot defile my soul with the blood of innocent people. i am a christian.' enraged at this obstinacy, talib effendi, the turkish official, ordered the application of other and more effective tortures. pincers were fetched to pull out his teeth, but, azo remaining firm, this method was not long persisted in. then talib commanded his servants to pluck out the prisoner's moustachios by the roots, one hair at a time. this order the gendarmes executed, with roars of infernal laughter. but this treatment proving equally ineffectual, talib instructed the men to cauterize the unfortunate victim's body. a spit was heated in the fire. azo's arms were freed from their supports, and two brawny policemen approached, one on each side and seized him. meanwhile another gendarme held to the middle of the wretched man's hands the glowing spit. while his flesh was thus burning, the victim shouted out in agony, 'for the love of god kill me at once!' "then the executioners, removing the red-hot spit from his hands, applied it to his breast, then to his back, his face, his feet, and other parts. after this, they forced open his mouth, and burned his tongue with red-hot pincers. during these inhuman operations, azo fainted several times, but on recovering consciousness maintained the same inflexibility of purpose. meanwhile, in the adjoining apartment, a heart-rending scene was being enacted. the women and the children, terrified by the groans and cries of the tortured man, fainted. when they revived, they endeavored to rush out to call for help, but the gendarmes, stationed at the door, barred their passage, and brutally pushed them back. [ ] "nights were passed in such hellish orgies and days in inventing new tortures or refining upon the old; with an ingenuity which reveals unimagined strata of malignity in the human heart. the results throw the most sickening horrors of the middle ages into the shade. some of them cannot be described, nor even hinted at. the shock to people's sensibilities would be too terrible. and yet they were not merely described to, but endured by men of education and refinement, whose sensibilities were as delicate as ours. "and when the prisons in which these and analogous doings were carried on had no more room for new-comers, some of the least obnoxious of its actual inmates were released for a bribe, or, in case of poverty, were expeditiously poisoned off. "in the homes of these wretched people the fiendish fanatics were equally active and equally successful. family life was poisoned at its very source. rape and dishonor, with nameless accompaniments, menaced almost every girl and woman in the land. they could not stir out of their houses in broad daylight to visit the bazaars, or to work in the fields, nor even lie down at night in their own homes, without fearing the fall of that damocles' sword ever suspended over their heads. tender youth, childhood itself, was no guarantee. children were often married at the age of eleven, even ten, in the vain hope of lessening this danger. but the protection of a husband proved unavailing; it merely meant one murder more, and one 'christian dog' less. a bride would be married in church yesterday, and her body would be devoured by the beasts and birds of prey to-morrow,--a band of ruffians, often officials, having within the intervening forty-eight hours seized her and outraged her to death. others would be abducted, and, having for weeks been subjected to the loathsome lusts of lawless kurds, would end by abjuring their god and embracing islam; not from any vulgar motive of gain, but to escape the burning shame of returning home as pariahs and lepers, to be shunned by those near and dear to them forever. little girls of five and six were frequently forced to be present during these horrible scenes of lust, and they, too, were often sacrificed before the eyes of their mothers, who would have gladly, madly accepted death, ay, and damnation, to save their tender offspring from the corroding poison. "one of the abducted young women who, having been outraged by the son of the deputy-governor of khnouss, hussein bey, returned, a pariah, and is now alone in the world, lately appealed to her english sisters for such aid as a heathen would give to a brute, and she besought it in the name of our common god. lucine mussegh--this is the name of that outraged young woman whose protestant education gave her, as she thought, a special claim to act as the spokeswoman of armenian mothers and daughters--lucine mussegh besought, last march, the women of england to obtain for the women of armenia the 'privilege' of living a pure and chaste life! this was the boon which she craved--but did not, could not obtain. the interests of 'higher politics,' the civilizing missions of the christian powers, are, it seems, incompatible with it! 'for the love of the god whom we worship in common,' wrote this outraged, but still hopeful, armenian lady, 'help us, christian sisters! help us before it is too late, and take the thanks of the mothers, the wives, the sisters, and the daughters of my people, and with them the gratitude of one for whom, in spite of her youth, death would come as a happy release.' "neither the christian sisters nor the christian brethren in england have seen their way to comply with this strange request. but it may perhaps interest lucine mussegh to learn that the six great powers of europe are quite unanimous, and are manfully resolved, come what will, to shield his majesty the sultan from harm, to support his rule, and to guarantee his kingdom from disintegration. these are objects worthy of the attention of the great powers; as for the privilege of leading pure and chaste lives--they cannot be importuned about such private matters. "in due time they began. over , armenians have been butchered, and the massacres are not quite ended yet. in trebizond, erzeroum, erzinghan, hassankalek, and numberless other places the christians were crushed like grapes during the vintage. the frantic mob, seething and surging in the streets of the cities, swept down upon the defenseless armenians, plundered their shops, gutted their houses, then joked and jested with the terrified victims, as cats play with mice. as rapid, whirling motion produces apparent rest, so the wild frenzy of those fierce fanatical crowds resulted in a condition of seeming calmness, composure, and gentleness which, taken in connection with the unutterable brutality of their acts, was of a nature to freeze men's blood with horror. in many cases they almost caressed their victims, and actually encouraged them to hope, while preparing the instruments of slaughter." after the horrible scenes at sassoun, and other places, the armenian protests shamed the european powers, who signed the treaty of berlin, to send a commission and investigate the atrocities. it found the stories quite true, laid the facts before the sultan--and that was the end of it. the armenians asked, "since you admit the truth of these things, why do you not punish the criminals, stop the outrages, and compel the payment of indemnity to those who were outraged and who lost their dear ones and their property?" the powers were deaf to all this. then the armenians prepared an appeal (several months ago) and carried it to the sublime porte, asking it to do them justice. as soon as the sultan heard of this, he ordered his soldiers to fire on them if they presented it. the appeal was presented, and before the eyes of the european ambassadors in constantinople, the brave soldiers of the kind-hearted sultan butchered about , armenian christians, several thousand were imprisoned, and several hundred were murdered in the central prison. then the cold, wise, and considerate european powers began to move very slowly, not for the sake of the armenians, but for their own, their citizens in constantinople and elsewhere. they ordered the sultan to reform armenia, brought their fleets to the dardanelles near constantinople to overawe him, prepared a scheme of reform for armenia, and made huge threats to the sultan if he did not accept it. but he knew that this pretended concert of the powers for armenian reform was a mere trick and sham, as i have persistently asserted all along in the face of my hopeful european and american friends; in fact, the russian government at this very time was secretly urging him to stand firm and refuse to accept the reforms. he did so, broached a scheme of his own as a substitute, and the powers accepted it as such; and then the whole thing was dropped, the sultan did nothing whatever about it, as he had never intended to. the european countries were hoodwinked, and the armenian massacres and conflagrations, plundering and deflowering, went on at a greater pace than ever. then the powers dropped the armenian question, and took up that of gunboats in the bosphorus, to protect their citizens against a rising in constantinople; that they forced the sultan to permit, because their own interests were concerned in it,--which shows that they could have forced him to stop exterminating the armenians if they had cared. all joined in this except germany; the german emperor is the sultan's friend, and backs him up. so now germany, russia, and the sultan are hand in hand, leagued to prevent any of the miserable victims of his tyranny from escaping his clutches, and the sultan has the best possible encouragement to go on killing the armenians. the german emperor says, "better that armenians be killed than have a war in europe and lose the lives of some of my soldiers." the czar says, "time must be given to the sultan to reform his country." lord salisbury says, "the sultan has promised, and we must wait and see what he will do." and the sultan, cursing every emperor and lord of them all as a set of christian hogs, orders the soldiers and the kurds to go on with the good work in armenia. and when we come to america, the monroe doctrine obliges it to quarrel over venezuela, and not only refuse help itself, but give lord salisbury a good excuse to give none either. such is the situation; the massacres are going on in armenia and the armenians in despair are crying, "o lord, how long, how long!" mass meetings are good as far as they go; raising money and sending it to relieve the armenians is good as far as it goes; the red cross society is good as far as it goes; there are no objections to any of them; they are all noble and christian. but, reader, don't you think all these good movements with good motives will hurt the armenian cause, as there is nothing to aid that cause directly? all these mass-meetings merely irritate the sultan into carrying on the murders more strenuously, since there is no force back of them. don't you think the armenian question being discussed in the united states congress, and resolutions made without any action, will hurt the armenians more than anything else? if you can't tread down the sultan, don't stir him up. miss clara barton, that noble woman, is in armenia to help the armenians. the red cross society is there and is feeding the armenians. i thank her, every armenian thanks her. but do you think that that will relieve the situation? spring has come, and what now? will the armenians have any crops? did they, or could they sow any seed? is there any farmer left alive? has any farmer, if he is alive, any oxen or horses? if he has, will he dare go to his field, sow, reap, and thresh? reader, consider all these things, and reconsider them, and i am sure you will come to the same conclusion i did many years ago, that turkey does not need a red cross society, but a red cross crusade, not like the medieval crusades, but a protestant american crusade in the nineteenth century. let me illustrate this armenian question by the following parable:-- suppose a lamb is torn by a wolf, and the wolf lies in wait to finish it. you go to the lamb with a bundle of grass in your hand, pat it and say, "here, poor lamb, i pity you, i give you grass; take it and eat it." then you leave the lamb and go away. do you think you have helped the lamb? as soon as you have gone, the wolf will come and tear the lamb to pieces. if you are going to help the lamb, you must kill the wolf, else no matter how much grass you give the wounded lamb, it will do it no good. you will do no good by sending red cross societies to armenia to feed the armenians if you have not the power or the will to keep the wild beasts off. you will feed them, and then the wolves will kill them. now i will pass in review some of the leading cities in armenia where there have been great persecutions. before beginning, however, i must state that it is impossible to give an accurate census of the population in the armenian cities, or the number who have been massacred; for the turkish government never takes a correct census, and never gives or will give the true number of those it has murdered. but i think i can make a fair approximation of both. i will begin with the city of harpoot. [ ] harpoot and its vicinity. this is one of the most important armenian districts, because the armenians outnumber the mohammedans there; in the city the turks are the more numerous, but there are many armenian towns and villages which make up. the district has about , people, most of them armenians, and about , were killed in the recent massacre. harpoot is built on three hills, and has a commanding view. here is located a great american missionary institution, the euphrates college; it has three departments, the college, the theological seminary, and the girls' seminary. there were twelve buildings, eight of which were burned in the outrages, a loss of $ , . almost all the outlying villages were burned, and the movables carried off. women were made prey, boys and girls were kidnapped; the horrors can never be described. i give here a few words from a private letter, written by a mohammedan turk to his brother in this country. i have the letter in my possession, written in the turkish language. he says:-- "my dear brother: "all the christian villages which belong to harpoot district, we plundered and destroyed, and killed the inhabitants. we killed them both with our swords and with our rifles. the bullets of our rifles poured upon them like rain; none of them are left, neither any dwelling was left, we burnt all their houses. we thank god that not a single mohammedan was killed. everywhere throughout armenia the christians were punished in the same manner." another testimony from another mohammedan, an officer; he says nearly , were killed in harpoot province, february , :-- "a petition in behalf of the armenians was given to the powers in the hope of improving their condition. an imperial firman was issued for carrying out the reforms suggested by the powers. on this account the turkish population was much excited, and thought that an armenian principality was to be established, and they began to show great hostility to the poor armenians, who had been obedient to them and with whom they had lived in peace for more than years. to the anger of the people were added the permission and help of the government; and so, before the reforms were undertaken, the whole turkish population was aroused, with the evil intent of obliterating the armenian name; and so the turks of the province, joining with the neighboring kurdish tribes by the thousand, armed with weapons which are allowed only to the army, and with the help and under the guidance of turkish officials, in an open manner, in the daytime, attacked the armenian houses, shops, stores, monasteries, churches, schools, and committed the fearful atrocities set forth in the accompanying table. they killed bishops, priests, teachers, and common people with every kind of torture, and they showed special spite toward ecclesiastics by treating their bodies with extra indignity, and in many cases they did not allow their bodies to be buried. some they burned, and some they gave as food to dogs and wild beasts. "they plundered churches and monasteries, and they took all the property of the common people, their flocks and herds, their ornaments and their money, their house furnishings and their food, and even the clothing of the men and women in their flight. then after plundering them, they burned many houses, churches, monasteries, schools, and markets, sometimes using petroleum, which they had brought with them to hasten the burning; large stone churches which would not burn they ruined in other ways. "priests, laymen, women, and even small children were made moslems by force. they put white turbans on the men and circumcised them in a cruel manner. they cut the hair of the women in bangs, like that of moslem women, and made them go through the mohammedan prayers. married women and girls were defiled, against the sacred law, and some were married by force, and are still detained in turkish houses. especially in palu, severek, malatia, arabkir, and choonkoosh, many women and girls were taken to the soldiers' barracks and dishonored. many, to escape, threw themselves into the euphrates, or committed suicide in other ways. "it is clear that the majority of those killed in harpoot, severek, husenik, malatia, and arabkir were killed by the soldiers, and also that the schools and churches of the missionaries and gregorians in the upper quarter of harpoot city, together with the houses, were set on fire by cannon balls. "it is impossible to state the amount of the pecuniary loss. the single city of egin has given , (some say , ) turkish pounds as a ransom. "these events have occurred for the reasons i have mentioned. i wish to show by this statement, which i have written from love to humanity, that the armenians gave no occasion for these attacks." the turk, whose document is thus translated, figures that the total deaths in the province of harpoot during the scenes, have been , ; the wounded , ; houses burned, , ; and that the number of the destitutes is , . "in a letter just received (jan. , ) from the rev. h. n. barnum, d.d., of harpoot, eastern turkey, where the property of the american board was burned, he says that reports have been secured from villages in the vicinity of harpoot. these villages contained , houses belonging to christians. of this number , have been burned, and , persons are reported killed. dr. barnum adds: 'the reality, i fear, will prove to be much greater.'" a letter from an armenian named kallajian, written from husenik, a town about three miles from harpoot, addressed to his brother in this country, says: "sunday, november , the government came to our town, husenik, and asked the armenians to give up their arms, and they surrendered all they had; and in the evening asked them to take the church bell down. they also obeyed, and by night the turkish soldiers surrounded the town until the morning, and in the morning early they sounded the bugle. when they sounded the bugle, about , kurds made an attack on the town, and plundered all the houses, killing men, women, and children, besides the wounded. when the attack was made, we left our house, with two of our neighbors' families and many others from our town, about thirty in all. one little boy, my nephew, i carried on my shoulders, and the other was carried by its mother, and we ran up the hill toward harpoot. the bullets were showering upon us by hundreds, and father fell. he was shot once in the head and once in the belly, and stabbed with a sword through his chin. when we reached the top of the hill, about twenty kurds came down from harpoot, and took all our clothes and money, and left us naked; and a little after, a band of turks came down and made so much trouble for us that i am unable to describe it. they took us to the city, and we finally succeeded in getting to the house of sadukh effendi, formerly of our town, but now living in the city. we went to his house, and this kind man kept us there for two days in his house, and on tuesday evening he took us to our own town, and as we came near to our house i found that father was dead under a tree. we went to the house; we saw that our house was open and stripped of everything, and father's trunk was broken open, and his papers were soaked in kerosene and set on fire, and twenty-five houses were destroyed on our street. we are hungry and in destitute condition; help us if you can. our little nephew says: 'o jesus, keep us afar from such trouble.'" there are other letters also from harpoot, but this is enough to show the nature of the scenes there. paloo and what happened there. paloo is one of the oldest cities in armenia. it had , population, , armenians and , mohammedans, and there were over forty armenian villages in the district around. about , christians were killed during the recent massacre. personal letters from paloo. december , . "paloo is in a miserable condition. all the houses and shops have been robbed. about , persons have perished, and few have survived this great ruin; but we thank god all our family is in safety. just to-day i received a letter from our home; they write: 'we are alive, but hungry.' they have no bread to eat, and no clothes to wear; our only hope is god. if the country is soon reformed we can get our living, but if not we shall all perish. turks, kurds, and soldiers united, plundered, robbed, and burned the houses of paloo and the neighboring villages. you can guess very well who has given the order." a personal letter received by the armenian relief association, in this city, under date of paloo, armenia, november , presents an awful picture of the horrors to which the people there are subjected. the letter is in part as follows:-- "on november , the turks of the town armed themselves, attacked the stores, plundered their contents, and killed those who attempted to defend themselves. a few days later the turks left the town, joined a band of , kurds, and began a general assault upon the surrounding villages, pillaging and burning the houses, and killing all the men. they poured kerosene oil on all the stored grain and set it on fire, and mixed the flour with filth, so that it could not be used. the beautiful women were delivered to the kurds, who committed the most indescribable outrages. many were carried off to slavery, and forced to accept mohammedanism. "in habab village, where the people defended themselves for six days, the government soldiers were called to the aid of the kurds, and the united forces overpowered the village and burned all except fifteen of their three hundred houses. "all of the forty-one armenian villages around paloo are in ashes, the fields laid waste, and the inhabitants massacred. nothing is left but death and desolation. "on november , , armed kurds fell upon the city of paloo. they plundered the houses, even pulling down the walls with hooks to discover anything valuable that might be hidden. all the large houses were burned. ten of the wealthy armenians, who have always cared for the poor, and sheltered the distressed, are left without a pair of shoes or a blanket, , men were butchered in cold blood, and of the , population, two hundred men only are left, saved on condition that they serve the turks as slaves. "more than , women and children are left without any means of living. they are begging from door to door for even a meagre pittance of bran, which is all that is left, and every day death claims more and more of the victims by starvation. all of the more beautiful women have been taken by the kurds. the armenian youths who have been forced to accept mohammedanism are also forced to take turkish wives to prove their sincerity. "all of my relations, save two, have been killed in my presence. our priests have all been butchered, except one, who was forced to accept islamism. our churches have been turned into mosques, where the remaining women and old men are compelled to go and be taught islam by the mohammedan priest." but here is another letter, from an armenian mother to her son in this country, which brings us still closer to the actual horrors, for this woman was herself a victim--turned at a blow from a comfortable matron to a naked beggar, in winter, among the ruins of her village, her own friends killed, herself foully abused. read this, and then talk, if you dare, about "exaggerated accounts"! "december , . "my dear son:-- "we received your letter dated november th, which we read with great pleasure. you asked for information about us, as to how we are, etc. except your father, we are all still alive, with our relatives, and long to see you very much. it is very hard to describe with the pen all the misfortunes that we have undergone. they cannot be told; but since you are very eager to know, i will try to write it down for you very briefly. my dear son, on tuesday, november th, they took by force the oxen that are used for ploughing the fields. until the evening of that day they gathered all the oxen for ploughing from paloo and the neighboring armenian villages, and took them for themselves, and gave us notice that they should attack the village. wednesday morning all the people of the surrounding turkish villages gathered round about our village, and our village was besieged until about noontime. from ten to fifteen persons were killed up to that time from our side, and the village was surrounded by more than twenty-two thousand turks and kurds, who bear arms. it was impossible for us to protect our village. we applied to the government, there was no government to hear us; despair reigned in the hearts of all. they fought until evening, and before they had reached us, we, all the villagers, left everything, even not taking bread for one meal with us, went to the monastery and left the village to the turks. we passed the night in the monastery, hungry and thirsty; the number of the killed reached to thirty by morning. then we learned that it was not safe, even in the monastery, although they had plundered it two or three times. thursday, by noontime, the monastery was full of villagers. at noon there was a blow on the door of the monastery. ravenous turks, zazes, and others were besieging the building. until evening they beat at the iron door to break it; fifteen persons were at it, but it was impossible for them to open it. within, the shrieks and the cries of the people reached up to heaven. men, in order to save their lives, dressed themselves in women's clothes, and covered their heads. your brother wrapped his moustaches so thickly that he should not be known, as the turks were after him by name. about p. m., when the turks saw that it was not possible for them to open the gate of the monastery, they broke in one of the stones in the wall, and the plunderers entered.... i cannot describe here the sufferings of the people.... within one hour they robbed and violated a population of , people, five times each woman, married or maiden, and then left the monastery. the villagers, every one to save her or his life, left everything, property, cattle, merchandise, and provisions, and fled, the man leaving his wife, the wife her child, the son his mother, the brother his sister, and they dispersed in the adjoining mountains, plains, valleys, and hills, with only their under-garments on, as the turks and kurds had stripped them of everything else. friday morning the number of the killed had reached about fifty. your father was shot on the plain of sacrat, but the wound was not dangerous. for three days the people gathered in sacrat, hungry and thirsty; from sacrat they were given over to the zazes, to take them to the city.... i can not write down here all the things we endured at the hands of the zazes.... finally, after we had suffered unmentionable cruelties, being twice plundered in the city and violated, three brides and maidens were carried away as slaves by the kurds, more than one hundred persons were martyred, among whom were two priests, and the rest were forced to accept mohammedanism, and after that the massacre ceased. for twenty days we remained in the city, naked, hungry, and thirsty, also hopeless. the city was rescued from the massacre after having suffered the loss of six hundred houses, together with all the property of the shops and stores, and the total sum of the martyred being , . our village was given over to be burned for twenty days successively. out of two hundred houses, there are hardly thirty left sound; the rest are all razed to the ground.... the rest of this story will follow by next mail. i wanted to tell you a little about our hard situation. saved with only our undergarments, hungry and thirsty, our whole family came back from the city, among the ruins. i, your mother, had to go begging wholly naked and barefoot to the familiar kurd neighbors. i had only one shirt, which i made into a bag to put the things in which i begged from the kurds. for fifty days i have provided thus for the family; after this i commit it to your care; you know best what to do. we have not got even a head covering; nothing to carry the water home in from the fountain. it is the month of december, and you know well it is the first month of the winter; we have two and a half months yet before coming to the spring. we are all of us very, very, hungry. those turks who were so friendly before have turned now not to know us, they don't even give a penny. we have no hope from anywhere else; if you do not come to our help, we shall perish! perish! perish! we, with all the villagers shall die. behold the description of our misery. read this to all the villagers that are there with you, and notify them that all of you must be the helpers and deliverers of our people, especially to us who are all helpless and on the verge of starvation. send us help. i remain "your affectionate mother." malatia and its hardships. malatia is located about midway between marash and harpoot, a little distance from the euphrates river. more fruit is raised in and about there than in any other section of armenia. the assortment is large, but the apples and pears are especially fine, perhaps better than those of any part of the world. it has about , population, two-thirds being mohammedans, and one-third armenians. the private letters which have been received from there do not state, and cannot state how many armenians have been killed during the period of the present persecutions, and it is not likely there ever will be any correct estimate of them. the region has suffered immensely, and letters from there reveal a most distressing condition of affairs. the people were plundered and violated in every conceivable way until there was nothing more for the time being for the fiends to wreak their cruelty upon. letters from malatia. malatia, dec. , . my very dear son:-- we greet you with the fondest greeting, and it is the desire of our hearts that the good lord should enable us to see each other again in this mortal flesh. in regard to ourselves, as to how we were, and what we are doing. we are all alive yet with our whole family, no loss of persons from among us. don't mourn for us. others are mourning for their loved ones. though in truth the grief and mourning of others belong to us also because we are all armenians, one flesh and blood, and we all belong to the same nation. i did not go to bring up the bride of our neighbor's with the rest, so i was at home when the massacre began. you remember that there was a well in that quarter. the turks killed the bridegroom, his brother, the priest, together with sixty-five other men, and threw them into that well. in another house they burned seventy-five men, and in still another forty-five men. finally, i am unable to describe with my pen all that passed in those days and hours. may the lord preserve your dear lives, and give you peace and happiness. your father. another letter. malatia, dec. , . my dear friend:-- i received your very kind letter about a week ago, for which i thank you very much, and i read it with great pleasure. but we do not get the boys' letters regularly. it is nearly two months since the disaster occurred, and in that time i have received but one letter. the other day an armenian handed me a letter that was torn into nearly a hundred pieces. i put all the pieces together and read it. it was also from the boys, and i read and was very glad. now i will try to give you a little information about us. the first monday i did not go to the market, for from saturday i got somehow suspicious that there was something impending over the city, and i did not let father go either. my brother was to accompany those who were going to bring up a bride for my brother's partner in business. while my brother was at the wedding house, they sent him on an errand to go and get a few policemen to accompany them as protection in bringing the bride. just at the moment when my brother was on his way to the station-house, he sees there was confusion in the market; then he drops the matter of bringing a policeman, but goes to the market and closes the shop, and then turns towards home in a hurry. while on his way, some men fired at him several times, but fortunately he was not hurt. he comes as far as to one of our neighbors, and there drops down exhausted. they came and brought me the news that he was there. then i plucked up all the courage i could, and went and brought him home. an hour or so after, the turks came and besieged that same quarter and killed about thirty persons. on tuesday, very early in the morning, we left everything, house, property, and goods, and just to save our lives we fled to the new church, and i don't know what became of the rest. we remained there in the church until friday; after that we came out of the church, being a little assured of safety, and have been living on the provision that the government allowed us, but that also ceased a few days since. when we came back home again we did not find a single thing; they had swept off everything. we brought a matting from some place, and six of us sleep in one bed. some sleep on hay. may you never have to endure such hardships. this incident seems worse than the earthquake or the cholera, or the fire. may the good lord preserve us from things worse than these. our life is not worth the living. we don't know the exact number of the killed. malatia is altogether a ruin. it is a worse ruin than the city of anni, and even worse than sassoun. it is beyond conception, one cannot keep account of it. may the lord write it down in his own account book, so that he should take the account in the day of judgment. please excuse all my shortcomings, because i am out of myself. our love to all the friends over there. yours truly, p.s. please tell the boys to know the value of money, and not waste neither their time nor their money in vain. for we have no one to look for but to god in heaven, and after him to them on earth. for the value of a son is known in the time of adversity, when he helps his elders or parents. let them not yet send any money, for there are no brokers left where we can change it. the city of sivas and the atrocities. sivas is the seat of the vilayet or province of sivas. the governor-general of that province resides there. the population is about , ; one-third are christian armenians, and there are many armenian christian towns and villages round about, so that, if the armenians are not more numerous than the mohammedans, they equal them in number. sivas is a missionary station, and during the atrocities, the protestant armenian pastor also was killed. his name was garabet-kilitjiam, one of the most gifted ministers of the gospel, my personal friend and successor. after i resigned my pastorate at talas, cesarea, he succeeded me. he was offered the choice of accepting mohammedanism, but refused it, and then he was martyred. in the city and province of sivas during the recent atrocities about , armenians were killed, and many villages and towns were plundered and destroyed. the following is a press dispatch:-- london, nov. , .--the representative of the united press at constantinople reports, under the date of november th, that at six o'clock, on the evening of november th, m. a. jewett, united states consul at sivas, sent a telegram to united states minister terrell informing him that in the disturbances which had taken place at sivas, eight hundred armenians and ten turks had been killed, and that, according to official reports, a large body of kurds were then approaching the town. mr. jewett gave no details of the disorders, but the discrepancy in the figures shows that the turkish allegations that the armenians were the aggressors are absolutely untrue, and that the armenians were deliberately massacred. from a private letter from sivas, nov. , . "the air was full of wild rumors--but we could get at nothing that seemed to have any substantial truthful basis. dr. jewett--our consul--was on the alert. he interviewed the governor-general,--and asked for protection for us, for the u.s.a. vice-consul, for our schools, and for the american consulate. these were cheerfully promised, and the next day, tuesday, november th, at midday, like a cyclone, sivas was smitten, as i wrote you last week. mr. p. and i had steadfastly refused to believe that such violence could take place in our city, and we were totally unprepared for the shock. our walls had been taken down,--that is, our front wall had been,--a distance of feet. our girls' school-building had been cut off seven and a half feet on the southwest corner, and both our schools and our dwellings were in an entirely unprotected state. the day of the terrible disaster, the city water was cut off from our street, and for several days the heat was unusual for this time of the year. the dead were buried on thursday, under the direction of the government, in the armenian graveyard, a priest of the gregorian faith being present to offer a prayer. "our good native pastor was in the market to attend to the interests of his people, when, at a given signal, a tribe of mountaineers, known as karsluks suddenly fell upon the armenians with clubs, and were soon followed by circassians and local mussulmen, with knives and pistols; quickly and lastly the police force and regular soldiers joined in with their martini rifles. it was a combined onslaught of four other races against the armenians. it has been declared that the armenians were in armed revolt against the government, and this was done to put down the revolution. when the attack was made against them, we fail to find that there was any armed resistance, so far as we can learn. if the armenians were premeditating an armed attack upon the mussulmen, we never could find it out, but that proves nothing here or there, as missionaries are well known not to sympathize with revolutionists. "badveli garabed died a martyr; his life being offered him three times if he would deny christ. he bore noble testimony before many witnesses, then fell in their presence, sealing his faith and testimony with his blood. "yours affectionately," further information about sivas by the missionaries who wrote to their friends nov. , . "the cyclone which struck on the th reached marsovan on the th. don't be deceived by any of the silly government statements which attribute all these massacres to the armenians. it was a deliberate plan on the part of the government to punish the armenians. the sultan was irritated because he was forced to give them reforms, so he has had , armenians killed to show his power since he signed the scheme of reform. "the killing was permitted to go on here all last week; forty-six were killed saturday, november ; sixteen on sunday, and many more on the following day. the total number killed is about , armenians and ten turks. "it is a fact that the kaimakam of gurun telegraphed to the vali at sivas, saying in effect that there is not an armenian left at gurun. the armenians at sivas made no resistance, but at gurun they tried to defend themselves from the butchery, and suffered the worse for it. "in order to have an excuse for attacking the armenians at sivas, the government smashed the windows of turkish shops and charged it to the armenians. food is scarce, and everything was carried off from the armenian shops. there will be terrible suffering all over this country." another letter from sivas, according to the constantinople correspondent, gives many details which all go to show that the whole movement against the armenians is directly traceable to the head of the turkish government, who proclaimed that his great desire was to keep always in view, "the safeguard of the rights of the people, and the maintenance of public confidence." "what cruel mockery; trebizond, erzeroum, bitlis, marash, harpoot and how many more towns rise up and point the finger of everlasting scorn and indignation to fix on abdul hamid khan the stigma of everlasting infamy! the deliberate murder of thousands of innocent and industrious men, the exposure of ten times that number of women and children and aged persons to absolute degradation and destitution, will justify the name of kanukiar--the bloodletter--which has been applied to the head authority of the empire." the riot in sivas. "last week, monday, november , was one of the loveliest days sivas ever had. although there were many rumors of trouble afloat, we could get at nothing which seemed to have any greater foundation than the fear that something might happen. "i went unattended to the boys' school. on my way to school that afternoon, i met a group of excited soldiers. they said nothing to me, but their strangely excited manner impressed me as being out of the usual order. when i began my class work, the boys, instead of answering my questions, broke forth with inquiries. they wanted to know if the soldiers were going to shoot them, and if they were going to be killed. that was the rumor afloat. i hushed them up as best i could, and told them it was not right to speak of such things. i succeeded in quieting the children, but went home full of anxiety. "the next day, tuesday, a large gang of turkish workmen gathered in our street to continue the public work of building up some walls which had been torn down at the vali's orders, for the purpose of widening the street. armenian carpenters were employed on our building. nothing out of the ordinary occurred until the workmen's 'bread time,' about o'clock, was finished. "then all the osmanli (turkish) gang suddenly raised a hue and cry; each one grabbed a pick or club, anything he could lay his hands on, and a wild rush was made for the market-place. the air was filled with yells of the furious men, who rushed along madly. "the protestant pastor remained at home on the day before, but on tuesday was in a shop when the signal for the raid was given. a perfect cyclone of marauders rushed in and clubbed the unsuspecting men in the stores to death before they could offer any resistance. after the outbreak there was not a single armenian place of business left in the market. "no list of the dead was made out, and none could be. the victims were all buried in an immense trench in the armenian burying-ground two days afterwards. there were between seven and eight hundred bodies thus buried." marsovan and the atrocities there. marsovan has , population, , being armenians, and the remainder mohammedans. marsovan is one of the greatest stations of the american missionaries. anatolia college is there; a theological seminary for young men; and a seminary for girls. the writer was the pastor of the evangelical armenian church there till he was banished, for the reasons stated in the sketch of him. after this the turks burned the girls' school; they tried to burn the boys' college building also, but did not succeed. finally they several times massacred the armenian christians, and forced many to accept mohammedanism. i have not been able to get exact information about the number of the martyred christians in marsovan, but it is believed that in that missionary station about , were massacred altogether. the richest men among the congregation were murdered, and so thoroughly plundered that their children are left wholly destitute; and the lives of the missionaries are in danger. cesarea (kaiserieh). the writer is well acquainted with this city, as he was the pastor at talas, only three miles away, for years. it has about , population, one-third being christians; a few hundred greeks only, but more than , armenians. the richest and ablest armenians live in that city, or in constantinople, and came from there; its people are the leaders of the armenian nation, both in business and intellect. for the story of its foundation, see "the haigazian dynasty," under king aram. it is a typical armenian city; and has several great armenian churches, with flourishing schools. there is a beautiful evangelical church also, and it is a great missionary station, with several american missionaries, and several missionary schools, both for boys and for girls. the rev. dr. avedis yeretzian, one of the greatest of scholars, teachers, and preachers, and my personal friend, was martyred in that city during the recent atrocities. he was shot dead in his own house by a mohammedan mob, then his wife was shot, then his son, and the remainder of his children were captured by the mob. about , armenians were killed and wounded there, besides the loss of property. the mohammedan population of the city is very savage; side by side in the same city, the christians are rich, refined, intelligent, and the mohammedans poor, lazy, sensual, and cruel. i give here two letters from cesarea. a private letter from a girl. cesarea, turkey, dec. , . my dear brother:-- before the massacre, everybody was in fear; several families would gather in one house to protect themselves, and all the armenian stores were closed for twenty days; but as the government guaranteed that there would be no danger, and told everybody to attend to their business, and open their shops, they did so. it was the th of november, on saturday, that all opened their shops again, and the transaction of business commenced in full force. at p. m., at the doors of the market, bugles sounded, and several hundred bashi-bazook [irregular soldiers] were at the doors of the bazaar, every one of them having in his hands stilettos, swords, yataghans, guns, revolvers, hammers, axes, hatchets, sickles, poniards, daggers, and heavy sticks with twenty or thirty nails fastened to them. then they blew horns, the signal to start the massacre. cries were heard, "first kill, cut, and butcher the giavours; the property already belongs to us; cut, cut, kill, don't care for plundering at present." then they rushed into the market and slaughtered all they met. oh! you can imagine what became of those who fell into the hands of those brutes. alas! alas! how unspeakable! they butchered them like cattle; cut their heads off like onions. some tried to run, but could not, others tried to escape, but were brought back and killed. the bazaar was full of dead bodies. people hid themselves among the goods, and in the cellars, and were saved; ten or fifteen days after, people were found there in a starving condition, not having dared to come out. they killed in avsharaghus factory thirty-eight men; in kayanjilar everybody was slain. after the massacre was over, the governor, ferick pasha, sent soldiers around, and they discovered many people hiding, and took them back to the government house (seray), examined their pockets for revolvers and knives, and not finding any, the governor sent them to their homes. they plundered the bazaar of all its goods, and then, oh, my lord! they rushed upon the houses and upon the women's turkish baths.... i cannot describe this; when i think of it, my whole body trembles. the people in the baths were killed and wounded, and they carried away the young girls; every one was killed that they came in contact with. the houses were plundered of all their contents, and buildings were torn down, and houses full of people were burned. oh, how terrible! what i say you cannot imagine to be so; you may think it is a dream, because your eyes have not seen nor your ears heard the screams, wailings, weeping, shrieks, and groaning; that even our forefathers have not heard, but of which our ears are full day and night. my brother was in the bazaar, but fortunately he had occupied a private room, where he was safe. some of the kidnapped girls were brought back by the government, but most of them were wounded, and half dead from fright. thank god, we are safe, but we are not better than those girls. we are in mr. wingate's house, where many lives were saved. he carried beds and clothing to the people, who were stripped of all. a few mussulmans also protected in their homes some armenians; for example, james imuroglov, gojaki ogloo. yeretzian avedis effendi's house is ruined, himself, his son, and wife are killed, and the rest, five of them, are carried away. our block and their block is ruined. they butchered avjinury, yuzukji, dirnhitza and carried away her three daughters, but later on brought two of them back. i mentioned them, as you know. they also butchered yuzikji apraham and his wife gaga haji, gemerlkli ohanness, mustaamelji gobra, terrzi artin, erzurumli, servant boy. avedis ago and his daughter were carried away. gussi hamimon's mother is low. oh, pity the intolerable many, many, i cannot write by my pen, or describe with my tongue the terrible sufferings. o lord, have mercy upon us! to my knowledge there were five hundred killed, six hundred wounded; many are dying from their wounds and fright. eight hundred houses are plundered, and the tenants flocked to the churches. i cannot write one hundredth part of what happened. we are lost, lost, ruined, no work, no business, every one of us looking for safety. happy, happy be you that are in america and have nothing to fear. they say to me, you ought to be with your brother in america now. if the way was opened, everybody would like to go. if you are not in good circumstances there, you must feel satisfied and give the thanks to god always. we also have to thank god that we are still living. it is one month now that we have not been able to go out in the streets. o lord, help us, oh! what shall we come to? oh, my dear brother, if you can help us in any way please do so; make lectures, get some help; everybody is dying of hunger. i cannot write any longer; we leave all to your conscience. i do not write this letter only to you, but to all. do whatever you can for us, we are in a terrible condition. i thank you, my brother, for the money that you sent to me, thank you very much. we send our best regards to every one of you. i wrote this letter with the tears in my eyes. we beg of you to write us good letters. vaham, the little boy, is in good health. we are all well including your sister, letter from cesarea. cesarea, nov. , .--while the armenians were engaged in their business, as usual, the turkish mob fell upon them, killing defenseless men and wounding , more. the mob divided into four parts. the first part plundered the stores, the second looted the houses, the third secured the maidens and young brides, while the fourth, fiends incarnate, attacked the public baths. these human devils killed six naked women in the presence of the others, snatching their babies from their arms and bayoneting the mothers. the shrieks and agonizing cries of these poor creatures made no impression upon the minds of the savage turks, who laughed at their death agonies. they then took some of the young girls, who were with their mothers at the bath, and dragged them naked, by their feet, through the streets, followed by a jeering and hooting mob. the turks who attacked the houses then killed them and fired the houses. the cries of the women, mingled with the hoarse shouts of the turks, can never be forgotten. the men who survived the sword were discovered, taken to the magistrate and searched, but no arms were found in their possession, not even a knife. when released, and allowed to return to their homes, they were confronted by a most ghastly picture. some found their wives dead, others horribly mutilated; daughters were bleeding. my hand almost fails me to write the awful particulars. it took three or four days to remove the bodies of the dead with forty carts. add to this the want, the desolation. oh, my god, for how long, how long! where are those christian powers who saved african slaves? where are those christians who advocated brotherly love and mercy, sending their missionaries to teach us? are they deaf to our piercing cry? aintab and its horrors. the writer is well acquainted with aintab, and some of his best friends live there, if they have not been killed. it has about , population, one-third of it being armenian. there are great scholars among them. central turkey college is there. it is an american college, but most of the professors are native armenians, graduates of yale college. there is also a woman's american college and a hospital. the evangelical armenians are the strongest; they have three large churches. they are considered to be the richest evangelical armenians in turkey. but hundreds of them were killed, wounded and plundered; in all about , of the armenian population were killed. a letter from aintab, november , . aintab has had its baptism of blood and fire, and we sit in grief among ruins. we had been hoping that the many things which seemed to combine for our security would save our city from the fury of the storm which is desolating so many places about us. our christian community is large (about one-fourth of the whole population), and the christians, as a class, are exceptionally intelligent and influential; the leading moslems of the city are intelligent and able men, and have shown themselves to a degree tolerant and even friendly to christians; the governor has seemed disposed, beyond most turkish officials, to respect the rights of christians. there is a considerable number of foreign residents sure to be witnesses of any violence done to christians. the college and hospital have for years commanded a powerful influence in the city; the hospital especially has the good-will of all classes; the college, its students and teachers were no doubt regarded by many with much suspicion on account of the latent antagonisms inevitably existing between progressive and conservative ideas, but personal relations were, so far as i know, always friendly. another thing in our favor has been the fact that the christians of aintab have given very little countenance to the ultra-revolutionists, who have no doubt provoked trouble in some places. relying upon all these things, we had for nearly three weeks been hearing reports of fighting and massacre at zeitoon, marash, and oorfa, and other places, with comparatively little anxiety for ourselves. it is true we were frequently hearing of fearful threats and warnings of what the moslems were preparing to do in aintab, but we had got hardened to that sort of thing, and regarded it as largely the invention of cowardly roughs to terrify those whom they did not dare attack. the most alarming thing in the situation was that the government was disarming the christians, and at the same time giving out rifles and ammunition to moslems. this, however, was attributed to an exaggerated fear of a christian rising, of which they profess to have information. meantime the moslems liable to military service were called out and equipped and hurried off toward zeitoon, where it was reported that the christians were in rebellion. this, no doubt, was the occasion of intense irritation, and both the soldiers and their friends were saying, "if we must fight christians we will begin with those close at hand." under these circumstances the native christians became very anxious, and made such preparations for defense as circumstances permitted, at the same time keeping as quiet as possible, and avoiding all controversy and altercations with the moslems. the government increased the police force in the city, and held a considerable force of troops at the barracks near the town, and the governor and principal men seemed to be making much effort to quiet the people. several considerable tumults had occurred and been promptly suppressed without bloodshed; so day after day dragged on, each hour increasing the hope that we should tide over the crisis. saturday morning, november , more than three weeks after the first riot in marash, at about half past seven, just as we were rising from breakfast, our people came in with white faces saying, "the day of judgment has come in the city." we hastened to the door, and sure enough the mob was at work; all the west and south part of the city seemed to be in an uproar; crowds of people rushing in every direction, roofs covered with excited men, women, and children; the strange mingling of cries of fear, anger, and defiance, with occasional gun and pistol shots, made an exhibition of the most fearful tumult and confusion. already troops were hurrying forward, and soon a company of some sixty soldiers were stationed in front of the girls' seminary, with pickets out to cover the approaches to the hospital and college. dr. shepherd and mr. sanders mounted their horses and hastened to the hospital and seminary, where they remained until the rioting ceased. the college is about half a mile west of the seminary and hospital, and commands a full view of these buildings, and of the whole west end of the city, where most of the rioting occurred. what we, who were looking on, saw from this point was the narrow streets densely crowded with intensely excited people, now and then a rush made upon some house or gate, the rally of defenders on the roofs, among whom women were often foremost, using stones, clubs, and sometimes guns and pistols as best they could. sometimes the attack is beaten off, and the assailants withdraw to organize a new assault, sometimes a gate or wall is broken down, and then the noise of conflict subsides and the work of massacre and plunder begins. later on, long lines of people moving off to their homes laden with plunder, and later still the flames and smoke rising from the burning houses. what we heard was the indescribable roar of the mob, pierced by the sharp reports of pistols and guns, with now and then shrieks of agony and fear, and shouts of defiance or command, and over all, and most horrible of all, the loud shrill "zullghat," (wedding cry) very like the cry of our northern loons prolonged and sharpened, raised by turkish women crowded on their roofs and cheering on their men to attack. the massacre and pillage began in the markets, and in those parts of the city where christians' houses, surrounded by moslem neighbors, offered easy points of attack; these places having been looted, the mob moved on towards what are known as the christian quarters of the town. there the resistance became more obstinate; in two of these quarters the old street gates were still in use, by shutting which, the district enclosed becomes a small fortified community capable of making a strong resistance to an organized mob. the assailants were at last beaten off and arrested. under such general conditions the storm of mob violence raged on without much abatement till the middle of the afternoon, when the tumult gradually subsided, and night at last brought quiet, except in the vicinity of burning houses, where the uproar went on till near midnight. by morning, arrangements seemed to have been made which gave us hope that order would be maintained; the guard for our mission premises had been increased, and the soldiers posted at intervals around the christian quarters of the city. very early in the morning of the th, crowds, evidently eager to share the plunder, were seen hurrying towards the city from every direction. the soldiers met and turned them back, and even beat some of them and chased them off. they soon returned, however, increased in numbers, and being joined by friends from the city, became very turbulent. about noon we saw through our glass an officer, apparently a captain, ride forward into a mob, and address them at some length; we could not hear what he said, but immediately, without any show of opposition from any one, the whole crowd came pell-mell with the soldiers into the city. this was at the southwest corner of the town, and immediately under our eyes. at the same time much the same thing was occurring at the northwest corner; then for an hour chaos was let loose again, and the horrors of the previous day were repeated, only that this time the christians were prepared, and, being in a strong position, were generally able to beat off their assailants. at one point of the line of defense were a few moslem houses, and we were delighted to learn that the men heartily and bravely joined in the defense with their neighbors; the gallantry of this act was somewhat marred, however, by the demand which they made the next day for a large sum of money for their service; these men actually demanded and received about $ apiece for this neighborly help. when it became apparent that the mob could not force their way into the places held by the besieged, the soldiers, perhaps having received new orders, resumed a show of activity, fired a few shots into the air, and drove the mob out of the city and dispersed them; this is the last serious fighting that has occurred up to the present time, though local tumults have broken out frequently, several houses have been pillaged and burned, and two christians at least were shot while being conducted through the streets by soldiers. strict military rule is now established, and special care is taken to safeguard the lives of property of foreigners. we are kept under very close restriction, and not allowed to visit the city except for special objects, and then under a strong guard. the amount of damage we can only estimate; as nearly as we can judge, the figures will be about killed, wounded, nearly all the christian shops and houses pillaged, and a considerable number burned. some , men who in the first panic took refuge in khans and mosques are still held as prisoners, for purposes which we can only surmise. p.s. dec. . quiet has for the most part been maintained under strict military rule. no christian can yet venture out without armed escort, and there are not wanting signs that there is waiting and even expectation of another signal from above. the government, however, seems to be trying to restore order and confidence. we are glad to say that we have heard of no cases of special violence or abuse offered to women. the above-named prisoners have been gradually released, till now there are only some six of the principal christians still in confinement. the number of killed just now must be set down at over ; the butchery in the markets where the first attacks began far exceeded our belief. a great number of bodies were thrown together into some distilleries, and these buildings set on fire and burned to the ground, thus removing for a time much of the terrible evidence of the extent of the massacre. the attack being made in the morning and beginning in the markets, it happened that the killed are about wholly from the "bread-winners" among the christians. as a result, there are now in aintab more than , people dependent on charity for daily bread, and most of those to whom they would naturally look for aid are utterly impoverished; the outlook for the winter is simply appalling. we appeal for aid speedily in the name of humanity. the city of birijik and the atrocities. the city of birijik is on the shores of the euphrates; it has a beautiful appearance from the other side of the river. the mohammedan population there are very wild and ignorant. the massacre at birijik (province of aleppo). birijik had about christian houses, or say about , souls, in the midst of the mussulman population of about , souls. after the massacre at oorfa on the th of october, , the authorities at birijik told the armenians that the muslims were afraid of them, and that therefore they (the armenians) must surrender to the government any arms that they possessed. this was done, the most rigid search being instituted to assure the authorities that nothing whatever in the way of arms remained in the hands of the armenians. this disarmament caused no little anxiety to the armenians, since the muslim population was very generally armed, and was constantly adding to its arms. in fact, during the months of november and december the christians have kept within their houses because the danger of appearing upon the streets was very great. troops were called out by the government to protect the people. since the soldiers had come to protect the christians, the christians were required to furnish animals for them to carry their goods. then they were required to furnish them beds and carpets to make them more comfortable. finally they were required to furnish the soldiers with food, and they were reduced to a state bordering on destitution by these increasing demands. the end came on the first of january, , when the news of the massacre of several thousands of christians at oorfa by the soldiers appointed to guard them incited the troops at birijik to imitate this crime. the assault on the christian houses commenced at about nine o'clock in the morning and continued until night-fall. the soldiers were aided by the muslims of the city in the terrible work. the object at first seemed to be mainly plunder, but after the plunder had been secured the soldiers seemed to make a systematic search for men, to kill those who were unwilling to accept mohammedanism. the cruelty used to force men to become muslims was terrible. in one case the soldiers found some twenty people, men, women, and children, who had taken refuge in a sort of cave. they dragged them out and killed all the men and boys, because they would not become muslims. after cutting down one old man who had thus refused, they put live coals upon his body, and as he was writhing in torture, they held a bible before him, and asked him mockingly to read them some of the promises in which he had trusted. others were thrown into the river while still alive, after having been cruelly wounded. the women and children of this party were loaded up like goods upon the backs of porters and carried off to the houses of muslims. christian girls were eagerly sought after, and much quarreling occurred over the question of their division among their captors. every christian house except two, claimed to be owned by turks, was plundered. ninety-six men are known to have been killed, or about half of the adult christian men. the others have become mussulmans to save their lives, so that there is not a single christian left in birijik to-day. the armenian church has been made into a mosque, and the protestant church into a medresse seminary.--[dr. dillon. oorfa and its atrocities. oorfa, the old ur of the chaldees, where abraham, the old patriarch of the bible, was born, was called edessa in the time of christ. i have told the story of king abgar and his conversion in the historical part of this book. it had about , population, about , of whom were armenians before the massacres. out of that number , were slaughtered, according to mr. fitzmaurice, the british vice-consul who returned from oorfa to constantinople on march . the evangelical armenian pastor, the rev. hagop abuhayatian, was also martyred. i knew him personally. he was educated in germany, a man of great ability; a great scholar, and a great and forcible preacher. a letter from oorfa, jan. , . dear friend:-- your only remaining brother sends you a letter, but no letters can begin to explain the sad state of this city. the massacre of dec. and has left all homes except catholics and syrians entirety empty of any comforts. many families have not one bed even; all cooking utensils, clothing, bedding, carpets, etc., were taken. most have a little zakhere left, though some have not that. we are feeding about of the most needy, and more will come to us every week. the loss by death is between , and , . our pastor, the rev. hagop abouhayatian, dr. kivorc, and brother harotoun, sarkis varjebed chubukian and brother and son, garabed roumian, habbourjou avedis and brother sarkis, old sexton garabed and other sexton bogos, majar kivorc and brother bogos and berber monofa and two sons, eskejiyan marderos, zarman roomian's three eons, are some of the dead. in all, our protestant dead are . some of our people perished in the gregorian church, where , or , went for refuge saturday night, and on sunday were murdered or burned, very few escaping. it was the most awful of all the terrible events of those two days. thank god, two hundred and forty were saved by coming to me; sixty of them were men. i could not keep the men in my house or yard, because it was forbidden by the guards, but i hid them elsewhere, and fed them for three or four days. the government carefully protected me, and killed as many of my friends as possible. we have our house and all the schoolrooms full of the wounded and the most forlorn. our oorfa redeefs leave to-morrow; we have new soldiers now for guard of the city, and christians especially. oorfa redeefs have been poor guards, and but for them the awful work would not have been accomplished. the pastor of severek, the rev. marderos, was killed. the rev. vartan remains alive in adayaman. both in severek and adayaman the number of the killed was very great. in birijik about two hundred were killed, and all remaining have become moslems; they have been circumcised. in aintab about three hundred were killed, shops plundered and houses. during our first disturbance, six to seven hundred shops here were plundered, and about houses. then the christians used arms to defend themselves. since then all arms have been taken by the government from the christians, and the leaders were forced to sign a paper stating the city as "in peace and harmony, thanks to the rulers," etc.; twenty-five signed it, and now almost all of these have been killed. our pastor signed for protestants. only two of the gregorian priests remain, and they are wounded. the bishop is alive, but feeble, and does not work publicly now. their state is very sad. we desire your prayers, and the aid of all who can give us help by money at this time. sincerely your friend, p.s. your brother asks you to send a letter to him by me. diarbekir and its story. diarbekir (see the historical part for its foundation) has about , population. nearly half of them are christians, but not all of them are armenians. there are chaldeans also. the armenian population numbered about , , of which , were killed during the recent atrocities. a letter from diarbekir, nov. , . my dear sir:-- after salutation, i offer my thanks to god that after great dangers and tribulation we have reached the present time. god's will be done. how can i describe the horrors in our city to you? can any pen or any language tell them? no, but i shall try to write at least a very short description of them. but who knows if this letter will reach you, because of the letters we write, very few reach you, and very few of your letters reach us, since the government has control of the mail, and it is the government that persecutes us. our age is a peculiar age. god look at our misery and save us. how happy were those who were martyred on nov. , and have gone to their reward. the atrocities which happened here on november , , , cannot be matched in the history of the civilized world. i do not think they can be in that of heathen lands, where the people are barbarous. when i write these lines to you, i hardly know what i am writing; the darkness of egypt covers all around me. the former millionaires in the city have nothing and are begging bread. nov. was a black day for the armenians. many were separated from their loved ones, even parents from their children. many merchants and rich people were so thoroughly plundered and stripped that they are literally left naked and hungry, and numbers have been put to unspeakable tortures by the turks and kurds. nov. was friday; it was about noon when the mohammedans came out from their mosques. the native turks, the kurds who were brought from outside, and the soldiers all united, swords, pistols, guns, axes, and clubs in their hands, fell upon the armenians in the market place or business place, cut them to pieces, and plundered what they had. if they had been all killed by bullets it would have been a sudden death, and easier. but they cut them to pieces bit by bit with their axes, and made holes in the bodies with their swords. when they were killing the armenians, they were repeating the following words, "bring testimony to prophet mohammed. our sultan ordered us to kill these heathen dogs, the armenians." the governor of the city, and all other officials, with the commander of the soldiers, during the time of the atrocities were sitting near the great mosque, and while listening to the cries and screams of the martyred armenians, they were laughing and joking with great pleasure, and ordering the soldiers to carry the most valuable things to their houses. after they had killed everybody, and plundered everything in the business place, they turned to the residences where armenians lived, and began to burn and kill. some of the soldiers went to the tops of the minarets or high towers, and began to shoot the armenians from there. what a pitiful scene was the condition of the armenian ladies, who were running from house to house, from street to street, and were shot dead, and their children left orphans. during the three days' massacre , armenians were killed, and the burning of the houses and stores continued twenty-four hours. from the gate of the mosque to the place where they make saddles, and from the twin caravansary to the new caravansary, from sheik uatad to melik ahmed, all the buildings, , stores, were burnt and turned to ashes. there are other stores also which were not burnt, but everything was taken from them. the stores where goldsmiths worked every article is taken from. when the armenians go among the ruins to see if they can find any article, they are forbidden; and if some one manages to find anything, the mohammedans take it from him, cursing him, and calling him a heathen dog at the same time. when we come to the residences near your house, from the house of darakji to the covered place of sheytan aglou, all are destroyed; from alo-pasha bath to the jemil pasha palace, all destroyed. but the church of the patrees is not destroyed. st. sarkis's church was plundered and afterwards burned. before the church was burnt, they killed the priests, and unspeakable violations took place in the church. in that quarter half of the population were killed, and the other half, who survive, are naked, barefooted, hungry, and are begging bread. now the government pretends to give bread to the hungry, but nothing is given, and those who have a little give to the others who have nothing; but after a few days nothing will be left to eat. thank the lord, the kurds went out of the city. but it is twenty days now since the massacre took place, and nobody dares to go out to the streets. we have no stores, no money, nothing to eat. though my personal house was not robbed, but i have ten orphans whose fathers and mothers were killed; i am taking care of them. we have a little; we shall eat that, and see what the lord will provide. from the rev. dr. tomy's house to the church of the evangelical people all the houses were burned. hovhanness's loss is about $ , . those who hid themselves in konsol khan and in the church of the patrees escaped death. but every one who escaped was left hungry and thirsty from twelve to fifteen days in their places of confinement, because they were afraid of going out. all the suburban towns and villages were totally destroyed. in sevorag both the armenian church and the evangelical armenian church were destroyed, and only from fifty to one hundred persons were left alive. the monastery of argen was destroyed, and the teachers and all the inmates were killed. they burnt the church of ali-punar and killed the priest. from that place only five or ten persons were left alive. your brother at kitibel with all his family are killed, and both the churches are burned. they forced the ministers to accept the mohammedan religion; on refusal all three were killed, the rev. abosh, the rev. khidershap, and the priest. all who were left alive at kitibel are only about forty persons. afram's brother kisho with all his family were killed. at renjil nobody is left. at kara bash only fifty persons are left alive. the village of satou is entirely out of existence. in all this province all the towns and villages are destroyed, and the people are killed, except the village of haziro, which is not destroyed, and the reason is that a turk, sevdim beg, did not permit the kurds and the turks to destroy it. what will become of us hereafter we do not know. we are still in danger, but we trust first in god, then in such friends as you. my personal damage is $ , and now is the time to show us sympathy and help us. if you cannot do it yourself personally, can you not tell the people of the united states of america to help us and relieve our suffering? sincerely yours, trebizond and its atrocities. trebizond is built on the shores of the black sea, and is a part of armenia. the population is estimated at , ; only , are christians; perhaps about half of them are armenians, and nearly half of the armenians were killed and wounded during the recent savageries. mr. chelton, who was going to armenia to organize consulates, was in trebizond, saw the massacre of christians, and reported to the government at washington:-- "trebizond, oct. , .--many armenians were killed here in conflicts yesterday with turks. no attempt was made to stop the massacre of the armenians. the turks were armed, and the number of troops present here is small. it is even stated that soldiers took part in the slaughter, and in the pillage which accompanied it." "london, oct. , .--the 'daily news' publishes a dispatch from constantinople giving a description by an eye-witness of the rioting at trebizond. he says that four separate moslem mobs surrounded the armenian quarters at eleven o'clock on the morning of oct. , and then began to pillage the shops. being opposed, they fired on the armenians, and soon a general massacre began. "soldiers joined the mob in firing on the armenians and in pillaging the shops and houses. the scene continued until o'clock in the afternoon, when nothing was left to pillage and nobody remained to be killed. the mob then began to disperse. the better class of turks did their best to protect the lives of the armenians. they sheltered the women and children and many men in their houses. the mob attacked only the orthodox armenians, leaving catholics alone." an armenian massacre. money cabled to london by the local relief association, dec. , . "recent letters telling of the massacres in various armenian cities contain information that helps to explain many points in the awful outbreak of so-called mohammedan fanaticism. a letter from trebizond says:-- "'bahri pasha, governor of van, started to come to constantinople, and it was learned that he was bringing with him four of the fairest young maidens of sassoun, who had been spared in the massacre, to make an acceptable present of them to his sultan. this aroused the armenian people of trebizond to a frenzy, and it was impossible to restrain the young men, the more daring of whom fired upon bahri pasha, wounding him. but he carried out his mission to constantinople, and was honored with the highest decoration and appointed governor of adana. "'afterward the pasha of trebizond, calling twelve of the leading men of the city, demanded that they should hand over the young men who attacked the governor, and gave them just a few hours in which to carry out his orders. the next day they answered him that the government had no means of finding the men out. "'when the mails had arrived, and the people went toward the postoffice, the trumpet was sounded three times, and both the soldiers and the mob rushed upon the people. it is impossible to describe the horror of the scene--the roar of the murderers, like that of wild beasts, the shrieks of the women in the houses from whose arms their husbands and sons were torn and murdered before their eyes, and universal tumult, added to the sighs and groans of the dying. and this we know is only one, and not even the most terrible of the massacres.'" baiburt. "constantinople, oct. , .--another massacre of armenians, accompanied by the outraging of women, is reported to have occurred recently in the districts of baiburt, between erzeroum and trebizond. according to the news received here, a mob of about mussulmans and lazes, the greater majority of whom were armed with martini-henry rifles, made an attack upon the armenians inhabiting several villages of that vicinity, and set fire to their houses and schools. as the armenians fled in terror from their dwellings they were shot down as they ran, and a number of men and women who were captured by the rioters, it is added, were fastened to stakes and burned alive. "the armenian women who fell into the hands of the mob, it is asserted, were outraged and brutally mutilated. it is also stated that the churches were desecrated and pillaged, the cattle, and all the portable property of any value belonging to the armenians being carried off by the marauders. during the disturbance armenians are reported to have been killed. the surviving villages applied for protection to the governor of baiburt, who, after hearing their complaint, sent three policemen to the scene of the massacre after the slaughter was ended. "the turkish officials, it is claimed, know the ringleaders of the outbreak in the baiburt district; but apparently no steps have been taken to arrest them." another letter from baiburt. "the armenian bishop's vicar was killed, the teachers in the schools and many other men and women were massacred. women jumped into open wells to escape worse deaths; the villages round about were laid waste. "following this was the erzinghan massacre. on friday, the th of october, , the moslems finished their noon hour of prayer by pouring out of the mosques and attacking the armenians in the market, who, taken by surprise, were shot and cut down to the number of ; their shops being all plundered." (signed) an american missionary. erzeroum. this is a large city, almost on the boundary line between russia and turkey, in turkish armenia. it has about , people, one-third of whom are armenians. several times since the last turko-russian war the christian armenians have been massacred there by the turks and the regular soldiers, and during the recent atrocities also there were massacred, and in all about , armenians were killed. letter from erzeroum. "nov. , .--the massacre evidently was pre-arranged. it began all over the city at the same moment. the bugle was sounded, and the soldiers began. they first said, "no harm to women or children," but they soon passed those bounds. a soldier who was on guard says the order was given by the porte. we made ready for defense, but it soon appeared that the soldiers had cut off the rabble from our section, for no mob passed our street. a few men tried to open the door, but three well-directed shots from our balcony sent them off. "the soldiers at the head of our street, apparently to guard it, broke open three or four houses within a stone's throw of us, and carried off everything they found. we saw loads of plunder carried away by soldiers. a large number of women engaged in the same work. the affair began shortly after noon and continued about six hours. one armenian was called to the door by an officer, who professed to be friendly, and was cut down in cold blood. others were cruelly murdered. the death roll must be towards , if not more. between fifty and sixty wounded are in the hospital. "two hundred were gathered in the armenian cemetery, some horribly mutilated. there must be many wounded in the different houses. the pillaged houses are to be counted by the hundred. no house attacked was left until it was emptied of every movable thing. the next day we went to an armenian home. in the middle of a small room (the kitchen), lying side by side on a mat, were the bodies of two young women, almost naked, a light covering thrown over their heads. at the other side of the room a grief-stricken woman was trying to make bread from a little flour that had been left. she had to borrow utensils to do it. she left her work, came forward and removed the covering from the bodies. they were those of young women developing into motherhood. the head and face of one was covered with blood, and she was also badly wounded in the hand. the other had a bullet wound through the abdomen from the right side. a companion of these two had been carried off, and was lying dead in another house. their lives were sacrificed in defense of honor. "we passed through the ruins to other rooms. boxes and furniture were in splinters, windows smashed, walls ploughed with bullets. the floor was covered with big patches of blood. the bodies lying in the cemeteries are simply wrecks of human beings. the majority have bullet wounds. nearly all have bayonet, sword and dagger wounds, some badly mutilated. two or three were skinned, and some were burned with kerosene. a great many women are missing. very many dead have been disposed of by the turks. hundreds have nothing to eat, and no means of getting anything. the villages of the plain have suffered awfully. no definite news has come; only the news that columns of smoke tell." marash. the writer became acquainted with many noble armenians here during his three years in the theological seminary, and almost all his friends were killed. among them were the rev. sdepan jirnazian, a noble christian minister,--when i was a little boy he was my pastor in the suburbs of antioch;--bedros iskiyan, an american citizen, butchered before his wife and children; garabed popalian, another noble man, and the richest among the armenian evangelical people; dr. kevork gulizian; khacher bayramian and his family; garabed salibian, in whose house i used to take my meals. a private letter says that about half the armenians were killed by the turks. marash had about , population; about , were armenians, of whom about , were killed. it has four evangelical armenian churches there, a theological seminary, and a ladies' college. the local governor led the regular soldiers to plunder and kill the people. letter from marash. london, nov. , .--the correspondent of the united press in constantinople telegraphs, under date of november , that a second terrible massacre has occurred in marash, and that the houses there have been pillaged without regard to who their occupants might be. it is reported that thousands of persons were killed and many hundred wounded. the american theological seminary was plundered and burned, and two of the students in that institution were shot, one being fatally wounded. the hotels and boarding houses also were plundered. the christians at marash, and in that vicinity, thousands of whom are destitute, have appealed for aid. the following letter, under date of november , has been received here: "i will report the events of the th in this city. at a. m., almost simultaneously the firing of martini rifles was heard all over the city, with conflagrations in three christian quarters. "we understood the meaning of it. soldiers began firing against two christian houses, and their inmates fled into missionary houses, and soon the soldiers were looting their buildings, followed by a mob, who smashed doors and windows, and carried away property. "towards noon a squad of soldiers approached the missionary grounds, and it was thought that a guard had been sent in behalf of the missionaries. they entered the grounds of the seminary and academy boarding department. two seminary students, who had concealed themselves in a cave, were discovered, and one of them fatally shot, while the other was badly wounded. "the soldiers looted the missionary academy boarding department of all the students' clothing and bedding, and a part of the year's provisions in store. other soldiers joined and looted the seminary. they repeatedly went to an armenian house near by, but did not force it. "three-quarters of that terrible day the missionaries were left to any chance fate that might befall them. they had been informed by a moslem of a purpose to burn the girls' college that day, and a note had been sent to the local governor asking for a special guard. he replied that the barracks near by were charged to care for them. it was soldiers in relays from that very place that were wrecking everything. "in the afternoon four or five soldiers entered the seminary, and soon after, fire broke out in the rear. as the flames wrapped the building, a trustworthy captain with thirty soldiers appeared at the gate, and the missionaries were assured of safety. the soldiers still continue with the missionaries. we cannot estimate the loss of life. leaders of society have been struck down everywhere, two missionary academy teachers among them." akhisar. the valley of the sakaria (the ancient sangarius), is, through a part of its course, followed by the anatolia line of railway. at a spot ninety miles from constantinople, where the valley broadens out into a considerable plain, is the station and town of akhisar. this town was, until the tenth of this month, the center of a considerable trade. the plain is dotted with vineyards, olive orchards, mulberry gardens, fields of cotton, wheat, etc. the town consists of about houses of immigrants from bulgaria, bosnia, and rumelia (who, having been concerned in the celebrated bulgarian massacres, found refuge in turkish territory), and sixty houses of armenians. a letter oct. , . thursday, oct. (a bright, beautiful day), was market day. numbers of people from the surrounding villages had come with the fruits of their various industries. the market place consisted of sixty-three permanent shops, and about temporary places of trade, where traders from the surrounding country exposed their wares for sale. the market was almost exclusively in the hands of armenians, of the shops and trading places being in their hands. rumors of danger were afloat, but the armenians anticipated no attack on market-day. they had no arms, or means of defense, and had taken no precautions. they soon began to notice, however, that their mussulman neighbors had mysterious whisperings among themselves, and that some of them were searching, as with official authority, the persons of armenian young men, who were supposed to have knives or revolvers about them. those searching at last found a young armenian, a seller of calico, who had a knife in his possession. at once they fell upon him, but he escaped in the crowd that gathered, and the mussulmans turned upon the armenians, saying, "we must kill them all. let him who loves his religion join and help." with knives and clubs the work was carried on, the armenians fleeing, or hiding themselves in or about their shops. turkish officials encouraged the killers. a herald was sent through the market calling, "let the moslems go to the government house." they did go, and immediately returned with rifles and revolvers. then the slaughter increased in madness. the piteous entreaties of the threatened, the shrieks of the wounded, the groans of the dying, the shouts of the killers, and the hysterical cries of some of the christians, who, to save their lives were calling out with desperate energy the mohammedan formula of faith, rose to the deaf heavens. ten-year-old turkish boys, as though hunting rats, rushed into holes and corners, and discovering the hiding-places of the merchants and traders, called to their fathers and big brothers, "here is a giavour!" and while that one was being dispatched they rushed off to ferret out another. for four hours the slaughter continued. ropes were attached to the feet of the corpses, which were dragged like the carcasses of dogs through the streets to dry wells, into which they were thrown. an old man, aged , was tumbled in alive, and left to die among the dead bodies of his friends. the money and watches of the merchants were secured by the ruffians. the notes of hand and account books were torn into shreds (the killers were debtors to the merchants), and the shops were looted. not so much as a pin or needle was left in the shops. then the cry was raised, "to the houses!" to complete the destruction of the christian inhabitants. twenty-nine bodies were afterward recovered for burial; thirty-three persons (some of whom afterward died), were found to be wounded, and about forty are still missing. the lieutenant-governor arrived that night on the scene, and sent an official report (by telegram) to constantinople, to the effect that a row had occurred between turks and armenians, in which three armenians had been killed and two wounded, but that order had been restored! efforts were made to cover the matter up. christians were imprisoned for talking about the massacre, or for sending the news to friends. a prominent man, well-known throughout the country, wished to let his circle of friends know that he was still alive, and was permitted to advertise that he had met with an accident, but was quite well. great patches of dried blood in the shops presented the appearance of places used for the slaughter of sheep. groups of people were standing before the houses, statue-like, bewildered and hopeless, while other groups were wailing over the news of the corpses of friends, just recovered from the wells. i saw one of the mutilated corpses, and have seen it night and day since. an american missionary. the above missionary also says not only common people, but also officers of high rank, made free threats of massacre, and ostentatiously sharpened their swords and cleaned their weapons in the presence of their armenian neighbors. great care was taken by the authorities to deprive the armenians of arms; but the mussulmans were allowed to carry arms freely. the constantinople demonstration and consequent massacre aggravated the situation. it was pitiable to see the fear that held the armenians as in a nightmare, and to hear the threats and observe the bearing of the turks. a soldier, passing the door of a christian house and observing a young woman sitting on the door-step, ground his teeth and called out to her, "you may sit there four days more, and then i will have you on the point of this bayonet." the girl fled in terror into the house. zeitoon. zeitoon is fifteen miles from marash. the zeitoonlis are the bravest of all the armenians; there are about , in the city, and no mohammedans, save a dozen or two turkish families, and they talk the armenian language. until about thirty years ago zeitoon was a free city; but they were conquered by craft, and became tributary to turkey. the sultan garrisoned the place to keep them down, and the troops committed every sort of iniquity. finally, about two years ago, the sultan sent physicians there to poison the armenian boys. these assassins professed to have come to vaccinate the boys; every boy who was vaccinated died. then the zeitoonlis revolted, captured the barracks from the soldiers, took all the guns, cannon, and ammunition, and sent the soldiers away. this action enraged the sultan, and he sent some , regular soldiers and , bashi-bazooks to punish them; but they were repulsed with heavy loss by the zeitoonlis. it has been reported that during the battle between the zeitoonlis and turks about , of the latter were killed. finally the sultan lost hope of conquering them, and asked the european powers to use their good offices to restore peace in zeitoon, and the consuls of the different powers induced them to resume peaceful work by guaranteeing that the zeitoonlis shall not be molested. but who believes a word of it? we know, with horrible clearness, of how much value the powers' "guarantee" is; they say there is no obligation but to keep count of the massacres. a few statements from zeitoon. "turkish mendacity is again asserting itself. a few days ago the sublime porte set afloat the official report that zeitoon has fallen, after hard fighting, in which , armenians were said to have been killed as against turks. now these official reports turn out to have been official lies. news from independent sources shows that zeitoon has not yet fallen; that its gallant defenders are still holding out their own. to armenians who understand ottoman tactics, the alacrity with which abdul hamid sent abroad the news of the supposed victory of his troops is a sign of misfortunes and reverses. the turks control the avenues of communication at marash, and it is not surprising that they attempt to win victories upon telegraphic despatches--but not at zeitoon. "the armenians at zeitoon are rebels against organized assassination, plunder, and arson. they have been unwilling to submit meekly to turkish outrages, and are determined to defend their lives, their homes, and their property. they have vanquished turkish armies before, and strewn the ground with thousands of turkish carcasses. they need fear nothing but the lack of supplies. will not christian nations intervene to save a valiant people who are defending their homes and their liberties, and who cannot be conquered by force of arms, yet who may be compelled to surrender to inexorable hunger?--[tigram h. suni, dec. . "london, feb. .--a dispatch from constantinople to the 'daily news' says: 'reports from turkish sources believed to be fairly accurate state that it is believed that the zeitoonlis are still holding out. the turks have made seven different attacks upon the town, but all have failed, and their losses are reported to amount to , . it is alleged that , troops will be needed to capture zeitoon. "'it is believed that the zeitoonlis number from , to , , well armed, and provisioned for a year. there is a doubtful report that , russian armenians crossed the persian frontier, and defeated the turks at siz, eighteen hours from zeitoon, and have joined the zeitoonlis.'" miscellaneous in the province of aleppo, the village of chizek, the armenian priest was killed for refusing to become a mohammedan. in the province of erzeroum and the district of erzinghan, six separate attacks for pillage have been made upon the village of zimara, and great pressure is being used to force the people of the village to become mohammedans. at the village of gazma the houses have been pillaged, and numbers of the people have become mohammedans to save their lives. in the province of bitlis a considerable number of armenians at sert have been forced to become mohammedans. in the district of shirvan, out of twenty-two armenian villages, the inhabitants of four entire villages have become mohammedans to save their lives. the priests also accepted mohammedanism, and the churches have been changed into mosques. at a little village at which the inhabitants could not disperse over the mountains a considerable number were killed, and the survivors accepted mohammedanism. this village is called kourine. in the district of chilain, returns from six villages have come in which show a considerable number of persons killed for refusing to accept islamism. in the province of van the stuffed skin of the superior of the monastery of khizan was still hanging from a tree in front of the monastery three weeks after the massacre took place; that is, at the date of the last news from there, nov. . at kharkotz in this province three priests accepted mohammedanism, and were paraded through the streets in the dress of mohammedan ulema in order to influence the people to follow their example. in the province of harpoot in many of the smaller villages, where the people have been supposed by the turks to be mere peasants, without ideas of their own, the offer of islamism has not been made, but the people seized without ceremony and circumcised by force, and are considered now as mohammedans. at haboosi, in this province, the christian dead were left unburied in the streets for the dogs to eat. the armenian church and the protestant chapel and parsonage were burned. at peri, in the same province, christians were made mohammedans by threats of death. at aivos in the same province, all the buildings were destroyed. the armenian priest was forced to give the call to prayer, and was then shot for refusing to become a moslem. at garmuri the christians accepted mohammedanism at the edge of the sword, and have been circumcised. the protestant chapel and parsonage were burned, and the armenian church has been seized and made into a mosque. at hokh the armenian church and protestant chapel and parsonage were burned. at houilu in the province of harpoot, out of christian houses were burned, among them the fine new protestant church. two priests were killed. many of the people succeeded in escaping from the village. the rest have been forced to declare themselves mohammedans. the events above mentioned took place in the main between nov. and nov. . but the process of forced conversion and the murder of individuals who refuse to accept mohammedanism was still going on as lately as the th of december, when the turkish government was assuring the european ambassadors that all is quiet in asiatic turkey, and that all that is necessary to complete the work of pacification is for turkey to be let alone. the nature of the pacification which may be expected if turkey is left free to carry out its schemes for these provinces may be judged from the following list of educated and influential protestant ministers, who have been put to death for refusing to embrace mohammedanism. in every case the offer of life on these terms was made; in several cases time was allowed for consideration of the proposal; and in each case faith in jesus christ was the sole crime charged against the victim. . rev. krikor, pastor at ichme, killed nov. , . . rev. krikor tamzarien. . rev. boghos atlasian, killed nov. . . rev. mardiros siraganian, of arabkir, killed nov. . . rev. garabed kilijjian of sivas, killed nov. . . rev. mr. stepan, of the anglican church at marash, killed nov. . . the preacher of the village of hajin, killed at marash nov. . . rev. krikor baghdasarian, retired preacher at harpoot, nov. . . retired preacher at divrik, killed nov. . . rev. garabed resseian, pastor at cherwouk, nov. . . rev. metean minasian, pastor at sherik, nov. . pastor at cutteroul, nov. . . preacher at cutteroul, nov. . . rev. sarkis narkashjian, pastor at chounkoush, nov. . . the pastor of the church at severek, november. . the pastor of the church at adiyaman. . rev. hohannes hachadorian, pastor at kilisse, nov. . . the preacher at karabesh, near diarbekir, nov. . . rev. mardiros tarzian, pastor at keserik, near harpoot, november. telegrams from hajin (armenia). to the english consul at aleppo, and to the english ambassador of constantinople. all the suburban towns of hajin where christians live were plundered by mohammedans, and some of the christians were killed. the people of hajin and we are in danger; immediate help is needed.--nov. , . to the american minister at constantinople. the christian villages of hajin were totally plundered by the mohammedans. about two thousand, naked and hungry, ran away and came to hajin. both the christian people at hajin and we are in danger; immediate help is needed.--nov. , . extracts from a hajin letter. my dear sir:-- nov. , . the situation is growing worse here. all the suburban christian villages were plundered by mohammedans. some of the villages which were plundered were as follows:--shar-dere, roumlou, kokooun, and dash-olouk. all of them are left naked and hungry. came here to our city, and we are taking care of them. and the government never punished any of the plunderers. they were encouraged, and surrounded our city, and nobody can go out of the city, and if this continues so, we shall have a famine soon, and die in the city. the government does not protect us, but helps the plunderers, and we are continually threatened to be killed. our only hope is in god. another extract from a letter of an armenian. nov. , . my dear uncle:-- if you ask our condition, thank god that we are alive. but beside life we have nothing, no comfort, no happiness, no property, no church, no religion, all are taken from us. though we are alive, many of our number were killed, and those who survive are wandering here and there, naked and hungry, and are dying in that manner. god is angry, and exceedingly angry to us. perhaps he will hear your prayers; pray for us, or else all of us shall perish. i can never describe the horrible situation in which we are put. yours truly, from hadish village, armenia. my dear friend:-- dec. , . in great sorrow and in despair i am compelled to write to you a few lines to inform you of our most miserable condition. the turks and kurds came to our village, plundered everything we had, killed more than persons, violated the women and girls, tortured the pregnant women, and now we who survive have nothing to live on. naked, hungry, cold, hopeless, we are crying bitterly. i write these few lines; perhaps you can inform the christian world and they may help us and relieve our sufferings. yours truly, there are many other cities, towns, and villages in armenia, where thousands of people were tortured and killed, their houses burned and plundered, their children kidnapped, the women violated. but there is no space to put all here in this book. i am sure the reader will be satisfied with reading this long chapter of armenian horrors, and the letters on the atrocities from different reliable sources. to sum up, during these frightful scenes in armenia more than , armenians were killed, and half a million left without food, homes, or clothing; they are dying in heaps; and there is no hope of getting any help from armenia itself, even when the spring comes, for those who would have supported them are killed, and most of the destitute are women and children. everything, even to clothes, is taken from them, the head of the family is killed, and they are left hopeless and in despair. how long can the red cross society help them? how long can the american people help them? not very long; when spring comes they will say, "we have done all we could for the armenians; let them take care of themselves." but will they stop to think how the armenians can take care of themselves? have they oxen and horses to plough? no. is there any man left to support his wife and children? no. suppose here and there an armenian is left (i mean in the country places, not in the cities), dare he go out to his field and work? no. were any of those who plundered and killed punished? no. what guarantee can we have, then, that those who survive will not be killed or plundered in their turn? none. will the european powers who signed the berlin treaty give any assurance to the armenians that they will be protected hereafter? no. is the sultan a better man since the massacre? no. are the turks and kurds better people since the atrocities? no. they are worse than ever before, because they have a freer hand, and all their passions are roused to greater strength. well, then, if these are all facts, what is the use of feeding people a few weeks merely to keep them alive for another massacre that will finish the rest of them? o reader, do not be cheated. the armenians need practical aid, not deceptive aid. i mean the armenians must be liberated from the cruel sultan; if not, no aid is given to the armenians. because the future will be worse than ever before. thus far i have continually assumed and tried to prove that the sultan of turkey deliberately ordered all these atrocities committed. but perhaps you will doubt the statement of a native; you will think i am prejudiced. therefore i will give you american testimonies from reliable sources. please read the following from the "review of reviews":-- the massacres in turkey. from oct. , , to jan. , . certain persons in europe and america, misled by statements of the turkish government, have ascribed the dreadful massacres which have taken place in asia minor to sudden and spontaneous outbreaks of moslem fanaticism, caused by a revolutionary attitude among the armenians themselves. the truth is that these massacres, while sudden, have taken place according to a deliberate and preconcerted plan. according to the statement of many persons, french, english, canadian, american, turk, kurd and armenian,--persons trustworthy and intelligent, who were in the places where the massacres occurred, and who were eye-witnesses of the horrible scenes,--the outbreaks were under careful direction in regard to place, time, nationality of the victims and of the perpetrators, were prompted by a common motive, and their true character has been systematically concealed by turkish official reports. the following paper is based upon full accounts of the massacres, written on the ground by the parties above referred to. their names, for obvious reasons, cannot be made public. i. in regard to place. with only four exceptions of consequence, the massacres have been confined to the territory of the six provinces where reforms were to be instituted. when a band of two thousand kurdish and circassian raiders approached the boundary between the provinces of sivas and angora, they were turned back by the officials, who told them that they had no authority to pass beyond the province of sivas. the only large places where outrages occurred outside of the six provinces are trebizond, marash, aintab, and cesarea, in all of which the moslems were excited by the nearness of the scenes of massacre, and by the reports of the plunder which other moslems were securing. ii. in regard to time. the massacre in trebizond occurred just as the sultan, after six months of refusal, was about to consent to the scheme of reforms, as if to warn the powers that in case they persisted, the mine was already laid for the destruction of the armenians. in fact, the massacre of the armenians is turkey's real reply to the demands of europe that she reform. from trebizond the wave of murder and robbery swept on through almost every city, and town, and village in the six provinces where relief was promised to the armenians. when the news of the first massacre reached constantinople, a high turkish official remarked to one of the ambassadors that massacre was like the small-pox; they must all have it, but they wouldn't need it the second time. iii. the nationality of the victims. they were exclusively armenians. in trebizond there is a large greek population, but neither there nor elsewhere have the greeks been molested. special care has also been taken to avoid injury to the subjects of foreign nations, with the idea of escaping foreign complications and the payment of indemnities. the only marked exceptions were in marash, where three school buildings belonging to the american mission were looted, and one building was burned; and in harpoot, where the school buildings and houses belonging to the american mission were plundered and eight buildings were burned, the total losses exceeding $ , , for which no indemnity has yet been paid. iv. the method of killing and pillaging. the method in the cities has been to kill within a limited period the largest number of armenians,--especially men of business, capacity, and intelligence,--and to beggar their families by robbing them, as far as possible, of their property. hence, in almost every place the massacres have been perpetrated during the business hours, when the armenians could be caught in their shops. in almost every place, the moslems made a sudden and simultaneous attack just after their noonday prayer. the surprised and unarmed armenians made little or no resistance, and where, as at diarbekir and gurun, they undertook to defend themselves, they suffered the more. the killing was done with guns, revolvers, swords, clubs, pick-axes, and every conceivable weapon, and many of the dead were horribly mangled. the shops and houses were absolutely gutted. upon hundreds of villages the turks and kurds came down like the hordes of tamerlane, robbed the helpless peasants of their flocks and herds, stripped them of their very clothing, and carried away their bedding, cooking utensils, and even the little stores of provisions which they had with infinite care and toil laid up for the severities of a rigorous winter. worst of all is the bitter cry that comes from every quarter that the moslems carried off hundreds of christian women and children. the number killed in the massacres thus far is estimated at fifty thousand, which includes the majority of the well-to-do, capable, intelligent armenians in the six provinces that were to have been reformed. the property plundered or destroyed is estimated at $ , , . not less than three hundred and fifty thousand wretched survivors, most of whom are women and children, are in danger of perishing by starvation and exposure unless foreign aid is promptly sent and allowed to reach them. v. the perpetrators. they were the resident moslem population, reinforced by kurds, circassians, and in several cases by the sultan's soldiers and officers, who began the dreadful work at the sound of a bugle, and desisted when the bugle signaled to them to stop. this was notoriously true in erzeroum. in harpoot, also, the soldiers took a prominent, part, firing on the buildings of the american mission with martini-henry rifles and krupp cannon. a shell from one of the cannon burst in the house of the american missionary, dr. barnum. in most places the killing was by the turks, while the kurds and circassians were intent on plunder, and generally killed only to strike terror or when they met with resistance. it is an utter mistake to suppose, as some have, that the local authorities could not have suppressed the "fanatical" moslem mobs and restrained the kurds. the fact is that the authorities, after looking on while the massacres were in progress, did generally intervene and stop the slaughter as soon as the limited period during which the moslems were allowed to kill and rob had expired. at marsovan the limit of time was four hours. in several places the slaughter and pillage continued from noon till sundown, or later. at sivas they continued for a whole day. in every place the carnage stopped as soon as the authorities made an earnest effort, and had it not been for their intervention after the set time of one, two, or three days, the entire armenian population might have been exterminated. vi. the motive of the turks. this is apparent to the superficial observer. the scheme of reforms devolved civil officers, judgeships, and police participation on mohammedans and non-mohammedans in the six provinces proportionately. this, while simple justice, was a bitter pill to the mohammedans, who had ruled the christians with a rod of iron for five hundred years. all that was needed to make the scheme of reforms inoperative was to alter the proportion of christians to mohammedans. this policy was at once relentlessly and thoroughly executed. the number of the armenians has been diminished, first by killing at a single blow those most capable of taking a part in any scheme of reconstruction, and secondly by compelling the survivors to die of starvation, exposure, and sickness, or to become moslems. it is the very essence of mohammedanism that the "ghiavour" has no right to live, save in subjection. the abortive scheme of europe insisting on the rights of armenians as men, has enraged the moslems against them. the arrogant and non-progressive turks know that in a fair and equal race the christians will outstrip them in every department of business and industry, and they see in any fair scheme of reforms the handwriting on the wall for themselves. if the scheme of reforms had applied to regions where greeks predominate, the latter would have been killed and robbed as readily as the armenians have been. are the greek massacres of forgotten, when , were killed, or the slaughter of , maronites and syrians in , and of , bulgarians in ? vii. turkish official reports. the refinement of cruelty appears in this, that the turkish government has attempted to cover up its hideous policy by the most colossal lying and hypocrisy. it is true that on sept. , , some hot-headed young armenians, contrary to the entreaties of the armenian patriarch and the orders of the police, attempted to take a well-worded petition to the grand vezir, according to a time-honored custom. it is also true that the oppressed mountaineers of zeitoon drove out a small garrison of turkish soldiers, whom, however, they treated with humanity; it is likewise true that in various places individual armenians, in despair, have advocated violent methods. but the universal testimony of impartial foreign eye-witnesses is that, with the above exceptions, the armenians have given no provocation, and that almost, if not quite, all the telegrams purporting to come from the provincial authorities accusing the armenians with provoking the massacres, are sheer fabrications of names and dates. if the armenians made attacks, where are the turkish dead? and the dreadful alternative of islam or death was offered by those who have dazzled and deceived europe with hatti shereps and hatti humayouns, promulgating civil equality and religious liberty for their christian subjects. strangest of all, he who is the head of all authority in turkey, and responsible above any and all others for the cold-blooded massacres and plundering of the past two months, wrote a letter to lord salisbury, and pledged his word of honor that the scheme of reforms should be carried out to the letter, at the very moment when he was directing the massacres. and the six great christian powers of europe, as well as the united states, still treat this man with infinite courtesy and deference; their representatives still dine at his tables, and some of them still receive his decorations. viii. the solution. if the armenians are to be left as they are, it is a pity that europe ever mentioned them in the treaty of berlin or subsequently; and to intrust reforms in behalf of the armenians to those who have devoted two months' time to killing and robbing them is simply to abandon the armenians to destruction, and to put the seal of europe to the bloody work. the only way to reform eastern turkey is by forcible foreign intervention--not the threat of it, but the intervention itself. the position and power of russia give her a unique call to this work. should she enter on it at once, the whole civilized world would approve her course. russia should have as free a hand in kurdistan as england has insisted on having in egypt. by frankly admitting this, england would gain in the respect and sympathy of the world, and strengthen her own position. inferences from the armenian atrocities. first: that devotion to christ is not lessened but increased. many people think the spirit of unbelief and indifferentism has spread so widely that in this nineteenth century people will no longer die for christ. but out of , armenians massacred, , were actually martyred because they would not deny christ. in all lands, christians praise the old martyrs, the church fathers: let them know that there are as noble church sons and daughters to-day in armenia as there were church fathers anywhere in the early centuries. thus these hideous scenes ought to awaken a true christian spirit both in this country and in europe. second: that it was a religious persecution. though the false and cruel sultan gave a political color to it, his universal order was to offer the armenians the choice of mohammedanism or death. this is proved by the fact that the leading gospel ministers were specially chosen for martyrdom. and some of the armenian priests, after having been converted by force, to escape unbearable tortures, were led through the streets, followed by great crowds, as a warning to the remaining armenians that they must follow the same road. when some of them did it, the turks forced them to take arms and kill their brothers and sisters for refusing to accept mohammedanism. to speak of the massacres as political affairs is doing injustice to the cause of christ. third: that whatever a man sows, he shall reap the same. the sultan and the turks are sowing,--they are killing, and thousands of the christians are converted by force to mohammedanism; but the time is coming when more mohammedans will be killed than armenians have been, and thousands, and even millions of the mohammedans will be converted to christianity, and the blood of the armenian martyrs will be the means of their salvation through jesus christ. the time is coming when out of this great persecution a great and happy freedom will proceed. out of this great darkness a very bright light shall shine. fourth: some of the turks helped and saved the armenians. certainly these were secret converts to christianity, but their lives being in danger, they cannot confess christ publicly. all they can do for the present is to help the needy christians and save them from murder. another class of turks who helped is those who were themselves getting a living out of the armenians. the armenians gave them employment, and if their employers were killed, how could they get a living? still another class protected the armenians, because if the armenian houses were burned, their houses also would be burned; and they asked and got money from the armenians as a reward for having saved them. it is a mistake to think that there are good mohammedans, who, from a good mohammedan motive helped the armenians. there cannot be a good mohammedan motive towards a christian; if there is a good motive, it is not a mohammedan motive. fifth: that the time has come when american and european christians should trust no longer in the promises of the sultan and the european governments, but as christian people must use something more than "moral principle" before all the armenians and american missionaries are killed. moral influence is very good as far as it goes; being a christian minister, i also believe in it. but as far as the turks are concerned it can do nothing, because they do not know what morals are, or what moral character is. all the turks are morally corrupt. they know only two things; one is the sword, the other is moral corruption. they came and captured that country by the sword, and they must go by the sword; there is no other way. europe tried the experiment century after century, but could find no other way. moral advice, wise counsel have never moved the turks, and will never move them hereafter. europe and a part of armenia were taken from them by the sword, and the only way armenia and the armenians can be saved is by using the sword. when christ comes again he will never yield; he will never be crucified, but he will judge and condemn. the time has come when christians have suffered enough; they must unite and remove that great curse, the mohammedan power, and make free that happy and beautiful bible land, armenia and palestine. reader, you cannot go and visit to-day the places where man was created, where noah's ark rested. you cannot go in safety to visit the places where christ was born and walked. why? simply because a corrupt mohammedan power wills there, and will not permit you. is it not a shame to mighty christian nations and powers that this is so? will not the christian nations be aroused with great indignation and give the last blow to such a cruel mohammedan tyranny? sixth: that turkey is a mere barbarism; it is not to be considered or treated as a nation, for it is not one in any sense. international law cannot be applied to turkey. the sultan must be considered as a brigand, a mere lawless oppressor, and the turks as mere murderers, and dealt with accordingly. the powers must give up the farce of treating the sultan as a national sovereign, who speaks for his people, and may govern, therefore, much as he pleases. as mr. w. w. howard says, "the blackest spot in the round world is the heart of the sultan of turkey." a farewell letter from a prominent armenian. march , . "we are evidently a doomed people. a hundred thousand of us have been butchered, and more than a million of us are in extreme suffering from hunger, and cold, and nakedness. multitudes beyond the reach of foreign aid must inevitably perish before spring. as to the rest of us, our supplies of food and money are rapidly diminishing. we can prosecute no business, we are not at liberty to earn our daily bread, and for even the most fortunate, the future has only the prospect of starvation a little later than our poor brethren. "we hear the announcement that order and peace are being restored, but to us these are empty words. the terrible and wholesale massacre at oorfa and birijik occurred long subsequent to the most solemn and emphatic assurances that nothing more of the kind was to be apprehended,--long after the commission sent out from constantinople to carry the message of peace and reform to armenia had reached its field of labor. "massacres are not now so frequent as they were a few months ago, but the attitude of relentless hostility on the part of the government towards us, the ferocious aspect of our moslem neighbors, has not a whit improved. they seem to be eagerly watching for an opportune moment in which to finish their bloody work, and rid themselves forever of this troublesome demand for reform. "may we not then rightfully offer our farewell message to our fellow men? "first--to our moslem fellow countrymen: "we desire to express our deepest gratitude to those of you who have sympathized with and helped us in these days of calamity and bloodshed. towards those who have robbed and massacred us, and plundered and burned our houses, we have chiefly feelings of compassion. you have perhaps done these terrible things in what has seemed to you the service of your religion and government. "second--to our sultan--most dread and potent sovereign: "apparently you have been persuaded that we are a rebellious people deserving only utter and speedy extermination. for such as you, this work of destruction is no doubt an easy one, the more so as we have had neither the means nor the disposition to resist it. "third--to the european powers: "we have not been an importunate nor a turbulent people. we did not incite the crimean war, nor any of the subsequent wars which have stricken this empire. it is not of our will that we were begotten to a new political life by the treaty of . our complaints and appeals have been based solely on the sentiment of humanity and the common rights of man. it was you who arranged the "scheme of reforms," and urged it upon our sultan till he was irritated to the extent that he seems to have adopted the plan of ridding himself finally of this annoyance by exterminating us as a people; and now, while he is relentlessly carrying out this plan, you are standing by as spectators and witnesses of this bloody work. "we wonder if sympathy and the brotherhood of man and chivalry are wholly things of the past, or are the material and political interests dividing you so great that the massacre of the whole people is a secondary thing? in either case "we who are about to die salute you." "fourth--to the christians of america: "although we have cherished strong prejudice against your mission work among us, recent events have proved that our protestant brethren are one with us, and have shared fully our anxieties and our perils. you have labored through them to promote among us the peace and prosperity of the gospel. it is not your fault that one result of their teaching and example has been to excite our masters against us. the turkish government dreads and dislikes nothing so much as the ideas of progress which you have sent us." viii. the armenians of to-day. there are about five millions of armenians in the world at present: three millions in the turkish empire, a million and a half in russian armenia, and half a million more scattered through persia, india, and burmah, egypt, europe (there are two or three hundred thousand in the austrian empire), and america. there are poor and ignorant people among them, as among every people; the majority, however, are (or were before the late horrors) well off, and many of them rich, educated, refined, and, in a word, modern christian people. of all the impudent inversions of truth ever perpetrated, the most outrageously impudent and shamelessly the exact contrary of fact is the assertion of mavroyeni bey, the turkish minister at washington, that the case of the turks against the armenians is like that of the whites against the indians in this country; that the american whites must be allowed to keep the indians down, and the turks must be allowed to keep the armenians down. if the indians possessed all the money, all the intelligence, all the cultivation, and all the morals in america, and the whites were a mob of ignorant, cruel, lustful ruffians holding them down by the organized power of the sword, the comparison would be just. as it is, the turks correspond fairly enough with the indians, and the armenians to the whites, in every other respect than military power. does a turk--a true turk--ever write a book? does he ever publish a newspaper, or read one? does he ever build a church, or pay attention to the moral precepts taught in one? does he ever found or manage a business, or even an estate? in a word, does he have any more intellectual, moral, or business part in the life of modern civilization than a hottentot or a matabele? and do not the armenians do and have all these things? are they not in the stream of the same kind of cultivated christian life led by americans? nowhere else on earth, but in the turkish empire, can one find millions of gentlemen and ladies and civilized modern citizens ruled over, oppressed, and massacred in hundreds of thousands by a gang of mediaeval asiatic barbarians, not advanced from the time of timour or jenghiz khan. it is the greatest anachronism and monstrosity of modern times. if my work is thought prejudiced, listen to what is said of them by men of the first authority,--the greatest statesmen, the best informed special correspondent, and one of the chief historians of england at the present time. first the statesman:-- "the armenians are the representatives of one of the oldest civilized christian races, and beyond all doubt one of the most pacific, one of the most industrious, and one of the most intelligent races in the world."--[gladstone. next the special correspondent:-- "the armenians constitute the whole civilizing element in anatolia (asia minor); peaceful to the degree of self-sacrifice, law-abiding to their own undoing, and industrious and hopeful under conditions which would appall the majority of mankind. at their best, they are the stuff of which heroes and martyrs are moulded."--[e. j. dillon. lastly the historian:-- "the best chance for the future of the asiatic provinces of turkey lies in the uprising of a progressive christian people, which may ultimately grow into an independent christian state. the armenians have, alone among the races of western asia, the gifts that can enable them to aspire to this mission. they are keen-witted, energetic, industrious, apt to learn, and quick in assimilating western ideas."--[james bryce. in the turkish empire. there are about two millions of armenians in armenia proper, and another million scattered through the rest of the empire. the absurd figures given by some writers, making them greatly less than this (one magazine editor got it down to , ! it is significant that he was a strong apologist for the massacre, and laid all the blame to the armenians) result mostly from taking the official statistics of the turkish government. now, there are three reasons why these are always grossly wrong; of no more value than the weather predictions in an almanac, and always wrong in the direction of understating the numbers. one is that it is the sultan's interest to make them as small as possible, that the armenians may not be considered to have the right to autonomy as a nation; the fewer they are, and the more outnumbered by the turks, the less right they seem to have. "an independent armenia?" shriek the turkish ministers and officers. "why, there are only a few hundred thousand armenians in their so-called country, and even so, there are three turks to one armenian in that very district!" the second is that in an oriental country a census is not a means of knowledge but an engine of taxation. the ruler has no care for information on the subject for his own sake, as western governments have. what he wants is to see how many people and in what places he can screw more taxes out of. the people know this as well as he, and use every effort to outwit his agents, and prevent them from knowing their numbers. this is why even civilized governments ruling over oriental nations can rarely get any nearer than a rough guess at the numbers of the nation; the inhabitants are suspicious, and resort to falsehood. in the case of the armenians, remember what i said in the first chapter about an armenian being taxed for every male child he has, every year as long as the child lives; naturally, he will not tell the number of his children unless he has to. here is a practical illustration. some years ago i was in an armenian village when the sultan's officers came to take the census. there were about persons in the village; the officer wrote , because only a few names of boys were given him out of the whole. the tax is based on the registration, and if you can keep off the registers you can escape the tax. the third is the gross incompetence, the corruption, and the drunkenness of the officers. the turkish officials, governors, mayors, clerks, generals, soldiers, all drink any sort of liquor they can lay hands on, and are drunk as often and as long as sober; they are so ignorant that they cannot do their work decently even when they are sober; and they are utterly venal, without the least sense of official obligation. what sort of a census is likely to be taken by these ignorant, whiskey-swilling, venal barbarians? one of these officials, whom i know well, once came to a village to take the census. the armenians got him so drunk that he barked like a dog, bribed him, and he put down about half the number of the population. how, then, do i know the correct number? from a knowledge of the districts, the numbers of villages, and statistics resting on a better foundation than the above. i do not pretend that the number is exact; but it is near enough for practical purposes. the armenians in turkey are divided into four classes. the first comprises merchants and bankers. the second is the professional class: physicians, professors, teachers, and preachers. the third is that of artisans: weavers, blacksmiths, copper, silver, and gold smiths, tailors, shoemakers, etc. the finest oriental rugs are made by the armenians, and there are weavers of silk and cotton goods, and all kinds of hand-made embroidery. there are no factories in armenia. the fourth class is that of farmers, a pure, simple, industrious class, with beautiful farms, vineyards, and orchards, whose products i have described. one-tenth of all the armenians in turkey are in constantinople. many of them are poor, in the nature of things; but the leading bankers, merchants, and capitalists there are armenians, surpassing even the greeks and jews. i give a few representative names: gulbenkian, essayian, azarian, mosditchian, manougian, oonjian. the physicians in largest practice are armenians: khorassanjian, mateosian, dobrashian, vartanian, etc. the sultan's personal treasurer is an armenian, portukalian pasha. the chief counselor in the foreign office in constantinople is an armenian, haroutiune dadian pasha. the greatest lawyers are armenians: mosditchian, tinguerian, etc. the chief photographers of the sultan are armenians, abdullah brothers and sebah, the former considered one of the best photographic firms in the world. the personal jeweler of the sultan is an armenian, mr. chiboukjian. for all his hate of the armenians, he has to employ them, for no others are competent or trustworthy. the best musicians are armenians: chonkhajian surenian, doevletian, and an armenian young lady named nartoss, who often plays the piano before the sultan. the greatest orator in constantinople is an armenian and a professor in robert college, prof. h. jejizian, to my thinking, superior to either beecher, wendell phillips, or robert ingersoll, all of whom i have heard. finally, the armenians, as a whole, form the best "society" in constantinople, and their modes of living, dress, houses, and ways are precisely like those of americans or europeans. these are mavroyeni bey's "indians"! smyrna is a city of , or more population. about , are greeks; you may call it a greek city. the armenians there number about , , or one-tenth of the greeks, but are ten times richer than all the greeks together. the principal buildings are owned by armenians; the business is in the hands of the armenians. the chief business men are well-known in europe. mr. balyivzian owns many steamers which ply on the mediterranean. mr. spartalian is another very rich and very benevolent man; he built a magnificent hospital at smyrna. in samsoun, marsovan, cesarea, adana, amassia, tocat, sivas, harpoot, mesere, malatia, diarbekir, arabkir, oorfa, aintab, marash, tarsus, angora, erzeroun, erzinghan, moosh, bitlis, baiburt, trebizond,--in a word, everywhere it is the same. go where you like in turkey, you find the armenians at the top. when i say they are the richest, i mean until early in they were the richest. but now, in many cities of armenia proper, since the recent atrocities, they have become the poorest. leading citizens, and the fathers of families, for the reasons i have mentioned, were specially singled out for vengeance. their stores, banks, and houses were plundered and then burnt, their money and jewelry taken from them, and then they were murdered wholesale. now the turks and the kurds for a time are rich with armenian property; wearing the gold watches of armenian gentlemen, their women wearing the jewelry of armenian ladies. in russia. the armenians in russia are the richest and the most cultivated of any in the world, and have great influence. mr. kasbarian, an armenian, is considered the richest even of them. the rich city of tiflis is practically an armenian city. there are about , regular armenian soldiers in the russian army, and some of its greatest generals have always been armenians. if the czar would permit this force and the capitalists to settle the armenian question, they would do it in a month, and make armenia free. the armenians have so far been treated very kindly and have prospered exceedingly in russia, but i do not believe it will last. in my opinion, the young czar is only waiting for his coronation to oppress the armenians as he has the jews. yet the czar's ablest servants and advisers have been armenians. the body-guard of nicholas' grandfather alexander was the armenian count loris melikoff, universally known; three times wounded by nihilists on account of his position. during the last turko-russian war some of the generals who accomplished the most with the least sacrifice were armenians: der, lucasoff, lazareff, melikoff. there are now no less than eighteen armenian generals in the russian service. i will mention a part: general sdepan kishmishian, commander of caucasus; general hagop alkhazian, general alexander lalayian, general demedr der asadoorian, general ishkhan manuelian, general alexander gorganian, general ishkhan gochaminassian, general khosros touloukhanian, general arakel khantamirian, general h. dikranian. there are many other prominent armenian officers. in moscow, st. petersburg, and other great cities in russia there are many armenian professors in the universities, mayors of cities, judges of courts, and high civil officers. i will give a few of their names, to show that i am not talking blindly: count hovhannes telyanian, minister of education, etc. gamazian, minister of foreign affairs in asia. muguerditch emin, counselor of education. nerses nersessian, professor in moscow in the royal university. dr. shilantz, professor in the medical college at kharcof. boghos gamparian, superintendent of the royal army of riza. melikian, professor of natural sciences in the university at odessa. a. madinian, mayor of tiflis. v. keghamian, mayor of erevan. h. moutaffian, mayor of akheltzka. hundreds and thousands are high officers in different departments of the russian government, but there is no space to give a roll of them. one, however, a personal friend, i must write a few words of, namely, professor john ayvazovski, of the council of the st. petersburg academy of fine arts, a marine painter of the first rank. he is now , but looks scarcely , with beautiful large, bright eyes. he came to the world's fair, where fifteen of his pictures were exhibited in the russian section; and he presented two other fine ones to the american people in recognition of their help to the russian famine sufferers,--one showing the arrival in port of a steamer with its cargo of grain, the other the advent of a drosky at a village of starving people, with a man in front waving an american flag. he visited and painted an excellent picture of niagara. he had seven pictures at the philadelphia exposition of . his paintings are mostly in royal palaces: there are in that of the russian imperial family, and in the sultan's. his own gallery, at theodosia, russia, has . he has received many prizes from expositions. he is also a great scholar and a good christian. his brother, who lately died, was one of the greatest bishops of the armenian church. there is a very interesting story about professor ayvazovski's boyhood which i will give here: his parents were armenian peasants, living in a village not far from moscow. one day nicholas i was passing by the hamlet on horseback, and dropped his whip. the emperor beckoned to young ayvazovski, and told him to pick it up. the boy approached boldly and asked, "who are you?" nicholas replied, "i am the emperor." the boy rejoined, "if you cannot take care of your whip, how can you take care of your subjects?" the emperor was pleased at this remark, and ordered him to be educated at his own expense, and in any profession he chose. he took to the brush, and is the pride of his nation. in persia, india, etc. the armenians of persia are great merchants, and high civil officers of the shah. i name only a few: chahanguir khan is minister of arts and superintendent of the arsenal. nirza melkoum khan was the former ambassador of the shah at london; a man of great wealth and learning, and an able diplomat. he retired on account of age, and lives in london. nazar agha was ambassador of the shah at paris. general sharl bezirganian is the general superintendent of the telegraph service in persia. in india and burmah there are great armenian merchants, who are millionaires, and respected by the governments and the peoples. in egypt, though few in number, they are the ruling element. nubar pasha was the prime minister of the egyptian government until a few weeks ago; one of the richest men in egypt, and the greatest statesman in africa. he speaks several languages, and spends his summers in france, owning property in paris. dikran pasha is another rich and very gifted armenian, and boghos pasha another man of power. in europe. there are very rich merchants among the armenians at vienna, paris, marseilles, london, and manchester. there is a strong armenian colony at manchester. all of them are merchants, and some of them millionaires. almost the whole clothing trade between england and turkey is in their hands. they have a beautiful armenian church there, and always a learned armenian bishop; i speak from knowledge and observation. they are much respected by the english. some of the armenian gentlemen are married to english ladies of good family, and their domestic life is very happy. prince loosinian, an armenian, a very great scholar, and much respected by the french, lives in paris; he is descended from the last armenian dynasty. his brother khoren nar-bey loosinian was one of the foremost armenian bishops; the sultan of course hated him, and it is said had him poisoned while imprisoned in constantinople. the armenian scholars in europe are well-known, and on a level with the best of any country. there is not an institution of learning in europe where they are not to be found, either as students or professors; and the prizes and medals they win are many. there are two great centers in europe for the armenian scholars and authors: one at vienna and the other at venice. they have colleges and printing presses in these places; and they write, translate, and publish themselves in nearly all languages all sorts of valuable books. so the armenian people are well supplied with the best modern books. but it must be remembered that these valuable books are forbidden by the sultan to go into turkish armenia; he wants the people kept ignorant. some of their great scholars came home from europe to preach and teach in armenia, to elevate their nation; but some were killed and some banished during the recent atrocities. in america. the armenians are a new people in america. seventeen years ago, when the writer first came to this country, there were not more than a hundred in the united states; since then about , have come, most of them within ten years. the first ones came about forty-five years ago, among them mr. minasian and mr. sahagian,--both poor young men, now both rich. mr. minasian lives at brooklyn; mr. sahagian at yonkers, n.y. those who have come lately are mostly the poorer class; they fled from the "order" of the sultan, and not being allowed to leave turkey, bribed the police and ran away. not knowing the english language, they work in factories in various states. there are some well-to-do merchants, however, doing business in new york, boston, and elsewhere, handling oriental rugs, dry-goods, etc. some of the new york names are gulbenkian, topakian, tavshandjian, yardimian, chaderdjian, telfeyian, kostikian. in boston are ateshian, bogigian, etc. mr. kebabian is in new haven; mr. enfiyedjian in denver. there are many others also in other large cities. besides merchants, there are many professional men among them, about a dozen physicians in new york city alone: dr. dadirian, dr. gabrielian, dr. ayvazian, dr. apkarian, dr. altarian, dr. koutoojian. some of them are engravers and photographers. in new york city there are hagopian, kasparian, matigian, and others, very skillful engravers. in boston there is the new england engraving co., who are armenians; the manager is mr. g. papazian. there are about half a dozen armenians who are pastors of american churches in different states. about a dozen are special lecturers on the armenian atrocities: mr. h. kiretchjian, the secretary of the american relief association, mr. samuelian, rev. a. bulgurgian, rev. s. deviryian, mr. s. yenovkian, etc. there are hundreds of armenian students distributed among nearly all the universities, colleges, and theological seminaries in america, and most of them are of a superior sort. the greatest physicians in turkey are armenians, who were graduated from different medical colleges in this country. some of the leading pastors and professors in armenia, who were banished and killed during the recent atrocities, were graduated in this country. of the factory hands mentioned, there are about , in worcester, mass.; about in new york and brooklyn; about in boston, and the remainder are scattered everywhere from new york to california, from maine to florida. a number of armenian young men have married american women; i believe ninety per cent. are happy. after forty or fifty years, there will be a large class of american citizens of armenian blood, and many millionaires among them. they are gifted in business, and they are a sober, honest, and faithful people. i do not think that there is a single criminal among the , armenians in this country. some of the armenian daily and weekly newspapers are as follows: in constantinople: arevelk, avedaper, puragn, dyaghig, hayrenik, masis, pounch. in smyrna: arevlian mamoul. in etchmiazin: ararat. in tiflis: aghpour, artzakank, mishag, murj, nor-tar, darak. in venice: pazmaveb. in vienna: hantes arnsoria. in marseilles: armenia. in london: l'armenic. in new york: haik. wherever the armenians go they carry with themselves the church, the school, and the press. the armenian relief association. this association is putting forth every effort to alleviate the sufferings of needy armenians wherever they may be found; their work has already resulted in untold blessings and it deserves the hearty support and contributions of the benevolent public. the officers of the association are the following well-known american and armenian gentlemen: right rev. bishop h. y. satterlee, d.d., president. hon. levi p. morton, first vice-president. right rev. bishop potter, d.d., second vice-president. charles h. stout, esq., treasurer. j. bleeker miller, esq., chairman executive committee. nicholas r. mersereau, esq., secretary. herant m. kiretchjian, general secretary. rev. j. b. haygooni, a.m., organizing secretary. mr. h. k. samuelian, agent. the headquarters of the association is in new york. ix. the future of armenia and the battle of armageddon. i am going to predict the future of armenia. not in the usual sense of guessing at it, but in the literal sense of foretelling the truth. i am not a prophet of god, yet my prediction is based on facts, and its accuracy should be given some credit from the way my predictions two or three years ago about the recent atrocities that have already taken place, have come true to the letter. at that time no american or european could be made to believe that such horrors would be perpetrated; but i said they would be, and they were. and even now the western peoples are nearly as blind as ever; they cannot see the future of armenia even with all the facts before them. many have lost hope in it altogether; they think turkey will exist forever, and exterminate the last of the armenians. doubtless i should in their place, but i was born in turkey and know the situation. this, then, is the truth as i forecast it:-- till the end of next year the armenians will suffer more than ever before. perhaps a million will be massacred yet, not only in turkey, but in russia. the jews, also, in great numbers, and not only the jews and the armenians, but the americans and englishmen too. the key rests in the character of the present czar. nicholas ii is not like his father or grandfather, a strong man. i will not discuss the moral character of the two alexanders, but i allow their powerful intellects and strong wills. they favored the armenians. but the present czar has no strength of character at all; he is weak both in intellect and morals. the sultan is called the sick man of turkey, but the czar is the sick man of russia. his short-sightedness in upholding turkey is one proof. up to the time of the coronation next may you will see no more massacres, for the czar has ordered the sultan to hold his hand, that there may be a peaceful ceremony, not clouded with horrors; that over, he will not only give the sultan leave to unchain his dogs, but he will unchain his own. the atrocities in turkish armenia will be redoubled, and the czar himself inflict on the armenians all that has been inflicted on the jews. even this is not all: the czar will instruct the sultan to get rid of all american missionaries, either banishing them as breeders of sedition, or, if they refuse to go, requiring the united states government to order them back. probably the government will obey. probably, also, the missionaries will not obey the government; they will stay where they are. then the sultan will say he is not responsible for their lives, and will issue secret orders to kill them, which will be carried out. further, the czar will begin a fresh persecution of the jews, and order the sultan to follow suit on the jews in turkey, which will be done; no fear of the sultan's refusing an order to butcher anybody. still more, the czar will command him in secret to banish the english missionaries from turkey; the sultan will request the english government to call them back, and there is little doubt that lord salisbury will comply; but they, like the americans, will refuse to go. then they will be murdered by secret orders from the sultan, who will say he is not responsible for it. these massacres will continue for two years more. the victims will cry aloud, the americans and english will have greater mass-meetings, but the governments of both will do nothing. and germany, austria, and italy will look calmly on; if they act it will be with the czar, and not against him. meantime both in europe and america the war preparations will continue with greater zeal and energy, until the cup is full, until the crisis comes; then the noble blood of the anglo-saxon race will begin to boil, and the english and american people at once will be aroused like one man, and the governments will have to yield. the wrathful jews will contribute jewish capital for the war expenses; the wrathful armenians throughout the world will give both money and soldiers to the governments fighting their battles. and a fierce battle will be fought between russia, turkey, and france on one side; america, england, the jews, and the armenians on the other. the former alliance will be beaten: the czar's greek church bigotry, the sultan's mohammedan fanaticism, and france's infidelity together will be crushed; russia will go to pieces, turkey will go to pieces, france will go to pieces; armenia will be free, judea will be free. the scattered armenians will return to armenia, the scattered jews will return to judea. both the armenians and the jews will have their separate governments; not kings, not princes, but a clean republican form of government. russia and turkey will be opened to the gospel work. where now hundreds of missionaries are going from england and america to other lands, then thousands of them will go; and christian america and england will open their hearts and purses together to send as many missionaries as they can to russia, to turkey, and to france. they will hasten the coming of the lord jesus christ. they will prepare the way for the coming king, who has the power both in heaven and on the earth. what will become of germany, austria, and italy, who form the triple alliance? that alliance will be dissolved. the german emperor is trying hard to maintain it, but he will fail. france will once in a while threaten germany with vengeance, but she will never be able to carry it out, and there is no need for it, because the german people during this century will get rid of their emperor. there will be a great civil war in germany, between the people and the army. if the german emperor could do it, he would begin to crush the socialists now. he will order his soldiers to kill their brothers and fathers, but they will not,--they are not as foolish as the emperor; the only result will be the break-up of the german union, and the division of germany into small republican governments. italy, austria, and spain will all have the same fate: civil war, and splitting into small republics. no czars, no emperors, no princes, no lords will remain. government will be for the people, of the people, by the people. the time has come; this century will purify the whole world. but until it is purified, a great deal of fire will burn, very great battles will be fought, until freedom and peace shall reign. and the armenian blood, now continually pouring like a river in armenia, will be the cause and the foundation of the coming freedom of the world. for the present, the world is not free; it is not civilized. it cannot be with such rulers. to be free and happy, the people must be aroused, and get rid of them. the united states must be the example to the older nations; they must embrace washington's principles. it is true that england and america will never go regularly to work to give freedom to judea and armenia, nor with that intention. their immediate motive will be to punish russia and turkey for the murder of the missionaries, and after the victory is won, by the help of jewish and armenian purses and swords, the armenians and jews will be rewarded by giving them their original homes and mother-lands. this will be laughed at by many, perhaps most, as a romantic and pleasant dream. they will say it can never be accomplished during this century; perhaps in the future, after a century or two, but not now. i am used to this incredulity; my predictions are never believed at the time: but after they come true they are. this century is not like the other centuries; a day in this century is equal to a year of those which have passed away. we may expect from a year of it as much as from a century in the ancient times. this world is a wonderful world now, and will be more wonderful hereafter. the future of the world is bright, and the world will be brighter and happier. why do i keep repeating "two years"? why do i not say one year or three years, or a few years? i have reasons for it: one is the political situation in europe, and the other is the bible prophecy in the book of revelation. the political situation in europe. the europeans have already made great preparations for battle. every one of them preaches peace and prepares for war; and none of them have finished their preparations yet,--if they had, they would be in the thick of it by this time. each of them declares that its preparations will be finished about the end of . russia is building war-ships, england is building war-ships, france is building war-ships, and all will be finished about the end of . all preparations converge on the end of . when all are ready, they will begin. when newspapers write about an immediate european war, i do not believe it. there will be no european war for two years; but after that there is no escape from it,--they have to fight, and will fight. the war-ships will be ready, the cannon will be ready, the guns will be ready, the ammunition will be ready, the soldiers will be ready. the cunning sultan knows all this, and is in a hurry to exterminate the armenians, so that when they start in earnest with guns to reform armenia, he can say there is no armenia or armenians to reform. but that makes no difference for the european powers: turkey is doomed, and the turkish empire will come to an end forever within this century. there will never be any more turkish empire or mohammedan government; all the mohammedan powers will be under christian rule. the second reason is my belief in the bible prophecies. the close resemblance of the jews and armenians will be observed by the reader: both the chosen people of god. the children of israel were the chosen people before christ, and as the armenians became the first christian nation after christ, they became the chosen people after christ. and these chosen people have suffered more than any other nations on the globe; they have had more martyrs than any other nation, and have been carried into captivity, and finally scattered throughout the world. the bible lands are palestine and armenia, where the first man, adam, was created, and where christ was born and was crucified; and so these lands after christ, becoming the first christian lands, became the temple of god. we have a prophecy in the eleventh chapter of revelation that the court of the temple will be given unto the gentiles, and the holy city shall they tread under foot forty and two months; "and i will give power unto my two witnesses, and they shall prophecy a thousand two hundred and three score days, clothed in sackcloth." (rev. xi, - .) forty and two months and a thousand two hundred and three score days are just the same thing. each day in the bible prophecy is one year. according to this interpretation, which i consider correct, the holy city will be trampled by the gentiles one thousand, two hundred and sixty years. now the question is this, where is the holy city, and who are the gentiles who will trample the holy city? first, the holy city is both literally the holy city before christ, and spiritually the holy city after christ. literally, the holy city is jerusalem, where the temple of god was; this is very clear. spiritually, the holy city is christianity; wherever there are christians, there is the holy city. but this is very general, and takes the whole world after it is christian. but before we come to that general holy city, we find in the third verse of the same chapter the following words: "i will give power unto my two witnesses, and they shall prophesy a thousand, two hundred and three score days, clothed in sackcloth." so from these statements we find that two especial witnesses in that holy city, clothed in sackcloth, will testify. who are these two witnesses? my interpretation is that they are the two chosen peoples of god and christ. and the two chosen peoples are the jews and the armenians. the jews were the chosen people before christ, and the armenians became the chosen people after christ, as king abgarus, the armenian king, believed in christ before christ was crucified, and afterwards, in the time of gregory the illuminator, the whole armenian nation became a christian nation, in a.d. before palestine was considered a holy country, armenia was considered a holy land, because the first man was created there, and noah's ark rested on mount ararat. and as the armenians became the first christian nation on the globe, palestine and armenia were the holy countries or the holy city. although this is so, after all the literal holy city, jerusalem, remains a holy city; and she will be after christ, under the rule of gentiles one thousand two hundred and sixty years, while the two witnesses will testify there under sackcloth for one thousand two hundred and sixty years. now the question is this, how long is it since the city of jerusalem was captured by the gentiles, or more correctly by the "beast that ascendeth out of the bottomless pit" (rev. ii. ), which is the mohammedan power? the mohammedan power in different places in revelation is called the beast, the dragon, the whore or harlot, and the false prophet, and it is the gentile kingdom after christ. and the time which is given to the mohammedan power to rule, to destroy, and to kill the jews and the christians in jerusalem or in the bible lands, is only one thousand two hundred and sixty years. since the city of jerusalem was captured by the mohammedans is years, and when this present year and the next come to an end in , the mohammedan power will also come to an end, and the city of jerusalem will be restored to the jews, and armenia to the armenians. towards the end of the mohammedan power, mohammedans will begin to kill both the jews and the armenians for three and a half years (see rev. xi, , , ). now, for a year and a half the mohammedans have been killing the christians,--which the author predicted two or three years ago; and they will kill two years more. "and the sixth angel poured out his vial upon the great river euphrates and the water thereof was dried up." (see rev. xvi, .) that means that the people on the shores of the euphrates were killed, namely the armenians. i am not writing a commentary on revelation, but simply bringing in a few passages to enlighten the mind of the reader about the future of armenia and the battle of armageddon. the battle of armageddon. (see rev. xvi, - .) the battle of armageddon is the final and the greatest battle. all the nations will take part in it; but the leaders in the battle will be the ones i have said, and the other will be their followers on the one side or the other. and this battle will settle all the questions which are not settled now. the great eastern question will be settled, the great question between capital and labor will be settled, all the emperors and czars, kings, and princes will come down from their thrones, and permanent international arbitration will be established. the questions which are asked now will never be asked: what do the emperors say? what do the czars say? what do the sultans say? men will ask then, what do the people say? what is the wish of the people? then the question comes, where is armageddon? armageddon is armenia. of course this is entirely a new interpretation to european and american scholars; no one has ever been certain where armageddon is, but it is generally thought to be somewhere near jerusalem, a little hill called mount megiddo. in the time of judges, "the kings came and fought, then fought the kings of canaan in taanach by the waters of megiddo." (judges v, .) but as a native of the bible lands, and as a native minister, i am positive about it. the first question is, what does armageddon mean? it means the high lands. is there any higher land in the bible lands than armenia? the main land is from , to , feet above the level of the sea, and mount ararat is about , feet high. another question is, what does armenia mean? it means precisely the high lands, as armageddon does. armenia took her name from king aram or armenag; both mean high lands, or the possessors of high lands; and armenia also means the high lands. again, what does ararat mean, which is just in the center of armenia proper? it means the holy or high land. now bring all together, armageddon, armenia, ararat, all mean just the same: high lands. not only high lands, but holy high lands. long before palestine was called a holy land, armenia had the name of holy land, and the armenians were called the highlanders. in a word, armageddon is the combination of three different words, armenia--garden--eden: armageddon. so the final battle will be fought in armenia. the nation with the greatest part will have the greatest future. as man fell from grace in armenia, man will be restored to peace and holiness in armenia. and before that peace, holiness, and restoration come, the greatest battle will be fought in armenia. after the fall of man, disgrace and curse went forth from armenia; so prosperity and blessings will come forth from armenia. as the first battle in the world was fought in armenia, between cain and abel, and the other battles followed, so the last battle will be fought in armenia, and the universal peace will come out of it. as the first martyrdom in the world was in armenia, so the last and greatest martyrdom will be in armenia. and from the blood of armenian martyrs everlasting happiness will follow to all nations. and the kingdom of christ will be established throughout the world. x. poems on the armenian question. [from the new york independent, by special permission.] lord salisbury. by the rev. t. s. perry. "oh! for a year, a month, a day of oliver cromwell."--the independent. "what lord salisbury seems to lack is a little cromwellian courage."--a speaker in city temple, london. . oh! for an hour of cromwell, for a leader brave and grand to guide the wrath, and point the path, of a mighty christian land! to heed the cry of innocent blood, to blush for the world's disgrace, with hand to deal a blow of steel in the murderous moslem's face! . alas! for a leader heedless while massacred villages flame, unmoved by shrieks of maidenhood at wrong too foul for name! strong to throttle the feeble, feeble to beard the strong, with eye o'er-meek, and blanching cheek,-- how long, o lord, how long? . and women cover their faces, and men are fain to hiss. cromwell's head upon temple bar were a leader better than this! and heaven grows black with horror, and earth grows red with wrong, and martyrs cry from earth and sky, how long, o lord, how long? orange park, florida. deus vult. by allen eastman cross. "it is time that one general shout of execration--not of men, but of deeds--one general shout of execration, directed against deeds of wickedness, should rise from outraged humanity."--gladstone's armenian address at chester. no tomb of death shall be our guest wherein the lord of life may rest. no empty sepulcher of stone across the world makes bitter moan, but christian hearts that break and bleed for our avenging pity plead. o brothers, for our brothers' sake let the crusading spirit wake! o christian england, 'tis the christ by moslem hands is sacrificed! away, away with hollow words, now sheath our speech, unsheath our sword! god wills: the guns of christendom proclaim the tyrant's doom has come! manchester, n. h. two sonnets. by henry van dyke. i. the turk's way. "stand back, ye messengers of mercy! stand far off, for i will save my troubled folk in my own way." so the false sultan spoke; and europe, harkening to his base command, stood still to see him heal his wounded land. through blinding snows of winter and through smoke of burning towns she saw him deal the stroke of cruel mercy that his hate had planned. unto the prisoners and the sick he gave new tortures, horrible, without a name; unto the thirsty, blood to drink; a sword unto the hungry; with a robe of shame he clad the naked, making life abhorred. he saved by slaughter, but denied a grave. ii. america's way. but thou, my country, tho' no fault be thine for that red horror far across the sea; tho' not a tortured wretch can point to thee, and curse thee for the selfishness supine of those great powers who cowardly combine to shield the turk in his iniquity; yet, since thy hand is innocent and free, rise, thou, and show the world the way divine. thou canst not break the oppressor's iron rod, but thou canst minister to the oppressed; thou canst not loose the captive's heavy chain, but thou canst bind his wounds and soothe his pain. armenia calls thee, empire of the west, to play the good samaritan for god. new york city. to those who died for their faith. armenia, to --? by mrs. merrill e. gates. "these loved their lives not, to the death!" but we at ease to-day, who claim allegiance to the one great name, could we as nobly die for faith? we challenge not the crucial test! self cannot prove to self its power if e'er should come that testing hour god give us grace to choose the best! but these have overcome! their lord in bitter death have not denied! have chosen still the crucified in face of bayonet and sword! our age heroic looms! our eyes behold white martyr brows! still hears our sin-gray world with unthrilled ears once more the martyr-chorus rise! come thou to succor the great need! thy judgment shall not long delay! god doeth his strange work to-day! the judge is at the door! take heed! amherst, mass. armenia. by willimina l. armstrong. out of storms and peace light, out of confusing things, bound in mysterious fashion by the bindings of blood and hate, lo, are the nations assembled now at the twentieth century gate. leaning beside the portal: close! in the name of god! over the garden of eden, in the evening of this our day. over the breast of the mountain old where the ark of deliverance lay. leaning beside the portal: hark to the clashing arms! hark to the voice in the garden, to the nations of earth it calls, "bid! for the woman is christian blood; and the sword and the bayonet falls!" sold! a christian woman! sold in the name of christ! sold to her death in the eden with its soil by her blood made damp! sold in the eve of our mighty age! with the light of our age for a lamp! new york city. armenia's bitter cry. by hetta lord hayes ward. i. world, world, hear our prayer oh where is russia, where? a fearful deed is done, its glare affronts the sun. smoke! flame! fire! rouse thee, great russian sire! when christian homes are ablaze, hast thou no voice to raise? thy neighbor to thee has cried, pass not on the other side. look on our dire despair! where art thou, czar, oh, where? ii. land of the sun and sea, wake, rome and italy! our ancient church in vain calls thee to break her chain. shame! shame! shame! where sleeps thy early fame? to death our priests are led, their flocks lie slaughtered, dead. awake, good pope of rome! our saints through blood go home; hear thou their dying plea, where, where is italy? iii. land of fraternite, brave france, turn not away! shall blood thy lilies stain? wilt bear the curse of cain? wake! wake! wake! for god and glory's sake! on a ghastly funeral pyre, brave men are burned with fire; god calls to france, the free, "thy brother, where is he?" lest god in wrath requite, awake, befriend the right! iv. where is good frederick's son when evil deeds are done? shall prisons reek and rot, his mother's blood speak not? haste! haste! haste! time runs too long to waste. if halts the kaiser dumb, let all the people come. your oath must sacred stand, treaties of fatherland; victims of turk and kurd, rest on your plighted word. v. your sisters' shame and blood cry out to england's god. slain on the church's floor, their blood flowed out the door. speak! speak! speak! the strong must help the weak. leave turkish bonds unsold; betray not christ for gold. let the moslem dragon feel once more saint george's heel. england, awake, awake! world, hear, for jesus' sake! newark, n.j. armenia. by geo. w. crofts. tune: "maryland, my maryland." where'er thy martyr blood has run armenia! shed by the fierce mohammedan, armenia! there nations gather in their grief-- there would they bring in swift relief-- oh, may thy agony be brief, armenia! god's eye of pity glances down, armenia! he sees thy rudely broken crown, armenia! his heart is touched with all thy woes, his mighty arm will interpose, he'll save thee from thy cruel foes, armenia! all o'er thy verdant plains shall spread, armenia! the golden grain where thou hast bled, armenia! thy harvest song shall yet arise to him who rules in yonder skies, whose ear has heard thy bitter cries, armenia! america extends to thee, armenia! the cordial of her sympathy, armenia! and every soul in this free land would give to thee the helping hand, and near thee in thy sorrow stand, armenia! in this dark hour be brave and strong, armenia! the right shall triumph over wrong, armenia! 'twill not be long till thou shalt see the glorious dawn of liberty, when thou shalt be forever free, armenia! armenian hymn. by alice stone blackwell. [from the armenian of nerses the graceful; born , died .] o dayspring, sun of righteousness, shine forth with light for me! treasure of mercy, let my soul thy hidden riches see! thou before whom the thoughts of men lie open in thy sight, unto my soul, now dark and dim, grant thoughts that shine with [ light! o father, son, and holy ghost, almighty one in three, care-taker of all creatures, have pity upon me! awake, o lord, awake to help, with grace and power divine; awaken those who slumber now, like heaven's host to shine! o lord and saviour, life-giver, unto the dead give life, and raise up those that have grown weak and stumbled in the strife! o skillful pilot! lamp of light, that burneth bright and clear! strength and assurance grant to me, now hid away in fear. o thou that makest old things new, renew me and adorn; rejoice we with salvation, lord, for which i inly mourn. giver of good, unto my sins be thy forgiveness given! lead thy disciples, heavenly king, unto the flocks of heaven. defeat the evil husbandman that soweth tares and weeds; wither and kill in me the fruits of all his evil seeds! o lord, grant water to my eyes, that they may shed warm tears to cleanse and wash away the sin that in my soul appears! on me, now hid in shadow deep, shine forth, o glory bright! sweet juice, quench thou my soul's keen thirst! show me the path [ of light! jesus, whose name is love, with love crush thou my stony heart; bedew my spirit with thy blood, and bid my griefs depart! o thou that even in fancy art so sweet, lord jesus christ, grant that with thy reality my soul may be sufficed! when thou shalt come again to earth, and all thy glory see, upon that dread and awful day, o christ, remember me! thou that redeemest men from sin, o saviour, i implore, redeem him who now praiseth thee, to praise thee evermore. dorchester, mass. miss alice stone blackwell is a noble boston woman who is greatly interested in the armenians. she has written many articles and poems, and done much toward arousing public sentiment throughout the united states in behalf of the armenians. the author of this book esteems it a privilege to offer his personal thanks, as well as those of his persecuted nation, to miss blackwell, by whose kind permission the following poems from her book, "armenian poems," are here reprinted. the lament of mother armenia. i. in alien lands they roam, my children dear; where shall i make appeal, with none to hear? where shall i find them? far away from me my sons serve others, thralls in slavery. chorus. oh, come, my children, back to me! come home, your motherland to see! ii. ages have passed, no news of them i hear; dead, dead are they, my sons that knew not fear. i weep, the blood is frozen in my veins; no one will cure my sorrows and my pains. chorus. iii. my blood is failing and my heart outworn, my face forever mournful and forlorn; to my dark grave with grief i shall descend, longing to see my children to the end. chorus. iv. o wandering shepherd, you whose mournful song rings through the valleys as you pass along! come, let us both, with many a bitter tear, weep for the sad death of our children dear! chorus. v. crane of the fatherland, fly far away, fly out of sight, beyond the setting day; my last sad greetings to my children bear, for my life's hope has died into despair! chorus. liberty. michael ghazarian nalbandian was born in russian armenia in ; graduated at the university of st. petersburg with the title of professor; was active as a teacher, author, and journalist; fell under suspicion for his political opinions, and underwent a rigorous imprisonment of three years, after which he was exiled to the province of sarakov, and died there, in , of lung disease contracted in prison. it is forbidden in russia to possess a picture of nalbandian; but portraits of him, with his poem on "liberty" printed around the margin, are circulated secretly. i. when god, who is forever free, breathed life into my earthly frame,-- from that first day, by his free will when i a living soul became,-- a babe upon my mother's breast, ere power of speech was given to me, even then i stretched my feeble arms forth to embrace thee, liberty! ii. wrapped round with many swaddling bands, all night i did not cease to weep, and in the cradle, restless still, my cries disturbed my mother's sleep. "o mother!" in my heart i prayed, "unbind my arms and leave me free!" and even from that hour i vowed to love thee ever, liberty! iii. when first my faltering tongue was freed, and when my parents' hearts were stirred with thrilling joy to hear their son pronounce his first clear-spoken word, "papa, mamma," as children use, were not the names first said by me; the first word on my childish lips was thy great name, o liberty! iv. liberty answered from on high the sovereign voice of destiny: "wilt thou enroll thyself henceforth a soldier true of liberty? the path is thorny all the way, and many trials wait for thee; too strait and narrow is this world for him who loveth liberty." v. "freedom!" i answered, "on my head let fire descend and thunder burst; let foes against my life conspire, let all who hate thee do their worst: i will be true to thee till death; yea, even upon the gallows tree the last breath of a death of shame shall shout thy name, o liberty!" the wandering armenian to the swallow. by c. a. totochian. i. o swallow, gentle swallow, thou lovely bird of spring! say, whither art thou flying so swift on gleaming wing? ii. fly to my birthplace, ashdarag, the spot i love the best; beneath my father's roof-tree, o swallow, build thy nest. iii. there dwells afar my father, a mournful man and gray, who for his only son's return waits vainly, day by day. iv. if thou shouldst chance to see him, greet him with love from me; bid him sit down and mourn with tears his son's sad destiny. v. in poverty and loneliness, tell him, my days are passed: my life is only half a life. my tears are falling fast. vi. to me, amid bright daylight, the sun is dark at noon; to my wet eyes at midnight sleep comes not, late or soon. vii. tell him that, like a beauteous flower smit by a cruel doom. uprooted from my native soil, i wither ere my bloom. viii. fly on swift wing, dear swallow, across the quickening earth, and seek in fair armenia the village of my birth. notice. the author of this book delivers lectures on the following subjects: armenia, armenians, and the recent atrocities. the sultan of turkey, hamid the ii. american missions in turkey. social and political life in turkey. about stereopticon views, as well as large maps, and costumes are used to illustrate the various lectures, which are highly instructive and entertaining, and never fail of interesting the most critical audiences. the lectures are delivered upon very reasonable terms. for particulars address, rev. geo. h. filian, cor. eastern parkway and cresent st., brooklyn, n.y. from the testimonials of prominent clergymen, authors, and secretaries of y.m.c.a.'s, the following few are selected. from dr. r. s. storrs, president of the american board of foreign missions. your address to my congregation was admirable in its tone, and its entire impression upon those who heard it. your knowledge of the facts presented is, of course, accurate and complete; and your method of presenting the facts is clear, impressive, and leaves the minds instructed and the hearts quickened. from the faculty of chicago theological seminary. this will introduce to you rev. george h. filian, a graduate of this seminary, a man of true character and devotion. he has been obliged to suspend work for a time in turkey, owing to his faithfulness in preaching the truth, and is recommended to the consideration of christians throughout america. by order of the faculty, h. n. scott, secretary. from prof. g. b. wilcox, d.d., chicago theological seminary. rev. g. h. filian, a graduate of this seminary in , and since pastor of armenian evangelical church, marsovan, turkey, is lecturing on turkish missions and turkish manners and customs. he is an exceptionally able speaker, and may with all confidence be introduced by any pastor to his congregation. i speak from long and intimate acquaintance. g. b. wilcox. from rev. john h. barrows, d.d., pastor first presbyterian church. rev. geo. h. filian, of syria, lectured on constantinople to my people last night, greatly interesting them. his illustrations are excellent, and he speaks with great enthusiasm. the evening's entertainment was very wholesome, and i cordially commend his worthy lecture. my people have heard him also with pleasure on "social life in turkey." from the department secretary y.m.c.a. of chicago, illinois. rev. geo. h. filian delivered before one of our meetings his interesting lecture on "missions in turkey." i have never heard a speaker more interesting, and that held the attention of the audience in a greater measure than mr. filian. he is intelligent upon such a subject. he is versatile in expression, enthusiastic in delivery, and certainly very devout in heart. daniel sloan. from the secretary in charge central building, y.m.c.a., brooklyn, n.y. rev. geo. h. filian gave his stereopticon lecture on "constantinople" before our young men last night, and i am pleased to say that it is a lecture of rare interest and enjoyment. the views are beautiful and very instructive, as they are rarely thrown upon a screen. mr. filian has the advantage of speaking from actual experience, and his eloquent words, devoted spirit, and fund of humor quickly win the attention and sympathy of any audience. arthur b. wood. from rev. henry van dyke, d.d., pastor of the brick church, new york. your lecture before our young men's society on monday was a decided success. every one was interested in what you had to say, and the pictures were excellent. we shall be glad when the time comes to have you with us again. from rev. george m. stone, d.d., hartford. mr. filian is thoroughly intelligent on the whole eastern question, and gives a view of armenia and its present trial which is exceedingly valuable. from a. c. dixon, d.d., pastor hanson place baptist church, brooklyn, n.y. rev. george h. filian has lectured twice in the hanson place baptist church, and it gives me pleasure to say that his lectures are interesting and instructive. they stir the heart to work and pray for the relief of persecuted armenia. from louis albert banks, d.d., pastor of hanson place m. e. church, brooklyn, n.y. i take great pleasure in saying that the rev. geo. h. filian, who has spoken from the platform at hanson place m. e. church in behalf of the armenian christians, and also lectured in our church on constantinople, is a very eloquent and earnest speaker, who will attract attention and arouse interest anywhere. notes [ ] the word "armenian" is not altogether indicative of race, it refers more particularly to those who are christians. any who have forsaken the faith and become mohammedans are no longer regarded as armenians, but are turks. [ ] the above description is taken literally from a report of the british vice-consul of erzeroum. copies are in possession of the diplomatic representatives of the powers at constantinople. the scene occurred in the village of semal before the massacres, during the normal condition of things. [ ] extracts from letters are left unsigned for fear of endangering the writers' lives. available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/armeniaandwaran hacogoog armenia and the war an armenian's point of view with an appeal to britain and the coming peace conference by a. p. hacobian with a preface by the rt. hon. viscount bryce, o.m. hodder and stoughton london new york toronto mcmxvii "they are slaves who fear to speak for the fallen and the weak: they are slaves who will not choose hatred, scoffing and abuse, rather than in silence shrink from the truth they needs must think: they are slaves who dare not be in the right with two or three." lowell. "_to serve armenia is to serve civilization._" _w. e. gladstone._ "_we have put our money on the wrong horse._"[ ] _the marquis of salisbury._ " ... _a government incurably barbarous and corrupt._" _the duke of argyll._ " ... _the ottoman empire ... decidedly foreign to western civilization._" _allies' note to president wilson, january , ._ introductory note the end of the war will leave great britain and her allies the practical arbiters of the destinies of europe and the near east. the predominant part played in the prosecution of the war by great britain and the british empire will entitle them to an equally decisive voice in the councils of the peace conference. that proud position carries with it a supreme privilege as well as a heavy moral responsibility. that the voice and weight of britain and greater britain will be cast, on all occasions, on the side of justice and liberty, there cannot be the slightest doubt. but however just and fair-minded a judge may be, it is impossible for him to dispense justice without hearing all sides of the case before him. that is my plea for placing this statement of the cause of my afflicted country before the british public, confident that, with its inherent love of fair play, it will give my pleading a fair hearing. i am anxious to make one point clear. i hold no authority and claim no right whatever to speak for the nation or any national or local organization of any kind. the views set forth in this little volume are the views of an individual armenian who feels, as do no doubt all his compatriots, that the armenian blood that has flowed so freely in this war, imposes upon every living armenian the sacred duty of employing all legitimate means in his power to secure to the survivors the justice and reparation to which their numerous fallen relatives have given them an overwhelming and indisputable title. they are my views, and the responsibility for them rests on myself and myself alone. i have stated my views frankly. one or two of my friends were kind enough to express the opinion that that might injure our cause. while i appreciate their interest and solicitude, i do not share their fears. i am convinced that the truth can never be unpopular with the british public or prejudice a good cause. i have, of necessity, had to quote freely from many sources, and i take this opportunity to express my apologies and indebtedness to the authorities quoted, in particular to lord bryce and mr. arnold j. toynbee for very kindly permitting me to quote extracts from the blue book. a. p. hacobian. _london, february, ._ preface of all the peoples upon whom this war has brought calamity and suffering, the armenian people have had the most to endure. great as has been the misery inflicted by the invaders upon the non-combatant populations of belgium and northern france, upon poland, upon serbia, the misery of armenia, though far less known to the outer world, has been far more terrible. when the european war broke out, in , the government of the turkish empire had fallen into the hands of a small gang of unscrupulous ruffians calling themselves the committee of union and progress, who were ruling through their command of the army, but in the name of the harmless and imbecile sultan. by means which have not been fully disclosed, but the nature of which can be easily conjectured, this gang were won over to serve the interests of germany; and at germany's bidding they declared war against the western allies, thus dragging all the subjects of turkey, muslim and christian, into a conflict with which they had no concern. the armenian christians scattered through the asiatic part of the turkish dominions, having had melancholy experience in the adana massacres some years previously of what cruelties the ruling gang were capable of perpetrating, were careful to remain quiet, and to furnish no pretext to the turkish authorities for an attack upon them. but the rulers of turkey showed that they did not need a pretext for the execution of the nefarious purposes they cherished. they had formed a design for the extermination of the non-mohammedan elements in the population of asiatic turkey, in order to make what they called a homogeneous nation, consisting of mohammedans only. the wickedness of such a design was equalled only by its blind folly, for the christian armenians of asia minor and the north-eastern provinces constituted the most industrious, the most intelligent, and the best-educated part of the population. most of the traders and merchants, nearly all the skilled artisans, were armenians, and to destroy them was to destroy the chief industrial asset which these regions possessed. however, this was the plan of the committee of union and progress, and as soon as they began to feel, in the spring of , that the allied expedition against the dardanelles was not likely to succeed, they proceeded to execute it. they first disarmed all the armenians in order to have them at their mercy; and in some cases, in order to make it appear that the armenians were intending to take up arms, they actually sent weapons into the towns and then had them seized as evidence against the christians. when such arms as the christians possessed had been secured, orders for massacre were issued from constantinople to the local governors. the whole armenian population was seized. the grown men were slaughtered without mercy. the younger women were sold in the market place to the highest bidder, or appropriated by turkish military officers and civil officials to become slaves in turkish harems. the boys were handed over to dervishes to be carried off and brought up as muslims. the rest of the hapless victims, all the older men and women, the mothers and their babes clinging to them, were torn from their homes and driven out along the tracks which led into the desert region of northern syria and arabia. most of them perished on the way from hardships, from disease, from starvation. a few were still surviving some months ago near aleppo and along the banks of the euphrates. many, probably thousands, were drowned in that river and its tributaries, martyrs to their christian faith, which they had refused to renounce; for it was generally possible for women, and sometimes for men, to save themselves by accepting mohammedanism. by these various methods hundreds of thousands--the number is variously estimated at from , to , --have perished. and all this was done with the tacit acquiescence of the german government, some of whose representatives on the spot are even said to have encouraged the turks in their work of slaughter, while the government confined its action to propagating in germany, so as to deceive its own people, false stories which alleged that the armenians had been punished for insurrectionary movements. all these facts, with many details too horrible to be repeated here, are set forth in the blue book recently published in england, containing accounts based upon incontrovertible evidence, and to which no reply has been made, though some denials, palpably false, have emanated from the turkish gang, and some others from the german government. the victims who have thus been put to death, a large part of the whole armenian people, belong to what is one of the oldest nations in the world, which has been christian and civilized ever since the third century of our era. if any people ever deserved the sympathy of the civilized world, it is they who have clung to their faith and the traditions of their ancient kingdom ever since that kingdom was overthrown by the turkish invaders many centuries ago. they now appeal to the allied nations who are fighting the battle of right and humanity against the german government and its barbarous turkish allies, asking that when the end of the war comes their case may be considered and they may be for ever delivered from the turkish yoke. nowhere is their hard case better known than in the united states, for it is the american missionaries who have, by their admirable schools and colleges planted in many cities of asiatic turkey, done more for them than any other country has done, giving them light, consolation and sympathy. the author of this little book is an armenian gentleman belonging to a family originally from ispahan in persia, but now settled in england. he speaks with intimate knowledge as well as with patriotic feeling, and states the case of his countrymen with a moderation well fitted to inspire confidence. upon the arguments he puts forward i do not venture to express any opinion in detail. but those who know something of asiatic turkey will recognize with him that the armenians are, by their intelligence and their irrepressible energy, the race best fitted to restore prosperity to regions desolated by turkish oppression. the educated armenians, notwithstanding all they have suffered, are abreast of the modern world of civilization. among them are many men of science and learning, as well as artists and poets. they are scattered in many lands. i have visited large armenian colonies as far west as california, and there are others as far east as rangoon. many of the exiles would return to their ancient home if they could but be guaranteed that security and peace which they have never had, and can never have, under the rule of the turk. may we not confidently hope that the allied powers will find means for giving it to them at the end of this war, for extending to them that security which they have long desired and are capable of using well? bryce. _may, ._ footnote: [ ] _after the massacres of - , lord salisbury, who had himself taken a prominent part in the consummation of the treaty of berlin and the cyprus convention, frankly admitted the failure of the policy which gave birth to these treaties, and the futility of relying upon turkish promises._ contents page i. armenia as a war issue--greatest sufferer from turko-prussian "frightfulness"--effect on american opinion ii. armenia and reparation--armenia's martyrdom--condemnation and demand for reparation inadequately expressed iii. "the gentle and clean-fighting turk" iv. anglo-russian friendship a vital necessity for peace and progress in asia--moslems and turkish rule--armenians progressive and democratic by temperament v. armenia as a peace problem--views of the "manchester guardian" and the "spectator"--can armenians stand alone among the kurds?--american opinion and the future of armenia vi. armenia's services in the war vii. armenia the battle-ground of asia minor and victim of contending empires viii. the blue-book--the epic of armenia's martyrdom, the revelation of her spirit and character--"truth" on the armenians: a digression ix. extracts from the blue book x. great britain and armenia--the late duke of argyll's views--an appeal to britain xi. an appeal to the coming peace conference postscript appendix armenia and the war i armenia as a war issue--greatest sufferer from turko-prussian "frightfulness"--effect on american opinion the first official advance for peace made by germany and her allies, although couched in defiant and menacing terms, was nevertheless an unmistakable signal of distress, and has brought the world within measurable distance of that just and durable peace which the allies have set out to achieve. the prospect of approaching peace has set on foot a general reiteration of the issues at stake, and consideration of the terms and problems of peace. public attention in this country will naturally be occupied, in the first place, with the momentous issues and interests of the united kingdom, the british empire and her allies raised by the war and to be settled and secured by the impending peace. it will therefore, i hope, not be considered amiss or premature for a member of one of those small and oppressed peoples engulfed in the vortex of the war who look to great britain and her allies for deliverance, reparation and the security of their future liberty, to put before the british public his views, as well as facts and arguments that may be of some service in enabling it to form a just estimate of the claims and merits of one of the smaller problems which run the risk of not receiving a full hearing at the peace conference, in the presence of a multitude of larger and more important questions. the item in the allied peace terms stated in their reply to president wilson's note, "the setting free of the populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the turks," is the bearer to armenians of a message of comfort and hope. it heralds the dawn of a new day that will mark the end of the long and hideous nightmare of turkish tyranny. if president wilson, the american people, or other neutrals were in search of evidence that would prove to them conclusively which of the two groups of belligerents is sincere in its professions of regard for "the rights and privileges of weak peoples and small states"; if belgium had not been violated and ravaged; if the _lusitania_ and so many hospital ships, liners and merchantmen had not been sunk without any care as to the fate of the wounded, the children and women, the non-combatant men and crews; if zeppelins had not spread death and destruction among women and children in their homes in the night; if all these and so many other outrages had not been committed, and there had been, in the whole course of the war, no other act of the quadruple alliance in any degree contrary to the laws and usages of civilized warfare and dictates of humanity, the single word armenia would provide that proof--a crushing, monumental proof--as to who is and who is not sincere in the professions of regard for right, justice and humanity. the spirit of desolated armenia stands at the head of the phantom spirits of outraged humanity, which must rise and shatter to atoms every mask of benevolence, righteousness and injured innocence that the protagonists of "frightfulness" may assume for the deception of their own peoples and neutrals. but in the united states at least there is no need for any fresh proof or explanation of the issue at this stage, and the martyrdom of armenia has contributed largely to that state of american opinion. i have little doubt that president wilson's peace note and speech to the senate are the first steps towards america casting her whole weight into the scale, aiming at the realization of a just and lasting peace. the intense interest evinced by the people and government of the united states in the fate of armenia and the armenians is abundantly shown not only by the generous gifts of money for the relief of the survivors and the noble personal services by devoted missionaries and relief agents, some of whom lost their lives in their work of mercy; but also by diplomatic action on behalf of the armenians in constantinople (where mr. morgenthau, to his great honour, struggled valiantly to stay the hand of the ruthless oppressor), and by the prominence given to any and every scrap of news concerning the holocaust in armenia. it is no exaggeration to say that, military operations apart, no incident of the war, not excepting the violation and martyrdom of belgium, has been given more space and prominence in the american press than anything connected with the martyrdom of armenia and syria and the relief of the refugees and exiles. in his reply to the armenian deputation who on december , , presented to him an illuminated parchment from the catholicos expressing his holiness's gratitude and thanks to the american nation, president wilson said, _inter alia_-- "we have tried to do what was possible to save your people from the ravages of war. my great regret is, that we have been able to accomplish so little. there have been many suffering peoples as the result of that terrible struggle, and _the lot of none has touched the american heart more than the suffering of the armenians_."[ ] nothing in the war has brought home to the people of the united states the moral issues of the war more strongly and vividly than the unprecedented barbarities committed by the turks in their diabolical attempt to wipe out the armenian race. no event of the war has been more damaging to the central powers in the eyes of the united states. here they have seen the ruthless spirit of the twin enemies of humanity and liberty--the turkish _yatagan_ supported by the prussian jack-boot--in its hideous nakedness, at work in the depths of asia, unrestrained and unperceived, as they thought, by the light of civilization. this gospel of the jack-boot and the _yatagan_ will be best illustrated by putting side by side two quotations, one from the _tanine_, the official organ of the committee of union and progress in constantinople, and the other from a statement made by count reventlow in october . the _tanine_ "invited the government to exterminate or forcibly convert to islam all armenian women in turkey as the only means of saving the ottoman empire."[ ] count reventlow, the high priest of the gospel of brute force and militarism, writing in the _tageszeitung_ in defence and approval of turkey's appalling crime, said that it was the ottoman government's obvious right and duty to take the strongest repressive measures against "the bloodthirsty armenians"--the measures advocated by the _tanine_, which were carried out by count reventlow's worthy allies on the bosphorus with a completeness and ferocity that must have greatly pleased him. the german government and german apologists have made a great parade of the use of indian and african troops in europe by the allies. by all reports, these troops have fought as clean a fight as any troops in the war. i think that in the judgment of future historians no incident of this war, whose history is so heavily shadowed on one side with outrages and violations of the laws of civilized warfare, will meet with so strong a condemnation as germany's alliance with the young turks, the declaration of a "holy war" at her behest, and its dire consequences for the already sorely tried christian subjects of the turks. (it should be remembered that germany and austria are signatories to the treaty of berlin, art. of which was to have brought about "the improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by the armenians," and to have "guaranteed their security against the kurds and circassians." this point cannot be too strongly emphasized.) she could have foreseen these consequences; and if she did not foresee them, she could have stopped them when they made themselves apparent. turkey's entry into the war placed her christian subjects in a position of great peril, as it has been her custom to wreak upon them her vengeance for defeats; while a state of war freed her from the moral restraint of europe. it was hoped that german and austrian influence would check this tendency. how cruelly events have shattered that hope! they have proved that it was too much to expect humanity and the ordinary feelings of chivalry and compassion for the honour and suffering of women and children from the state policies of these great christian governments and the majority of their agents in turkey. i do not believe that this ungodly and inhuman policy has received general approbation either in germany or austria-hungary. this is evident from the quotations from german missionary journals in the blue-book on the "treatment of armenians in the ottoman empire."[ ] it is also proved by the protests addressed to the imperial chancellor by several catholic and protestant organizations. footnotes: [ ] quoted in _the new armenia_ of new york, january , . the italics are mine. [ ] quoted in _guerre sociale_ (paris), september , . [ ] _the treatment of armenians in the ottoman empire._ documents presented to viscount grey of fallodon, secretary of state for foreign affairs, with a preface by viscount bryce (hodder & stoughton). ii armenia and reparation--armenia's martyrdom--condemnation and demand for reparation inadequately expressed the governments of the allies have unanimously declared that peace is only possible on the principles of adequate reparation for the past, adequate security for the future, and recognition of the principle of nationalities and of the free existence of small states. "reparation" means no doubt in the first place reparation for the wanton and ruthless destruction of unoffending and defenceless civilian lives and property. it is characteristic of the british sense of justice and fair play that belgium, france and serbia should be given the first place in their demand for reparation, for, of course, there are the british victims of "frightfulness," zeppelin and submarine victims and the victims of judicial murders to be atoned for and recompensed. this unanimous demand for reparation to the smaller nations for all they have suffered as a result of the brutal and unscrupulous aggression of their more powerful neighbours, and their security and free development, augurs well for the future. it is an earnest given by the entente powers to the world, of the sincerity of their declarations regarding the unselfish, just and worthy objects which they entered the war to attain. i must be excused, however, if i confess to feeling not a little perplexity at the fact that, in discussing the peace terms, the great organs of british public opinion, with some notable exceptions,[ ] have made little or no reference to armenia in the demand for penalties, reparation and redemption. this fact must have impressed mr. arthur henderson, who, in his reference to armenia quoted more fully elsewhere, remarked that " ... armenian atrocities _were not much talked about_ here ... etc." my anxiety will be understood when i point out that for us it is not a question of a little more or less territory, a little larger or smaller indemnity. for us more than for any other race involved in the war it is a question of "to be or not to be" in a real and fateful sense: the rebirth of armenian nationality from the profusion of its lost blood and heaps of smouldering ashes, or the end of that long-cherished and bled-for aspiration, and the consummation of the "policy" of abdul hamid and the young turks. the first general discussion of the terms of peace has coincided with the publication, as a blue-book, of lord bryce's comprehensive documentary evidence on the attempt of the turks to murder the armenian nation in cold blood. i gratefully acknowledge the fact that many newspapers wrote sympathetic editorial articles or reviews on the blue-book, emphasizing, with incontestable force, that this conclusive evidence of the abominable crimes committed by the turks in armenia without any protest from official germany, is a crushing reply to the german chancellor's protestations of solicitude for humanity. but, opportune as has been the immediate effect of this fresh evidence of lord bryce's noble and untiring labours in the cause of humanity, as a tragic and terrible exposure of the irony of the central powers' professions of pity for suffering humanity, that is surely not the only or the principal moral to be drawn from these haunting pages. they constitute a terrible and lasting reproach to the european diplomacy of our time. they unfold to the horrified gaze of mankind a vast column of human smoke and human anguish rising to the heavens as the incense of the most fearful yet most glorious mass-martyrdom the world has ever seen, but casting a shadow of lasting shame upon christendom and civilization. the unparalleled outburst of barbarity they reveal did not come as a surprise. europe had heard its premonitory rumblings these last forty years. as far back as the representatives of the great powers in their famous and futile identic note to the sublime porte, said: "so desperate was the misgovernment of the country that it would lead in all probability to the destruction of the christian population of vast districts." the massacres of - and cost the lives of , to , armenians. but most of the european statesmen of the day persistently refused to believe that "the gentle turk" was capable of such bursts of unspeakable barbarism; while bismarck declared openly that the whole eastern question was not worth "the bones of a pomeranian grenadier." his successors have followed and improved upon his ruthless, unchristian policy, and europe sees the result. with due respect to the small minority of humane turks, who, i dare say, are themselves shocked at what their rulers, their soldiery and populace have proved themselves capable of, the turk as a race has added yet another and vaster monument than ever before to the long series of similar monuments that fill the pages of his blood-stained history, in proof of the unchangeable brutality of his nature. you cannot reason or argue with him. nor can you expect justice or ordinary human feelings from such a nature. the only sane and honest way to deal with him is to make him innocuous. it is official europe that is to blame for leaving him so long at large and his prey at his mercy. it is european diplomacy of the past forty years that is responsible for looking on while the relentless mutilation was going on limb by limb, until moloch saw his chance in the war and all but devoured his hapless victim, with the tacit acquiescence of the governments of two great christian empires, and the applause of count reventlow and his disciples. how is it to be explained that this deliberately planned destruction of more than half a million human beings by all the tortures of the dark ages, and the deportation and enslavement worse than death of more than half a million, have not aroused the righteous wrath of the great british writers and thinkers of the day to nearly the same extent as the martyrdom of belgium? how is it that great writers and poets have not felt the call of expressing to the world in the language of genius the stupefying horror as well as the moral grandeur of this vast, unparalleled tragedy?[ ] great britain has always been, and is to-day more than ever, the champion and "the hope of the oppressed and the despair of the oppressor." that sympathy, horror and indignation exist in this country in the fullest measure there is not the slightest doubt. one sees proofs and indications of their existence at every turn. but why, in heaven's name, is it not proclaimed to the world that the culprits may know and tremble and stay their hand? bishops have been burnt to death, hundreds of churches desecrated, and ministers of christ tortured and murdered; hundreds of thousands of christian women and children done to death in circumstances of unspeakable barbarity and bestiality. why are the churches of great britain and all christendom not raising a cry of indignation that will reverberate throughout the world and strike the fear of god into the hearts of these assassins and all powers of darkness? why is not a word said as a tribute, so richly deserved, to the heroic and indomitable spirit of the men and women and even children who chose torture and death rather than deny their christ, sacrifice their honour or renounce their nationality?[ ] here is assuredly the most inspiring example of all times of the triumph of the spirit of christ and the fidelity in death to conscience, personal honour and independence, over savage fury and brutal lust at the highest pitch ever attained in them by fiends in human form; a triumph and an example more inspiring, and with a deeper and more lasting significance for humanity and christianity, perhaps, than this great and terrible war itself; and the churches and spokesmen and writers of great christian countries, belligerent and neutral, pass over that aspect of the great tragedy almost in complete silence! i do not ask tributes for the martyrs; let their praise be sung by the hosts of heaven. nor is this a complaint; and it would be a presumption on my part to assume the rôle of critic or mentor to leaders of religion, thought and learning in great christian countries. it is far indeed from my intention to assume such a rôle. but these are facts which i contemplate with inexpressible sorrow, almost despair--facts which perplex and puzzle me and which surpass my understanding. perhaps my judgment is dimmed and embittered by my nation's sufferings. if that is so, is any one surprised that the armenian soul should be bitter to-day, bitter with a bitterness, anguish and indignation such as the soul of man has never tasted before, or any people can possibly imagine? some papers speak of the sufferings of the armenians being _equal_ to those of the belgians. armenians know, if any one does, what bondage and suffering under the tyrant's heel mean, and they yield to none in their profound sympathy and admiration for heroic belgium, serbia and the occupied parts of france. the martyrdom of unoffending belgian civilians is a horrible enough episode, but surely there is some difference between and , victims, to say nothing of the , who were enslaved, forcibly converted to islam, and driven in caravans of torture and death to the mesopotamian deserts.[ ] what is the condition of these unfortunates, and how many have survived, must remain a dread secret of the desert until the end of the war. is it because the victims are armenians, mere armenians so used to massacre, so long abandoned by europe to the lust and pleasure of "the gentle turk"? that may be so in the eyes of men. but there is god, and in his eyes the life and pain and torture and death of an armenian child, woman, or man are the same, exactly the same, as those of any other child, woman, or man without exception. footnotes: [ ] armenians are especially indebted to the _manchester guardian_ and _the times_ for their valuable services to their cause, humanity and truth in exposing the reign of terror in armenia and the turk's affectation of "clean-fighting." part of _the times history and encyclopædia of the war_ was the first detailed account of what had happened in armenia since the outbreak of war, and i may add that, considering the difficulties of obtaining information, it is a remarkably well-informed account. [ ] mr. israel zangwill concludes a moving and eloquent tribute to the agony of armenia in _the new armenia_ (new york) of march , , entitled "the majesty of armenia," in the following words--"i bow before this higher majesty of sorrow. i take the crown of thorns from israel's head and i place it upon armenia's." is it not a strange fact that of all contemporary authors and publicists of note, it should have fallen to a famous and gifted jew to pay the first tribute to "the majesty" of armenia's martyrdom for the christian faith? [ ] mr. p. w. wilson's sympathetic and appreciative articles in _the westminster gazette_ and _the daily news and leader_ of february , , appeared after the above was written. while i am most grateful to mr. wilson and the two great organs of british public opinion, i avail myself of this opportunity to make one or two observations on some of the points mr. wilson has raised-- "the first impulse of the refugee" has not only been "to start a shop" but also to start a school and improvise the means of continuing the publication of the newspaper he was publishing in van before the exile, as the belgians have done here under more favourable circumstances. the toleration practised by armenians and their church is not due to adversity, but the true understanding of christianity. the spirit of toleration breathes through the pages of the history of the armenian church from the earliest times. mr. wilson says: "it is doubtless regrettable that the armenians should have failed to recommend their progressive conception of life to the moslems around them." this is a striking example of the misconception that so often exists in the minds of even the most sympathetic observers of armenian affairs. mr. wilson knows no doubt for how much prestige counts in the east. if the european missions with all the prestige of their great nations, governments, embassies, consulates, etc., behind them (to say nothing of the unlimited funds at their disposal) have had such little success in moslem countries, is it reasonable to blame the armenians, oppressed, harried, tortured, massacred, plunged into the depths of misery, for not having fared better? what respect could the armenian's religion inspire among his moslem neighbours who murdered his bishops and priests, desecrated his churches and inflicted the most revolting insults upon the outward symbols of his faith, while his powerful co-religionists stood by and did nothing? under these circumstances what better service could the armenian render his religion than die for it? in happier days, the early armenian christians were largely instrumental in converting the georgians. [ ] it is some consolation to know, as some reports say, that the arabs have treated these unfortunates kindly. it is an indication of--and a credit to--their superior civilization. iii "the gentle and clean-fighting turk"[ ] the allies have declared in their reply to president wilson that one of their aims is "the turning out of europe of the ottoman empire, _as decidedly foreign to western civilization_." this fact of the turk being "decidedly foreign to western civilization," affirmed on the authority and conviction of the governments of four of the greatest and most advanced nations of europe, needs no further proof. nevertheless it seems desirable, in the interests of truth, to endeavour to dissipate the misconception that has been created by the extraordinary myth of "the clean-fighting turk." there has been a disposition in this country, natural and intelligible under the circumstances, to attribute the recent (let us hope the last) and most terrible of the armenian massacres wholly or largely to german influence. that the german government had it in its power to stop this gigantic crime if it had so wished, there is no doubt. it seems likely also that the turk applied to his brutal scheme the method and thoroughness he had learned from his german ally. but seriously to assert, as some writers and speakers have done, that german influence instigated the massacres, is to shut one's eyes to the turk's record ever since he became known to history. one need only turn the pages of his history--a veritable chamber of horrors--to convince oneself that massacre, outrage, and devastation have always been congenial to the turk. without for a moment wishing to absolve the german government of its responsibility, before god and humanity, for not exerting its influence to save more than a million absolutely innocent human beings from death, slow torture, and slavery: the fact, nevertheless, remains that hulagu, sultan selim, bayazid and abdul hamid were not under german influence, that there were no germans at the sack of constantinople or the massacres of bagdad and sivas, or, in more recent times, at the butcheries of chios, greece, crete, batak, macedonia, sassoon, urfa, or adana. the turk, in fact, has nothing to learn from his teutonic ally in "frightfulness"; he has a great deal to teach him. i readily admit that there are some turks who are gentle and good men. some of these have risked good positions and even their lives to protect armenian women and children. but most unfortunately for us, for humanity and for the turks themselves, such good turks are few and far between. it is true that orders for the extirpation of the armenians were issued from constantinople, but can any one imagine such revolting orders _being carried out_ by "gentle and clean-fighting" troops and people? i shall be much surprised if any unprejudiced man or woman in any civilized country believes that any but the turkish populace and soldiery would be capable of carrying out such orders. history at any rate has given us no such evidence. i believe that, under a just and honest government and better influences, the turkish peasant will, in course of time, lose his proneness to cruelty, for he has good qualities. but if this war is intended to see the end of tyranny, oppression, brutal religious and political persecution and the discontent and unrest that such conditions always produce; if it is to prevent the possibility of a repetition of the hell that the turks have let loose in armenia since they entered the war and _so often before the war_; then it is clear that never again must the turk be allowed to possess the power over other races, which he has so abominably abused ever since he "hacked his way through" to the fair, fertile and once highly prosperous country which he has devastated and converted into a charnel-house. the armenians of turkey had no separatist aspirations. they knew that was impracticable. nothing would have suited them better than a reformed government in turkey, that would give them security of life, honour and property, the free development of their national and religious institutions and an approach to equality with moslems before the law. on the promulgation of the constitution, all the armenian revolutionary societies were transformed into peaceable and orderly political parties as by magic. they had great hopes of achieving these aims and the regeneration of the ottoman empire from within in co-operation with the young turks before the war, and they gave the committee of union and progress (was there ever a more incongruous misnomer?) all the support they could, which was by no means negligible; but they had not long to wait to be completely and bitterly disillusioned. the adana massacres gave their hopes the first blow. the armenian leaders proved too earnest and sincere democrats for the committee leaders who, with few exceptions, were actuated, as events proved, more by inordinate personal ambition than the "liberty" and "equality" which they so loudly proclaimed and which have proved such a hideous mockery. the chauvinistic wing soon gained complete ascendancy over the party, which resolved on the covert or forcible "ottomanization" of all non-turk races of the empire (as is proved by the recent exposures of the grand sheriff of mecca), and ended by joining the germans in the war in the hope of conquering egypt and the caucasus. it is a mistake to think that germany forced turkey into the war against her will by the presence of the _goeben_ and _breslau_. those who had any knowledge of turkish affairs had no doubt of the existence of a military understanding between germany and turkey for some years before the war. the arrival of a military mission at constantinople under liman von sanders left no doubt on that point. on the outbreak of the european war, the armenian dashnakist party met in congress at erzerum to determine the attitude to be observed by the party in relation to the war. hearing of this, the young turks forthwith sent representatives to ascertain the attitude of the party in the event of turkey going to war against russia. (see blue-book, p. .) this took place some weeks before the arrival of the _goeben_ and _breslau_ at constantinople. nor was the war as unpopular with the turkish masses at the outset as is thought by many. if that were so there would have been a revolt against the young turks, and turkey would have been detached from the central powers long ago. it may be less popular now, because their dreams of conquest have been shattered and the whole country is suffering. no turk, young or old, had any particular objection to the prospects of the conquest either of egypt or the caucasus, and many of them aimed at a moslem triple alliance between turkey, persia and afghanistan under german auspices, and even dreamt dreams of an empire that would ultimately embrace india and the whole of northern africa![ ] the young turks have tried their hand at the government of the ottoman empire, and have failed more completely and proved infinitely more cruel and brutal than the old turks. besides this, their betrayal of the entente powers and the vast and unprecedented crime which they have committed against humanity have left only one solution possible that holds out any promise of peace, justice and normal progress in the future. that one solution is, to draw up a new map of the ottoman empire on the basis of nationality and historical rights, reparation in proportion to services and sacrifices during the war, and the proved aptitude of the races concerned for progress and development on the lines of western civilization. there has long existed in europe a school of politicians who have always asked: "if you eliminate turkish rule over the turks' subject races, what will you put in its place?" after what has happened in armenia and syria, he would be a bold man or a prejudiced man who would deny that _any_ change will be an improvement. the unfitness of the turk to govern alien, and especially christian peoples has been proved by such an overwhelming accumulation of historical evidence and rivers of innocent christian blood, that to urge the contrary must appear like an attempt to obscure the sun by the palm of the hand. if this war is to bring peace and progress to asia minor instead of chronic anarchy, bloodshed and devastation as in the past, there must be an end of turkish domination over alien races in any shape or form. by all means give the turk the chance of governing himself in the provinces inhabited purely by turks. during the turkish retreat from thrace in , the evidence of newspaper correspondents was that the turk was leaving europe in the same state--moral, material and intellectual--as he entered it four centuries ago. the fact is, that centuries of contact with civilization has made no difference to the nature of the turk. war brings to the surface the true nature of a people as nothing else can. the turk has proved by his conduct in this war that he is as cruel and brutal as he was when he first swooped down as the scourge of god in asia minor one thousand years ago. by centuries of conquest and domination he has acquired an attractive free and easy outward manner which has stamped him a "gentleman" in the eyes of european travellers. but the same "gentleman" who will charm you with his manner will murder or enslave any number of women and children without the slightest twinge of conscience. such is the turkish "gentleman." the turks are to-day proving their gratitude for a hundred years of british and french support by throwing the whole of their man-power and resources--largely built up by british and french capital--into the scale on the side of germany. they have put at the disposal of germany and held for germany the land routes by which alone she can hope to threaten the british and french colonial empires. they have done their best to do england and her allies all the injury they can, and have given the enemies of england all the help they can. and still the turk and even the young turk have friends and protectors in this country.[ ] this, to my mind, is the most astonishing phenomenon of the whole war. it must appear strange to thinking moslems that there should be found, in great and mighty christian countries, respected and prominent men who defend the young turks at the very moment when their _protégés_ are persecuting and massacring their weak and defenceless co-religionists in countless thousands. i gravely doubt whether such an act is calculated to enhance the prestige of christianity in the eyes of the moslem world. have the apologists of the turks ever put themselves this question: "if under german influence the turks have been capable of attempting the cold-blooded murder of a whole nation, how is the fact to be explained, that under the same influence they were able to gain the reputation of 'clean fighters'?" the irony of it all is, that in a war in which more than twenty different nations are engaged, the turk and the turk alone among the belligerents should have gained the epithet of "clean-fighter," though, note well, from one of his adversaries only. how is this fact to be explained? is it seriously claimed that the turk has proved himself, under the test of war, superior in morals and chivalry to all the nations of europe? turkish mentality is not understood in western europe. the turk has a fanatical bravery which, however, easily degenerates into brutality. the russians, rumanians and serbs have fought the turks for centuries. it would be interesting to have their opinion of his "clean-fighting" qualities. the fact is, the turk knows he may need english help again some day. he knows that there has long existed in england a school of politicians which has believed that british interests in the near east will be best served by supporting the turk. he knows that england has millions of mohammedan subjects who have still some sympathy for him on religious grounds, and whose susceptibilities englishmen are naturally anxious to avoid hurting. he also knows that the british soldier is a chivalrous warrior who gives full credit to his adversary for any good qualities he may seem to possess. he understands the power of public opinion in england. he sees, in short, that there is in england a fertile and responsive psychological soil ready to nurture and fructify a hundred-fold the smallest show of "clean-fighting" he may make. accordingly, the order goes forth to the turkish soldier to be on his best behaviour whenever and wherever he is fighting british troops, and the turkish soldier obeys with the blind obedience which is his chief characteristic. that is the true explanation of the amazing fact that so many--though not all--british officers and soldiers have written or spoken of the turk as a clean-fighter. it is well-known that some wounded australians who had the misfortune of falling into the hands of the turks were most brutally mutilated in the early part of the dardanelles campaign. a wounded and gallant young new zealander told me at a hampstead hospital that the turks "put three bullets into him," while he was being carried to the rear of the fighting line on a stretcher. (in case my remarks concerning the clean-fighting qualities of the turk should be misconstrued or misrepresented as in any way implying a doubt as to the evidence of british officers and soldiers, i wish to say emphatically, what hardly needs affirmation, that i regard such evidence as absolutely above doubt or question.) the russians said in one of their official _communiqués_ that a number of their wounded had been mutilated by the turks. two russian hospital ships have been deliberately torpedoed by submarines manned by turks and flying the turkish flag. i do not of course suggest that there are no really clean-fighting men among the turks. there must be many such. it should be borne in mind in this connection that, in the early stages of the war, the turkish army contained a considerable sprinkling of christians--greeks, armenians, syrians, etc. but to label the turks _as such and as a whole_ as clean fighters and gentle folk is to admit the success of the most subtle propagandist make-believe of the war and the biggest hoax ever played off by oriental cunning upon a chivalrous and unsuspecting adversary. armenians have known the turk for centuries. they have known him _as he is_, not as he affects to be in the presence of a european, and they can claim credit for some knowledge of the subject. i venture to predict that there is severe disillusionment in store for those who still believe in the genuineness of turkish "clean-fighting" and "chivalry," when the british prisoners in turkey return. strange indeed must be this turkish conception of chivalry to sanction the enslavement and slaughter of women and children in hundreds of thousands, instead of protecting them and their honour as the ordinary code of chivalry demands. a reuter telegram from cairo published in _the daily chronicle_ of february , , contained the following-- "it is learnt on reliable authority that the british, french, and russian prisoners who are employed on the construction of the new line are treated most roughly by the germans and turks, and that a large number are falling ill from dysentery and filling the military hospitals at aleppo. those who have not been attacked by dysentery have fallen victims to other diseases, resulting from bad food, rough treatment, and overwork. "one of the tricks adopted by the germans and turks, in order to throw dust in the eyes of the british regarding the treatment of prisoners, was the honour paid to general townshend, who was returned his sword and accorded the best treatment possible. they brought him to constantinople, and made him write a letter of thanks for the good treatment he and his men had received at the hands of the turks. "general townshend did not know at the time he wrote this letter what misery and hardship were awaiting his unhappy troops." i may here quote in support of my contention one of the foremost living european authorities on near eastern affairs, and one who certainly will not be suspected of anti-turkish prejudices--i mean colonel sir mark sykes, m.p. addressing a meeting at kew on january , (i quote from _the near east_ of january , ), sir mark said-- "the turk, who in the last ten years had thrown back to the primitive turanian conqueror, was not content with dominating, but was now engaged in exterminating the armenian, the syrian christian, and the arabs, and was even now beginning to bully the jews. the turk had overthrown islam as prussia had overthrown christianity. prussia had replaced god by thor and the cross by his hammer. the turk had replaced mohammed by oghuz and allah by the "white wolf" of the primitive turks. no belief was to be placed in that cloak of chivalry under which in exceptional cases the turk tried to hide his abominable acts.[ ] he might treat general townshend well; but how was he treating the thousands of indians and englishmen in his hands? if it were possible that the teuton-turanian federation of violence could win this war it would be twenty generations before mankind regained its liberty." footnotes: [ ] since this chapter was written, the following authoritative and important piece of evidence on this much-debated subject has appeared in _the weekly dispatch_ of march , , from the pen of general sir o'moore creagh, v.c.-- " ... i have experience of the turk. he is a merciless oppressor, whose real character is often hidden behind a pleasant manner, and who is ready to cut your throat with a sort of savage courtesy. appeal to his fanaticism, and in the trenches he has no fear of death; but he is very subject, in case of reverse, to cowardly panic, which to a considerable extent detracts from his worth as a soldier.... "i know some of our men who have met the turk both on the tigris and in gallipoli speak of him as a clean fighter. certainly when he meets his match he fights fairly enough, but when he is an easy victor he is remorseless and merciless; and robs, murders, and ravishes with the unrestrained savagery which lies at the base of his character. the british prisoners taken by the turk in the present war have been disgracefully treated, and, as we know, denied clothing, medicine, and the ordinary necessaries of life, starved, and even refused shelter in extremes of heat and cold. the people who are always ready to praise the turk as a clean fighter should remember that he has a lot to answer for in the present war." [ ] see appendix, p. . [ ] see sir edwin pears's article in _the contemporary review_, october . (i note this with the deepest regret, for armenians are under a heavy debt of gratitude to sir edwin pears for his generous and authoritative defence of their cause in the past.) [ ] in reply to a question by colonel yate in the house of commons on february , : "mr. hope said repeated representation had been made to the turkish government to allow u.s. representatives to visit the camps, but up to now without success. efforts, however, would be continued. information had reached the government that the conditions under which officers were interned were fairly satisfactory, but the condition of other prisoners was deplorable."--_evening standard._ _truth_ says, in its issue of february , : "i have in my possession a letter written last autumn by a british army officer, one of the defenders of kut, who was then at a place called vozga, miles from tigris valley railhead. the unfortunate prisoner complains bitterly of the privations which he and others have to endure at the hands of the turks." iv anglo-russian friendship a vital necessity for peace and progress in asia--moslems and turkish rule--armenians progressive and democratic by temperament the exaggerated panegyrics on the virtues of the turk, while the turk is at war with england and her allies and turkish emissaries are busy making all the mischief they can among loyal subjects of the british empire, exploiting religion as a weapon of squalid intrigue, point to the existence of influences which have been at work ever since turkey joined the war, to screen from public view and to palliate the enormity of turkish perfidy in making common cause with england's enemies in the hour of england's difficulty. these same influences seem to regard with disfavour the growth of anglo-russian friendship and would apparently not be sorry to see some hitch or other occur that would weaken or endanger the permanence of that friendship. this may be an unfounded assumption, and i hope it is. but if these pro-turkish and anti-russian influences exist in fact, and gain enough strength to exercise any influence on the course of events after the war, it will be a calamity for the smaller nations of the near and middle east, and in fact for all asia. it will be a hindrance and a deterrent to the tranquillity and development that has been so long denied to these regions. close and cordial friendship between england and russia are almost as indispensable a condition of life and growth and progress to these backward countries as light and heat. it is scarcely for me to say that it is also necessary for the future peace of asia and the world. the unnatural and unfounded mutual distrust that shadowed anglo-russian relations throughout almost the whole of the past century has been chiefly responsible for the woes and miseries of the peoples of the near east, moslems as well as christians. it has kept back the clock of progress and civilization for at least fifty years. we have felt its effect in our daily lives and regard any prospect of its return with the utmost apprehension and regret. pan-turanian intrigues under the cloak of pan-islamism will not end with the war. they will be continued after the war by their protagonists, whose chief concern is, not the interests of the mohammedan religion, but the unscrupulous exploitation of religious sentiment for personal ends, and the disturbance of the tranquillity and ordered government which in the present chaotic state of these countries are only possible under the strong and just arm of british, russian, or french protection. any weakening in anglo-russian friendship would give these intriguers their chance, of which they would not be slow to take the fullest advantage, with injurious consequences to the countries concerned and to the general interests of peace. the best elements of islam, and specially the peasant populations which form the vast majority of the moslem world, know and have proved by their loyalty that they have nothing to fear from britain, russia and france, who have always not only respected, but fostered their religious interests and given them, in addition, the inestimable blessings of freedom, justice, security and prosperity such as they could never expect to enjoy under any other régime. it is idle to pretend that any subject race loves any form of domination for its own sake. but many races and countries in asia and africa are so situated that independence is beyond the bounds of practicability. any change would result in an exchange of one domination for another. some forms of domination are sincerely welcomed because, as against the evil of domination, they have not only conferred upon the peoples under their rule benefits and blessings which they themselves could not possibly have achieved, but have allowed them freedom of development on their national lines. such in varying degrees is the nature of british, french, russian, and i may add, dutch dominion over the alien races under their rule. what has turkish domination been to its subject races? an unmitigated curse to christian, moslem and jew alike, with this difference, that while the moslem and jew have been reduced by merciless taxation and robbery to extreme poverty, the christian races have been bled almost to death. the turks have deliberately fostered the criminal propensities of large sections of their people and encouraged their free indulgence to check the growth and progress of the moral and civilizing elements in their dominions. if some of the moslems of india, egypt or tunis, whose sympathy with the turks on religious grounds every one will understand and respect, would live under turkish rule for a few months, i have no doubt they would be completely cured of their love for the turk as such, hasten back to their homes and beg the british and the french to remain in their countries for ever. similarly, if it were possible for the most rabid pro-turks in this or any european country to live some time under the turk, disguised as armenians or syrians, they would also be cured and more than cured of their admiration for the turk; then only would they come to understand his real nature. the following account of the experiences of some indian pilgrims at kerbela at the outbreak of war, which appeared in _the times_ of june , , bears out my contention-- "the bombay government have published the story of an indian moslem pilgrim, zakir husain, who recently escaped from kerbela (baghdad vilayet), whither he went on pilgrimage with his mother and sister in the summer of . "zakir husain states that after the outbreak of war all routes homewards were blocked, and the many indian pilgrims at kerbela were subjected to the utmost discomfort and cruelty. the turkish authorities issued orders that the goods and women of indians were the legal property of those who plundered them. their houses were searched, their goods taken, and dozens of indians were arrested and deported to the aleppo side, while their families and children were left in kerbela. "throughout these fourteen months," he continued, "we never got meals more than once a day. we could not get any work, and consequently we had to beg from door to door in order to get a few scraps of bread to eat, and the state of the women and children was worse even than that of the men. for a man to be an indian was considered a sufficient reason by turks to torture and imprison him. we protested that we were moslems, but they never paid heed. they themselves are no moslems, and do not act according to the precepts of islam. according to what i heard, the indians in nejef, kazimain, and baghdad have also been treated in the same cruel way as we were; hundreds have been deported and their houses pillaged." the following from _the times_ of december , , is another illustration of the way turks treat moslems of another race who refuse to become the blind slaves of their political madness-- "emir faisal, commander of the arabian forces in the vicinity of medina, has telegraphed to mecca stating that the turks have hanged and crucified and employed every species of barbarity against the population of medina." turn now from that picture to the following appeal made to armenians by one of their principal tiflis daily papers, _mschak_ (labourer), of may , -- "to-day the moslem benevolent society is organizing a collection for building and maintaining a shelter for the children of the (moslem) refugees. war causes suffering to the population of the country without distinction of race or creed. moslems as well as christians have to face the effects of the war, therefore the scheme of the moslem benevolent society to establish a shelter for the children of moslem refugees is deserving of all sympathy and support. we are convinced that the armenian community also, having in mind the universal idea of humanity, will take part in the collection and do their duty as a humane people and good neighbours." these incidents, small in themselves, bring into strong relief the difference between the mentality and degree of civilization of the two races. the armenian appeal on behalf of refugee moslem children at a time when one half of their own race was in the throes of the most ferocious of the numerous attacks made upon its existence, is also incidentally a reply, more trenchant than the most eloquent argument in words, to those pro-turks who have from time to time expressed fears for the rights of the turks, kurds, tcherkesses, kizilbashis, etc., in an autonomous armenia. such a fear is either due to ignorance of the characteristics of the races concerned, or to prejudice. it is inconceivable that any armenian government would tolerate, much less impose upon orderly and good citizens, an injustice which armenians have themselves endured and struggled against for generations, and which is, for that reason, abhorrent to their very nature. a study of the armenian church organization will prove to the most sceptical that the armenian temperament is essentially democratic. in the smallest village the candidate for priesthood must be elected by a vote of the inhabitants before he can be ordained by the bishop of the diocese. the armenian deputies in the russian state duma as well as the late members of the ottoman parliament are and were supporters of the progressives. armenians who have risen to positions of influence in the service of foreign countries have invariably used their influence in the cause of progress. general loris melikoff as minister of the interior had actually prepared a scheme for the reform of the government of russia when his imperial master, the czar alexander ii, died, and the scheme was shelved. nubar pasha, the famous egyptian-armenian statesman, for many years prime minister, was largely responsible for the abolition of the _corvée_ in egypt, and the introduction of many other reforms. the writer of nubar pasha's biography in the _encyclopædia britannica_, referring to his substitution of mixed courts in place of the "capitulations," says (eleventh ed., vol. , p. ), "that in spite of the jealousies of all the powers, in spite of the opposition of the porte, he should have succeeded, places him at once in the first rank of statesmen of his period." prince malcolm khan, for some years persian minister in london, sowed the first seeds of constitutional government in persia, for the defence of which another armenian, yeprem khan, laid down his life while leading the constitutional struggle against mohamed ali shah. the first constitution of the ottoman empire, known as the midhat constitution, was largely the work of midhat pasha's armenian under-secretary, odian effendi. these are but a few outstanding instances. it must appear inconceivable to right-minded men that a race with such a past record, achieved under all sorts of handicaps, will either establish a régime of tyranny over other races or prove incapable of self-government after a transition period under european advisers, as is alleged by some. v armenia as a peace problem--views of the "manchester guardian" and the "spectator"--can armenians stand alone among the kurds?--american opinion and the future of armenia although the allies have declared in their reply to president wilson that one of their aims is "the liberation of the peoples who now lie beneath the murderous tyranny of the turks," no official or authoritative statement has yet been made by the allied governments as regards the precise future status of armenia. mr. asquith in his guildhall speech spoke of "reparation and redemption." m. briand in a letter to m. louis martin, senator of the var, published in the _courier du parlement_ (paris) of november , , says: "when the hour for legitimate reparation shall have struck, france will not forget the terrible trials of the armenians, and, in accord with her allies, she will take the necessary measures to ensure for armenia a life of peace and progress." m. anatole france, in his speech at the great "homage à l'arménie" meeting in the sorbonne in april , used these words: "l'arménie expire, mais elle renaitra. le peu de sang qui lui reste est un sang précieux dont sortira une postérité héroïque. un peuple qui ne veut pas mourir ne meurt pas. après la victoire de nos armées, qui combattent pour la liberté, les alliés auront de grands devoirs a remplir. et le plus sacré de ces devoirs sera de rendre la vie aux peuples martyrs, a la belgique, a la serbie. alors ils assureront la sureté et l'independance de l'arménie. penchés sur elle, ils lui diront: 'ma soeur, lève toi! ne souffre plus. tu es désormais libre de vivre selon ton genie et foi!'"[ ] m. paul deschanel, the president of the french senate, and m. painlevé, minister of public instruction, spoke in more or less similar terms. the most recent authoritative reference to armenia--and one which is of special importance, coming as it does from a member of the inner cabinet or war council--is mr. arthur henderson's statement in his conversation with the correspondent of the _new york tribune_, reported in _the times_ of january , , as follows: "speaking of the part of turkey in the war, mr. henderson said that though armenian atrocities were not much talked about here, they had undoubtedly made a deep impression on the minds of the working population, who, he thought, were determined that never again should a christian nation be under the yoke of the turk." these are comforting words indeed to armenians, as were those of mr. asquith at the guildhall. nothing could give the armenian people more comfort and hope for the future than this assurance of the british working man's sympathy--of which they never had any doubt--and his determination to see them freed from the turkish yoke once and for all. but here again mr. henderson--no doubt for very good reasons--gave no intimation of the intentions of the british or allied governments concerning the new status of armenia after its liberation from the turkish yoke. it has been suggested that american opinion would favour annexation by russia as a means of putting an end to turkish atrocities and misgovernment of armenia. this reading of american opinion is not supported by president wilson's statement in his historic speech to the senate that "no right anywhere exists to hand peoples from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property." all the allied countries, and probably all neutrals, are determined to see the end of the turkish reign of terror in armenia. but _annexation_ by russia or any other great power, before the blood is dry of hundreds of thousands of armenians sacrificed for their faith and passionate adherence to their ideal of nationality, must seem particularly unjust to all fair-minded men in all countries, especially the great american democracy, who themselves put an end to misgovernment of a much milder kind in cuba, but did not annex it. indeed, having herself, jointly with her allies, solemnly laid down the "recognition of the principle of nationalities" as one of the terms of peace stated in the allied note to president wilson, it seems unthinkable that russia, on her part, would entertain the intention of _annexing_, and especially of annexing a country and people who have paid a terrible price largely on account of their sympathy with and support of the allied cause, and rendered services the value of which russia herself has generously recognized. it is argued in some quarters that the armenian highlands are a strategic necessity to russia. there is a "scrap of paper" ring in such an argument, and i for one cannot believe that the justice-loving russian people would allow such considerations to override a solemn pledge and the principle of common justice. an allied protectorate with russia acting as their mandatory would place these strategically important regions under practically as effective a russian control as outright annexation, while it would have the additional advantages of giving real effect to the "recognition of the principle of nationalities," and avoiding injustice, injury and affront to the national sentiment of a people which has endured such grievous sufferings and sacrifices to uphold that sentiment. as i write, two important references to the future of armenia have appeared in the press. one in the _manchester guardian_--that old and constant champion of wronged and suffering humanity--quoted by _the times_ of december , , as follows: "another word remains--armenia--a word of ghastly horror, carrying the memory of deeds not done in the world since christ was born--a country swept clear by the wholesale murder of its people. to turkey that country must never and under no circumstances go back...." the other reference is made by the _spectator_ in its issue of december , in a leading article entitled "the allied terms." it says-- "the process of freeing nationalities from oppression must be applied organically to the turkish empire. the armenians, or what remains of the race, whose agonized calls for help and mercy have been heard even through the din of the present war, will probably have to be placed under the tutelage of russia. they could not stand alone among the kurds." if by "russian tutelage" the _spectator_ means the setting up of a self-governing armenia under russian suzerainty, that would amount, in my opinion, to the approximate realization of the hopes and aspirations of the armenian people, provided that by "armenia" is understood the six vilayets and cilicia; provided also that great britain and france retained the rights of protecting powers as in the case of greece. anything short of this, any parcelling out of armenia, either by annexation or "tutelage" of different parts under different powers, would not only be irreconcilable with the "recognition of the principle of nationalities" which the allies have solemnly declared to be one of their principal aims and terms of peace; it would imply an outrage upon the ideal of nationality which is the ruling passion of armenians everywhere. lynch, the great armenian authority, has called the armenians "the strongest nationalists in the world." this ideal of nationality has grown stronger, more alive and resolute than ever by their services and unimaginable sufferings and sacrifices in the war. "the little blood that is left them" has become doubly and trebly precious to the survivors. they rightly feel that they have established, and more than established, their title to autonomy and a strong claim upon the whole-hearted support of the allied powers to enable them to stand on their feet again and make a fair start on the road to nationhood. if armenia is cut up and parcelled out without regard for this fervent living sentiment of armenian nationalism, and their high hopes and expectations are dashed to the ground, it will conceivably engender in all armenians a deep sense of wrong and injustice, an intense discontent with the new order of things, that are not likely to conduce to that contentment and that smoothness of relations between the governors and the governed that are the essentials and the fundamental preliminary steps towards setting these much-troubled regions on the road towards good government, progress and civilization. the "principle of nationalities" and of "government by the consent of the governed" will be applied all along the line: belgium, alsace-lorraine, serbia, poland, bohemia, transylvania, arabia, syria, palestine, will have restored to them or will be granted the forms of government most acceptable to the peoples concerned. these true and righteous principles, which will herald the dawn of universal justice and morality in the treatment of their weaker brethren by the great powers of europe, will cease to operate only when armenia comes to be dealt with. armenia alone, who has suffered the most tragic, the most grievous and heartrending calvary, shall be denied an easter. why? because the armenian people have lost too much blood; because they have paid too high a price for their fidelity to their faith, the preservation of their distinctive national life and their strong support of the allied cause. that would be an unspeakably cruel and bitter climax to the unending nightmare of turkish tyranny, the great tragedy and martyrdom of the armenian people. it will be nothing less than a confirmation of the death sentence passed by abdul hamid and the young turks on the ideal of armenian nationality. let those who speak lightly of _annexation_ by russia put themselves in the place of the tens of thousands of armenians who have lost wife and children, sons, brothers, fathers, near or distant relatives, both in massacre as well as in what they understood to be a sacred struggle for liberty, to say nothing of their complete economic ruin. they would be much more or much less than human if they did not feel a deep and smarting sense of wrong at seeing all their appalling sacrifices and important services result in a mere exchange of the _kaimakam_ for the _chinovnik_. it is far indeed from my purpose to put the two types of official and the respective systems of government they represent on the same level. they differ as day from night. in my opinion and to my knowledge the vast majority of armenians will welcome russian suzerainty with sincere satisfaction. but, after the ordeal of blood and fire through which they have passed, they must feel, as i believe they do feel with ample justification, that they have a right to a voice and a liberal measure of participation in the government of their own country. i cannot do better than quote here a passage from mr. gladstone's great speech on the treaty of berlin, which is applicable to armenia, and than which there could be no wiser, more just or authoritative guidance for the formation of a sound and just view on the armenian and kindred problems-- "my meaning, sir, was that, for one, i utterly repelled the doctrine that the power of turkey is to be dragged to the ground for the purpose of handing over the dominion that turkey now exercises to some other great state, be that state either russia or austria or even england. in my opinion such a view is utterly false, and even ruinous, and has been the source of the main difficulties in which the government have been involved, and in which they have involved the country. i hold that those provinces of the turkish empire, which have been so cruelly and unjustly ruled, ought to be regarded as existing, not for the sake of any other power whatever, but for the sake of the populations by whom they are inhabited. the object of our desire ought to be the development of those populations on their own soil, as its proper masters, and as the persons with a view to whose welfare its destination ought to be determined." it may be argued that things have changed since . the answer to that is that principles are immutable. the only change is the cruel reduction of the armenian population. i ask, first of all: "is it fair and right and just that we should suffer massacre and persecution for generations, and when the time for reparation comes, should be penalized because so many of us have been massacred?" secondly, it should not be forgotten that although the armenian element of the population has been reduced, the turks and kurds have also suffered very considerable losses. thirdly, the armenians are much more advanced intellectually to-day than they were forty years ago, while their neighbours--turks, kurds, and others--are stagnating in the same primitive state as they were forty--or, for that matter, four hundred--years ago. another circumstance which adds materially to the chances of success of an autonomous armenia is the existence of a number of nourishing armenian communities of various sizes in other countries--in the russian caucasus and the russian empire, persia, the united states, egypt, the balkans, france, great britain, india, java, etc.--which are at the present time looking forward with enthusiasm and readiness for sacrifice, to "do their bit" in the sacred work of the reconstruction of their stricken and beloved motherland. coming to the _spectator's_ contention that "they (the armenians) could not stand alone against the kurds," i can assure the _spectator_ that there is no cause whatever for apprehension on that score, if only the russian government and army authorities will agree to allow the armenians to organize under their guidance and supervision, immediately after the war, a number of flying columns from among discharged armenian volunteers and soldiers in the regular army, for the specific purpose of carrying out a "drive" from one end of the country to the other and disarming the kurds. the armenian volunteers, of whom i speak in another chapter, have had a good deal of fighting to do with the kurds during the war and have proved more than their match, in many cases against superior numbers. the prevailing erroneous belief that the armenians "could not stand alone among the kurds" has its origin in the fact that for centuries (up to ) armenians have been an easy prey to the kurds by reason of their being prohibited to possess or carry arms on pain of death, while the kurds were supplied with arms from the government arsenals, and encouraged and supported in every way by the central government to harass the armenians. what chance would the bravest people in the world have under such circumstances? since , when the prohibition of carrying arms by christians was relaxed, it is a well-known fact, attested by european travellers, that kurds never attacked armenian villages which they knew to be armed. zeytoon and sassoon have demonstrated beyond question that when armenians have met turks on anything like equal terms, they have proved their match. these isolated, compact communities of fearless mountaineers were never entirely subjugated by the turks until the outbreak of the present war, when the zeytoonlis were overwhelmed by turkish treachery and the sassoonlis died fighting to the last man and woman (_see_ blue-book, pp. and ). in the tartars, who are nearly twice as numerous as the armenians in the caucasus, made a sudden attack upon the latter in the hamidian style. but thanks to the equity of russian government, armenians in the caucasus were as free to carry arms as tartars, so the tartars soon regained their "humane sentiments" and offered peace to stop further bloodshed. i would recommend those who entertain any fears of armenians being able to defend themselves against kurds or tartars to read villari's _fire and sword in the caucasus_ and moore's _the orient express_. at all events europe will not be taking any risk in giving the armenians the opportunity of proving that they can "make good" in spite of the kurds, and also, as we hope, can gradually civilize the kurds and other neighbouring backward races.[ ] as far as i know (in fact i have no doubt about it), armenians are prepared to take the risk of "standing alone among the kurds", provided that the entente powers afford them the necessary assistance during the first few years of reconstruction and initiation, and above all, provided that they enjoy the whole-hearted and benevolent good-will of russia, for which, it is as certain as anything human can be, their great protector and neighbour will reap a rich harvest in the future--as rich a harvest as that which britain is reaping to-day for her act of justice and statesmanship in south africa. footnotes: [ ] "armenia is dying, but she will be born again--the little blood that is left to her is the precious blood from which will arise a heroic posterity. a people that refuses to die will not die. after the victory of our armies, which are fighting for justice and liberty, the allies will have great duties to fulfil. and the most sacred of these duties will be to bring back to life the martyred peoples, belgium and serbia. then they will assure the security and independence of armenia. bending over her they will say to her: 'rise, sister! suffer no more. henceforth you are free to live according to your genius and your faith!'" [ ] armenians have from time to time opened schools for kurdish children, but their efforts were not successful, mainly owing to the unfriendly attitude of the turkish authorities. vi armenia's services in the war i have spoken earlier in these pages of the services of the armenians to the allied cause in the war. what are these services? the armenian name has been so long and so often associated with massacre that it has given rise to the general but utterly unfounded belief by those who have not gone deeper into the matter, that armenians are devoid of physical courage and allow themselves to be butchered like sheep.[ ] where this belief is not based upon ignorance of the facts and circumstances, it is, i am bound to say, a particularly dastardly piece of calumny upon a people who have groaned for centuries under a brutal tyrant's heel, with an indomitable spirit that has ever been and is even to-day the turk's despair. the struggle that has gone on for five or six centuries between armenian and turk symbolizes, perhaps better than any event in history, the invincibility of the spirit of christianity and liberty and the ideal of nationality against overwhelming odds of ruthless tyranny, the savagery of the dark ages and the unscrupulous and mendacious exploitation of religious passion. that struggle has been as unequal as can well be imagined, but we have not permitted the forces of darkness to triumph over the spirit of light and liberty, though the price paid has come very near that of our annihilation. nevertheless, we have been able, in this world-wide struggle, not dissimilar to our own long struggle in the moral issues involved, to render services to the cause of the allies, which is the cause of right and justice, and therefore our cause also, quite out of proportion, in their effect, to our numbers as a race or our contribution of fighting men as compared with the vast armies engaged, although that contribution has been by no means negligible. on the eve of turkey's entry into the war the young turks employed every conceivable means--persuasion, cajolery, intimidation, the promise of a large autonomous armenia, etc.--to induce the armenian party leaders to prevail upon the russian armenians to join themselves in a mass rally to the turkish flag against russia. they sent a number of emissaries to russian armenia with the same object. the turk must have a peculiar understanding of human nature, and not much sense of humour, to have the _naïveté_ to make such overtures to armenians after having persecuted and harried and massacred them for centuries. all the armenian leaders promised was a correct attitude as ottoman subjects. they would do neither more nor less than what they were bound to do by the laws of the country. they could not interfere with the freedom of action of their compatriots in the caucasus who owed allegiance to russia. they kept their promise scrupulously in the first months of the war. armenian conscripts went to the dépôts without enthusiasm. how could it be otherwise? what claim had the turks upon the sympathy and support of their armenian subjects? is sympathy won by tyranny, or loyalty bred by massacre? they (the armenians) were placed in a most difficult position. they were naturally reluctant to fight against the russians, and the position was aggravated by the fact that the russian caucasian army was largely composed of russian armenians. but in spite of these sentimental difficulties, mobilization was completed without any serious trouble. soon, however, armenians began to desert in large numbers; the young turks had joined the war against their wish and advice; they had not their heart in the business, and, last, but not least, they were harried, ill-treated and insulted by their turkish officers and comrades at every turn: there were exceptions, of course, but that was the position generally in the closing months of . let me add that there were large numbers of turkish deserters also, and that the armenian leaders did all they could to send the deserters of their own nationality back to the ranks, doing so forcibly in some cases. then came the defeat of the turks at sarikamysh and the ejection of djevdet bey and his force from azerbaijan. on his return to van, djevdet bey told his friends: "it is the armenians much more than the russians who are fighting us." the massacres and deportations began soon after the collapse of the turkish invasion of the caucasus and northern persia, and it is only after it was seen clearly that the turks were determined to deport or destroy them all that the armenians in many places took up arms in self-defence. there was no armed resistance before that, and the turkish and german allegations of an armenian revolt are a barefaced invention to justify a crime, a tithe of which not one but a hundred revolts cannot justify or palliate. this is proved beyond all question by mr. toynbee's concise and illuminating historical summary at the end of the blue-book on the treatment of armenians by the turks during the war. there was no revolt. but when the armenians were driven to self-defence under the menace of extermination, they fought with what arms they could scrape together, with the courage of desperation. in shahin-karahissar they held out for three months and were only reduced by artillery brought from erzerum. in van and jebel-mousa they defended themselves against heavy odds until relieved by the russians and the armenian volunteers in the first case, and rescued by french and british cruisers in the second. the turkish force sent against the insurgents of jebel-mousa was detached from the army intended for the attack on the suez canal. of course ill-armed, poorly equipped bands without artillery, wanting in almost all necessaries of modern warfare, brave as they may be, cannot possibly maintain a prolonged resistance against superior forces of regulars well supplied with artillery, machine-guns and all that is needed in war. nevertheless, some of these bands seem to have succeeded in holding out for many months, and it is believed in the caucasus that there are groups of armed armenians still holding out in some parts of the higher mountains behind the turkish lines.[ ] it will be remembered that some weeks ago--i do not recall the date--a constantinople telegram reprinted in _the times_ from german papers stated that there were , armed armenian rebels in the vilayet of sivas. this is an obvious exaggeration, and it may simply mean that a considerable number of armenians were still defending themselves against the menace of massacre. when the russian army entered trebizond a band of some armed armenians came down from the mountains and surrendered themselves to the russians. quite recently a band of seventy men cut through the turkish lines and gained the russian lines in the neighbourhood of erzinjian. the turks have repeatedly declared that the "armenian revolt" threatened to place their army between two fires. the particle of truth that there is in this assertion is, as may be judged by the facts so far known as cited above, that the armenian resistance to massacre and deportation proved to be more serious than they had anticipated, and that they had to detach large numbers of troops and in some cases artillery and machine-guns to keep these "rebels" in check. it is consequently undeniable that armenian armed resistance to deportation and massacre has been a considerable hindrance to the full development of turkish military power during the war and has, in that way, been of material, though, indirect assistance to the allied forces operating against the turks. to this may be added the demoralizing effect that the deplorable state of affairs created by the turks in their dominions must have exercised on the morale of their people. such in general outline have been the services of the turkish armenians to the allied cause. it is not my purpose here to endeavour to appraise the possibly ill-concealed, but not by any means ostentatious or provocative, sympathy of the armenians for the allies, upon the sinister designs of the young turks. i will content myself with the description of a significant cartoon that appeared early in the war in the turkish comic paper _karagöz_ in constantinople. the cartoon depicted two turks discussing the war. "where do you get your war news from?" asked turk number one. "i do not need war news," replied turk number two; "i can follow the course of the war by the expression on the faces of the armenians i meet. when they are happy i know the allies are winning, when depressed i know the germans have had a victory." the following extract from a dead turkish officer's notebook, reproduced in the _russkaia viedomosti_ (no. ), throws some light on the turkish estimate of the value of armenian support in the war. "if our armenians had been with us," wrote this turkish officer, "we would have defeated the russians long ago."[ ] the services of the russian armenians to the allied cause, but principally, of course to the russian cause during the war, have been of a more direct and positive character and of far-reaching importance. they may be divided into two distinct parts, namely, military and political; and in order the better to explain the full meaning of the armenian "strong support of the russian cause" (in the words of _the times_), i will deal with each of the two parts separately. the armenian population of russian armenia and the caucasus numbers, roughly, , , souls, and there are probably another , to , armenians scattered over the other parts of the empire. they are liable to military service as russian subjects, and it is estimated that they have given to the russian army some , men. apart from this not negligible number of men called to the colours in the ordinary course of mobilization, the armenians, as a result of an understanding with the authorities, organized and equipped at their own expense a separate auxiliary volunteer force under tried and experienced guerilla leaders, such as andranik, kéri and others, to co-operate with the caucasian army. this force contained a number of turkish armenians, mostly refugees from previous massacres. some twenty thousand men responded to the call for volunteers, though i believe not more than about ten thousand could be armed and sent to the front. the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. armenian students at the universities of moscow and petrograd and educational institutions in the caucasus vied with each other in their eagerness to take part in the fight for the liberation of their kinsmen from bondage. several young lady students offered to enlist, but i believe all but two or three were dissuaded from taking part in actual fighting. boys of fourteen and fifteen years ran away from home and tramped long distances to join the volunteer battalions. it is recorded that an armenian widow at kars, on hearing that her only son had been killed in battle, exclaimed, "curse me that i did not give birth to ten more sons to fight and die for the freedom of our country." the volunteer force was not large, but it was a mobile force well adapted to the semi-guerilla kind of warfare carried on in armenia, and the men knew the country. they seem to have done good work as scouts in particular, though they took part in many severe engagements and were mentioned once or twice in russian _communiqués_ as "our armenian detachments." generous appreciation of the services and gallantry of the volunteers as well as of armenians in the army has been expressed by russian military commanders, the press, and public men. high military honours were conferred upon the volunteer leaders, and his imperial majesty the czar honoured the armenian nation by his visit to the armenian cathedral in tiflis, demonstrating his satisfaction with the part played by armenians in the war.[ ] there are, of course, many armenian high officers in the russian army, including several generals, but so far they have not had the opportunity of producing in this war outstanding military leaders of the calibre of loris melikoff and terkhougasoff. general samsonoff, "the russian kitchener," was killed early in the war in east prussia in his gallant and successful attempt to relieve the pressure on paris. the political effect of the strong and enthusiastic support of the russian cause by armenians has been to keep in check the discontented and fanatical section of the tartars and other moslems of the caucasus, who would have been disposed to make common cause with the turks whenever a favourable opportunity should present itself to do so without much risk to themselves. the tartars and other moslem elements of the caucasus are as a whole genuinely loyal to russia, but the existence of a minority who would welcome the success of the turkish invasion cannot be denied. some of the ajars did, in fact, join the turks during their invasion of ardahan. all things considered, therefore, those who have any knowledge of the racial and political conditions in the caucasus will not, i think, regard it as in any sense an exaggeration to assert that the whole-hearted support of the armenians--and i may also add, though in a lesser degree, the georgians--has contributed very materially to the success of russian arms in the caucasian theatre of the war. the absence of that support, or even mere formal or lukewarm support, would not only most probably have had serious consequences for the caucasus, it would have left the whole of persia at the mercy of the turks; and who can say what the consequences of such a catastrophe would have been on arabia, mesopotamia, afghanistan and even the northern frontiers of india itself? nearly all the able-bodied armenians in france, between and strong, joined the french foreign legion quite early in the war. some armenians came from the united states to fight for france. only some have survived, i understand, most of whom are proud possessors of the military cross. propaganda in neutral countries has played an important part during the war. the just cause of the allies has had no stauncher supporters or better propagandists than the hundred and twenty-five thousand or more armenians in the united states, while the great tragedy of armenia has incidentally added to the armoury of the allies a melancholy but formidable moral weapon. footnotes: [ ] pierre loti, the well-known french writer, who was an ardent turkophile before the war, after adding his quota to the current, and, one is constrained to say, cheap, comments on the lack of courage and numberless other failings of the armenians, adds the following p.s. in his _turquie agonisante_ (pp. - ) after a longer sojourn in the country and closer contact with realities. (i give the translation from the french.)-- "before concluding i desire to make honourable, sincere and spontaneous amends to the armenians, at least as regards their attitude in the ranks of the ottoman army. this is certainly not due to the protestations which they have inserted in the constantinople press by the power of gold." [this is a curious admission by pierre loti; one of the stock cries of the turkophiles is that the turk is above "bakshish."] "no, i have many friends among turkish officers; i have learned from them, and there can be no doubt, that my earlier information was exaggerated, and that, notwithstanding a good number of previous desertions, the armenians placed under their orders conducted themselves with courage. therefore, i am happy to be able to withdraw without _arrière pensée_ what i have said on this subject, and i apologize." of all british games and sports armenians in different parts of the british empire, the dutch colonies and persia have manifested a natural predilection for rugby football, in which physical courage comes into play more than in most other games. in recent years the armenian college of calcutta won the calcutta schools' cup three years in succession, which gave it the right to retain the trophy. i am glad to see in the march issue of _ararat_ that the boy scouts of the same college, under scoutmaster dr. g. d. hope, have won the king's flag, presented by his majesty to the troop having the largest number of king's scouts in india and burmah. [ ] i may here point out that--though it is stated in the admirable historical summary in the blue-book (p. ) that "the number of those who have emerged from hiding since the russian occupation is extraordinarily small"--this number has been growing very considerably of late, as may be seen from mr. backhouse's telegram to the chairman of the armenian refugees (lord mayor's) fund, dated tiflis, november , , published in the newspapers. [ ] compare an armenian officer's evidence, blue-book, p. , " ... they laid the blame for this defeat upon the armenians, though he could not tell why." [ ] in an article on "the armenian massacres" in the april _contemporary review_, mr. lewis einstein, ex-member of the staff of the united states embassy in constantinople, says: "talaat attributed the disasters that befell the turks at sarikamish, in azerbaijan and at van, to the armenian volunteers." vii armenia the battle-ground of asia minor and victim of contending empires no country and people have suffered so severely from the clash of rival empires, both in war and diplomacy, as have armenia and the armenians, so far as is known to the recorded history of the world. her geographical position has made armenia the cockpit of ambitious empires and conquerors, and the highway of their armies in western asia, much as belgium and poland have been the battle-grounds of europe. but whereas in these european battle-grounds the invading armies have generally moved east and west only, armenia has endured the horrors of invasion, time after time, from north, south, east and west. then, again, armenia being a much older country, the record of her suffering from the invading armies of her stronger neighbours, "hacking their way" through her territory, extends over a proportionately longer period than that of belgium and poland. armenia has been invaded and ravaged in turn by babylonians, assyrians, egyptians, hittites, parthians, macedonians, persians, greeks, romans, arabs, tartars and turks. only during the first century b.c. did she succeed in subduing all her neighbours, and establishing a short-lived empire of her own, extending from the mediterranean to the caspian. the analogy between armenia and her european co-sufferers from the ills of aggressive imperialism ceases altogether, however, when we come to the period of turkish domination. the blood-stained history of that régime is well enough known. periodic explosions have reminded europe of the existence of the inferno of unbridled lust, corruption and predatory barbarism which this unhappy people have been fated to endure for centuries. what has not been brought into sufficient relief is the fact that this "bloody tyranny" could have long since been brought to an end, or, at all events, effectively curbed, if it had not been for the jealousies and rivalries of the great modern christian empires. the history of the acts of european diplomacy in regard to armenia and the near east during the last sixty or seventy years is not one of which the diplomats and statesmen concerned can be particularly proud. who can claim for them to-day to have served, in the sum total of their results, either the interests of the christian subjects of the porte, the progress of civilization, the material interests of the great powers themselves, or the supreme interests of peace? mr. balfour says in his famous dispatch to the british ambassador to the united states that "turkey has ceased to be a bulwark of peace," thereby implying, obviously, that turkey had played that part before. mr. balfour is a great authority on political history, and when he avers that turkey has been a "bulwark of peace" she must have filled such a rôle at some period of her history. but to his christian subjects, at any rate, the turk has never brought peace. he has brought them fire and sword and a riot of unbridled lust, rapacity, corruption and cruelty unparalleled even in the dark ages. the only peace he has brought them has been the peace of death and devastation. he has not even left trees to break the awful silence of desolation which he has spread over this fair and fertile land once throbbing with human life and activity. that is the price paid for whatever part turkey may have played in the past as a bulwark of international peace. professor valran of the university of aix-en-provence estimates the armenian population of turkey in the beginning of the nineteenth century at , , .[ ] the population of the not too healthy island of java was the same at the same period. under the excellent rule of the dutch, the population of that island has grown up to over , , during the century. what has become of the armenians, one of the most virile and prolific races of the world living in a healthy country? let the friends and protectors of the turk and his system of government give the answer. in particular let those answer who, with the turks' black and bloodstained record of centuries before them, have, nevertheless, the effrontery to maintain, at this hour of day, that the turk has not been given a fair chance. the blood of the myriads of innocents who have fallen victims to the turks' incurable barbarism throughout these centuries, cries aloud against such a brazen and deliberate travesty of the truth. one of the principal enactments of the treaty of paris was to admit turkey into the comity of the great powers of europe. to-day, after a probation of sixty years, at a fearful cost to her christian subjects, it is at last admitted that turkey has proved herself "decidedly foreign to western civilization." could there be a more crushing condemnation of the judgment of the statesmen responsible for that treaty in regard to the turk? the more one studies the record of the turk, the more one marvels at the unbounded confidence placed in his promises of reform by some of the greatest statesmen of modern times. in vain have i ransacked the history books in search of an instance where the turk carried out, or honestly attempted to carry out, a single one of his numerous promises of reform. every one of them was a snare and a pretence designed merely to oil the wheels of a cunning diplomacy or tide over a momentary embarrassment. whether it was the sultan or grand vizier or ambassador, whenever the turk made a promise to improve the lot of his christian subjects, he had made up his mind beforehand that that promise would never be performed.[ ] since the beginning of last century russia has been, by reason of her geographical contiguity, practically the only power which the turk has really feared. in contrast with the near eastern policies of the western powers, russian policy has been almost invariably hostile to the turk since the days of peter the great. of course, this was not always pure altruism on the part of the rulers of russia. but, whatever the motive, russian policy certainly coincided absolutely with the interests of humanity and civilization. and while in the west the policy of "buttressing the turk" (in the words of the bishop of oxford) often met with strong opposition among the democracies of england and france, russian policy in regard to the turk has always enjoyed the unanimous support of the russian people, who being the turk's neighbour and having had several wars with him, knew his true nature from prolonged personal contact. the one departure from russia's traditional policy was count lobanoff's regrettable--and i may say inexplicable--refusal to take joint action with britain and france to put a term upon the butcheries of - , and adopt such effective measures as would perhaps have put it beyond the power of the turk to indulge again in his diabolical orgies of cold-blooded barbarism. his fear of russia, which acted as a wholesome restraint upon the predatory tendencies of the turk, was weakened by the treaty of paris taking away from russia her effective protectorate over the christian subjects of the porte, and was removed altogether by the treaty of berlin and the cyprus convention. the turk was quick to understand that the western powers would not permit russia to intervene on behalf of his persecuted christian subjects. he saw that conditions were favourable for putting into execution his "policy" of getting rid of his christian subjects, and he forthwith set to work to carry out his foul project. events have proved the treaty of berlin to have been the masterpiece of bismarck's policy of "divide et impera." it created, as it was designed to create, a deep and bitter feeling of mistrust and antagonism between great britain and russia, which gave germany her chance of gaining a strong foothold in the ottoman empire. the appearance of germany upon the scene created new dangers, which have proved all but fatal to the armenian people. the emperor william ii, on his return from his pilgrimage to the holy land, paid a visit to, and fraternized with, the murderer of , armenians who had died for the sake of the very christ from the scene of whose life the christian emperor had just returned. this, by the way, was in characteristic contrast with king edward's refusal of the sultan's offer of his portrait about the same time. this act of the great and humane english king has touched the hearts of armenians, who cherish a deep and reverent affection for his memory. the result of the emperor william's visit to abdul hamid was the baghdad railway and many other concessions, and no doubt a great scheme of a future germano-turkish empire in the east. i believe it was dr. paul rohrbach, the well-known german writer on near eastern affairs, who suggested some years ago that the deportation of the armenians from their homes and their settlement in agricultural colonies along the baghdad railway would be the best way to make that line pay quick and handsome dividends. some time ago i read in _the near east_ the account of a conversation between an american missionary and a german officer travelling together in anatolia. the german officer confessed that what he had seen was horrible, more horrible than anything he had ever seen before; "but," he added, "what could we do? _the armenians were in the way of our military aims._" supposing that resistance to massacre by armenian men was interpreted by the german agents in turkey as being "in the way of their military aims," what possible excuse could there be for the abominable treatment, the torture, the slaughter, and the driving to misery and death of hundreds of thousands of women and children? were they also in the way of their military aims? while the turks were butchering christians in their hundreds of thousands, the german emperor was presenting a sword of honour to the sultan of turkey and showering honours upon enver pasha at his headquarters. while thousands of christian children and women were being mercilessly slaughtered and driven to death by germany's ally, and their bodies thrown to the wolves and vultures in the mesopotamian deserts, the german government was making provision for the housing and tuition of thousands of turkish youths in the technical schools of germany to fill the places of the "eliminated" armenians. what have christian germans to say to all this? do the johanniter knights, of whom the kaiser is himself grand master, approve of these proceedings? do they think that he who said "inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of these little ones, ye have done it unto me" knows of any distinction of race? how can german christians, from their rulers downwards, face god and the son of god in the intimacy of their prayers after sanctioning these black deeds which are the very negation of god and the teaching of christ? do the rulers of germany and turkey and the protagonists of the reventlow doctrine believe that empires, railways, or any other schemes of expansion, built upon foundations of the blood and tears of hundreds of thousands of human beings, will endure and prosper and bring forth harvests of plenty and peace and happiness to their promoters, their children, and their children's children? they are mistaken. my word may count for naught to the rulers and leaders of mighty states; but it is true. we are an ancient people. "we have seen empires come and empires go." we have been ground for centuries in the mill of the ruthless clash of contending empires; but in spite of our long and bitter sufferings our belief to-day is as strong as ever in the existence of another mill, the mill of divine justice, which grinds in its own good time, and may grind slow, but "it grinds exceeding small." who will doubt or deny that violence to women and children and unoffending, defenceless men, "every hair of whose head is numbered," will not be forgiven by their just and almighty creator; that the sacrifice of them for ulterior selfish objects will not be overlooked? political and military acts of the mightiest empires, entailing injustice, violence and suffering to weaker peoples will bring nemesis in their train in due course. the idol with feet of clay, sunk in the blood of innocents, cannot endure. sooner or later it must fall. footnotes: [ ] _le sémaphore de marseille_, november , . [ ] i am indebted to my friend mr. h. n. mosditchian for the following account of an incident which throws some light on the ways of the turk-- "the massacres of sassoon in - , first described at the time by dr. dillon in _the daily telegraph_, and the first of the series that drenched armenia with the blood of over , of her sons and daughters, raised such a cry of horror and indignation throughout the civilised world that great britain, france and russia, through their embassies at constantinople, prepared a scheme of reforms, known as the scheme of the th of may , and after much difficulty and long negotiations obtained thereto the approval of abd-ul-hamid, 'the red sultan.' "i was with the patriarch when the hon. m. h. herbert, secretary to the british embassy, brought to the patriarchate the good tidings of the sultan's acceptance of the scheme. upon his special advice, the patriarch sent there and then telegraphic instructions to all the armenian bishoprics in the provinces to chant te deums in the churches and to offer up prayers for the benign and magnanimous padishah! "i was again with the patriarch a day or two after when telegrams began to pour in from the provinces announcing a fresh outbreak of massacres throughout the country. i hastened to the embassies of the six great powers to give them the appalling news and to ask for their immediate assistance. as is well known, they did or could do nothing, and the massacres went on, unchecked and unbridled, assuming every day larger dimensions and a better organised thoroughness...." i called on judge terrell, the american ambassador, also. "i am not at all surprised," said he, "at these fresh massacres. i knew they would be coming, so much so that the moment i heard that the sultan was about to affix his signature to the scheme of reforms, i hastened to the grand vezir and insisted upon his sending telegraphic orders to all the valis to take good care that no american subject was hurt. the grand vezir protested of course that there was no necessity for such orders inasmuch as peace and security reigned supreme in all the vilayets, but i told him that i knew what was going to happen shortly as well as he did, and refused to leave until he had despatched the telegrams in my presence." judge terrell then told me that it had long been known to him that the valis of all the vilayets had received standing orders from the sultan to massacre the armenians (_a_) whenever they should discover any revolutionary movement among them, (_b_) whenever they should hear of a british, french or russian invasion of turkish territory, and (_c_) _whenever they should hear that the sultan had agreed to and signed a scheme of reforms_. viii the blue-book--the epic of armenia's martyrdom, the revelation of her spirit and character--"truth" on the armenians: a digression to realize, even approximately, the unimaginable barbarities that have been committed by the turks during the great armenian tragedy of , it is necessary to read the blue-book itself. but the blue-book is a bulky volume, and the average man or woman has so many calls on his or her attention in these stirring and momentous times, that i fear it will not be read as widely as it deserves to be read in the interests of humanity, christianity, and civilization. i have, therefore, thought it desirable to quote a number of extracts which will give the reader some idea of the nature and magnitude of the horrors chronicled in that fearful epic of a nation's martyrdom, in the hope that they may thereby reach a wider circle of the public. apart from giving the reader a general idea of the atrocities themselves, i have selected and grouped the extracts with the object of calling attention to the incidental or subsidiary morals and lessons they convey, which have received little or no notice in the press reviews. the blue-book reveals the spirit, the character and the ideals which lay hidden under the unattractive outside appearance of the armenians, upon which has been based their mostly superficial judgment of them by european travellers. often under the influence of a sense of indebtedness for an escort of zaptiehs "graciously placed at their disposal by a kindly vali" (in whose harem were probably languishing a dozen or more enslaved women), they have seldom paused to understand the tragedy of the dour, subdued, anxious mien of the armenian peasant seen trudging wearily along in the highways and byways of asia minor. they little realized that the armenian lived under the strain of constant terrorism; that he never knew when the honour of his wife or sister might be violently assaulted; when he might be stabbed in the back; when his cattle might be driven away or his crops burned or stolen. he was afraid even of a too attractive personal appearance, lest he should excite the cupidity and jealousy of his turkish neighbour. if he fell upon his persecutor and slew him in defence of the honour of his womenfolk, it meant the wiping out not only of his family but of his whole village. his own government was his deadly enemy, bent upon his destruction. this has been the tragedy of the armenian's life for generations. it has been little known in the west because armenia is a long way off, and few european travellers have stopped to look below the surface. he has lived with the _yatagan_ hanging over his head, like the sword of damocles, from birth to death. virile, industrious, patient, long-suffering, but never despondent, he has clung to his faith, his soil, his ancient culture, his nationality and ideals of civilization with a tenacity that centuries of "bloody tyranny" have tended only to steel more and more. that he has succeeded in preserving the ideals which have cost his nation such heartbreaking sacrifices is abundantly proved by the blue-book. here is one evidence: "mr. yarrow, seeing all this, said, 'i am amazed at the self-control of the armenians, for though the turks did not spare a single wounded armenian, the armenians are helping us to save the turks'" (p. ). but of all the tales of calm, dignified heroism in face of death recorded in the blue-book, w. effendi's letter (p. , and of the blue-book) written on the eve of his, his young wife's and infant child's deportation to what he knew to be certain death, will ever stand out as an impressive example of the noblest heroism, the highest conception of the teaching of christ and a complete triumph of the spirit, unsurpassed in the annals of christian martyrdom. "may god forgive this nation all their sin which they do without knowing," wrote this true follower of christ, while he was making ready for his and his loved ones' journey to sorrow and death. it recalls the story of st. stephen's martyrdom. w. effendi's letter and nurse cavell's immortal words, "patriotism is not enough," strike me as the two most remarkable utterances delivered spontaneously by heroic spirits in proof of the bankruptcy of the "frightfulness" to which they were on the point of falling victims. there was a short notice in _truth_ of january , , in connection with armenia day which contained the following remark: "some people despise these 'eleventh allies' as a mercenary race, but others, like mr. noel buxton, depict them in a much more attractive light." with the reader's indulgence i will digress for a moment to deal briefly with this totally unjustified stigma cast wantonly upon the character of a sorely tried nation. in the unoffensive sense of the word the whole human family may be called "mercenary." i have not met or heard of a race of men in any of the explored parts of the earth, whatever their colour, creed, or degree of civilization, who had any conscientious objection to the acquiring of as much money as they could acquire by legitimate and honourable means. i do not suppose _truth_ itself is dispensing its very helpful "rubber tips" week by week solely for the good of humanity. but if it is asserted that the armenian race puts the love of gold before everything else in life, such an assertion at this juncture is a particularly ill-timed, offensive and unworthy aspersion. a mercenary race, forsooth! if the armenian race had valued gold above its loyalty to its faith and nationality; if it had attached greater value to material prosperity than to spiritual ideals and principles, it would have accepted islam centuries ago--heaven knows the temptation was great--and won a predominant position for itself in asia minor. it would be counted to-day not by two or three, but by twenty or thirty millions. but under the longest and bloodiest pressure endured by any people in history, culminating almost in its extermination, it refused to sell its soul. thousands of armenians could have saved their lives by feigning to accept islam, but, with few exceptions, they refused to commit even that measure of spiritual dishonesty, which would perhaps not have been considered unpardonable under the circumstances. there is scarcely any instance of an armenian woman trafficking her honour for money; which is, perhaps, the most eloquent refutation of the calumny. what good object has _truth_ served by giving currency in its columns to this libel against an oppressed people, almost wiped out because of its christian faith and its sympathy for and support of the allied cause? even if there were the remotest justification for it one would have thought that _truth_ would have shrunk, at this dark and bitter hour, from adding insult to the agony of a people plunged into sorrow and mourning for the loss of half its number. but the assertion that the armenians are a mercenary race is not true. it is part of the propaganda carried on by a very few people who are either blinded by unreasoning prejudice, or have some special purpose to serve, or believe that they are discharging some kind of duty by whitewashing the turk and blackening the armenian. i believe that these admirers of the votaries of "bloody tyranny" on the bosphorus are very few indeed in this country. whoever they are and whatever their motives, conscious of my obligations to the generous hospitality of this country--for which i cannot be too grateful--but taking my stand on the broader ground of humanity, i wish to say to them, "though you are in great britain, you are not of it; though this great, humane and christian country may be your physical home by accident of birth, you will find your congenial 'spiritual home' in the offices of count reventlow and the _tanine_. charity, after all, is a matter between a man and his conscience and his god. if you cannot give your money to a starving woman or child without massacring them morally, while the turk is taking their life, pray spare your money and let the armenian die; it will please the turk and his allies. perhaps it would be more in harmony with your sentiments and political faith to lend your money to your friend the turk. when the war is over he may need a fresh supply of arms, for even the tender limbs of the countless women and children on whom he has practised his 'chivalry' may well have blunted and worn his old stock." there are mercenary armenian individuals as there are mercenary persons in every nation. it may be that, debarred from government posts except when he was indispensable, the town armenian in turkey, like the greek and syrian, has been compelled to direct his energies into commercial channels in a larger proportion than free and independent nations. naturally, also, through generations of ruthless persecution, the armenian nation has thrown up a flotsam and jetsam of indigents wandering far and wide in search of security and the means of earning a living. but to brand the whole armenian race as "mercenary" is malevolent nonsense, or credulity due to a total ignorance of the facts. seventy or eighty per cent. of the armenians in turkish as well as russian armenia are peasants, farmers and artisans. that is approximately true also of the persian armenians. even in the united states the majority of the immigrants have taken to fruit-growing in california. armenians who have the means to give their sons a good education almost invariably make them follow a profession in preference to commerce, as witness the number of armenian university professors, doctors, lawyers and some artists and painters of considerable merit in the united states.[ ] probably no people have made the sacrifices made by armenians, in proportion to their means, for the relief of distress during the war. there have been a few exceptions among the very rich whose moral sense has been blunted by luxury and self-indulgence. they can be counted on the fingers of one hand. they belong to that class of cosmopolitan financiers and traders who are no more thrilled by the music of their country's or any country's name; who are unmoved by the cry of starving women and children of their own or any race; whose home is the world and whose god is gold; who are no more the masters but the slaves of money. but this, again, is not peculiar to armenians; very far from it. it is a fraternity that embraces members of every, or almost every, race; and armenians are barely represented upon it. it is palpably misleading as it is inaccurate to assert that these represent the armenian nation. in fact, as far as my knowledge goes, the masses of the armenian people are ashamed of them, because their worship of gold and vanity are alien to the national spirit, and bring discredit upon the nation. for generations armenian educational and religious institutions have been maintained by voluntary grants; and i do not know that any european citizen bears a heavier burden for the needs of his nation than does the individual armenian. it must not be supposed from what i have said that all, or the majority, of rich armenians have been deaf or indifferent to their country's need. that would be a mistake and an injustice. on the whole their response to the call of their afflicted country has been satisfactory, considering that they had obligations to the belligerent countries to which they owed allegiance. i know of one contribution of £ , ,[ ] while ten moscow merchants raised a million roubles between them for their nation's needs. a prominent armenian physician has relinquished a large and remunerative practice at petrograd to superintend personally the administration of an orphanage at erzerum, which he has opened on his own private account. the catholicos's palace at etchmiadzin was converted into a hospital for refugees in the early months of . almost every armenian peasant family in the caucasus have housed and cared for one or more refugees in their humble cottages ever since the influx of their distressed kinsmen from the other side of the frontier in the spring and summer of . i have not marshalled these facts in a spirit of flaunting the virtues of my race--we certainly hold no monopoly of all the virtues, or indeed of all the vices, to which human nature is heir--but i know of no better way to disprove the baseless aspersions assiduously disseminated by some interested people for purposes of pro-turkish propaganda and accepted by the credulous as true. lord bryce has known the armenian people longer and more intimately than any eminent european statesman, historian and diplomatist has ever done before, and his dictum will no doubt be generally accepted as that of a great and final authority. i therefore make no apology for quoting his lordship's most recent utterance on the subject reported in the _journal of the royal society of arts_, february , -- "having known a very large number of armenians, he had been greatly struck, not only with their high level of intelligence and industry, but also by their intense patriotism. he did not know of any people who had shown greater constancy, patience and patriotism under difficulties and sufferings than the armenians. he personally had always found them perfectly loyal. he had frequently had occasion to give them confidential advice and to trust them with secrets, and never on any occasion had he found that confidence misplaced.... as a proof of their loyalty and devotion to their country he might mention that the armenians living in america had contributed sums enormous in proportion to their number and resources, for they were nearly all persons of small means, for the relief of the refugees who had been driven out by the turkish massacres. no people during the war had done more in proportion to their capacities than the armenians had done for the relief of their suffering fellow-countrymen. a large number of them were also fighting as volunteers in the armies of france, where they had displayed the utmost courage and valour in the combats before verdun." to return to the extracts from the blue-book. group "a" affords a melancholy abundance of indisputable evidence that it was not kurds and brigands alone who did satan's work in armenia, but that the chief culprits were turkish officials, high and low, officers, soldiers, gendarmes and rabble; even a member of parliament took a turn! they not only played the principal part in the vast and revolting carnival of blood, lust and savagery, but they took a delight and pride in the part they played, and laughed at the sufferings and tortures of their victims.[ ] group "b" bears evidence of a heroism and fidelity in torture and death, to faith, honour and the ideal of nationality, unsurpassed in the history of mankind, which must redound to the eternal glory of christianity and to the honour of the armenian name. i respectfully suggest for consideration by the heads of the christian churches that a day should be fixed to commemorate annually the martyrdom of this vast number of armenian christians. group "c" contains proofs of the conduct of insurgent armenians in the unequal struggles for self-defence, and it should be remembered that these are but a few instances, mainly of what was seen or heard of by foreigners. the ruined towns and villages, the silent fields and highways of this land of blood and tears, what secrets of desperate heroism in defence of wife and child, mother and sister, these guard will probably never be known. group "c" also contains evidence of the fact that the turks had to employ considerable bodies of troops to overcome the desperate resistance of armenians in many places, such as moush, sassoon, van, etc. a third feature in this group is, that the turks attributed their defeats in the caucasus to the armenians.[ ] taken together, these extracts, and the blue-book from which they are taken, form a better mirror of the characteristics of the two races than all that has been written on the subject for a century. they show the radical dissimilarity of their natures, and the vast difference between the respective stages of civilization in which the two races find themselves. was it buddha or confucius who said that the principal difference between man and the rest of the animal world is, that man possesses the feeling of pity for the pain and suffering of his fellow-men or animals? what would they think of this strange race of human beings who delight in torture and murder, sparing neither sex nor age, nor even unborn babes and their mothers; who inflict pain and jeer at their victims? i remember reading in one of mr. lloyd george's speeches not long ago: "it is not the trials one has to go through in life, but the way one faces them that matters," or words to that effect. this is as true of nations as it is of individuals. "in the reproof of chance lies the true proof of men," and of nations. how has the armenian nation conducted itself in this great upheaval and borne the terrible ordeal revealed by the blue-book: an ordeal the horror and magnitude of which it is absolutely beyond the power of the human mind to imagine? the blue-book itself furnishes the answer. from the first day of the war, armenians in all countries understood the nature of the issues involved. they had no doubt on which side lay their sympathies, which were never influenced by the varying fortunes of the war. they were exposed to grave risks and paid a terrible price. could there be a better proof of intellectual rectitude and the sincerity of sentiment? this, i trust, will silence for ever the dastardly reflections often cast upon the honesty of the armenian people. there are some dishonest armenians as there are some dishonest men in all nations. but, whether through prejudice, malice, or ignorance of the facts, to brand as dishonest a whole people who have been on the cross for half a millennium for their religion and patriotism, is unworthy of civilized and right-minded men. there are two other important facts which the blue-book establishes beyond dispute. there was no revolt. indeed, it would have been sheer madness on the part of the armenians to attempt a rising when their able-bodied manhood was with the colours. the second fact the blue-book reveals is, that the armenian party leaders did their utmost to dissuade the young turks from joining the war. when the veil of war has lifted, and europe comes to know more of what took place behind the scenes in constantinople prior to turkey's entry into the war, it will be seen how near the personal influence and eloquence of the armenian deputy zohrab came to turning the scale against the fateful and suicidal decision. this brilliant young jurist, an intimate personal friend of enver and talaat who sought his advice almost daily, was murdered by their orders on the way to diyarbekir. armenians have been charged with a lack of political aptitude as well as with treachery to the ottoman empire. i would specially call the attention of those who hold these views--europeans, moslems, and thinking turks themselves--to the fact that, at a time of crisis, it was the armenians who saw clearly the path of safety for the empire, and showed their loyalty to it, in spite of all they had suffered in the past, by their councils of prudence to which the young turks lent a deaf ear. while on the subject of the blue-book, i cannot refrain from saying that i noted with profound regret the distinction that was evidently made, in many cases, between catholic and protestant armenians on the one hand, and gregorians on the other, in the efforts that were made to save them from massacre or deportation. it is no secret that his holiness the pope and president wilson intervened through their representatives in constantinople, and possibly in berlin and vienna, to stop the massacres. i record this fact with the deepest gratitude. of course no such distinction can possibly have been made by the pope or president wilson, or their ambassadors; it was probably due to the well-meant activities of subordinates or of local european or american residents. no doubt it was better to save catholics and protestants than none at all, but the very idea of any distinction being thought of, under such fateful circumstances, is obviously contrary to the spirit of christianity, and the passages referring to it make sad reading to a christian. footnotes: [ ] visitors to the san francisco exhibition will have seen and admired the work of the armenian sculptor haik partigian, whose exhibits, i am told by one who saw them, were among the best, if not the best, of all the exhibits in the sculpture section. russia's great marine painter aivazovsky was an armenian. the recently instituted society of armenian artists is holding its first exhibition in tiflis at the time of writing. [ ] it was reported in the tiflis papers, after the above was written, that mr. mantashian, the baku oil king, has made a further donation of £ , for agricultural improvements, and offered thirty thoroughbreds to improve the breed of horses in armenia. [ ] some of the most distressing and disgraceful cases of turkish bestiality appeared in doctor (major) aspland's report on the hospital at van, which was under his charge as representative of the lord mayor's armenian relief fund. describing some of the individual cases brought to him for treatment, dr. aspland says-- "here is a young woman leaving hospital to-day, who was raped by eight kurds. she has suffered for months, and even now, in spite of operations, will be crippled for the rest of her life. here is _a small girl aged five, similarly treated by turks_, and is now lying in plaster of paris in order to recover from injury to the hip joint."--(_ararat_, october , p. .) [ ] compare this with the diary of a turkish officer, reported in the _russkaia viedomosti_ (p. ). ix extracts from the blue-book _group a_ "the archbishop of erzeroum, his grace sempad, who, with the vali's authorization, was returning to constantinople, was murdered at erzindjan by the brigands in the service of the union and progress committee. the bishops of trebizond, kaisaria, moush, bitlis, sairt, and erzindjan have all been murdered by order of the young turk government" (p. ). "the shortest method for disposing of the women and children concentrated in the various camps was to burn them. fire was set to large wooden sheds in alidjan, megrakom, khaskegh, and other armenian villages, and these absolutely helpless women and children were roasted to death.... and the executioners, who seem to have been unmoved by this unparalleled savagery, grasped infants by one leg and hurled them into the fire, calling out to the burning mothers: 'here are your lions'" (p. ). "the turks boasted of having now got rid of all the armenians. i heard it from the officers myself, how they revelled in thought that the armenians had been got rid of" (p. ). "it was heartrending to hear the cries of the people and children who were being burnt to death in their houses. the soldiers took great delight in hearing them, and when people who were out in the streets during the bombardment fell dead the soldiers merely laughed at them" (p. ). "every officer boasted of the number he had personally massacred as his share in ridding turkey of the armenian race" (p. ). "mehmed effendi, the ottoman deputy for gendje (ginj), collected about forty women and children and killed them" (p. ). "of the other children, a girl was taken away and only escaped many months later when the russians came. very reluctantly she poured out her story to the stapletons, from which it appeared that she had been handed round to ten officers after the murder of her husband and his mother, to be their sport" (p. ). "'see what care the government is taking of the armenians,' the vali said, and she returned home surprised and pleased; but when she visited the orphanage again several days later, there were only thirteen of the children left--the rest had disappeared. they had been taken, she learnt, to a lake six hours' journey by road from the town and drowned" (p. ). "sister d. a. was told, at constantinople, that turks of all parties were united in their approval of what was being done to the armenians, and that enver pasha openly boasted of it as his personal achievement. talaat bey, too, was reported to have remarked, on receiving news of vartkes's[ ] assassination: 'there is no room in the empire for both armenians and turks. either they had to go or we" (p. ). "a crowd of turkish women and children follow the police about like a lot of vultures, and seize anything they can lay their hands on, and when the more valuable things are carried out of a house by the police, they rush in and take the balance. i see this performance every day with my own eyes" (p. ). "it was a real extermination and slaughter of the innocents, an unheard-of thing, a black page stained with the flagrant violation of the most sacred rights of humanity, of christianity, of nationality" (p. ). "when the governor was petitioned to allow the infants to be entrusted to charitable moslem families, to save them from dying on the journey, he replied: 'i will not leave here so much as the odour of the armenians; go away into the deserts of arabia and dump your armenia there'" (p. ). "p. p., the college blacksmith, was so terribly beaten that a month later he was still unable to walk. another was shod with horse-shoes. at y., mr. a. d. (brother-in-law of the pastor, a. e., who suffered martyrdom at sivas twenty-one years ago) had his finger-nails torn out for refusing to accept islam. 'how,' he had answered, 'can i abandon the christ whom i have preached for twenty-years?'" (p. .) "in angora i learned that the tanners and the butchers of the city had been called to asi yozgad, and the armenians committed to them for murder. the tanner's knife is a circular affair, while the butcher's knife is a small axe, and they killed people by using the instruments which they knew best how to use" (p. ). "the ottoman bank president showed bank-notes soaked with blood and struck through with daggers with the blot round the hole, and some torn that had evidently been ripped from the clothing of people who had been killed--and these were placed on ordinary deposit in the bank by turkish officers" (p. ). "one girl had hanged herself on the way; others had poison with them. mothers were holding out their beautiful babies and begging the missionaries to take them" (p. ). "what was the meaning of all this? it was the deathblow aimed at christianity in turkey, or, in other words, the extermination of the armenian people--their extermination or amalgamation" (p. ). "during the weary days of travel i had as my companion a turkish captain, who, as the hours dragged by, came to look on me with less of suspicion, growing quite friendly at times. arrived at ---- the captain went out among the armenian crowd and soon returned with an armenian girl of about fifteen years. she was forced into a compartment of an adjoining railway coach, in company with a turkish woman. when she saw that her mother was not allowed to accompany her, she began to realize something of the import of it all. she grew frantic in her efforts to escape, scratching at the window, begging, screaming, tearing her hair and wringing her hands, while the equally grief-crazed mother stood on the railway platform, helpless in her effort to save her daughter. the captain, seeing the unconcealed disapproval in my face, came up and said: 'i suppose, effendi, you don't approve of such things, but let me tell you how it is. why, this girl is fortunate. i'll take her home with me, raise her as a moslem servant in my house. she will be well cared for and saved from a worse fate--besides that, i even gave the mother a lira gold piece for the girl.' and, as though that were not convincing enough, he added: 'why, these scoundrels have killed two of our moslems right here in this city, within the last few days,' as though that were excuse enough, if excuse were needed, for annihilating the whole armenian race. i could not refrain from giving him my version of the rotten, diabolical scheme, which, however, fell from his back like water" (p. ). "i learned here, too, of a nurse who had been in one of the mission hospitals, who two days before my arrival there had become almost crazed by the fear of falling into the hands of the human fiends, and had ended her life with poison. were these isolated or unusual instances, it would excite no comment in this year of unusual things, but when we know of these things going on all over the empire, repeated in thousands of instances, we begin to realize the enormity of the crimes committed. i spoke again to the captain: 'why are you taking such brutal measures to accomplish your aim? why not accept the offer of a friendly nation, which offers to pay transportation if you will send these people out of the country to a place of safety?' he replied: 'why, don't you understand, we don't want to have to repeat this thing again after a few years? it's hot down in the deserts of arabia, and there is no water, and these people can't stand a hot climate, don't you see?' yes, i saw. any one could see what would happen to most of them, long before arabia was reached" (p. ). "crowds of turkish women were going about insolently prying into house after house to find valuable rugs or other articles" (p. ). "the nation is being systematically done to death by a cruel and crafty method, and their extermination is only a question of time" (p. ). "women with little children in their arms, or in the last days of pregnancy, were driven along under the whip like cattle. three different cases came under my knowledge where the woman was delivered on the road, and because her brutal driver hurried her along, she died of hæmorrhage" (p. ). "i saw one young woman drop down exhausted. the turk gave her two or three blows with his stick and she raised herself painfully" (p. ). "i saw two women, one of them old, the other very young and very pretty, carrying the corpse of another young woman; i had scarcely passed them when cries of terror arose. the girl was struggling in the clutches of a brute who was trying to drag her away. the corpse had fallen to the ground, the girl, now half-unconscious, was writhing by the side of it, the old woman was sobbing and wringing her hands" (p. ). "sixteen hundred armenians have had their throats cut in the prisons of diyarbekir. the arashnort (bishop) was mutilated, drenched with alcohol, and burnt alive in the prison yard, in the middle of a carousing crowd of gendarmes, who even accompanied the scene with music. the massacres at benia, adiaman, the selefka have been carried out deliberately; _there is not a single male left above the age of years_; the girls have been outraged mercilessly; we have seen their mutilated corpses tied together in batches of four, eight, or ten, and cast into the euphrates. the majority had been mutilated in an indescribable manner" (p. ). "five hundred young men were shot outside the town without any formality. during the following two days the same process was carried out with heartless and cold-blooded thoroughness in the eighty armenian villages of ardjish, adiljevas, and the rest of the district north of lake van. in this manner some , armenians were killed in three days, their young women carried away and their homes looted" (p. ). "according to turkish government statistics , armenians were killed in this district" (p. ). "the immense procession, sinking under its agony and fatigue, forces itself along and moves forward without respite.... no pen can describe what this tragic procession has endured, or what experiences it has lived through, on its interminable road. the least detail of them makes the human heart quail, and draws an unquenchable stream of bitter tears from one's eyes.... each fraction of the long procession has its individual history, its especial pangs.... here is a mother with her six children, one on her back, the second clasped to her breast; the third falls down on the road, and cries and wails because it cannot drag itself further. the three others begin to wail in sympathy, and the poor mother stands stock still, tearless, like a statue, utterly powerless to help" (p. ). "babies were shot in their mothers' arms, small children were horribly mutilated, women were stripped and beaten. the villages were not prepared for attack; many made no resistance; others resisted until their ammunition gave out" (p. ). "a little bride and a slim young girl sidled up to our wagon to talk. in reply to our talk they told us that they were 'busy taking care of the babies.' we asked what babies, and they said: 'oh, those the effendis stop here; the mothers nurse them and then go.' we asked if there were many, and were told that every house was full. we were watched too closely to make calls possible. afterwards we found an officer ready to talk, who said: 'we take them off after a while and kill them. what can we do? the mothers cannot take them, and the government cannot take care of them for ever'" (p. ). "this frightful suffering inspires no pity in the ruthless officials, who throw themselves upon their wretched victims, armed with whips and cudgels, without distinction of sex or age" (p. ). _group b_ "many armenian women preferred to throw themselves into the euphrates with their infants, or committed suicide in their homes. the euphrates and tigris have become the sepulchre of thousands of armenians" (p. ). "while the armenian refugees had been mutually helpful and self-sacrificing, these moslems showed themselves absolutely selfish, callous and indifferent to each other's suffering" (p. ). "many went mad and threw their children away; some knelt down and prayed amid the flames in which their bodies were burning; others shrieked and cried for help which came from nowhere" (p. ). "several young women, who were in danger of falling into the turks' hands, threw themselves from the rocks, some of them with their infants in their arms" (p. ). "among the massacred were two monks, one of them being the father superior of sourp garabed, yeghishe vartabed, who had a chance of escaping, but did not wish to be separated from his flock, and was killed with them" (p. ). "in some cases safety was bought by professing mohammedanism, but many died as martyrs to the faith" (p. ). "the mother resisted, and was thrown over a bridge by one of the turks. the poor woman broke her arm, but her mule-driver dragged her up again. again the same turks threw her down, with one of her daughters, from the top of the mountain. the moment the married daughter saw her mother and sister thrown down, she thrust the baby in her arms upon another woman, ran after them, crying, 'mother, mother!' and threw herself down the same precipice" (p. ). "sirpouhi and santukht, two young women of ketcheurd, a village east of sivas, who were being led off to the harem, by turks, threw themselves into the river halys, and were drowned with their infants in their arms. mlle. sirpouhi, the nineteen-year-old daughter of garabed tufenjjian of herag, a graduate of the american college of marsovan, was offered the choice of saving herself by embracing islam and marrying a turk. sirpouhi retorted that it was an outrage to murder her father and then make her a proposal of marriage. she would have nothing to do with a godless and a murderous people; whereupon she, and seventeen other armenian girls who had refused conversion, were shamefully ill-treated and afterwards killed near tchamli-bel gorge" (p. ). "many began to doubt even the existence of god. under the severe strain many individuals became demented, some of them permanently. there were also some examples of the greatest heroism and faith, and some started out on the journey courageously and calmly, saying in farewell: 'pray for us. we shall not see you again in this world, but some time we shall meet again'" (p. ). "'no, i cannot see what you see, and i cannot accept what i cannot understand.' so the ox-carts came to the door and took the family away. the wife was a delicate lady and the two beautiful daughters well educated. they were offered homes in harems, but said: 'no, we cannot deny our lord. we will go with our father'" (p. ). "in a mountain village there was a girl who made herself famous. here, as everywhere else, the men were taken out at night and pitifully killed. then the women and children were sent in a crowd, but a large number of young girls and brides were kept behind. this girl, who had been a pupil in the school at x., was sent before the governor, the judge, and the council together, and they said to her: 'your father is dead, your brothers are dead, and all your other relatives are gone, but we have kept you because we do not wish to make you suffer. now just be a good turkish girl and you shall be married to a turkish officer and be comfortable and happy.' it is said that she looked quietly into their faces and replied: 'my father is not dead, my brothers are not dead; it is true you have killed them, but they live in heaven. i shall live with them. i can never do this if i am unfaithful to my conscience. as for marrying, i have been taught that a woman must never marry a man unless she loves him. this is a part of our religion. how can i love a man who comes from a nation that has so recently killed my friends? i should neither be a good christian girl nor a good turkish girl if i did so. do with me what you wish.' they sent her away, with the few other brave ones, into the hopeless land. stories of this kind can also be duplicated" (p. ). "the men were finally convinced of the uselessness of their efforts when one of the younger and prettiest girls spoke up for herself and said: 'no one can mix in my decisions; i will not "turn" [change her religion], and it is i myself that say it'" (p. ). "mr. a. f., a colporteur, had been willing to embrace islam, but his wife refused to recognize his apostasy, and declared that she would go into exile with the rest of the people, so he went with his wife and was killed" (p. ). "again and again they said to me: 'oh, if they would only kill me now, i would not care; but i fear they will try to force me to become a mohammedan'" (p. ). "when we consider the number forced into exile and the number beaten to death and tortured in a thousand ways, the comparatively small number that turned moslem is a tribute to the staunchness of their hold on christianity" (p. ). "if the events of the past year demonstrate anything, they show the practical failure of mohammedanism in its struggle for existence against christianity--in its attempt to eliminate a race which, because of christian education, has been proving increasingly a menace to stagnating moslem civilization. we may call it political necessity or what not, but in essence it is a nominally ruling class, jealous of a more progressive christian race, striving by methods of primitive savagery to maintain the leading place" (p. ). "the courage of that brave little doctor's wife, who knew she must take her two babies and face starvation and death with them! many began to come to her home--to her, for comfort and cheer, and she gave it. i have never seen such courage before. you have to go to the darkest places of the earth to see the brightest lights, to the most obscure spot to find the greatest heroes. "her bright smile, with no trace of fear in it, was like a beacon light in that mud village, where hundreds were doomed. "it was not because she did not understand how they felt; she was one of them. it was not because she had no dear ones in peril; her husband was far away, ministering to those who were sending her and her babies to destruction" (p. ). "one woman gave birth to twins in one of those crowded trucks, and crossing a river she threw both her babies and then herself into the water" (p. ). "and how are the people going? as they came into b. m., weary and with swollen and bleeding feet, clasping their babes to their breasts, they utter not one murmur or word of complaint; but you see their eyes move and hear the words: 'for jesus' sake, for jesus' sake!'" (p. ). "let me quote from w. effendi, from a letter he wrote a day before his deportation with his young wife and infant child and with the whole congregation-- "'we now understand that it is a great miracle that our nation has lived so many years amongst such a nation as this. from this we realize that god can and has shut the mouths of lions for many years. may god restrain them! i am afraid they mean to kill some of us, cast some of us into most cruel starvation and send the rest out of this country; so i have very little hope of seeing you again in this world. but be sure that, by god's special help, i will do my best to encourage others to die manly. i will also look for god's help for myself to die as a christian. may this country see that, if we cannot live here as men, we can die as men. may many die as men of god. may god forgive this nation all their sin which they do without knowing. may the armenians teach jesus' life by their death, which they could not teach by their life or have failed in showing forth. it is my great desire to see a reverend ali, or osman, or mohammed. may jesus soon see many turkish christians as the fruit of his blood. "'may the war end soon, in order to save the moslems from their cruelty (for they increase in that from day to day) and from their ingrained habit of torturing others. therefore we are waiting on god, for the sake of the moslems as well as of the armenians. may he appear soon'" (p. ). "before the girls were taken, the kaimakam asked each one, in the presence of the principal of the college, whether they wanted to become mohammedans and stay, or go. they all replied that they would go. only miss h. became a mohammedan, and went to live with g. professors e. and f. f. had been arrested with other armenians, but in the name of all the teachers some £ to £ were presented to the officials, and so they were let free" (p. ). "the priests were among the first to be sent off. a turk described how k. k. was killed. they stripped him of all his clothes, excepting his underclothing. with his hands bound behind his back, he knelt, with his son beside him, and they finished him off with axes, while he was praying. the same description was given of the execution of l. l.--how they took off his head by hacking down into his shoulders with axes and carving the head out like a bust" (p. ). _group c_ "but the [armenian] revolutionists conducted themselves with remarkable restraint and prudence; controlled their hot-headed youth; patrolled the streets to prevent skirmishes; and bade the villagers endure in silence: better a village or two burned unavenged than that any attempt at reprisals should furnish an excuse for massacre" (p. ). "some of the rules for their men [the armenian defenders of van] were: 'keep clean; do not drink; tell the truth; do not curse the religion of the enemy'" (p. ). "but, enraged as djevdet was by this unexpected and prolonged resistance, was it to be hoped that he could be persuaded to spare the lives of one of these men, women and children?" (p. ). "not all the turks had fled from the city [van]. some old men and women and children had stayed behind, many of them in hiding. the armenian soldiers, unlike turks, were not making war on such" (p. ). "our turkish refugees cost us a fearful price.... then, for four days more, two armenian nurses cared for the [turkish] sick ones at night and an untrained man nurse helped me during the daytime" (p. ). "mr. yarrow, seeing all this, said: 'i am amazed at the self-control of the armenians, for though the turks did not spare a single wounded armenian, the armenians are helping us to save the turks--a thing that i do not believe even europeans would do'" (p. ). "the turks offered to the georgians the provinces of koutais and of tiflis, the batoum district and a part of the province of trebizond; to the tartars, shousha, the mountain country as far as vladikavkaz, bakou, and a part of the province of elisavetpol; to the armenians they offered kars, the province of erivan, a part of elisavetpol; a fragment of the province of erzeroum, van and bitlis. according to the young turk scheme, all these groups were to become autonomous under a turkish protectorate. the erzeroum congress refused these proposals, and advised the young turks not to hurl themselves into the european conflagration--a dangerous adventure which would lead turkey to ruin" (p. ). "the turkish regulars and kurds, amounting now to something like , altogether, pushed higher and higher up the heights and surrounded the main armenian position at close quarters. then followed one of those desperate and heroic struggles for life which have always been the pride of mountaineers. men, women and children fought with knives, scythes, stones, and anything else they could handle. they rolled blocks of stone down the steep slopes, killing many of the enemy. in a frightful hand-to-hand combat, women were seen thrusting their knives into the throats of turks and thus accounting for many of them. on august , the last day of the fighting, the blood-stained rocks of antok were captured by the turks. the armenian warriors of sassoun, except those who had worked round to the rear of the turks to attack them on their flanks, had died in battle" (p. ). "in the first week of july , soldiers arrived from constantinople by way of harpout with munitions and eleven guns, and laid siege to moush" (p. ). "the energetic armenian committees have taken care of their own people, and have been unexpectedly generous to the syrians who are quartered in their midst" (p. ). "he met an armenian officer who had escaped from the turks, who told him of the deportation and massacre of the armenians. he said that the attitude of the turks towards the armenians was more or less good at the beginning of the war, but it was suddenly changed after the turkish defeat at sari-kamysh, as they laid the blame for this defeat upon the armenians, though he could not tell why" (p. ). "the fact cannot be too strongly emphasized that there was no 'rebellion'" (p. ). footnote: [ ] mr. vartkes was an armenian deputy in the ottoman parliament, who was murdered, together with another deputy, mr. zohrab, when he was being escorted by gendarmes from aleppo to be court-martialled at diyarbekir (see documents and ).--editor. x great britain and armenia--the late duke of argyll's views--an appeal to britain there is no brighter page in the glorious history of the british empire than the records of the liberties that conduce to the contentment and happiness of peoples--freedom of thought and worship, freedom of speech and association, freedom of movement and habitation, freedom of language, etc.; as well as measures of self-government varying in accordance with local needs and circumstances--granted unstintingly to the great family of nations and races constituting that marvellous commonwealth. this policy of broad, liberal justice has proved, under the stern test of this great war, the highest statesmanship and the strongest bond of empire. freedom, justice, humanity have proved an infinitely stronger impetus to loyalty than "frightfulness," a stronger cement, a superior and better "paying" stock-in-trade of empire by far than the jack-boot and the _yatagan_. the conclusive and practical demonstration of this great fact by the british empire will probably exercise a far-reaching influence for good on the future policies of empires and the liberties of mankind. the british flag has not only carried security, order and justice wherever it has gone, it has scrupulously respected religious and national sentiment everywhere. it has not denied to the peoples under its sway, or attempted to suppress, the sentiments and allegiances which it has itself held sacred. it has maintained the freedom of the seas as i believe no international device could have achieved it. i do not say this to please british readers. i have lived and travelled among small peoples and subject peoples large and small, and that is the impression i have gathered. thus the union jack has become a symbol of freedom and fairplay the world over, and persecuted peoples have long had the conviction, deep down in their hearts, that british influence is continually at work towards their ultimate liberation. if we were to reverse mr. gladstone's famous challenge concerning austria, and ask, _mutatis mutandis_: "can any one put his finger on the map of the world and say, 'here the british empire has wrought evil'?" it may be that count reventlow himself and the author of the "hymn of hate" might find themselves baffled. however opinions may differ as to the justice of some of her wars, the just and liberal treatment of the peoples that have come under british dominion is an indisputable historical fact to which the masses of mankind owe at least as much gratitude as they do to the french revolution. ireland may be singled out, and not without reason, if i may say so, as the one shaded spot on this bright page of the story of the spread of british liberty. to the neutral observer it certainly seems strange that ireland, so near the home of liberty and the stronghold of democratic institutions, should be so long denied the full and free enjoyment of those blessings liberally bestowed upon the more distant parts of the empire. possibly neutral observers do not and cannot understand the difficulties and obstacles that have hitherto proved insuperable. it is outside the scope of my subject and beyond my competence to enter into a discussion of the irish question here, but this much i may say, that ireland should convince rulers in all countries that material prosperity alone "is no remedy." security, order, prosperity, an efficient and equitable administration may palliate but can never heal a political injustice. they can never satisfy the legitimate aspirations for self-rule of a high-spirited and cultured people conscious of a strong, indestructible will as well as the undoubted capacity to govern itself. on the other hand, to compare the wrongs and sufferings of ireland (and poland) with the agony of armenia, as is sometimes done, is to compare a headache, an acute headache if you will, with the black death. it is in keeping with the ill-fortune that has dogged the footsteps of the armenian people for five centuries that armenia should have been the one exception to the rule; the one country which has been denied the blessings and benefits that have accrued to every small people which has come within the sphere of, or whose fortunes have been directly or indirectly affected by, the policy or interests of the british empire. one of the most striking features of what has been said and written in this country on the treatment meted out by the turks to their armenian subjects during the war has been the paucity of reference to the effect, incidental and indirect no doubt, but the real and disastrous effect, nevertheless, of british policy in turkey since the crimean war upon the fate of the armenian subjects of the turk. this is in contrast with what was said and written during previous massacres, and is no doubt attributable to the fact of the country being at war. i am not touching this aspect of the question in the way of a grievance. i well know, and most gratefully recognize what the british government and people have done and are still doing for us during the long and ghastly nightmare through which we are passing. the noble and unremitting efforts of lord and lady bryce, lady frederick cavendish, mr. aneurin williams, mr. t. p. o'connor, miss robinson, mrs. and miss hickson, mrs. cole, mr. noel buxton and his brother the rev. harold buxton, mr. arthur g. symonds, mr. llew williams, the rev. greenland, mr. arnold j. toynbee, and so many other friends of armenia in this country, have placed us under a lasting debt of gratitude to them and to britain. lord bryce's name will live in armenian history as long as armenia lasts. but i do think it is fair, in justice to the people of this great and righteous empire, to one-half of the armenian nation who have fallen as heroes and heroines both in war and martyrdom, and to "the little blood" that is left to the armenian people, that the facts in this connection should be placed frankly and fully before the british public at this juncture, so that it may be able to form an equitable estimate of the reparation due to the armenians, not only for the crimes and ravages committed by the enemy during the war, but also in the light of the obligations and responsibilities incurred by europe in general and great britain in particular for the armenian subjects of the ottoman empire by art. of the treaty of berlin and the cyprus convention. i have said "great britain," but it would be more accurate to say "the british government of the day," for i firmly believe--in fact, who will doubt?--that if the british people had had the slightest suspicion that the treaty of berlin and the cyprus convention had in them the germs of the disaster that has since overtaken the christian subjects of the porte, they would never have ratified those treaties. nor do i suggest, i need hardly say, that the statesmen who are responsible for these diplomatic instruments consciously and deliberately jeopardized the existence of an ancient christian people. lord salisbury's sympathetic utterances in - show unmistakably how deeply distressed he was at the grievous turn events had taken, and still more at the powerlessness of the concert of europe to save the armenians from the position of extreme peril in which the concert had placed them in . successive british governments have made frequent attempts to improve the lot of the armenians; but the more they tried the more the turks massacred. there is no fairer-minded public than the british, whose hospitality and the blessings of whose rule i have gratefully enjoyed for many years, as have some thousands of my compatriots in almost every part of the empire. there is also no one more ready and anxious to pay his debt than the briton when he knows what he owes. i have therefore no fear whatever of arousing any resentment by calling the attention of the british public to the existence of this old liability. on the contrary, i am convinced that the fact will be taken note of in good part, and by most even thankfully. i read a press article not long ago--it was, if i remember rightly, a review of mr. llew williams's book, _armenia past and present_ in _the court journal_--which ended with the following question: "if these terrible things are true and we have any responsibility, why are we not told so?" as regards the nature of the responsibilities and obligations, i refer my readers to the appendix, where will be found the texts of art. of the treaty of berlin, art. of the treaty of san stefano--which was torn up and superseded by the treaty of berlin--the full text of the cyprus convention, and lord salisbury's dispatch to sir henry layard containing instructions for the negotiation of that convention. i may here point out that though at first sight there appears to be little difference between the wording of art. of the treaty of san stefano and art. of the treaty of berlin, there is this fundamental difference between the application of the two clauses that, while the former left the russian army in occupation of the armenian provinces until the reforms should be an accomplished fact, the latter was a mere turkish promise to be performed after their evacuation by the russian forces. how the turk performed his promise is well enough known, and forms the darkest page of modern history--probably of all history. those who have the interest and the time for fuller information on the subject i recommend to refer to mr. gladstone's famous speeches on the eastern question and the treaty of berlin, the debates in both houses of parliament on the massacres of - , canon maccoll's "the sultan and the powers," mr. w. llew williams's "armenia past and present," and last but not least, "our responsibilities for turkey," by the late duke of argyll. this frank and admirable commentary on the bearing of british policy upon the armenian question is now unfortunately out of print. i therefore quote, with apologies, the following lengthy extract for the convenience of those who may have difficulty in procuring a copy. it is an authority that will command general and respectful attention.[ ] (the italics are mine.) "nothing can be more childish than to suppose that the significance and effect of such a change as this[ ] can be measured or appreciated by looking at the mere grammatical meaning of the words. the words seemed harmless enough. they may even seem to be most benevolent and most wise in the interests of the christian subjects of the porte in armenia. but when we look at the facts which lay behind the words, and at the motives which were at work among the contracting parties, we must see that nothing could have been devised more fatal to their interests. the change which the new words affected in the treaty of san stefano wounded the pride and the most justifiable ambition of russia to be the protector of her co-religionists in provinces with which no other christian power had any natural connection. on the other hand, it delighted the low cunning of the turk, in constituting another 'rift within the lute' which by and by would be quite sure to make the 'music mute' of any effective concert between the powers of europe. the turk could see at a glance that, whilst it relieved him of the dangerous pressure of russia, it substituted no other pressure which his own infinite dexterity in delays could not easily make abortive. _as for the unfortunate armenians, the change was simply one which must tend to expose them to the increased enmity of their tyrants, whilst it damaged and discouraged the only protection which was possible under the inexorable conditions of the physical geography of the country._[ ] "but this is not the whole of the responsibility which falls on us out of the international transactions connected with the treaty of berlin. after that treaty had been concluded, we entered by ourselves into a separate, and for a while a secret, convention with turkey, by which we undertook to defend her asiatic provinces by force of arms from any further conquests on the part of russia, and in return we asked for nothing more than a lease of cyprus, and a new crop of turkish promises that she would introduce reforms in her administration of armenia. no security whatever was asked or offered for the execution of those promises. we simply repeated the old mistake of , of trusting entirely to the good faith of turkey, or to her gratitude. but this time the mistake was repeated after twenty-two years' continued experience of the futility of such a trust. as to gratitude, it must have been quite clear to the turks that we were acting in our own supposed interests in resisting the advance of russia at any cost. "no doubt we had occasion to remember, with some natural bitterness, the sacrifice to russia of all that the gallant general williams had done for turkey in his splendid defence of kars. but we ought to have remembered, also, how dreadful had been the account given by that able and gallant man of the detestable government which he was defending. we ought to have remembered how easy were the reforms which he had recommended, if the turkish government had been honest; and how they had all been systematically evaded. we ought, above all, to have considered the inevitable effect of this new treaty of guarantee upon the sharp cunning of the turks. they saw how eagerly it was sought by us, and they must have concluded that, whilst we were clearly not only earnest, but excited, in our opposition to russia, we were comparatively careless and lukewarm about any changes in their own system of government. _they must have seen that the new convention_[ ] _practically superseded even the slightest restraints put upon them by the treaty of berlin, and that the christian population of armenia were practically left entirely at their mercy._ "let us look back upon all these transactions as a whole, and try to form some estimate of the position of responsibility in which they have placed us towards the christian populations subject to the ottoman dominion. in - we had saved that dominion from destruction by defeating, and locally disarming, its great natural enemy. we had set up that dominion with new immunities from attack, and we had choked off from any protectorate over the christians the only power which would or could exert any such influence with effect. we had done this without providing any substitute of our own, except a recorded promise from the turks. we had provided no machinery whereby bad faith on the part of turkey could be proved and punished. then, twenty years later, in , we had obstinately refused to join the other powers of europe in remedying this great defect, by putting a combined pressure on turkey to compel her to establish effective guarantee for the future. in we had denounced the treaty in which russia, by her own expenditure of blood and treasure, had imposed on turkey the obligations which we had admitted to be needful, but which we had ourselves declined to do anything to enforce. then, in the same year, at berlin, we had again done all we could to choke off the only power which had the means and the disposition to secure the fulfilment of any promises at all. _particularly in armenia we had substituted for a promise to russia which her power, her geographical position, and her pride might have really led her to enforce, another promise to all the powers which, on the face of it, was absurd--namely, a promise to let all the powers 'superintend the execution' of domestic reforms in a remote and very inaccessible country._ lastly, in the same year, as we had already choked off russia, we now proceeded by a separate convention to choke off also all the other powers collectively, by inducing turkey to give a special promise to ourselves, apart from them altogether. for the performance of this special promise we provided no security whatever, but trusted entirely, as we had done in , to the good faith of a power which we knew had none. _with russia deeply offended and estranged, and the rest of europe set aside or superseded--such were the conditions under which we abandoned the christian subjects of the porte in asia to a government incurably barbarous and corrupt._ "and now, we are astonished and disgusted by finding that the terrible consequences of all this selfish folly have fallen on those whom we had professed, and whom we were bound by every consideration of honour, to protect. surely these years might have brought us a reconsideration of our position. the fever of our popular russophobia had sensibly abated. we had secured our "scientific frontier" in india, and russian expansion had taken a new direction in the far east. new combinations--and some new disseverments--had taken place in europe. the whole position of affairs was favourable to a policy of escape from bad traditions--from obsolete doctrines--and from duties which it was impossible we could discharge. surely we might have asked ourselves, what had we been doing all these years to fulfil those duties? nothing. and yet all along we were not ignorant that the vicious government which we had so long helped to sustain against all the natural agencies that would have brought it to an end long ago was getting no better, but rather worse. we knew this perfectly well, and we have recorded our knowledge of it in a document of unimpeachable authority. in the second year after the treaty of berlin, when the obligations we had undertaken under it were still fresh in our recollection, we had made one more endeavour to recall the ottoman power to some sense of shame, if not to some sense of duty. in we had a special envoy at the porte, one of our most distinguished public men--mr. goschen; and we had called together at constantinople a meeting of all the ambassadors of the six powers of europe who were signatories of the treaty of berlin. they drew up an identic note, which they all signed and presented to the porte. in that note they declared that no reforms had been, or were even on the way to being, adopted, and that so desperate was the misgovernment of the country, that 'it would lead in all probability to the destruction of the christian population of vast districts.' could a more dreadful confession have been made in respect to the conduct and policy of any christian government? "this identic note commented severely on the calculated falsehoods of all kinds, and on the cunning procrastinations, which characterized the conduct and language of the porte. it concluded by reminding that government, as an essential fact, 'that by treaty engagements turkey was bound to introduce the reforms which had been often indicated,' and that these reforms were to be 'carried out under the supervision of the powers.' "we might as well have addressed our representations to a convict just released from a long sentence, and determined at once to renew his career of crime. and so we had gone on for fifteen more years since , failing to take, or even attempt taking, any effectual measures to protect the helpless populations subject to a government which we knew to be so cruel and oppressive--_populations towards whom we lay under so many responsibilities, from our persistent protection of their oppressors_. at last comes, in , one of those appalling outbreaks of brutality on the part of the turks which always horrify, but need never astonish, the world. they are all according to what bishop butler would have called the 'natural constitution and course of things,' that is to say, they are the natural results of the nature and government of the ottoman turks." such is the nature of great britain's debt to us. it was rashly incurred by her statesmen. successive british governments have made strenuous efforts and run great risks to discharge it. but it has proved undischargeable for forty years, with consequences to us which are well known. this terrible war and the ensuing peace will give great britain both the power and the opportunity to discharge that obligation, and our weapons for enforcing our claim are the honour, the conscience and the never-failing sense of justice of england, scotland, wales, ireland and the british empire. i appeal to these in the name of my sorely-stricken nation, pale, prostrate and bleeding almost to death, to stand by us and fight our battle at the peace conference. and if my appeal reaches a wide enough circle of british and irish men and women, i am confident that my nation will not die, but will live and prosper, and carve out a future that will amply compensate her for the past. footnotes: [ ] _our responsibilities for turkey_, by the duke of argyll, k.g., k.t., john murray, , p. . [ ] the supersession of article of the treaty of san stefano by article of the treaty of berlin. [ ] _town topics_ of february , , had the following: "the idiotic and ignorant criticism of the navy one hears occasionally, recalls an immortal answer by a harassed first lord, during an earlier armenian atrocity ( - )-- "'will the right honourable gentleman tell the house definitely whether it is proposed to send a british battleship to armenia?' asked the bore who worried about every country but his own. "'it is not proposed to send any ships there,' replied the minister gravely. 'navigation, i am informed by expert advisers at the admiralty, has not been good in the vicinity of ararat since the cruise of the ark.'" would to god that this intelligence had reached the foreign offices of europe twenty years earlier, before the signing of the treaty of berlin. [ ] the cyprus convention. xi an appeal to the coming peace conference gentlemen, this historic conference has come together to draw up a map of a new europe and a new near east which will in no part violate the principle of nationality--the great weakness and inherent injustice of former treaties, which has been largely responsible for the disastrous war now happily come to an end. you have also assembled as a great international tribunal to uphold the sanctity of law and humanity, and to give judgment as to the just reparation that must be made, and as to the penalties to be exacted for all outrages committed during the war against humanity and the laws and usages of civilized warfare. among the multitude of problems, great and small, that await a just and wise settlement at your hands, there is also the armenian question. this question may appear, to some of you at least, a small and insignificant one in the presence of the great and weighty questions of world-wide importance that await settlement. i claim for it without any fear of contradiction that in point of outraged humanity and civilization, measured by the sacrifice of innocence, the magnitude and unspeakable horrors of the martyrdom, destruction and ruin that has been brought upon this people with a calculated, deliberate object, and without the slightest provocation; i maintain that, on these incontestable grounds, this is the greatest wrong that ever demanded justice and reparation at the bar of a great international tribunal. and it is not turkey and germany alone who owe us reparation, although upon their shoulders lies the guilt for the innocent blood that has been ruthlessly shed, the wanton destruction that has been wrought and the untold suffering and sorrow brought upon this people during the war. all the great powers of europe have their share of responsibility for leaving them at the mercy of the turk to be murdered, burned, outraged, enslaved, to provide this or that european statesman the satisfaction of having scored a point against his opponent in the sordid jealousies and rivalries of conflicting interests. in russian armies, partly under armenian generals, occupied our country, and we hoped and believed that the hour of our liberation from the hideous nightmare of turkish domination had struck. it was a short-lived joy. the congress of berlin assembled soon after, tore up the treaty of san stefano which had given us the blessing of effective russian protection, compelled the liberating russian armies to evacuate our country, and left us once again the sport and prey of our turkish and kurdish tormentors. after the butcheries of - great britain was prepared to exact effective guarantees from the sultan abdul hamid, if necessary by force of arms, against a repetition of these unspeakable barbarities; but the russian government of the day, sore at the rebuff administered to it by the treaty of berlin and the cyprus convention, opposed great britain's proposal of taking coercive measures to stay the hand of the great assassin. in a scheme of reforms proposed by russia formed the subject of discussion by the powers, and was finally agreed to by turkey after it had undergone such modifications and revisions at the instance of the turks, backed by germany, as to render it of little practical value. the war intervened before the scheme could be put into operation, and it remained a dead letter, as had all its predecessors. meanwhile massacre, outrage, rapine, plunder, and all conceivable forms of oppression and persecution went on without respite, though in varying degrees of intensity, culminating in the frightful hecatombs of the last two years. although, of course, such was not their object and intention, the net result of these transactions was to give the turk the opportunity, as events have unfortunately proved, of murdering, burning, drowning, torturing, violating, enslaving and forcibly converting to islam at least , , unoffending and defenceless christians within the comparatively short space of forty years. i do not for a moment suggest that the authors of these treaties themselves foresaw such a result of their efforts. but that makes no difference to the result. europe backed "the wrong horse," as lord salisbury had the courage to say, and the stakes were the lives of hundreds of thousands of innocent christians--men, women and children--and a sum of human suffering and misery such as the world has probably never seen before. i gratefully acknowledge the efforts made by the successive british, french, russian and italian governments, from time to time, to bring moral or diplomatic pressure upon the turks to treat us with less harshness and inhumanity. but the turk, young and old, knew that coercion would never be used against him. he treated all european representations with amusement and contempt and went his way relentlessly, intent upon wiping out the whole race. he felt more secure from the danger of coercion after the christian emperor william ii, on his return from his pilgrimage to the holy land, paid a visit to and fraternized with the sultan abdul hamid while his hands were still red with the blood of the fearful massacres of - . that, gentlemen, has been the net result of the solemn promises given by the turks in the treaty of berlin, for which every signatory power has its share of responsibility. since that treaty became the law of europe we have made numerous appeals and representations for the application of art. . the reply we received from the ministers of the signatory powers was almost the same every time and everywhere. "insistence on the application of art. will lead to complications; you must wait for a favourable opportunity." gentlemen, that long-looked-for opportunity has at last come. armenia--"the little blood that is left to her"--stands at the bar of this conference, full of hope and expectation that the entente powers will compel turkey in the first place to make full reparation for the untold horrors, outrages and injustices that she has inflicted upon her; that they will compel germany to compensate her for her acquiescence in the atrocities committed by the turks while turkey was under her influence and control; and that they will add their own quota as a debt of honour and conscience in return for a part at least of what she has had to endure as a result of the diplomatic transactions cited above, for which they have their share of responsibility. you cannot give us back our dead, but this conference gives you the opportunity of exacting and making a reparation as generous as our trials and sacrifices have been heavy. "what do you expect this conference to give the armenian people as their adequate reparation and just rights?" i would probably be asked. this is what i should expect the conference to give to my nation, in all justice and equity: the formation of an autonomous armenia, comprising the vilayets of van, bitlis, erzeroum, kharput, diyarbekir and eastern sivas, also cilicia with an outlet on the gulf of alexandretta, say from the port of alexandretta to a few miles south-west of mersina. this state to be an internationally guaranteed neutral state with its ports and markets open to all nations. it would have an organic statute drawn up for it by the protecting powers, england, france, and russia, giving equality before the law to all the different elements of the population with extra-territorial rights and consular courts for europeans for a term of years. russia to act as mandatory of the protecting powers, and during the first few years the executive to consist of a governor-general or high commissioner and a mixed legislative council appointed by the protecting powers. a legislative assembly to be called together as soon as the country regains its normal state. the country being at present in a more or less chaotic state, an army of occupation will be necessary for as many years as will be required to organize and train an efficient gendarmerie from the local population. european advisers and heads of departments would be necessary, but there are large numbers of experienced armenian administrators, magistrates, post and telegraph inspectors, engineers, etc., etc., in the ottoman empire as well as in the caucasus, egypt and the balkans, who would gladly put their services at the disposal of their own country. some would probably come from america, india and elsewhere. adequate financial compensation by turkey[ ] and germany would place at the disposal of the executive ample funds to begin the work of rebuilding the ruined towns and villages and reconstruction generally, and to carry on the government of the country until the first year's harvest is sown and gathered and revenue begins coming into the treasury. this is the scheme i would propose in broad outline, it being impossible to go into details here. "but there is not a large enough number of armenians left to form a state," i may be told, as i have been told so often recently. (i may say here, in parenthesis, that the turkish and german delegates cannot advance this objection, as their governments have denied the existence of any massacres.) that is an entirely mistaken assumption, created by the frequent but inaccurate use of the phrase "armenian extermination." the turks did make a final ruthless attempt to exterminate us, and have dealt us a staggering blow as a race; but, gentlemen, they have not quite succeeded in their nefarious design, and it would be a sad day, indeed, for civilization if such a design had succeeded. there are to-day , turkish armenians in the parts of vilayets in occupation of the russian armies, in the caucasus and northern persia. far from their spirits being broken, these people are animated with the unshakable determination that their beloved country shall rise again from its ashes and their nation revive and enter upon a new era of security and free development. armenians all over the world are animated with the same spirit and determination. of the above half-million , or , , mostly able-bodied men, are in different parts of the occupied provinces. there are a little over , refugees in the caucasus and persia, and some , emigrants and refugees from pre-war massacres; most of them are ready to return to their homes, one potent reason for the readiness of the pre-war emigrants to return being the growing scarcity and dearness of land in the fertile parts of the caucasus. then there are the hundreds of thousands of armenians in concentration camps in northern mesopotamia and syria. how many are alive to return to their devastated homes, i cannot say. perhaps the turkish delegate will be able to inform the conference on that point. then there are still large numbers of armenians--though mostly old men, women and children, so far as our information goes--in anatolia and thrace, and over , mostly young, intelligent, ambitious men, who have emigrated since the beginning of abdul hamid's reign of terror, to the united states, egypt, the balkans, and different other countries. a not unimportant number of these will return to their native land ready to "do their bit" in the--to them--sacred work of its reconstruction and regeneration with invincible industry. this will give us within a very short time an armenian population of not much under one million souls in the proposed autonomous armenia. it may not form a majority taken as a whole, but it will form the largest coherent ethnological element. in many important centres, such as van, alashgerd, etc., where there are almost no turks left and a much smaller number of kurds than there was before the war, it will form an absolute majority. this is an important fact which the conference should bear in mind. although the armenian element is sadly reduced in numbers, the great majority of the turkish and kindred elements in these occupied provinces have, as is their wont, followed the retreating turkish armies and will probably never return. on the other hand, armenians have for some time past and do still percolate through the turkish lines in groups of various sizes and gain the russian lines. this movement of population will almost certainly continue for some years, tending to increase the armenian and reduce the turkish element in the proposed armenian state, if such a state is set up. similar movements of populations have always taken place whenever any piece of turkish territory has passed under christian rule. i may also remind the congress that when greece achieved her independence, the population of greece proper did not exceed , . another important point bearing on this question of population is the fact, to which most students of near eastern affairs have borne witness, that the armenian race is endowed with extraordinary powers of recuperation, is almost entirely free from the diseases that impede the rapid growth of population, and is one of the most prolific races in the world. their neighbours, on the evidence of travellers and students, are less free from disease and, in spite of polygamy, or perhaps partly because of it, are much less prolific. but apart from mere counting of heads, it is, i believe, generally known and admitted that there is a vast difference between the moral, intellectual, economic, and industrial value of the armenian population as compared with most of its neighbours, the armenians being markedly superior in every field of human activity. they have proved this even under the most trying handicaps, and when they have had a fair field they have easily proved themselves the equals of europeans. in fact, the armenian mind is much more european than asiatic.[ ] lord cromer has said that "the armenians with the syrians, are the intellectual cream of near eastern peoples." but apart from all these practical and certainly essential and vital considerations there remains, messieurs, the moral argument which, i feel quite certain, this august conference, representing the will and the conscience of europe, is not minded to ignore. after the massacres and deportations of talaat bey is reported to have said: "i have killed the idea of armenian autonomy for at least fifty years." whether he said it or not, that was clearly the object--to kill the armenian question by wiping out the armenian race, and incidentally to destroy the roots of christianity in asia minor. is this conference going to condone and justify the barbarous and revolting practice, as a state policy, of the deliberate attempt to murder a whole nation in cold blood, by permitting that infamous policy to succeed in its object? is it conceivable that this historic conference can bring itself to decree that the myriads of our brothers and sisters who have fallen victims to the super-tyrants' fury, for their religion and their nation, as well as those who have fallen in the common struggle for right, have suffered and died in vain? in the name not only of the living, but also of the dead, i appeal to you; i appeal to the heart and conscience of europe to desist from enacting such a flagrant and cruel injustice. m. paul doumer, late president of the french senate, declared in paris not long ago, with a fine sense of french chivalry and outraged humanity, that when the question of armenian population came to be considered at the end of the war, the dead must be counted with the living. who but my martyred nation has the moral right to invoke the memorable and exalted words of the french officer who, at a moment of dire straits for men, looked at his fallen heroes around him and exclaimed "debout les morts!"? i appeal to you, in particular, great and noble-hearted russia, our mighty neighbour and protector. our destiny is indissolubly bound up with yours. without the protection of your mighty sword and your most generous grants to our refugees, the turk would have succeeded in his sinister design. we will remain ever grateful to you, and loyal to the death. we have always proved our unswerving loyalty to you in your hour of peril. we in our turn have rendered services which have been of value to you. your generals gave our men great praise. your foremost newspapers hailed our soldiers and volunteers, and with truth, as the saviours of the caucasus. your great statesmen and ministers declared in the duma that our terrible sufferings were chiefly due to our loyalty to russia. have trust in us. help us to stand on our feet again and rebuild our devastated homes. _leave us freedom to develop and progress according to our own national genius._ some of your newspapers are speaking of a scheme to plant russian colonies in armenia, "to create a dividing zone between the russian and turkish armenians."[ ] if this is true, it is an injustice. i am speaking candidly as a friend of russia, and a supporter of my nationality as my birthright. russians will always be welcome amongst us. to show our feelings towards you i may mention the fact that in conversation between themselves armenians do not speak of you as "russians" but as "kéri," which means "uncle." but it is manifestly unfair to establish colonies and apportion lands before the repatriation of our numerous refugees, some of whom may be the owners of the land given away. besides, what is the object or the necessity of a "dividing zone" between the turkish and russian armenians? we are all ready to rally to your support again if the need should arise, as we have always done in your righteous struggle against barbarism. such measures, before the blood of our numerous victims is dry on our land, grieve and perplex us. i say again, we welcome your protection, but enable us to say always, as sir wilfrid laurier said of the french canadians, "we are loyal because we are free." with such just and liberal treatment from you, we will not only create in a short time important markets for your trade down to the shores of the mediterranean, but you will have in us a reliable bulwark and counterpoise, on your southern frontier, against the turbulent elements who are a standing menace to that frontier. the stronger you help us to grow, the more secure that frontier of your empire will be. to england, france and italy i appeal jointly with russia, to prevent the congress from finally condemning to death our long-cherished and legitimate aspirations of national regeneration, for which we have paid such a fearful price. in particular i appeal to you to give us an outlet to the sea, not only as an indispensable necessity of our economic life and development, but also as the avenue of western culture which a hard and cruel fate has so long withheld from us. let the radiant sun of liberty and security shine again on our land of sorrow and drive away for ever the stifling miasma of the turkish blight, and there will spring to life, within a generation, a people with a passionate craving for the light and progress of the west--a people morally and mentally equipped and adapted for the assimilation of the new dispensation not only for its own benefit, but also for its dissemination amongst its less advanced neighbours--a well-qualified and willing instrument and leaven of christian civilization. footnotes: [ ] a friend of mine, a turkish armenian well acquainted with local conditions, told me that £ , , would be a conservative estimate of the material loss of the , , massacred, deported, enslaved, but in all cases despoiled, armenians. [ ] m. j. de morgan says in an article in _la revue de paris_ (may , ): "les arméniens sont des orientaux par leur habitat seulement, mais des européens par leurs origins, leur parler, leur religion, leurs moeurs et leurs aptitudes." [ ] the _retch_, the organ of the constitutional democrats in russia, has published the following in its issue of july , (o.s.)-- "the scheme of settling russian emigrants in the occupied parts of turkish armenia, recently discussed in the duma, is being energetically carried out. this matter has been the subject of a lively discussion between the emigration and military authorities. investigations are in progress, not only in the districts near the frontier, but also further afield, the fertile mush valley being the object of special attention. agricultural battalions have been in course of organization since last autumn and already number men. more will be found presently. _armenians and georgians are excluded._ the task of these young arms is to cultivate the fields on which investigations have been carried out, under the supervision of agricultural experts, in order to facilitate the provisioning of the army. the question of emigrating the families of these men is also under consideration. "side by side with this scheme there exists another scheme of settling cossacks in turkish armenia, on similar lines to what has already been done in northern caucasus with good results. _those who have conceived these schemes have in view the creation of a sufficiently broad zone inhabited by russians, separating the russian armenians from the turkish armenians._ "armenian refugees are gradually returning to their country and resuming the work of cultivating their lands. they usually settle in the villages that have suffered least, their own villages having been totally ruined. "to avoid confusion, the grand duke nicholas issued a ukase in march last, warning these returned refugees to keep themselves in readiness to vacate these districts on the establishment of russian civil administration. in the same ukase the commander-in-chief of the caucasian army has decreed that the vacant lands in the plains of alashkert, diadin and bayazid may be given in hire up to the time of the return of their rightful owners. _general yudenitch has issued orders, however, prohibiting the settlement in these places of any other immigrants except russians and cossacks._ only those natives are permitted to return who are able to prove ownership of land or property by legal documents. this arrangement makes it impossible for the natives (armenians) to return to their homes because it is ridiculous to speak of title-deeds, when dealing with land in turkey; and as for other documents which prove ownership, these always get lost during flight. "in the above three plains, also in parts of the plain of bassain, the surviving native inhabitants are debarred from returning to their homes and resuming their peaceful occupations." postscript since the foregoing pages were written and before they had left the printer's hands, two momentous events have occurred which must profoundly influence not only the remaining course of the war, but also, and more especially, the settlement of the peace on its termination: two events that together mark the greatest triumph of democracy and civilization the world has seen. the russian revolution and the entry of the great american republic into the ranks of the champions of right and humanity have not only brought peace nearer, they have banished any doubt that may have existed in the minds of sceptics both in belligerent and neutral countries that this war of wars is a struggle between the forces of light and liberty and the powers of darkness and reaction. after watching the course of the struggle for more than thirty months, taking note of the difference between the methods of warfare employed by the opposing groups of belligerents; after ascertaining their respective aims; after long, patient and careful deliberation, the greatest of all the neutral judges came to the conclusion that "civilization itself seems to be in the balance." (it will not be forgotten in the entente countries, i feel sure, that though unlimited submarine "frightfulness" was the immediate _casus belli_, the martyrdom of armenia played an important part in leading president wilson and the people of the united states to that conclusion.) the world's greatest democracy, imbued with a deep-rooted love of peace and abhorrence of war as to which no doubt or suspicion anywhere exists, has broken away from a century-old tradition, which was the very foundation of its external policy, and drawn the sword impelled not by ambition or the furtherance of material interests of any kind, but by honour and the instinctive call of true chivalry to stand by those who have carried on a long and fierce struggle to save the "desperately assaulted" free institutions, principles and ideals which are its own and humanity's most precious and sacred possessions. for the first time in history--i think one can safely say that--a great nation, led by a great and sagacious leader, has gone to war prompted almost entirely with the disinterested motive of upholding its own ideals and the ideals and rights of humanity--truly an event of which the best elements of the human race will always be proud; which will ever stand out as a bright and noble landmark in the history of the world. while these epoch-making events have stamped the cause of the allies with the seal of supreme moral sanction, they have also made assurance doubly sure that the end of the war will confer upon the world a lasting peace based upon _real_ justice and equity. the presence of the delegates of the united states at the peace conference side by side with the representatives of the british empire, france, italy, and free russia will constitute a sure and sterling guarantee to the world that the determining factors in the moulding of its destinies will not be the selfish interests, avowed or veiled, of this or that empire, not the whims and ambitions of despots and ruling castes or the greed of cosmopolitan financiers, but "the pure milk," of the broad interests of justice and peace, the rights of nations great and small and the freedom and welfare of mankind itself. to the armenian people it is a final pledge that the reparation to be demanded and obtained for them, in the terms of peace will be commensurate, in full measure, with the magnitude of the wrongs and sufferings inflicted upon them because, in a vast waste of ancient barbarism and fraud, they formed an oasis embodying the ideals and principles which the democracies of europe and america are struggling to vindicate. if the great and free nations of europe have greeted these auspicious events with the satisfaction and enthusiasm we have witnessed in these last days, it can be readily imagined how intense is the rejoicing they have evoked in the hearts of the most ruthlessly oppressed of all peoples, so long denied the blessings whose advent has been placed beyond all doubt by president wilson's clarion call to democracy and by the declarations of the provisional government of free russia. that the declarations of the provisional government of free and regenerated russia have been received with profound satisfaction by armenians, goes without saying. these declarations added to those already made by the allied governments in regard to their war-aims, and president wilson's "declaration of liberty"--as his inspiring and memorable address to congress has been rightly called--finally ensure the realization of armenia's legitimate aspiration to freedom and self-government. and if the russian people should decide that the new russia shall be a republic, that would open out the vista of a thoroughly democratic, integral and united armenian state free to work out her regeneration according to her own national genius, under the guidance of the protecting powers and with their and america's generous moral and material support. america's interest in armenia and the excellent work of her missions in numerous armenian centres both in armenia itself and throughout asia minor leave no doubt that when the time for reconstruction comes, american aid--moral, material and cultural--will be forthcoming on a scale and in a manner worthy of that great country and the lofty aims for which she entered the war. for, what part of the vast war-stricken area in europe and the near east more acutely and tragically exemplifies the evils which the allies and the united states are determined to put an end to once and for all, and what nobler and more fitting culmination to their gigantic efforts and sacrifices for humanity, than the redemption and re-birth of this thrice-martyred ancient christian people? before concluding, i take this opportunity to call attention to a passage in mr. asquith's speech in the house of commons on the entry of the united states into the war, which brings into strong relief the guilt of the governments of the central powers in the stupendous crime of attempting the murder of a nation, although the occasion of the speech was of course the very antithesis of the attitude of the central powers towards the armenian atrocities. "in such a situation," said mr. asquith, "aloofness is seen to be not only a blunder but a crime. to stand aside with stopped ears, with folded arms, with an averted gaze, when you have the power to intervene is to become not a mere spectator, but an accomplice."[ ] i am quoting this striking utterance by one of england's greatest living statesmen also in the hope that it may furnish food for reflection to those pro-turks who have maintained during pre-war massacres, and still maintain, with count reventlow and his followers, that the massacre of his christian subjects by the turk is his own concern, and that nobody has the right or the obligation to intervene and create new conditions that will eliminate the possibility of its recurrence. footnote: [ ] _the times_, april , . appendix article xvi of the treaty of san stefano as the evacuation by the russian troops of the territory which they occupy in armenia, and which is to be restored to turkey, might give rise to conflicts and complications detrimental to the maintenance of good relations between the two countries, the sublime porte engages to carry into effect, without further delay, the improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by armenians, and to guarantee their security from kurds and circassians. article lxi of the treaty of berlin the sublime porte undertakes to carry out, without further delay, the improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by the armenians, and to guarantee their security against the circassians and kurds. it will periodically make known the steps taken to this effect to the powers, who will superintend their application. the cyprus convention turkey no. ( ) correspondence respecting the convention between great britain and turkey, of june , . presented to the houses of parliament by command of her majesty . list of papers no. . the marquis of salisbury to mr. layard, may , . no. . sir a. h. layard to the marquis of salisbury, one inclosure june , . no. . sir a. h. layard to the marquis of salisbury, one inclosure july , . no. is the letter which conveys to mr. layard lord salisbury's instructions for entering into the convention (as follows)-- the marquis of salisbury to mr. layard. foreign office, may , . sir, the progress of the confidential negotiations which have for some time past been in progress between her majesty's government and the government of russia make it probable that those articles of the treaty of san stefano which concern european turkey will be sufficiently modified to bring them into harmony with the interests of the other european powers, and of england in particular. there is, however, no such prospect with respect to that portion of the treaty which concerns turkey in asia. it is sufficiently manifest that, in respect to batoum and the fortresses north of the araxes, the government of russia is not prepared to recede from the stipulations to which the porte has been led by the events of the war to consent. her majesty's government have consequently been forced to consider the effect which these agreements, if they are neither annulled nor counteracted, will have upon the future of the asiatic provinces of the ottoman empire and upon the interests of england, which are closely affected by the condition of those provinces. it is impossible that her majesty's government can look upon these changes with indifference. asiatic turkey contains populations of many different races and creeds, possessing no capacity for self-government[ ] and no aspirations for independence, but owing their tranquillity and whatever prospect of political well-being they possess entirely to the rule of the sultan. but the government of the ottoman dynasty is that of an ancient but still alien conqueror, resting more upon actual power than upon the sympathies of common nationality. the defeat which the turkish arms have sustained and the known embarrassments of the government will produce a general belief in its decadence and an expectation of speedy political change, which in the east are more dangerous than actual discontent to the stability of a government. if the population of syria, asia minor, and mesopotamia see that the porte has no guarantee for its continued existence but its own strength, they will, after the evidence which recent events have furnished of the frailty of that reliance, begin to calculate upon the speedy fall of the ottoman domination, and to turn their eyes towards its successor. even if it be certain that batoum and ardahan and kars will not become the base from which emissaries of intrigue will issue forth, to be in due time followed by invading armies, the mere retention of them by russia will exercise a powerful influence in disintegrating the asiatic dominion of the porte. as a monument of feeble defence on the one side, and successful aggression on the other, they will be regarded by the asiatic population as foreboding the course of political history in the immediate future, and will stimulate, by the combined action of hope and fear, devotion to the power which is in the ascendant, and desertion of the power which is thought to be falling into decay. it is impossible for her majesty's government to accept, without making an effort to avert it, the effect which such a state of feeling would produce upon regions whose political condition deeply concerns the oriental interests of great britain. they do not propose to attempt the accomplishment of this object by taking military measures for the purpose of replacing the conquered districts in the possession of the porte. such an undertaking would be arduous and costly, and would involve great calamities, and it would not be effective for the object which her majesty's government have in view, unless subsequently strengthened by precautions which can be taken almost as effectually without incurring the miseries of a preliminary war. the only provision which can furnish a substantial security for the stability of ottoman rule in asiatic turkey, and which would be as essential after the re-conquest of the russian annexations as it is now, is an engagement on the part of a power strong enough to fulfil it, that any further encroachments by russia upon turkish territory in asia will be prevented by force of arms. such an undertaking, if given fully and unreservedly, will prevent the occurrence of the contingency which would bring it into operation, and will, at the same time, give to the populations of the asiatic provinces the requisite confidence that turkish rule in asia is not destined to a speedy fall. there are, however, two conditions which it would be necessary for the porte to subscribe before england could give such assurance. her majesty's government intimated to the porte, on the occasion of the conference at constantinople, that they were not prepared to sanction misgovernment and oppression, and it will be requisite, before they can enter into any agreement for the defence of the asiatic territories of the porte in certain eventualities, that they should be formally assured of the intention of the porte to introduce the necessary reforms into the government of the christian and other subjects of the porte in these regions. it is not desirable to require more than an engagement in general terms; for the specific measures to be taken could only be defined after a more careful inquiry and deliberation than could be secured at the present juncture. it is not impossible that a careful selection and a faithful support of the individual officers to whom power is to be entrusted in those countries would be a more important element in the improvement of the condition of the people than even legislative changes; but the assurances required to give england a right to insist on satisfactory arrangements for these purposes will be an indispensable part of any agreement to which her majesty's government could consent. it will further be necessary, in order to enable her majesty's government efficiently to execute the engagements now proposed, that they should occupy a position near the coast of asia minor and syria. the proximity of british officers, and, if necessary, british troops, will be the best security that all the objects of this agreement shall be attained. the island of cyprus appears to them to be in all respects the most available for this object. her majesty's government do not wish to ask the sultan to alienate territory from his sovereignty or to diminish the receipts which now pass into his treasury. they will, therefore, propose that, while the administration and occupation of the island shall be assigned to her majesty, the territory shall still continue to be part of the ottoman empire, and that the excess of the revenue over the expenditure, whatever it at present may be, shall be paid over annually by the british government to the treasury of the sultan. inasmuch as the whole of this proposal is due to the annexations which russia has made in asiatic turkey, and the consequences which it is apprehended will flow therefrom, it must be fully understood that, if the cause of the danger should cease, the precautionary agreement will cease at the same time. if the government of russia should at any time surrender to the porte the territory it has acquired in asia by the recent war, the stipulations in the proposed agreements will cease to operate, and the island will be immediately evacuated. i request, therefore, your excellency to propose to the porte to agree to a convention to the following effect, and i have to convey to you full authority to conclude the same on behalf of the queen and of her majesty's government-- "if batoum, ardahan, kars, or any of them shall be retained by russia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by russia to take possession of any further portion of the asiatic territories of the sultan, as fixed by the definitive treaty of peace, england engages to join the sultan in defending them by force of arms. in return, the sultan promises to england to introduce necessary reforms (to be agreed upon later between the two powers) into the government of the christian and other subjects of the porte in these territories; and, in order to enable england to make necessary provision for executing her engagement the sultan further consents to assign the island of cyprus to be occupied and administered by england." i am, etc., (signed) salisbury. no. is the convention itself, as follows-- article i if batoum, ardahan, kars, or any of them shall be retained by russia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by russia to take possession of any further territories of his imperial majesty the sultan in asia, as fixed by the definitive treaty of peace, england engages to join his imperial majesty the sultan in defending them by force of arms. in return, his imperial majesty the sultan promises to england to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later by the two powers, into the government and for the protection of the christian and other subjects of the porte in these territories; and in order to enable england to make necessary provision for executing her engagement his imperial majesty the sultan further consents to assign the island of cyprus to be occupied and administered by england. article ii the present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged, within the space of one month, or sooner if possible. in witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms. done at constantinople, the fourth day of june, in the year one thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight. (l.s.) a. h. layard. (l.s.) safvet. no. is the annex to the above convention, consisting of six articles, signed at constantinople on july , , by a. h. layard and safvet respectively. the first five articles deal with the manner in which the island of cyprus would be governed, whilst under british occupation. the final article, viz. article vi, is as follows-- "that if russia restores to turkey kars and the other conquests made by her in armenia during the last war, the island of cyprus will be evacuated by england; and the convention of june , , will be at an end." note (p. .) "the turanian movement is not the spasmodic effort of a few enthusiasts. it represents a carefully matured plan most elaborately studied in its philosophical and practical aspects, and carried out on a vast and ambitious scale. the spirit of its teaching has been made to permeate all classes of the purely turkish population, including women; while, in the army, it has been taught in the shape of a patriotic creed, and the force of military discipline has been laid at the service of its promoters. the movement, therefore, no longer expresses the creed of a limited number of nationalist fanatics, represented by the central committee of union and progress, or the extremist section of it, but of practically the whole of the turkish people, backed by the formidable power of the army. thus, the view that would represent the turkish people as unwitting or unwilling tools in the hands of the unionist government can no longer be accepted. the turkish race as a whole, with but few exceptions, stands convicted of indulging in a wanton political dream, for the realization of which it seized the opportunity of the world-war to commit most atrocious crimes. it is true that the initial responsibility lies with the c.u.p., but the whole of the turkish nation has since shared the responsibility by its ready response. this is borne out by the easy success attained by the unionist government in modifying--with hardly a dissentient voice--the system of state education, embracing even the elementary schools, and in misappropriating the _wakfs_ funds. "military officers of the higher grades were instructed to pay periodical visits to the barracks and there deliver lectures of a mixed religious and racial character, prepared by the government. were not the turkish heart a ready soil, such sowings would not have yielded such an early and abundant harvest. in spite of successive admixtures of blood, the turks have retained the original instincts of the wild men of the steppes, and a creed aiming at conquest and domination through destruction and bloodshed found eager response in their souls. islam, sympathetic as it is, despite its militant character, was sacrificed for the realization of this widest of human dreams. there was not enough of 'iron and blood' in its teaching. the turanian creed, framed on the prussian pattern of militarism, appealed a thousand times more to the turks' savage nature; and the proof is that, without any compulsion being employed, it quickly supplanted the religious heritage of centuries. the troops took up readily the heroic turanian songs in place of the usual prayers which had, until lately, been compulsory, but are so no more. the simplest of anatolians willingly accepted the idea that the prophet of later days is enver! the fundamental rules of islam became, for them, the testimony (for the unity of god), reason, character, and the collection of contributions for the government and the war under the turkish banner." (from an article entitled "turanian and moslem" in _the near east_, april , .) footnote: [ ] by a curious irony of events, at the time these lines were written by the great english statesman, egypt was governed by an armenian prime minister, nubar pasha, while the victorious russian army in the caucasus was under the command of the armenian general loris melikoff, the victor of kars, who later became minister of the interior and one of the most trusted advisers of the czar liberator. it is interesting to note that egypt had an armenian prime minister during the reign of the khalif al-mustansir ( - ) by the name of badr-el-gamali (probably a variation of bedros gamalian), "who governed wisely and well for twenty years ( - )."--_see_ adrian fortescue: _the lesser eastern churches_, p. . printed in great britain by richard clay & sons, limited, brunswick st., stamford st., s.e., and bungay, suffolk. bleeding armenia its history and horrors under the curse of islam by rev. a. w. williams, of chicago for twenty years a close student of missionary work in the east--syria, turkey and persia and dr. m. s. gabriel president of the armenian patriotic alliance, new york containing also the views of hon. wm. e. gladstone on the turkish atrocities the marquis of salisbury on england's attitude and edward a. freeman, the historian on the eastern question fully and appropriately illustrated. publishers' union copyright by a. w. williams preface. in offering to the public this volume on bleeding armenia under the curse of islam the writer does not seek to harrow the feelings of sensitive readers by the recital of blood-curdling outrages, tortures, murders, and butcherings; neither does he aim to discuss at any length the involved problems of the eastern question, but he does definitely seek to awaken interest in the history and fate of what may truly be called the martyr nation of the world. it is not the isolated fact that armenia is now undergoing a most terrible persecution, that fifty thousand or sixty thousand helpless men, women and children have already suffered death in every form which the most depraved nature, the most cruel instincts, the most bitter and fanatical hatred could devise, that so deeply arouses us; but the fact that for more than a thousand years this has been the bitter and bloody story of her wrongs--this is what staggers us. that the reader may have some clearer conceptions of the present terrible situation in armenia and of the causes which make her general condition one most deplorable to contemplate, its early history, civilization and conversion to christianity is briefly sketched, and attention is called to the fact that its very geographical position has for many centuries made it the highway for the contending armies of the east and west. armenia has been the battle ground where diverse systems of religion and civilization have fought for supremacy. its fate has always been to suffer, whichever power was for the time victorious. it has been sometimes ground to powder between the upper and nether millstone. the rise of that alien system of religion which is the most bitter and relentless persecutor of the christian faith the world has ever seen is accurately sketched, and careful attention given to it because christian people believe it to be true that the cause of the fiercest and most vindictive hatred of the turk to greek, bulgarian or armenian is primarily his loyalty to mohammed and his hatred of jesus as the christ. it were not in the heart of humanity to kindle the passions into a flame so fierce as to consume every element of mercy and compassion, unless these were set on fire by fiendish fanaticism or religious bigotry. in this light these persecutions are but the irregular outbreak of that spirit of opposition which will never cease so long as islam has power to draw the sword. from the hour that the ottoman turk was securely seated on that eastern throne of the cæsars, there never has been peace, and there never can be while he holds the keys to the gateway of nations. without laborious disquisition, with only a sincere desire to let history tell its own story, some phases of the struggle for place, preëminence and power between england and russia, which form the heart of the eastern question are also presented. no one can be in the slightest doubt as to which side of the turkish-armenian question the policy of england leans. there is no question as to the fact that england has been the firmest friend to turkey for more than sixty years, and that the more she has feared the growing power of russia the more resolutely she has stood by the porte in spite of the atrocities which have marked the frequent persecutions of the christian races under the sway of islam. her purely selfish and commercial "interests" have caused the english government to be deaf to the cry of the decimated bulgarians, and of armenians to-day. the part that england played in elaborating the great treaties of paris and of berlin which controlled the issues of the crimean and the russo-turkish wars stamps the character of her interests in the affairs of turkey. there is thus furnished in this historical data a broad ground on which public opinion in this country may call upon great britain in this hour of remorseless cruelty that she shall fulfil the treaty obligations which she most solemnly and publicly accepted and assumed and demand of the porte at the mouth of shotted guns if need be, that the rights of christian armenians shall be defended and maintained by the whole power of the turkish empire. the situation in armenia is given with considerable fulness, though volumes could not contain a complete account of the sufferings that this long-doomed race has endured under the curse of islam. the position that our government should occupy is that of high moral equity, the insistence upon the preservation of common rights of humanity irrespective of race or creed. the immediate duty lying at our doors is to assist in relieving the distress even unto starvation, which hundreds of thousands of armenians are now enduring. many will perish before aid can reach them. what is to be done must be done quickly. this book while making little pretension to literary polish is the result of wide historical research and has been carefully written and edited, and is now cast upon the great tide of public opinion with the hope that it may stimulate permanent interest in the great problems which are at issue in the conflict between christianity and islam--that it may reach and move the springs of deepest sympathy for suffering armenians; that it may rouse a more vigorous moral indignation against such crime and cruelty, and thereby assist in creating such a just and righteous public sentiment that our government may take such a stand as shall tell speedily for the bettering of the conditions of human existence in far off armenia. thus confiding in the kindly consideration of a generous public, i send forth this book on the mission to which it is hereby dedicated, viz:--to plead the cause of bleeding armenia which is being done to death under the curse of islam. table of contents. chapter i. early history of armenia. a martyr nation--need of a voice--historical annals at nineveh--abgar's letter to jesus of nazareth--acceptance of christianity--council of nice--persian conquests--bible translated--great persecutions--dying for the faith--magi driven out--saracens in armenia--fearful tortures--burned alive--bogha the tyrant--sultan of turkey--islam or death --yussuf the persian--great horrors repeated--starvation --peace returns chapter ii. the rise of islam. arabia--mecca--idolatry--mohammed's birth--carlyle on islamism --the hegira--battle of beder--mecca captured--death of mohammed --golden era of the saracens--khaled at damascus--city captured-- jerusalem besieged--capitulates--persia conquered--egypt won in a day--constantinople besieged chapter iii. the story of the first crusade. origin--jerusalem captured by the turks--peter the hermit-- pope urban--crusade of the mob--walter the penniless--battle of nicomedia-- , perished in all--crusade of the kings and nobles--godfrey of bouillon--europe moves westward-- antioch--jerusalem captured july th, --godfrey elected king chapter iv. the great tartar invasions. the turcomans--seljuks--persia conquered--armenia wasted-- , slain--ani with , churches falls--awful slaughter --asia minor ravaged--emperor of constantinople defeated-- damascus falls--saladin--jerusalem capitulates--silence on the coast--jenghiz khan--armenia in great distress--turks in europe--tamerlane--armenia again in torture--pyramids of human skulls--death of tamerlane chapter v. the fall of constantinople. ottoman empire rising--danger to europe--mohammed ii. the conqueror--fortress built at gallipoli--emperor alarmed-- europe indifferent--first great siege with artillery--seven weeks bombardment--final assault-- , ottomans fall--charge of the janissaries--constantine died at his post--church of st. sophia is turned into a mosque--islam sits on the throne of christianity chapter vi. the bulgarian massacre. four centuries of misrule--chios, , slain--christians in turkey persecuted--russia demands their protection--france and england against russia--czar's army crosses into moldavia--sultan declares war--siege of sebastopol--treaty of paris --turkish loans--revolt in servia--andrassy note-- reforms promised--bulgarian massacres--england horror struck-- gladstone on the massacres-- , butchered--russia arms for the deliverance of the christians chapter vii. the russo-turkish war. war declared--crossing the danube--siege of plevna-- skobeleff's gallant charge--third siege--plevna reduced and surrenders--alexander at the danube--shipka pass--the valley of roses--turkey conquered--adrianople--san stefano--berlin treaty--russia robbed of her victories chapter viii. the sultan abdul hamid. questions of policy--palace rule--alarm of the porte--shrewd diplomacy--playing off the powers--balance of power--reforms promised--never fulfilled chapter ix. progress and power of christian missions in the ottoman empire. the first chapter in turkish missions--have missions been a failure--modern triumphs of the gospel chapter x. the kurds and armenians. territory--origin--occupation--character--agriculture--robbers --cruelty of warfare--language--homes--women--ruined castles-- churches chapter xi. the reign of terror--sassoun chapter xii. the reign of terror--trebizond and erzeroum chapter xiii. the reign of terror--van and moush chapter xiv. the reign of terror--harpoot and zeitoun chapter xv. relief work in armenia. mission stations--the christian herald--red cross society-- miss clara barton chapter xvi. the curse of islam. despotic in government--intolerant in religion--evils of polygamy--degradation of women--ignorance--cruelty of officials--extortion--universal distress--no advance possible --the turk never improves--islam--worse and worse--its rule is against humanity chapter xvii. the greatest crime of the century. england's inactivity--her solemn obligation--treaty of san stefano--berlin--convention with turkey--cyprus--occupation of egypt--position of the english government--difficulties in the way--but the suffering awful--freeman--gladstone chapter xviii. america's duty and privilege. possible solution--universal arbitration--constantinople a free city--europe free--armenia's sorrows healed--the dawning of the twentieth century appendix. description of illustrations list of illustrations. page massacre of armenians by police, softas and kurds frontispiece. great and little ararat from the northeast armenian types and costumes monastic rock chambers at gueremeh the sultan abdul hamid in the park of the yildiz palace types of softas "the turks are upon us," a panic in stamboul the new grand vizier on his way to the sublime porte explaining the inflammatory placards taking armenian prisoners to the grand zaptie prison british cabinet debating the armenian question the british mediterranean fleet types and costumes.--kurdish gentlemen a common scene in the streets of erzeroum armenian peasant women weaving turkish carpets armenian peasants fleeing to russia armenian women, province of van armenian mountaineer of shadokh grand mosque and interior of urfah passage boat on the arras arresting the murderers of armenians sketches of armenia and kurdestan refugees and policemen at an armenian church a prayer for revenge massacre of armenians at erzeroum burying the bodies after the massacre at erzeroum a grim corner of the cemetery, erzeroum the prison at erzeroum trebizond principal street and bazaars of erzeroum town and citadel of van armenian refugees at the labor bureau at van maps. map of turkey in asia - map of armenia introduction. at no time of the world's history have there ever been two months so rich in grand tragedy as the armenian period of november and december, . it is not the enormous number of the killed nor the frightful suffering of the survivors that give this period its unique character, but the fact that the great majority of the , or more of the massacred christians had a free choice to make between life and death, and they chose death. civilized humanity is bound to take a supreme interest in the action of those heroes and heroines who sacrificed all the interests of existence to their moral ideal of life,--in those women who, in order to escape from the outrage of a bestial soldiery, threw themselves into the river euphrates and were drowned,--in those virgins who, captured by the brutal moslems, received twenty, thirty sword cuts in defending their honor,--in those men who, when threatened with instant death if they would not embrace islam, answered, "we are ready to be immolated for the love of christ," and they were slaughtered like sheep. the historian and the dramatic writer, the poet and the painter will soon follow the diplomatist and the journalist to take up the matter, and the christian peoples of all lands will continue to receive now a thrill of pious admiration, now a tremendous shock at the recital of these events. in fact, the armenian occurrences have two sides, one glorious, and one of hellish darkness. they bring out in the most striking fashion, the infernal genius of the mahommedan religion. the moslems, high and low, exhibited such foul sensuality, such satanic cruelty and such delight in ferocity of which even the savages are incapable. and these qualities are precisely those which mohammedanism cultivates. the armenian crisis served also as a test to bring out the actual degree of european morality. alas! who would have believed a year ago that the christian powers of europe would permit the turk to attempt before their eyes the extermination of a christian nation and church by wholesale massacre and forced conversions? such is, nevertheless, the dreadful revelation of the year. they did not prevent the most colossal crime of the century, nor did they punish the criminal who by their mercy alone had the power of committing such a crime; moreover, they had the front, at least some of them, to declare that, for reasons of high diplomacy, they were ready to support the authority of the monstrous criminal over his victims. what makes this infamous course of the christian governments the more ominous, is the fact that the christian peoples and churches did not seem to be shocked. they stifled their indignation and swallowed their own protests if they felt or uttered any, and we see no nation whatever boiling with the sacred rage of revolting conscience. the british government and press have tried hard to show that england has done all she could in order to protect the armenians. russia has yet her national conscience very imperfectly developed, germany's conscience is nearly dead under the curse of her success against france. it is only the government of great britain that feels the obligation of executing itself. but its failure in protecting armenia is not merely the forced consequence of the course of the other powers in the matter, as it would like to make the public believe. england had sinned against armenia during all the long period of years before the matters came to a crisis. she had been, in , the champion of the turk against russia, and in order to justify her support of a moslem power which had been the curse of its christian subjects, great britain pledged herself by the cyprus convention to protect the christians against turkish misrule as she would protect turkish territory against russian aggression. did england fulfill her solemn obligation toward armenia? no! the british consuls in armenia did report to the government that the turkish authorities and kurdish beys and hamidieh troops continued to oppress the armenians just as before, nay, worse than before,--that their worthiest leaders, bishops, professors, influential men were being exiled, the benevolent associations scattered, the useful books censured, the peasantry ground to dust, and hundreds of innocent men flung into prison and tortured--but the british government did not move. let there be no misunderstanding as to my meaning. i do not mean england remained absolutely indifferent, but she never acted in time, and with adequate energy. she remained always behind the times. she brought to bear upon the sultan a pressure of , tons when a weight of , was required, and used , when , was needed, with the result that abdul-hamid, instead of coming to his senses, grew bolder after each successful resistance. with trifling concessions he pushed his way and had the kurdish brigands organized into imperial troops, acquitted moossa beg, enjoyed the erzeroum massacre, undertook the more important massacre of sassoon, and after all, the crowning massacres of . had england insisted upon moossa beg's being hung, the erzeroum slaughter would not have been allowed, and if the leaders of the erzeroum carnage at least were punished, the greater devastation of the sassoon province would have been prevented. evidently it was much easier for the british government to successfully coerce the sultan for the exemplary punishment of the first criminals than later to check the greater tides of sweeping evils. to judge aright, we must consider the whole course of the british in the matter and not merely what happened at the critical moment when the task was so much harder. and even then, namely in october last, did england show herself equal to the requirements of the crisis? whatever lord salisbury and his party organs may say, he must have many times since avowed to himself that he did not act then as he could and ought to. he lacked courage and now the prestige of great britain has sunk to a miserably low degree in the orient. for the present the sultan reigns in constantinople and the czar governs. the situation is evidently an unsettled one, as hamid's suicidal policy has prostrated the whole country, and a radical change is to come in the near future. the final doom of the ottoman empire can not delay much longer. the world expects to see some sudden developments in the affairs of the east. the fate of agonizing armenia will be decided, and the relations of the christian with the moslem world will enter on a new phase. this book therefore, is devoted to "bleeding armenia," under the rule of islam; will touch problems of the highest importance and command general interest. it can not give a definite solution to the multitudinous questions raised by the condition of armenia, but will contribute to bring them to public comprehension and right judgment. m. s. gabriel. bleeding armenia. chapter i. early history of armenia. "gather you, gather you angels of god chivalry, justice and truth: come, for the earth has grown cursed and old come down and renew us her youth! freedom, self-sacrifice, mercy and love, haste to the battlefield, stoop from above to the day of the lord at hand." "who would sit down and sigh for a lost age of gold while the lord of all ages is here? true hearts will leap up at the trumpet of god, and those who can suffer can dare each past age of gold was an iron age too, and the meanest of saints may find work to do in the day of the lord at hand." kingsley. the history of armenia is a chapter of horrors unequalled by the history of any other nation under the sun. the record should arouse interest in the fate of this ancient and most remarkable people, who have suffered the most cruel outrages--the victims of the most horrible crimes that have ever stained the pages of history with tears and blood. as we read the heart rending story of their awful fate, we can scarcely wonder that a heartbroken mother, as she gazed on the lifeless form of a beloved daughter whom she had sought in vain to preserve from a ruffian band of turks, should cry out in the frenzy of her grief that god himself had gone mad, and that maniacs and demons incarnate were stalking through the earth. where is there a voice with passion and fire enough in it to arouse the hearts of christian america to demand, in the name of a common humanity, that the massacres and outrages of the fierce and fanatical turks shall cease? in what nobler cause did ever christian knight draw sword, or a nation ever spend treasure and blood. ours is not the terrible responsibility of the british nation which has suffered commercial considerations to outweigh frenzied appeals for justice and toleration, but it is a weight of shame that will be equally hard to bear in the day of the lord, if we, the mightiest christian nation on the face of the globe, in the darkest night of religious persecution shall put forth no effective hand to deliver this most ancient christian race from the clutch of fiendish fanaticism. the cause of armenia is founded on facts which exalt this people to the loftiest heights of martyrdom and have made them literally for eighteen centuries "the blazing torch of asia." her tortures will not cease until the mailed hand of christendom shall smite into the dust the power of the prophet. the blood of probably a million martyrs to christianity has drenched the soil of armenia. its fair proportions have been curtailed by conqueror after conqueror, its fields pillaged, its homes devastated and at no time has this devoted nation been without the presence of the sword suspended by the single hair. embrace the creed of islam, or the scimitar of the fanatic moslem severs the hair which separates an existence of fear from the martyr's crown, is forever in the thoughts of every armenian. the historians of this people of armenia claim for them a very ancient heritage--a career which though narrow, is one of thrilling interest. about the year b. c., by the might of conquest a parthian king came to the throne of armenia; and wishing to know something of the origin of the race and of the history of the country, and not finding anything satisfactory in armenia, he sent the most learned man in all his dominions to consult the old chaldean manuscripts and tablets that were to be found in the royal archives of nineveh. every facility was afforded him in his search, and among the archives he found a manuscript written in the greek characters with this label: "this book containing the annals of ancient history was translated from chaldean into greek by order of alexander the great." he extracted from that the history of armenia as written and continuing it down to his own times presented it to the king, who ordered it preserved with great care in his treasury. the principal sources of their national history rests upon the works of a celebrated armenian writer of the fifth century, who claims to have derived his information from the above mentioned manuscript. they derive their parentage from gomer, the son of japhet, or rather from haig, a grandson of gomer, who moving northward from the plains of shinar, settled with his families and followers in the country round about ararat. this interesting story, which touches in many points the authentic histories of nineveh and babylon, cannot here be told; but we hastily sketch the succeeding eras in the ever fateful history of this primitive race of people. the grandson of the founder of this parthian race of kings, ardashes i., brought all persia under his sway, and then turned westward with an army so vast he did not know their number. he subdued the whole of asia minor--passed the hellespont, conquered thrace and greece, destroying many cities. returning to armenia, he planned another expedition into persia in which he was defeated, wounded, and in dying, exclaimed, "alas, how transient and unsatisfactory is glory." a little later an immense army of allied persians and armenians invade palestine and phenicia, the roman armies being unable to stop their progress. for an immense bribe of one thousand talents of gold, antigonus secures their assistance in dethroning hyrcanus and establishes himself upon the throne of jerusalem. in the second year of abgar (or agbarus) (b. c. ,) a decree was issued by augustus that all the kingdoms acknowledging the roman dominion should be taxed, and that statues of himself should be erected in the religious temples of every nation. herod, king of the jews, puffed up with pride, also sent statues of himself to be placed near those of augustus. abgar refusing to comply with this request, herod sent a mighty force against him into armenia, but the invaders were met and defeated with great loss. abgar now determined to shake off the roman yoke, and built the city of edessa and strongly fortified it. accused to tiberius, the succeeding emperor, of inciting the persians to rebellion, he sent messengers to justify himself. during their stay in palestine they heard all the wonders which were related to them of the extraordinary power of christ. to gratify their curiosity they went to jerusalem, witnessed the miracles performed by our lord, and then returned to armenia. abgar, listening to their accounts, became satisfied that jesus was the son of god, and immediately sent back his messengers to jerusalem with a letter to christ in which acknowledging him to be the true and only son of god, he says: "therefore, now i have written and besought thee to visit me, and to heal the disease with which i am afflicted. i have also heard that the jews murmur against thee and are plotting to injure thee; i have, however, a very small but noble state which is sufficient for us both." the authenticity of this letter and the answer which jesus sent in reply has been questioned: but truth is often stranger than fiction. eusebius (ecc'l hist. bk. i., chap. ), declares that in the public registers of the city of edessa these letters and records of the transactions following them were still to be found in his day. the story is that st. thomas, directed by our lord, wrote a reply to this letter, promising to send to them an apostle after his resurrection. accordingly thaddeus was afterwards sent to edessa, where king abgar was instructed and baptized. many believed and were baptized. so gladly was the truth received, that tradition says that bartholomew and jude also were sent into armenia, but later rulers apostatizing from the faith, began a fierce persecution. bartholomew was crucified, the others also suffered martyrdom with multitudes of their disciples. thus early was the infant church of armenia baptized in its own blood, and for scarcely a generation has its blood ever ceased to flow. it is the martyr church and race of christendom. its persecutors have literally bathed themselves in the blood of the slain. witness the horrible barbarity of a persian governor of armenia in , who, upon the capture of a city which had dared to rebel against their oppressors, was so wild with rage that he ordered all the greek and armenian captives to be slain; and when a trench that had been dug was filled with the blood of his butchered victims he satiated his revenge by bathing in it. in a. d., there was a revival of christianity in armenia. diocletian, emperor of rome, restored tiridates to his throne, driving out the persian usurper. with tiridates there came from rome gregory the illuminator. by his preaching of the gospel the whole nation was converted to christianity; and in the year a.d., on the occasion of his going to cæsarea gregory was consecrated archbishop of armenia by leontius the metropolitan. later, when the news reached armenia that the emperor constantine was a convert, tiridates and st. gregory undertook the journey to rome, when an alliance was solemnly agreed upon between the two nations. at the council of nice, a. d. , the church of armenia was represented by bishops who brought back with them the creed of the fathers. thus the true light began to shine in fuller splendor in the midst of cimmerian darkness. the armenians seem to have been born for sorrow. their provinces were the highways of hostile nations. the armies of rome and of persia passing through always carried desolation and ruin with them. compelled to yield to the demands of one conquering army, they became objects of vengeance to the other when the former had withdrawn. in the year , shabuh, king of persia, sent a large army against arshag of armenia, who, being caught in a fortress which could not stand a siege, determined to deliver himself to the persian general with a view of pleading his cause before the king. upon his arrival in persia a palace was given him for his residence and that of his court. but shabuh immediately compelled him to write to his queen to join him in persia; an order was also sent to the chiefs and nobles to proceed with their queen to the persian capital. the armenian chiefs, alarmed at the order, begged to be excused, but the king being inexorable, they attacked the troops he had sent for their escort, put them to flight, and then fled into distant provinces. the queen also taking the treasures of the royal palace retired to a strong fortress and wrote to bab, a royal prince held as hostage at constantinople, to raise an army of greeks and hasten to the rescue of his father. shabuh angry at these events caused arshag to be loaded with chains and cast into the castle of oblivion, where, once immured, no one was ever heard of again. the king of persia sent a powerful army against the queen headed by two apostate armenians. they found the country in a most deplorable condition and at once laid siege to the fortress in which the queen had sought safety. the siege became a blockade, until despairing of relief the inhabitants opened the gates and surrendered. the castle was plundered with horrible atrocities, while the queen and captives who were spared were taken to persia and by various and satanic methods of torture compelled to abjure their faith. arshag, the imprisoned king, finding his bondage hopeless, driven to despair, fell on his sword and expired, having reigned eighteen years. shabuh sent merujan the apostate again into armenia with a large army and a company of magi, promising him the sovereignty of the country if he succeeded in subduing the chiefs and in forcing the armenians to embrace the persian religion. a most dreadful persecution followed, priests and bishops and people were exiled, and multitudes put to death. all the books found in the country written in greek characters were destroyed, and an order issued that no armenian should learn that tongue, and that thenceforth all writings must be in the persian characters. the magi and the executioners were distributed among the towns and villages, the miserable inhabitants having only the alternative of abjuring their religion or meeting instant death. this reads like a chapter of recent horrors. finally eastern armenia became a province of persia and after the death of shabuh enjoyed a little tranquillity. at this time a certain christian, mesrob by name, became famous for sanctity and wisdom. he invented an armenian alphabet, in the year . learning began to flourish. many schools were founded, and the armenian youth were taught their language in their own alphabet. the persian division of armenia became celebrated throughout the east for its knowledge. the old testament was translated into armenian from the syriac, the new testament having already been translated by st. mesrob. a few years later, a. d. , the dominion of the arsacides ceased forever, after having lasted for nearly six hundred years: and armenia came under the dominion of persia and was ruled by prefects for four hundred and fifty-six years. in a. d. hazguerd (yezdiged) ii. came to the throne of persia and meditated the forcible conversion of all armenia to the worship of the sun (fire worship) and the doctrines of zoroaster. he exhorted the chiefs and people to embrace the doctrine of the magi, but without effect. he sent officers to collect most extortionate taxes with power to torture at discretion. many chiefs and nobles and multitudes of people were tortured, thrown into dungeons, suffered most terrible forms of martyrdom, yet remained steadfast in faith. some few yielded under the fierceness of persecution and kissed their hands to the sun--but only a few. pleading in vain for mercy, they resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. the bishops and chiefs called a great assembly where they swore to fight for the honor and in defence of the holy church. they gathered an army of one hundred thousand men and attacked all the persians in the kingdom. the magi were put to death and their temples were demolished. fresh armies were poured in from persia and the carnage increased. fire worship was reëstablished, the former tragedies of blood and torture were reënacted, many churches were demolished, the priests dying under most excruciating torture. is it the fifth century or the nineteenth that we are describing? in a. d. , hazguerd ordered his generals to proceed into armenia with a large army and put the entire christian population to the sword. they were opposed by vartan, who by sending heralds throughout the country, warned the inhabitants of the threatened doom and gathered an army of sixty-six thousand determined men. the two armies faced each other late in the day with only a river between. that night vartan, with priests and bishops, passed through the army exhorting them to fight manfully against the invaders. the armenians all received the sacrament that night, and inflamed with love of christ and country, were ready to do and die. on the following day which was the d of june the armenians, eager to shed their blood for their faith, crossed the river and commenced the attack. at first they were successful and cut down the persians with great slaughter. but there was treason in their ranks; and in the midst of the battle five thousand men drew off and joined their enemies. the fortunes of the day changed and the armenians were routed. the glorious vartan and eight allied chiefs and two hundred and eighty-six warriors were left on the field. hundreds of wounded were taken prisoners and immediately put to death. these outrages so exasperated the armenians that again they rallied, defeated their enemies and pursuing them into persian territory ravaged the country, burning towns and villages. the persian king now offered terms of peace, promising to forbear persecuting them on account of their religious faith; and for a time the war ceased. but he did not deliver up his prisoners. many bishops and priests suffered martyrdom in ; not until did the chiefs and nobles, who had been languishing in prison for years rather than deny their faith, regain their freedom and return into armenia. from the year no persian prefect was ever again sent into armenia, that office being held by men of their own race; but on the west, however, a power was rising up that would prove a fearful scourge, a relentless and most bitter persecutor--the saracenic power. the saracens in armenia. about the year armenia was invaded by the saracens. this was the beginning of the most unhappy era in the annals of armenia. the whole country was shortly plunged into ruin and desolation. nothing at first could withstand the onslaught of these fierce warriors, saracens, infidels, who knew no word for mercy and regarded all women as but slaves to their worse than bestial passions. after a fierce battle in which the armenians were defeated with great slaughter the whole country was ablaze with conflagrations. a city captured after a siege of months was taken by storm. the most dreadful havoc ensued, twelve thousand inhabitants were massacred, churches, palaces pillaged and burned and thirty-five thousand citizens carried into captivity. these were but the beginning of sorrows and horrors. invasion after invasion followed until at last peace was bought at the cost of an immense yearly tribute which impoverished the whole people. justinian, the greek emperor, disregarding all ties of a common faith and heedless of the common danger from the rising power, demanded that they should renounce obedience to the saracens and return to his authority. they replied: "how often have we been subject to the rule of greeks, yet how little assistance have they rendered us in time of our distress. * * * should we at present submit ourselves to your power, our kingdom would be exposed to invasion, we should be delivered up to the sword and our habitations to fire and pillage. * * * we beseech you, therefore to let us remain under the dominion of our present masters by which alone our safety and the safety of our nation can be secured." the emperor enraged at this humble pleading, sent an army to invade armenia. twenty-five provinces were almost depopulated by its ravages and thousands were carried away and sold as slaves in foreign lands. the following year another army of forty thousand men came to ravage the remaining territory. the nation was driven to madness and despair by the devastations committed. but as if all the vials of wrath and the horrors of hell were to be let loose at once, the saracens, believing they had returned to the subjection of the greeks, again invaded armenia. they destroyed every town and village on their line of march, and carried away vast multitudes of captives. again they returned with greater numbers than before. cities, towns, villages, fortresses, were razed to the ground, garrisons and people either butchered or carried away captive. what could the poor armenians do but yield up their country to the power and government of the saracens? again the greeks returned with a large army, and the weakened, disheartened, impoverished people could only bow in subjection. the emperor taking hostages from among the most distinguished chiefs returned to constantinople, leaving behind an army of thirty thousand men to protect his vassals. at the expiration of three years all these had departed and the country lay open to the inroads of their fiercest enemies. the saracens soon reëstablished their power; the governors being appointed from damascus. to punish the armenians for what they termed their rebellion, many of the nobility were decoyed into churches which were then set on fire and the poor armenians were burnt alive. their property was then confiscated, their families siezed and put to death with fiendish cruelty on account of their religious faith. this reads like a chapter of living horrors: for the photographs of to-day are only those of yesterday retouched with human blood. the governors everywhere oppressed the armenians with little intermission, levying heavy taxes and inflicting extortionate fines for their own private use. when the saracens began the building of bagdad, the tribute was mercilessly increased. the greatest distress prevailed, the evil became intolerable, a dreadful dearth occurred in their harvests because of the furious hailstorms that swept over wide regions of country. clouds of locusts devoured what the hail had spared and famine and misery untold desolated the land. bogha the tyrant. it was in the year that the most awful calamities fell upon this devoted race. bogha the tyrant, marched with a vast army to the utter ruin of armenia. everywhere terror and consternation prevailed as at their first entrance into the upper valleys, they cut off utterly every living soul they found. the armenians who inhabited the summits of the mountains, beholding the awful massacres, rushed down in great numbers to attack their enemies, but the saracens taking possession of all the passes cut off their retreat. a great many were killed, and many more were taken alive. these were bound with ropes and dragged into the presence of the governor. bogha selected the finest looking men and put them in confinement, intending to force them to renounce their religion; the remainder he ordered slain before his eyes. this horrible carnage was repeated in several provinces. one of the most famous chiefs sought to make his peace with costly gifts, but was seized with his wife and children and sent in chains to bagdad. then bogha marched his army into the province of vasburagan with orders to seize and bind all who were able to carry arms. separating the finest men again for confinement and torture, the others were inexorably consigned to death. the slaughter was immense, as the records state, human blood fertilized the land, and the valleys were choked up with the bodies of former inhabitants. those whom he had spared resolutely refusing to deny their faith were tortured with fiendish ingenuity until death relieved them of their sufferings. in the extremity of their anguish they cried out: "how long o lord? how long?" a thousand years has brought no adequate reply. you recall the exclamation of sojourner truth's humble piety when frederick douglas was fiercely lamenting the death of abraham lincoln, "frederick, is god dead?" and we wonder how the faith of the harried armenians lived when to swear by mohammed would have delivered them from their horrible sufferings. is the heart of this nation dead? are we so taken up with the greed for gold, the establishment of commerce, the extension of trade, the rivalries of political ambitions, that the bleeding arms of the armenians are still stretched forth in vain, and their cries drowned by the din of business or the revels of pleasure. but no deliverer was nigh. the mountains and the rocks reëchoed in vain their cries for help, their appeals for mercy. bogha was drunk with blood. the nation must perish. province after province was swept of its cities, many thousands slain and massacred; and still the nobles and the chief men were spared for torture. many were tortured to such an extent that scarcely a feature remained by which to distinguish them. when every art, device and glittering promise had failed to induce them to apostatize, and the cruel ingenuity of their tormentors could devise no more appalling agony, they were crucified. the persecutions lasted almost without intermission for five years till the earth itself was sickened with the blood of innocent men. when almost the whole land lay desolate and many provinces were more like slaughterhouses than inhabited countries, bogha gathered multitudes of captives for slavery, and the noblest, bravest men for sacrifice, and set out for bagdad. in the presence of the caliph and the chief and flower of saracenic nobility, the most horrible scenes were reënacted in the capital of the saracens. this only now remains for the sultan of turkey, the head of the mohammedan religion to do, to equal in barbarity the deeds of bogha the tyrant; and perhaps this alone will rouse all christendom, viz: drive the miserable and starving remnants left in his eastern provinces in chains to constantinople and repeat in the eyes of all europe the awful crimes with which in the blazing light of modern civilization he has darkened the face of all the east. the caliph gave these hapless victims but one alternative--the only alternative islam ever offers when it has the power, viz: either to renounce christianity and embrace islamism, or be put to torture and to death. we shall learn what torture is when we come to rehearse in your tingling ears the devilish cruelties under which upwards of sixty thousand armenians have perished within the last few months. many outwardly renounced christianity as the sight of the prolonged tortures lacerated their hearts and smote them with weakness. many others, more firm, gloriously died in defence and confirmation of their faith. the third armenian dynasty. (a. d. .) the pressure on the reader's sympathy will be relieved by the portrayal of a brief reign of peace in armenia, but righteous indignation will not be lessened. ashod i., the son of sumpad, the confessor who died in chains at bagdad, gathered the remains of his tribe together, after the retirement of bogha, the tyrant, and by his courage, wisdom and humanity became greatly esteemed. the caliph of bagdad in an hour of strange friendliness conferred on him the government of armenia. he sent him also a special messenger, bearing rich presents and splendid official robes, directing him to invest ashod with the supreme power. his first effort was to restore confidence and improve the condition of the country, to the great satisfaction of all the armenians. george ii., pontiff, and all the chiefs united in drawing up a petition to the caliph soliciting him to bestow a crown upon ashod, promising at the same time not to falter in their allegiance to the authority of bagdad. to the great joy of all armenians, their prayer was heard and a crown of royalty was sent. basilius, the emperor of constantinople, who was an armenian of the family of the arsacids also sent him a magnificent crown. thus patronized by two emperors, ashod ascended with great splendor the throne of armenia. all the ancient royal customs were restored and armenia again became a great and flourishing country. armenia being now at peace, ashod set out to visit western armenia, and thence he passed on to constantinople to visit emperor leo, son of basilius. his reception was magnificent. on his returning he fell sick--his malady increasing he sent for george, the pontiff, and received the sacrament, after which he appointed that large sums should be distributed to the poor at the church doors and to hospitals, convents and almshouses. he died in his seventy-first year, having governed armenia thirty-one years, viz: twenty-six as governor and five as king. he was buried with all the royal magnificence due to an eastern monarch. in the caliph confirmed the crown to sumpad, eldest son of ashod and the ceremony of coronation was again performed. the treaty of his father was renewed with the emperor of constantinople, but his reign proved to be a stormy one through successive invasions of the persians. at length he was enticed into the power of yussuf, the persian, bound in chains and cast into a dark dungeon for a year. from prison he was taken before the walls of a castle which was being besieged. furious with rage because of the continued resistance, yussuf caused the most horrible barbarities to be executed upon the unfortunate sumpad in sight of the beleaguered armenians. the torture was renewed daily to cause him to deny christ. then hourly until death released his unshaken spirit. ashod ii., surnamed the iron-hearted, famed for bravery and extraordinary strength, son of sumpad, now gathered a small body of six hundred men like himself and began to drive out the persians. soon he cleared the country of them and in gratitude the armenians placed him on the throne. but many chiefs refused him their allegiance. they were a restless, jealous set of nobles, and these quarrels among themselves are by all their historians denounced as the chief source of their national weakness. nobles and peasants rose in rebellion, and yussuf taking advantage of the anarchy again brought upon them his fiercest bands. the former cruelties, and persecutions and barbarities were repeated. aged men and women were tied together and then cut to pieces, babes were tossed in the air to be caught on the points of the spears or cut in twain with their swords, or dashed to the ground in the presence of their distracted and dishonored mothers. religious fanaticism was burning like the fires of hell in the breast of yussuf and yet these armenians though ready to fight against each other would die the death of martyrs rather than deny their lord and saviour jesus christ. greater horrors followed on the devastation of their fields. sore and dreadful famine began its cruel work. thousands died of starvation. cities and villages were attacked solely for the sake of devouring the slain. individuals were seized and slain by bands of men driven to madness by their hunger. there was no red cross committee in those days for the relief of the starving populations and even if so, no person wearing a cross would have been permitted to carry to them a loaf of bread lest the religious sensibilities of yussuf and his infidel hordes should be deeply wounded. starvation was his best ally. it swept off multitudes he could not reach with the sword. the tender heart of the sultan of turkey must not to-day be lacerated with even suggestion that there is more mercy under the cross than under his own blood-red crescent. he turns fair and fertile provinces into cemeteries and makes of villages heaps of ruins, then publishes to europe that he has restored peace to his people. peace returned to armenia for twenty-five years however after the driving out of the persians, apas succeeding his brother ashod ii. multitudes of self-exiled armenians returned to their deserted fields and ruined villages, and peace soon made the valleys smile again. cities were restored, magnificent churches erected. the city of ani was chosen as the new capital. but ashod iii., derives his greatest fame from his private virtues. having built a number of hospitals, infirmaries and almshouses for the poor and suffering he gave his personal attention to their management. he visited them frequently, indulging in kindliest familiarity with the poorest. he even invited the poor, the sick and the maimed to eat with him at his own table. so unbounded was he in his donations to the poor and distressed that on his death not a single piece of money was found in his treasury. hence he was surnamed the charitable. these are the kind of men whom for more than a thousand years the saracens and turks have been trying to exterminate as dogs of christians. and the work still goes fearfully on because the great christian powers of europe say the turk must be upheld and reverenced because he holds the balance of power. it would not do to offer him anything more than a diplomatic hint that some slight reform might be acceptable even if only put on paper to show to the guardians of poor, perishing armenia. sumpad ii., succeeded his father and completed the fortifying of the city of ani. he surrounded it with a wall of exceeding height and thickness on which he raised lofty towers for the stations of its defenders. the wall was protected from assault by a wide, deep moat encompassing the city the whole being faced with stone and brick. it took him eight years to finish it. this city became the center of power and influence. a very large number of churches were erected so that in all they reached the surprising number of one thousand and one. the next largest city was ardgen containing three hundred thousand souls and eight hundred churches. the empire was consolidated and strong and retained its prosperity and power until some years after the close of the century, (a. d., ). let us leave for a while this ancient race at the height of its power and glory, the only christian nation that western asia has ever had, and take a glance at the uprising of that power of islam which to-day is, as for more than a thousand years it has been, the bitterest foe of the church of christ, the most ruthless destroyer of human life, the most brutal oppressor of enslaved humanity, which has always and everywhere robbed woman of her honor and immortality, motherhood of its glory, childhood of its innocence, the deity of his mercy and even heaven itself of its purity, making of paradise its vestibule only a mohammedan seraglio. chapter ii. the rise of islam. the reader will please turn aside for awhile to consider the rise of an alien religion which was destined to change the map of europe and the course of history for many centuries; a religion which binds with fanatical zeal a sixth part of the human race; a power, which gathering its forces from the sands of arabia swept like a fierce and pitiless simoon over the most ancient civilizations, until the flag of the prophet waved from the indus to the pillars of hercules over an empire vaster than that ever ruled by roman legions and roman law. while empires and kingdoms rose and fell; and the shock of contending armies shook all europe and northern africa, and convulsed the rest of asia, on its southwestern border, protected by the red sea, the indian ocean, persian gulf and vast stretches of burning sand, lay a great peninsula by the name of arabia, almost untouched by the cataclysm of centuries. in the depths of its deserts, its primitive character and independence remained unchanged, nor had the nomadic tribes of ishmael ever bent their haughty necks to servitude. for more than two thousand years ishmael had been "a wild man; his hand against every man and every man's hand against him" and now the other word "i will make him a great nation" was about to receive its fulfillment. our first thought of arabia is of a barren, desert country inhabited by a few wandering tribes, of little importance. but it is an immense country, almost as large as india, with a population of millions. among its mountains are beautiful and fertile valleys, towns and castles surrounded by orchards and vineyards, groves of palm trees and date-palms, fields of grain and well-stocked pastures. in the south were the people of yemen--or arabia the happy--that land of spices, perfumes and frankincense; the sheba of the scriptures. these were the most active and skillful navigators of the eastern seas and brought the wealth of the far east to their ports: thence by caravans all these mingled products were distributed to syria, egypt and other lands on the borders of the mediterranean. the caravans were generally fitted out and conducted by the nomadic tribes, who added to the merchandise of other lands the exquisite and costly garments woven from the finest fleeces of their countless flocks and herds. in arabia, above all the other lands in the east, the track of the caravan has borne on it greater riches even than the ships of tarshish. at the intersection of two such tracks where the goods of india and of africa were interchanged, and where the gold of the roman empire was weighed against the spices of "araby the blest," was situated the great emporium of mecca. mecca was both the commercial and religious center of the whole peninsula. although there was no political capital, the tribe feeling had led to the establishment of a form of government aristocratic rather than despotic. the noblest tribe among them all was the koreish; the noblest family of the koreish was that of hashem: and the family of hashem at the time of which we are writing were the rulers of mecca and the guardians of its kaaba. the original religion of arabia appears to have been the patriarchal monotheism in which there was still retained some knowledge of one, true, living, personal deity. one supreme god was still worshiped, but in the language of the koran they "gave him companions," they paid adoration to various subordinate powers, as to the host of heaven--to three female intelligences spoken of as the daughters of god, and to various family, local and national idols of which three hundred and sixty were found in the temple at mecca. this ancient temple, built according to arabian tradition by the patriarch abraham, contained besides these molten and graven images, the black stone--one of the stones of paradise which fell down with adam, but being taken up at the deluge, it was brought to abraham by the angel gabriel as a sacred ornament for his restored temple. at any rate, here at this temple in mecca was the great center of worship, of sacrifice, and to it thronged in vast numbers the idolaters of arabia. the wild arab of the desert and the comparatively civilized arab of the cities show, though in different degrees, the same great elements of national character. among them all the virtues and the vices of the half savage state, its revenge and its rapacity, its hospitality and its bounty were to be seen in their full force. how often have we had pictured before us the simplicity and beauty of such a natural life. this wild man has been described as generous and hospitable. he delighted in giving gifts; his door was always open to the wayfarer, with whom he was ready to share his last morsel; and his deadliest foe, having once broken bread with him, might repose securely beneath the inviolable sanctity of his tent. his social life, however, was most degraded. drunkenness, gambling and unrestrained licentiousness abounded: the horrible practice of female infanticide was prevalent among the pagan tribes: while polygamy, that curse of the east, everywhere prevailed. though speaking a language, copious in the extreme, the words of which have been compared to gems and flowers, literature in the strict sense of that word can hardly be said to have existed; but the arab had a quick intellect, was always ready with a native vein of rhetoric and was easily aroused by the appeals of eloquence and charmed by the graces of poetry. he was naturally an orator, delighted in proverbs and clothed his ideas in florid oriental style with apologue and parable. while thus a degraded and degrading polytheism was the prevailing religion of arabia, many jews were to be found at medina and in the cities bordering on syria, and there was also a corrupted form of christianity incrusted with numerous errors and superstitions, so that in no part of the world did christianity give forth so feeble a light. a very decided reform was imperatively needed to restore the belief in the unity of god and set up a higher standard of morality. it is claimed by his admirers that mohammed brought about such a reform. he was born in the year of the family of hashem and the tribe of koreish to whom was entrusted the guardianship of the pagan temple and the black stone. early left an orphan and in poverty, he was reared in the family of one of his uncles under all the influences of idolatry. this uncle was a merchant, and the youth made long journeys with him to distant fairs, especially into syria where he became acquainted with the holy scriptures, especially with the old testament. at the age of twenty-five he entered the service of cadijeh, a very wealthy widow conducting her immense caravans to fairs in distant cities. his personal beauty, his intelligence and spirit, won the heart of this powerful mistress and she became his wife. he was now second to none in arabia and his soul began to meditate on great things. there was in his household his wife's cousin, waraka, a man of flexible faith and of speculative spirit; originally a jew, then a christian, and withal a pretender to astrology. his name is worthy of notice as being the first on record to translate parts of the old and new testaments into arabic. as mohammed contrasted these spiritual religions with the surrounding idolatry, he became more and more sensible of its grossness and absurdity. it appeared to him that the time for another reform had arrived. he talked with his uncles, they laughed at him. only cadijeh listened to him, believed in him, and encouraged him. long afterwards, when she was dead, ayeshah, his young and favorite wife, once asked him: "am i not better than cadijeh? do you not love me better than you did her? she was a widow, old and ugly?" "no, by allah," said the prophet, "she believed in me when no one else did. in the whole world i had but one friend, and she was that friend." without her sympathy and faith he probably would have failed. he told her, and her alone, his dreams, his ecstasies, his visions; how that god at different times had sent prophets and teachers to reveal new truth: how this one god who created the heavens and the earth had never left himself without witness in the most degraded times. it was in the fortieth year of his age while spending the month ramadhan in the cavern of mount hara in fasting and prayer that an angel appeared to him and commanded him to read the writing displayed to him on a silken cloth. instantly he felt his understanding illumined with celestial light and read what was written thereon:--they were the decrees of god as afterwards promulgated in the koran. when he had finished reading the angel said: "o mohammed of a truth, thou art the prophet of god! and i am his angel gabriel--" in the morning, as we are told, mohammed came trembling to cadijeh not knowing whether what he had heard and seen was indeed true; and that he was a prophet decreed to effect that reform so long the object of his meditations; or whether it might not be a hallucination or worse than all, the apparition of an evil spirit. cadijeh, however, saw everything with the eye of faith and the credulity of an affectionate wife. "rejoice, allah will not suffer thee to fall to shame." waraka caught eagerly at the oracle and exclaimed, "thou speakest true, o cadijeh! the angel who has appeared to thy husband is the same who, in days of old, was sent to moses the son of amram. his annunciation is true. thy husband is indeed a prophet." the wavering mind of mohammed was thus confirmed and throughout his life and even in the hour of death he never uttered a word of doubt concerning his heaven-sent mission. "this," says carlyle, "is the soul of islam. this is what mohammed felt and now declared to be of infinite moment, that idols and formulas were nothing: that the jargon of argumentative greek sects, the vague traditions of jews, the stupid routine of arab idolatry were a mockery and a delusion; that there is but one god: that we must let idols alone and look to him. he alone is reality. he made us and sustains us. our whole strength lies in submission to him. the thing he sends us, be it death even, is good, is the best. we resign ourselves to him." thus far while possessed of this sole idea that he must proclaim to his degenerate countrymen in the midst of all but universal polytheism, that there is but one supreme god, mohammed is regarded as a great reformer. he was neither a fanatic nor hypocrite; he was a very great man, and according to his light a very good man. he began to preach everywhere that first word of revelation "hear o israel! the lord our god is one lord." "thou shalt have no other gods before me." few, however, believed in him. but why not acknowledge such a fundamental truth, appealing to the intellect as well as the moral sense? because to confess that there is a supreme god who rewards and punishes, and to whom all are responsible both for words and actions, is to imply a confession of sinfulness and the justice of retribution. those degraded arabians would not receive willingly such a truth as this; and how did the israelites forget it in spite of deliverance from slavery and quickly fall back into idolatry: and how opposed it is to the epicureanism of to-day and the natural pride of the human breast. the uncles and friends of mohammed treated his message with scorn and derision. zealously he labored for three years, yet with all his eloquence, fervor and sincerity he had only won by his preaching some thirteen persons, one of whom was his slave. his worldly relatives urged him to silence. why attack idols? why destroy his own interests? why destroy his popularity? then explained that great hero, "if the sun stood on my right hand and the moon on my left, ordering me to hold my peace i would still declare, there is but one god." a speech following in spirit the famous words of luther at the diet of worms. at last hostilities began. he was threatened, he was persecuted. they laid plots to take his life. then his wife died. the priests of an idolatrous religion became furious. he had laid hands on their idols. he was hated, persecuted and alone. thirteen years had passed away in reproach, in persecution, in fear. at last forty picked men swore to assassinate him. should he remain and die, or fly for his life? he concluded to fly to medina, where there were a few jews and some nominal converts to christianity. this was in the year --and the flight is called the hegira--from which the east dates its era; the fifty-third year of the prophet's life. in this city he was cordially welcomed and soon found himself surrounded with enthusiastic followers. he built a mosque and openly performed the rites of the new religion. he was for a time at a loss to know how to call his followers to prayer. while in this perplexity, abdallah, the son of zeid, suggested a form of words that he declared were revealed to him in a vision. it was instantly adopted by mohammed, and is to this day heard from the lofty minarets throughout the east calling the moslems to prayer: "god is great! god is great! there is no god but god. mohammed is the apostle of god. come to prayers! come to prayers! god is great! god is great. there is no god but god." to which at dawn of day are added the words: "prayer is better than sleep! prayer is better than sleep." mohammed soon had an army at his disposal, and with this sudden accession of power there was wrought a fearful change in the spirit of his dreams. he had earnestly declared his great idea of the unity of god. he had pronounced the worship of images to be idolatrous. he held idolatry in supreme abhorrence. he enjoined charity, justice and forbearance. he denounced all falsehood and deception, especially in trade. he commanded his disciples to return good for evil, to be submissive to god; declared humility and benevolence to be the greatest virtues. he enjoined prayers, fastings and meditation as a means of grace. but when he found an army at his command he lost command of himself. his anger burned against the koreishites and their vindictive chief, abu sofian who now held full sway at mecca. by them his fortunes had been blasted, his family degraded, impoverished, dispersed, and he himself driven into exile. he began to have visions to suit his changing temper, as all false religionists have even down to our own day. he declared himself, the last of all the prophets, to be sent forth into the world with the sword: "let those who promulgate my faith enter into no argument nor discussion; but slay all who refuse obedience to the law. whoever fights for the true faith whether he fall or conquer will assuredly receive a glorious reward. * * * the sword is the key of heaven and hell; and all who draw it in the cause of the faith will be rewarded with temporal advantages; every drop shed of their blood, every peril and hardship endured by them, will be registered on high as more meritorious than even fasting or prayer. if they fall in battle, their sins will at once be blotted out, and they will be transported to paradise, there to revel in eternal pleasures in the arms of black-eyed houris." he added to this promise of sensual pleasures the doctrine of fixed-fate, predestination absolute. no man could die sooner or later than his alloted hour and when it arrived, it would be the same, whether the angel of death should find him in the quiet of his bed, or amid the storm of battle. behold in these words the chief sources of the fanatical fury which had well-nigh conquered the entire christian world. it is as if some mephistopheles had whispered in his ear; "thy countrymen are wild, fierce and warlike, incite their martial passions in defence of thy doctrines. they are a fanatical people and believing in these teachings they will fight for them and establish them not only in arabia but throughout the east. grant them a reward in what their passions crave and they will follow you to the death." certainly this is true, that these counsels of evil let loose upon the world the fiercest, the most cruel and rapacious passions that were ever set on fire in hell. he resolved to adopt his religion to the depraved hearts of his followers. he mingled with sublimest truth the most debasing error. it was success he wanted; he would no longer scruple as to the means used to secure it. he became ambitious. he would become a mighty spiritual potentate, but descended to the level of his people to win them. he granted polygamy under the sanction of a pretended revelation from heaven. he who in his youth had been faithful to cadijeh, fifteen years his senior, was now in his own age false to his youthful wife ayeshah, multiplied wives to himself, robbed his faithful zeid of his beautiful wife, absolved himself from his own law that a believer could only have four wives, and brought forth new revelations to justify in himself the gratifications of passions he condemned in others. in the second year of the hegira, mohammed gratified his revenge against the koreishites by attacking a caravan of a thousand camels laden with the merchandise of syria. his arch enemy, abu sofian, commanded the escort. in this fight, known as the battle of beder, the moslems were victorious. it was during the progress of this battle that mohammed encouraged his warriors with the memorable words: "fight and fear not; the gates of paradise are under the shade of swords." this first cavalcade entering medina with spoils, made moslems of all the inhabitants and gave him control of the city. a few years later, at the head of ten thousand horsemen, he entered the city of mecca--nothing but the swift commands of mohammed to khaled, "the sword of god," preserving the city from a general massacre. mohammed now proceeded to execute the great object of his religious aspirations--the purifying of the temple. he entered it with the sublime words: "truth is come; let falsehood disappear," and shivered in quick succession the three hundred and sixty abominations which were in the holy place. mohammed soon found himself the sovereign of all arabia; and yet his military triumphs awakened no pride nor vain glory as they would have done had they been effected for selfish ends. he ever maintained the same simplicity of manners as in the days of his adversity. as to the temporal rule which grew up in his hands, as he used it without ostentation, so he took no steps to perpetuate it in his family. the riches which poured in upon him from tribute and the spoils of war were used in relieving the poor or expended in promoting the victories of the faith; so that his treasury was often drained of its last coin. "allah" says an arabian historian "offered him the keys of all the treasures of the earth; but he refused to accept them." it is this abnegation of self and his apparently heartfelt piety that even in his own dying hour, when there could be no worldly motive for deceit, still breathed the same religious devotion and the same belief in his apostolic mission; that so perplexes one in trying to estimate justly the full force of his character. whatever we may think of mohammed personally, even though we may concede that he was a sincere religious fanatic we can but hold in abhorrence the religion which has ever appealed to the sword and to the basest passions of men either to compel or persuade them to yield allegiance to islam. when he died at the age of sixty-three, eleven years after the hegira, mohammed was next to buddha, the most successful founder of a religion the world has ever known--a religion that is the most relentless and bitterest foe to christianity, and that stands like a wall of fire and of adamant to oppose its progress in all the east. the saracens were ever loyal to the truth for which they fought. they never became idolaters; but their religion has ever been built up on the miseries of nations. to propagate the faith of mohammed they drew the sword and overran the world. never were conquests more rapid, more terrible or more remarkable. upon the death of mohammed, abu beker, the father of ayeshah, was elected to the supreme power, but refused to be called king or god's vicar on earth, assuming only that of caliph, that is to say successor, and by this title the arab sovereigns have ever since been designated. he was indifferent to riches, to all pomp and luxuries; his arab establishment was of the simplest kind: his retinue consisting of a camel and a black slave. the golden age of the saracens was the twelve years, a. d. - , comprised in the reigns of abu beker and omar--a period of uninterrupted harmony and external conquest. though mohammed was dead, the sword of islam was not buried with him; for khaled, surnamed the sword of god, now advanced to sustain the fame of former conquests. within a year, moseilma, a rival, and hence a false prophet, was slain, the rebellion subdued, the empire of islam firmly reëstablished in arabia; the scattered leaves gathered for the koran; and an army for the subjugation of syria and the east. it was a strangely opportune hour for the fierce warriors of the desert. the romans and the persians were almost always engaged in warfare and their last and most terrible war was contemporary with the preaching of mohammed. under the great khosru a war began which lasted more than twenty years and exhausted both nations and left them a more easy prey to the saracens. the asiatic provinces fell under his victorious armies and, as in the days of darius, the persian empire extended to the mediterranean and the Ægean seas. when heradius in a. d. came to the throne of constantinople, he was compelled to submit to the sight of a persian army encamped at chalcedon; but after some years' preparation, he entered on a series of campaigns which places his name beside those of hannibal and belisarius. leaving his own dominions, he struck at the very heart of his enemy's country, and by a series of victories, one of them gained on the site of nineveh, he utterly overthrew the persian power, till khosru was slain by his own subjects and a peace was concluded. heradius returned to constantinople leaving persia torn by contending factions. the prophet had been diligently watching from his safe retreat the course of the war which is alluded to in the koran, and now the hour had come for the saracens to strike their fatal blow. in the second year of his reign, therefore, abu beker prepared for the great enterprise contemplated by mohammed--the conquest of syria.--under this general name was included all the country lying on the north of arabia and extending from the mediterranean and the euphrates. this had long been a land of promise to them. it was a land of abundance. from it they had drawn their chief supplies of corn. its cities had long been chief marts for the merchandise of their caravans; its seaports still were the centers of an opulent and widely extended commerce. this summons was sent to the chiefs of arabia petrea, and arabia felix: "in the name of the most merciful god * * * to all true believers, health, happiness and the blessing of god. praise be to god and to mohammed his prophet. this is to inform you that i intend to send an army of the faithful into syria, to deliver that country from the infidels, and i remind you that to fight for the true faith is to obey god." this call to the conquest of nations in the name of the most merciful god is tender compared with the prayers which is now being daily offered up by the mohammedans regarding the armenians: "o allah! make their children orphans, and defile their abodes. cause their feet to slip, give them and their families, their households and their women, their children and their relations by marriage, their brothers and their friends, their possessions and their race, their wealth and their lands as booty to the moslems, o lord of all creatures." has the spirit of islam changed any during the last twelve hundred years? certainly not, except it be as much for the worse as the turk is more lustful and cruel than the saracen. speedily the plains about medina were covered with the encampments of the chiefs who had responded from all arabia, in hope of the rich booty to be had from conquered cities and provinces. from the brow of a hill, abu beker reviewed the army on the point of departure. his heart swelled with pride, as he gazed on the passing multitudes; the glittering arms; the squadrons of horsemen; the lengthening line of camels, and called to mind the handful of men that followed mohammed a fugitive from mecca. scarce ten years had elapsed, and now a mighty host assembled at the summons of his successor, and distant empires were threatened by the sword of islam. he lifted up his voice and prayed god to make these troops valiant and victorious. then giving the word to march, the tents were struck, the camels laden, and in a little while the army poured forth in a long, continuous train over hill and valley. the "scourge of god" was let loose against the nations. before long an immense cavalcade of horses, mules and camels came pouring in with the booty from the first victory over a body of troops sent by the emperor heradius to observe them and harass their march. soon four armies were in the field; jerusalem and damascus were doomed and fate hastened on its march to persia in the person of khaled, "the sword of god" with an army of ten thousand men. he besieged the city of hira; stormed its palaces; slew the king in battle; subdued the kingdom; imposed on it an annual tribute of seventy thousand pieces of gold; the first tribute ever levied by moslems on a foreign land, and sent the same to medina. city after city fell before him. nothing seemed able to withstand his arms. planting his victorious standard on the banks of the euphrates, he wrote to the persian monarch calling upon him to embrace the faith or pay tribute. "if you refuse both, i will come upon you with a host who love death as much as you do life." but meantime partial defeat had discouraged the leaders of the armies in syria, and the caliph summoned khaled to the command of the northern armies. leaving the army in persia under the command of a tried and trusty general, khaled with an escort of fifteen hundred men spurred across the syrian borders to join the moslem host about to besiege the christian city of bosra. it was on the syrian frontier, a walled city of great strength and wealth, that could at anytime put twelve thousand men into the field. after two days of furious battle the city was taken by treachery, many were massacred, and the survivors were compelled to pass under the yoke. khaled now aspired to the capture of damascus. this renowned and beautiful city, one of the largest and most magnificent in the east and possibly the oldest in the world, stood in a plain of wondrous fertility, covered with groves and gardens. through this plain flowed a river called by the ancients "the stream of gold," feeding the canals and water courses of its gardens and the fountains of the city. this most beautiful city lay at the mercy of the coming foe. as the moslems accustomed to the barrenness of the desert came in sight of the rich plain of damascus and wound along the banks of the shining river, it seemed as if they were already realizing the paradise promised by the prophet to true believers: but when the walls and towers and fanes of the city rose upon their vision they could not restrain their shouts of rapture. for the many deeds of valor and personal prowess in single combat, and the fierce and repeated charges of either army, the reader may be referred to the brilliant pages of irving's mahomet or ockley's saracens. the inhabitants tried to bribe khaled to raise the siege. the stern reply was: embrace islam, pay tribute; or fight unto the death. while the arabs lay close encamped about the city as if watching its expiring throes, unusual shouts were one day heard within its walls. the cause of it proved to be that an army of one hundred thousand men sent by heraclius from antioch were drawing near to their relief. with fierceness yet the coolness of a practiced warrior khaled marched to the support of a small body of horsemen who had been sent to harass the enemy. he met and defeated division after division of this roman army, defeating it in detail by an army less than a third of their number. thousands of fugitives were slain in the pursuit that followed. an immense booty in treasure, arms, baggage, and horses fell into his hands; and khaled flushed with conquest, fatigued and burdened with the spoils, led back his army to resume the siege of damascus. word was soon received however that another army of seventy thousand men had been gathered by heraclius to raise the siege of damascus. sending swift couriers to all the moslem generals within his call to meet him at the camp of the greeks, he began a hasty march to aiznadin. when the moslems beheld the multitude and formidable array of the imperial host they at first quailed at the sight: but khaled harangued them with fervid speech: "you behold," he said, "the last stake of the infidels. this army met and vanquished they can never muster another force, and all syria is ours." khaled armed the fierce women who were among them--some of them of the highest rank with orders to slay any moslem whom they saw turning his back to the foe. reinforced by fresh thousands, when, after some preliminary skirmishes, on the second day the trumpets sounded a general charge, the imperial armies were struck with confusion and what followed was rather a massacre than a battle. they broke and fled in all directions to cæsarea, to damascus and to antioch. the booty of the camp was of immense value, which khaled declared should not be divided until after the capture of damascus. great indeed was the consternation in the city when they learned from the fugitives that escaped, of the slaughter of this second army and that all hope of succor was gone. but they set themselves bravely to work to meet the coming storm. new fortifications were erected. the walls were lined with engines for hurling stones and darts upon the besiegers. soon the moslems appeared greatly reinforced. the city was invested. the troops were carefully stationed and orders given as to the support to be given. the battles that followed were fierce as the passions of desperate men could make them. one day a simultaneous sortie was made from every gate of the city at the first peep of day. the besiegers were taken by surprise and were struck down before they could arm themselves or mount. khaled is said to have wept as he beheld the carnage and the slaughter of his finest troops. "o thou, who never sleepest, aid thy faithful servants; let them not fall beneath the weapons of the infidels." finally the tide of battle turned and the christians were repulsed and driven within the walls leaving several thousand dead on the field. it was no disgrace for even such christians to be beaten by such moslems. for seventy days had damascus been besieged by these fanatic legions of the desert. they had no heart to make further sallies. they began to talk of capitulation. khaled turned a deaf ear to their prayer for a truce: he was bent upon taking the city by the sword and giving it up to be plundered by his arabs. then they sought under promise of security the meek and humane abu obeidah. one hundred of the principal inhabitants went by night to this leader of the mighty power that was shaking the empire of the orient, and found him living in a humble haircloth tent like a mere wanderer of the desert. he listened to their proposals, for his object was conversion rather than conquest, and tribute rather than plunder. a covenant was written; such of the inhabitants as pleased could depart in safety with so much of their effects as they could carry: the rest should remain as tributaries and have seven churches allotted to them. the gate was then thrown open and the venerable chief entered at the head of a hundred men to take possession. at the eastern gate a very different transaction was taking place. an apostate priest, on condition of security of person and property to himself and relatives, agreed to deliver the gate into the hands of khaled. thus a hundred arabs were introduced into the city, broke the bolts and chains and bars of the eastern gate and threw it open with the cry "allah achbar." khaled and his legions rushed in at the gate with sound of trumpet and tramp of steeds; putting all to the sword, deluging the streets with blood. "mercy! mercy!" was the cry. "no mercy for infidels," was khaled's fierce response. he pursued his career of carnage into the great square and there to his utter astonishment beheld abu obeidah and his attendants, with priests and monks, surrounded by the principal inhabitants and women and children. khaled was furious when he heard of the covenant. abu obeidah entreated him to respect the covenant he had made in the name of god and the prophet. after fierce altercation he listened to policy though deaf to the cry of pity. they were just beginning their career of conquest. many cities were to be taken. if the moslem word was broken, other cities warned by the fate of damascus would in fear and fury fight to the bitter end. khaled finally gave a slow consent, though murmuring at every article of the covenant. all who chose to remain as tributaries were to enjoy the free exercise of their religion. all who wished might depart, but khaled only gave them three days grace from pursuit. it was a piteous sight to behold aged men, delicate and shrinking women, and helpless children thus setting forth with what they could carry on a wandering journey through wastes and deserts and mountains, and the angry hordes of arabs only three days behind them and swiftly mounted. many a time did they turn to cast another look of fondness and despair on their beautiful palaces and luxuriant gardens; and still they would turn and weep and beat their breasts--gaze through tears on the stately towers of damascus and the flowery banks of the pharpar. thus damascus was conquered and yet spared both fire and sword after more than a twelve months' siege, which voltaire has likened for its stratagems, skirmishes and deeds of valor in single combat, to homer's siege of troy. the cities of baalbec, the famous city of the sun, and emessa the capital of the plains, with many intermediate cities soon fell before the victorious sword of khaled. after a short rest at damascus abu obeidah wrote, asking if he should undertake the siege of cæsarea or jerusalem. the decision was for the instant siege of jerusalem. this was a holy war for the moslems and soon the army was on the march to jerusalem. the people saw the approach of these triumphant invaders: but sent out no plea for help. they planted engines on their walls and prepared for vigorous defence. at early dawn, in the morning of the first assault, the moslem host was marshalled--the leaders repeated the matin prayer, each at the head of his battalion, and all as if by one consent with a loud voice gave the verse of the koran "enter ye, oh people! into the holy land which allah hath destined for you." for ten days they made repeated but unavailing attacks and then the whole army was brought to their aid. then a summons was sent requiring the inhabitants to accept the divine mission of mohammed, to acknowledge allegiance and pay tribute to the caliph, otherwise he concludes, "nor will i leave you, god willing, until i have destroyed your fighting men and made slaves of your children." but the christian patriarch of jerusalem felt confidence in setting the invaders at defiance, and above all, there was a pious incentive to courage and perseverance in defending the sepulchre of christ. four wintry months elapsed and still the siege was carried on with undiminished spirit. finally the patriarch consented to give up the city if the caliph would come in person to take possession and sign the articles of surrender. to preserve the city, and inspirit his own troops after their long absence and the hardships of many campaigns the caliph consented. his journey was made in utmost simplicity. he traveled on a red camel across which was slung his saddle bags, one pocket containing dates and dried fruits, and the other, nothing more than barley, rice or wheat, parched or sodden. his companions ate with him out of a common wooden platter, using their fingers in true oriental style. at night he slept on a mat under a tree or under a common bedouin tent: and never resumed his march until he had offered up the morning prayer. when he came in sight of jerusalem he lifted up his voice and exclaimed "allah achbar, god is mighty! god grant us an easy conquest." we give the degrading conditions somewhat in full as they formed the basis upon which other cities were granted terms of peace. "the christians were to build no new churches in the surrendered territory. * * no crosses should be erected on the churches nor shown openly in the streets. they should not speak openly of their religion; nor attempt to make proselytes; nor hinder their kinsfolk from embracing islam. * * * they should entertain every moslem traveler three days gratis. they should sell no wine, bear no arms, and use no saddle in riding, nor sit in the presence of a mohammedan." this utter prostration of all civil and religious liberty took place in the old scenes of christian triumph. the most bitter scorn and abhorrence of their religious adversaries formed main pillars in the moslem faith. upon agreeing to these degrading terms the caliph gave them under his own hand an assurance of protection in their lives and fortunes, the use of their churches and the exercise of their religion. the gates of the once splendid city of solomon were then opened. omar entered it in reverence and on foot in his simple arab garb and soon the flag of the prophet waved over the battlements of the holy city. strange city that is thus held in equal reverence by moslem, jew and christian. the surrender of jerusalem took place in the seventeenth year of the hegira, the six hundred and thirty-seventh year of the christian era. with the rapidly succeeding fall of aleppo, antioch, tripoli and tyre the conquest of syria was complete. it still remains under the heel of the invader after more than twelve hundred years of varying fortunes. meanwhile the conquest of persia had been pushed forward vigorously since the fall of damascus. after the battle of kadesia in which thirty thousand persians are said to have fallen and upwards of seven thousand moslems, all persia lay at the feet of the conquerors. as they advanced with an army of sixty thousand against the capital madayn the ancient ctesiphon, fear paralyzed the king and his counsellors. there was no one brave enough to take the command and when the enemy were only a day's march away they decided on flight to the mountains, leaving behind them the richest city of the world to be sacked by the arabs. the spoil was incalculable. it required a caravan of nine hundred heavily laden camels to convey to medina the caliph's fifth part of the spoil. thus fell without a blow the capital of persia in the same fateful year that saw the desolation of jerusalem. but one more struggle remained--it was the death agony of the persian empire. the fugitive king gathered to his standard at nehavend, on the plains of hamadan, one hundred and fifty thousand men. tidings were sent to the caliph omar at medina--and there in the mosque, by a handful of grey-headed arabs, who but a few years previously had been homeless wanderers, was debated and decided the fate of the once magnificent empires of the orient,--syria, chaldea, babylonia and the dominions of the medes and persians. the army of the saracens, reinforced by men hardened in war, daring, confident, and led by able generals, was greatly inferior in numbers, but fired with zeal and the courage of death. at the signal given "allah achbar" thrice repeated with the shaking of the standard, the army rushed to battle rending the air with the universal shout "allah achbar! allah achbar!" the shock of the two armies was terrific. in an hour the persians were routed; by midnight their slain numbered a hundred thousand men, and their empire was destroyed. the battle of nehavend commemorated as "the victory of victories," took place in the twenty-first year of the hegira the year six hundred and forty-one of our era, and only nine years after the death of mohammed. if all syria fell in six years; if the fate of persia was decided by a single battle, egypt may be said to have fallen in a single moment. with the fall of alexandria perished the largest library of the world, the thesaurus of all the intellectual treasures of antiquity. while egypt was won almost without a blow, latin africa withstood the saracens for sixty years. but at last it was conquered. spain also fell. the world staggered. thirty-six thousand cities, towns and castles had fallen. the armies of the saracens were victorious from scinde in india, westward to constantinople, then southward they had swept through palestine, egypt, northern africa beyond the pillars of hercules into spain, and were only and finally arrested in western europe as all the world knows by charles martel in upon the field of tours. but all the world does not know so well how that in the saracens were beaten back from the walls of constantinople and the commander of the faithful compelled to purchase peace by an annual tribute of three thousand pieces of gold, fifty slaves and fifty of the finest arabian horses. the year saw constantinople again besieged by a saracen army, but leo, the isaurian, again beat back the invader with utter defeat; and no moslem army ever again appeared under the walls of the new rome, until a fiercer, ruder, more cruel race of conquerors from the far east grasped again with bloody hand the sword of the prophet. chapter iii. the story of the first crusade. as at one time athens "was the eye of greece and mother of the arts" so both to pious jew and humble christian, jerusalem has ever been the "city of god," the "joy of the whole earth." to the fervid hearts of the early christians a pilgrimage to that holy city to see the sacred sights and commune with god amid scenes hallowed by the former presence of a christ, was regarded as a mark of special faith and a source of peculiar blessing. after the emperor constantine removed his capital from rome to constantinople and embraced the christian religion, jerusalem was raised from its ruins, the way to the sacred places was made more easy and safe, and the spirit of pilgrimage greatly revived and stimulated. the magnificent church of the holy sepulchre--decorated with pillars and adorned and paved with precious stones--was raised above the obscure tomb, while churches, chapels and monuments filled the city and marked the places made sacred by the life and the death of the saviour of the world. pilgrims flocked in crowds into judea from almost every country in europe and asia, and when they gathered in immense throngs about these holy places, lifting their voices in prayers and hymns in many languages, the sound was like the babel of former pentecosts. each returning pilgrim told his story of strange sights and of the refreshment and inspiration received from his visit. he had confirmed his faith by bathing in the jordan, tested his faith by exposure and perils, warmed his emotions by prayer on calvary and raised his soul in songs of praise in the church of the resurrection. but in a. d., the armies of persia overran the provinces of the byzantine empire, invading syria, palestine and egypt, capturing jerusalem and bearing away many christian captives. ten years of fiercest conflict followed and finally heraclius, emperor of constantinople, recaptured the city. in the imposing ceremonies and festivities which followed, the emperor walked barefoot in the streets, bearing on his shoulders to the summit of calvary, the wood of the true cross, which to their weird and superstitious imaginations had been miraculously recovered. jerusalem rescued, became more than ever an object of reverence. blood had been shed for the church, only christians should thenceforth be its custodians. their joy was brief. already the saracenic warriors under able leaders had overrun persia and syria, and in omar, their caliph, after a four months' siege, received the keys and homage of a city, which, though the home of many christians, was very sacred also in the eyes of the mohammedans, as a "house of god," a city of saints and miracles, since mohammed himself had visited it as a prophet and had thence set out for heaven in his nocturnal voyage. during the lifetime of omar, the christians escaped serious persecution, but violence and fanaticism increased at a fearful rate under his successors--except for the period ( - a. d.) during which reigned haroun al raschid, the greatest of all the saracen caliphs. in --fateful day--jerusalem was captured by the seljukian turks who had come down from the inner provinces of asia in resistless numbers--embraced islamism, and under the banners of the caliph of bagdad, had conquered syria and palestine. their entry into jerusalem was signalized by a terrible massacre of all opponents. the fanatical fury of these barbarians was untempered by any spirit of toleration that had sometimes marked saracenic civilization,--and soon their wild hordes waved their banners of blood and fire before the very gates of constantinople. the emperor alexius purchased peace by ceding asia minor to the victorious solyman, who at once established his power at nice and began building a fleet for the capture of the byzantine capital. all europe was roused and smitten with alarm. the hour had come for the greek and the latin churches to unite all their power for the defence of their common faith and preserve their empires from being devastated by the barbarian turks. pope gregory began to exhort the sovereigns of europe to arm against the infidel: when suddenly from an anchorite's cell appeared a monk who fired with enthusiasm the heart of all europe and blew into fiercest blaze all the fanatical elements of a religious war. it was reserved for a poor pilgrim who had found refuge in a cloister from the ridicule and follies of a wicked world to become the instrument of converting the zeal of pilgrimage into the fury of an armed crusade. this man was peter the hermit. in his cell, amid silence, fasting and prayer he grew to believe himself the agent of heaven for the accomplishment of some great purpose, and he left his retreat to go on a pilgrimage. what he witnessed and suffered on the way and at jerusalem gave to his zeal fresh determination and to his devotion the fervor of righteous indignation. his spirit was fired by the insults to christians, his piety shocked by the profanations of the holy sepulchre by the barbarians and infidels. to his fevered imagination as to that of joan of arc there was a vision and a voice. while prostrate before the holy sepulchre the voice of christ was heard, saying: "peter, arise, hasten to proclaim the tribulation of my people; it is time my servants should receive help, and that the holy places should be delivered." he hastened to italy and threw himself at the feet of the pope, urban ii. with the blessing of the pope he went forth, the preacher of an armed crusade. in imitation of christ, when he entered jerusalem in that last week of his life, he traveled on a mule. with crucifix in hand, feet bare, his head uncovered, his body covered with a long frock and girded with a thick cord, his appearance was an awesome spectacle. he went from city to city, from province to province, working on the piety, the superstitions and the courage of his hearers; now in churches, then in village marts and again on the public highways. he was animated and eloquent, his speech filled with vehement apostrophes and appalling descriptions. his exhortations threw the people into sobs and groans, fury and frenzy. sympathy with the afflicted christians took the form of furious fervor, natural bravery went out in oaths to redeem or die; religious emotions ran wild in excesses and swung like a pendulum from the lowest follies of superstition to the fiercest outbursts of fanaticism. it was during this excitement that the emperor alexius sent a message to pope urban ii., appealing for aid. a council was called at clermont in france where peter's preaching had caused the greatest awakening. the pope attended in person, about him gathered an immense throng of clergy, princes and laity, from france, italy and germany. at the tenth session of this council the pope ascended a pulpit in the open air and preached the sacred duty of redeeming the sepulchre of christ from the infidels, proclaiming the certain propitiation for sin by devotion to this meritorious service. this historic council was most ingeniously called and managed. the germanic peoples were new and eager converts to christianity. they were fierce and warlike in disposition. feudalism still was in its fullest power. the hundreds of castles which add such picturesqueness to the valley of the rhine were then the centers of feudal pride, and every petty prince made war as he was able against his neighbor, or joined with others in wars of larger proportions. there was no national spirit as yet. these feuds which had been handed down for generations, had greatly impoverished and destroyed the people. the church had sought to alleviate the distress and check these petty wars, by issuing decrees prohibiting private wars for four days in each week. this council renewed "the truce of god," and threatened all who would not comply, with its anathemas. it placed all widows, orphans, merchants, artisans and non-combatants generally under the panoply of the church--made all sanctuaries so many cities of refuge, and declared that even the crosses by the roadside should be reverenced as guardians from violence. these and other salutary decrees struck into the midst of an assembly filled with enthusiasm and energy, and prepared the way for them to unite in any cause that would add to the strength and glory of christendom. on this day of the tenth session the great square was filled with an immense crowd. the pope ascended the throne followed by his cardinals. by his side was peter the hermit, who was to speak first, clad in his pilgrim garb. he gave an impassioned and masterly sketch of what he had witnessed in palestine and jerusalem--the outrages against the religion of christ, and the profanation of the most holy places, the persecutions of pilgrim visitors whom he had seen loaded with chains, dragged into slavery; harnessed to the yoke like cattle. and as he spoke he also acted, until the people shuddered in consternation and horror, vented their hate in vehement cries or wept in dismay--no heart remaining unmoved by the very agony of his appeal. then urban rose and so enlarged upon the theme as to arouse and inflame their passions to the highest pitch; then addressing particularly the french he said: "nation beloved by god, it is in your courage that the christian church has placed her hope. it is because i am well acquainted with your piety and your bravery that i have crossed the alps, and have come to preach the word of god in these countries. you have not forgotten that the land you inhabit has been invaded by the saracen, and that but for the exploits of charles martel and charlemagne, france would have received the laws of mohammed. recall, without ceasing, to your minds the danger and the glory of your fathers, led by heroes whose names shall never die. they delivered your country. they saved the west from shameful slavery. more noble triumphs await you under the guidance of the god of armies. you will deliver europe and asia. you will save the city of jesus christ, that jerusalem which was chosen by the lord, and from whence the gospel has come down to us." urban swayed his audience as a wind does the leaves of the forest. it wept as he pictured the misfortunes and sorrows of jerusalem. warriors clutched their swords and swore vengeance against the infidel when he described the tyranny and perfidy of the mussulman conquerors. the enthusiasm of his auditors rose to the highest pitch, when he declared that god had chosen them to extirpate the mohammedan. he appealed also to their cupidity by the promise of worldly gain, by possession of the riches of asia and the lands which according to scripture flowed with milk and honey. he played on every passion and emotion--ambition, patriotism, love of glory and wealth, piety, power and religion:--until at the close of his grandest outbursts the audience rose as one man and broke into the unanimous cry--a cry that became the war cry of the crusader--"it is the will of god! it is the will of god!" taking up this wild refrain pope urban repeated dramatically: "yes, without doubt it is the will of god" * * * it is he who has dictated to you the words that i have heard. let them be your war cry and let them announce everywhere the presence of the "armies of god." he then held up to the gaze of the assemblage the sign of their redemption, saying: "it is christ himself who issues from the tomb and presents to you his cross; it will be the sign raised among the nations which is to gather together again the dispersed of israel. wear it on your shoulders and on your breasts; let it shine on your arms and on your standards; it will be the surety of victory or the palm of martyrdom; it will unceasingly remind you that christ died for you, and that it is your duty to die for him." again the multitude rose to weep and cheer and vow vengeance against the mussulman. i have dwelt thus on the council of clermont, and quoted from the speech of pope urban, that the reader might see clearly the mixed motives that stirred the heart of europe for nearly two centuries, and nerved her warriors to the most noble, heroic and almost superhuman deeds of valor and endurance that have ever been emblazoned among the memorials of the mightiest heroes of this mortal race. this was the declaration of war against the mohammedan. the breaking up of the council was the scattering of the firebrands of fanaticism. pope urban traversed several provinces of france that seemed to rise en masse to his appeals. france seemed to have no country but the holy land. ease, property and life were cast into the sacrificial cause. all christian nations seemed to forget their internal strifes, and to plunge headlong into the excitement of the hour. western europe resounded with the papal watchword: "he who will not take up his cross and come after me, is not worthy of me." it must not be forgotten, however, that the political and physical condition of europe contributed vastly to the warlike conflagration. the people groaned under feudal servitude and violence. famine more or less severe, for years had contributed to robbery and brigandage. commerce was almost destroyed, agriculture was neglected. towns and cities were in ruins; lands everywhere were abandoned. the church made her appeals popular. the crusader was freed from all imposts and from pursuit by debts. the cross suspended all laws and all menaces. tyranny could not seek a wearer of the emblem nor could justice find the guilty. what wonder that an entire population rushed to a cause that absolved them from a grinding past and pictured so glowing a future! what wonder that the inexpiable wickedness of tyrannical baron and brutal knight sought expiation or at least relief by a desperate plunge into foreign martial excesses! what wonder if freebooters and robbers should join the ranks in hope of sharing the plunder of the conquered east! yet we must not lose sight of the fact that over and above all love of glory, all true patriotism or base cupidity, towered the sublime passion, the pervading emotion of the hour. religion smelted every other sentiment into harmonious union with her fervid zeal and her intense zealotry. monks deserted their cloisters, anchorites their cells or forest retreats to mingle with and encourage the crusading throngs. thieves and robbers came out of their hiding places to confess their sins and expiate offences by assuming the sacred badge. all europe seemed to be on the move eastward. barons were willing to desert their castles and lords their manors. the artisan deserted his shop, merchants their stores, the laborer the field. cities were depopulated, lands were mortgaged, castles sold. values were nothing. accumulations of centuries went for a song. even miracles entered into the furore. to their overheated imaginations stars fell; blood was seen in the clouds. armed warriors were seen rushing to battle in the skies. saints issued from the tomb, and the shade of charlemagne arose to lead these phantom hosts to the rescue of the holy city. while everywhere the women and children and the helpless of every estate espoused the cause of heaven crying aloud, "it is the will of god," and imprinting crosses on their limbs. the early spring of saw the gathering of the impatient throngs. they came from every quarter, from the rhine to the pyrenees, and from tiber to the ocean. troops of men, armed with every conceivable weapon or without arms of any kind, swarmed towards their respective rendezvous chanting and shouting their war cry until every hill reëchoed "it is the will of god." without preparation or forethought or commissary they gathered, blindly trusting that he who fed the sparrows would not suffer them to hunger. there was no voice of reason in all this surging multitude. it was a spectacle without a parallel in history. there is no way of computing the vast aggregate, but the french historian, carnot, estimates that five billion enthusiasts were on the move in the spring of . this certainly is most extravagant hyperbole, but all western europe was fiercely agitated and vast multitudes were on the march. the crusade of the mob. their story is but a harrowing recital of a tumultuous and reckless march through an unknown country by a starving horde of men, women and children. pillage, rapine and blood marked their way. for a time in germany the people were kindly disposed and brought them food. fortunately for the mob hungary had but recently embraced christianity and its king, carloman, gave it a friendly passage through his domains: but when it struck bulgaria its struggles and sorrows began. they were forced to pillage to keep from starvation. religion was laid aside. hunger knew no law stronger than that of self-preservation. the bulgarians flew to arms and inflicted great losses on the undisciplined and helpless crowd of beggars. at last that part of the throng led by walter the penniless, arrived under the walls of constantinople and there were allowed by the emperor to await the coming of peter the hermit. alas! the excesses of his hosts led to still more terrible assaults while passing through hungary and bulgaria. at nissa they endeavored to scale the ramparts and a terrific battle ensued in which the crusaders were cut to pieces. women, children, horses, camp and trophy chests, all fell a prey to the infuriated bulgarians. in august, peter the hermit appeared under the walls of constantinople with about seven thousand soldiers and camp followers to recruit his wasted energies in the camp of walter the penniless while waiting for other and better armed and disciplined forces to arrive. from the banks of the rhine, from flanders, and even from britain an army largely composed of the refuse of mankind, two hundred thousand strong, started on its march--but soon gave themselves to unheard-of barbarities. how much worse than a mohammedan was a member of that hated race which had crucified the christ and so they let loose their fury against the defenseless jews in most pitiless massacres, sweeping on into hungary, to the city of mersburg, which shut its gates and refused them provisions. forests were cut down, causeways built across the swamps which partially protected the walls and a furious assault was made upon the city. the battle raged fiercely and for a long time with doubtful result, but at last the scaling ladders of the crusaders began to give way, and then fell dragging down their occupants and fragments of the walls and towers. these disasters carried panic into the army of the besiegers and they fled into the forests, were caught in the swamps and were ruthlessly slaughtered. few of the desperate and cruel adventurers escaped. some found the way back to their own country covered with disgrace--a few more made their way to the army of peter the hermit encamped before constantinople. thus far this fanatical spirit had cost western europe the lives of nearly a quarter of a million people, and not a saracen had been seen. but the motley crowd encamped on the bosphorus augmented by adventurers from italian cities had gradually increased until now it probably numbered one hundred thousand all told. they were scarcely more welcome than the saracens to the emperor alexius who had treated them as guests and supplied their famished hosts. their desire for plunder could not long be restrained, and the churches, houses and palaces in the suburbs fell a prey to their rapacity which was as insatiable as the cry for blood that rises from a pack of ravening wolves. alexius was therefore very glad to furnish them with transportation across the bosphorus. they were now on asiatic soil an undisciplined and motley crowd in the face of the well armed and equally furious and fanatical turk. they revelled in the pillage of the fertile plains of nicomedia, dividing the booty at night in their camps. they plundered the valley, ravaged and burned the villages and committed most horrible excesses; they captured a small fort near the mountains from the turks and massacred the garrison. the turks reinforced, fell upon them in turn, and put nearly all of them to the sword. this roused the anger of the mixed crowds in camp. nothing could restrain the blind fury of the soldier mob. they chased the apparently flying columns of the turks into the mountains of an unknown country and fell into the ambush laid for them. in vain their courage, their despair. the carnage was horrible. only three thousand escaped. the entire crusading army perished in this single battle and only their bleaching bones remained as a ghastly monument pointing out to other crusaders the way to the holy land. europe learned with astonishment and horror of the sad fate of over three hundred thousand soldiers who had departed amid the promises and the blessings of the church. their misfortune, however, did not deter others, but seemed only to inspire them with resolution; their disasters furnished a warning to the better regulated and more formidable hosts which were to pour into the east from the now thoroughly aroused west. the crusade of kings and nobles. the verdict of candid history is that the rabble which started in obedience to a popular ferment and perished as a miserable crowd of crazed humanity, deserved the fate they invited; for the world had never witnessed a more pitiable exhibition of demoniacal fanaticism and flagrant violence than was shown by these lawless crowds who followed the cry of peter the hermit. they achieved nothing heroic; but their disasters taught europe that to conquer jerusalem would be no holiday work. the princes and nobles of germany, france and britain now organized for war. while deliverance of jerusalem was the popular cry and religious zeal fired the heart of all classes, the powers recognized the fact that the battles to be fought and won were for the preservation of their very existence. you may call it organized infatuation and mailed folly, yet it was a splendid spectacle. its spiritual zeal gave a silver lining to its superstitions. its martial fame modified its brutality. amid fearful excesses there was a show of prudence; and although you may impeach the justice of their cause, their magnanimous devotion of spirit and fearless heroism must always command a large share of sympathy and admiration, and make the story of the crusades the most thrilling of all the chapters in the history of the middle ages. history and poetry place godfrey de bouillon, duke of lower lorraine, at the head of the great captains that led the flower of all chivalry on its desperate venture. he was a descendant of the great charlemagne. to natural bravery he added herculean strength. he was devout, prudent and humane. all his vengeance was for the enemies of christ. he was generous, faithful to his word--a model knight and soldier. when he gave the signal, the nobility of france and the rhine borders opened their purses and flocked to his standards. women sold their jewels to equip husbands and sons for service. men sacrificed their domains for horses and arms. godfrey himself sacrificed his estates that he might equip his soldiers, and a worldly bishop eagerly took advantage of his zeal by purchasing his vast domains. within eight months of the council of clermont, godfrey had gathered an army of eighty thousand footmen and ten thousand horse. with him were a great number of nobles whose names became famous, beside his brother baldwin and his cousin baldwin de bourg who were destined like himself to become kings of jerusalem. whether actuated by piety or the hope of achieving fortune, they all quitted without regret their mean possessions and tame life in europe. they led an immense army used to marches and battles. their admirable discipline and self-restraint reëstablished the honor of the crusaders and drew allies and champions of the cross where peter had met his worst enemies, and the hostile hungarians and bulgarians forgot their hatred for the leaders of the mob in their admiration for godfrey and his chivalric knights. we must not neglect to mention the names of four chiefs who accompanied by throngs of lesser knights and nobles, crossed the alps and marched towards the different coast cities of italy intending to embark for greece by water. count hugh, brother of philip i. of france, a proud prince, brave in battle, but lacking perseverance under reverses: robert, duke of normandy, eldest son of william the conqueror, who pledged his domains to his crafty brother, william rufus, that he might equip his norman vassals. robert, of flanders, whose father some time before had made a pilgrimage to jerusalem, found it an easy task to attract a large and resolute following and exhausted the treasures of his province in arming his men for an expedition, which was to earn for him the reputation of a brave knight and the surname of "lance and sword of the christians." five hundred of his men had already preceded him to constantinople. then stephen of blois and chartres, whose castles numbered one for every day in the year, and who was reckoned one of the richest nobles of his time, took up the cross and led a large body of his retainers;--he, though lacking in physical strength, was eloquent and wise in council and enjoyed the exceptional distinction of being a man of letters. for the most part these chiefs and many men of lesser rank took with them their wives and children and camp equipments. passing through italy they roused the enthusiasm of the noble bohemond, prince of tarentum, who was a cubit taller than the tallest soldier in his army. the historian of constantinople and the empire of the east, anna comnena, says that he was as astonishing to the eye as his reputation was to the mind. he was eloquent in debate, skilled with sword and lance. he was proud and haughty. fear of god, the opinions of men, nor his own oaths afforded him no restraint. his enlistment under the banner of the cross was not for the purpose of delivering the tomb of christ, but because he had sworn eternal enmity against alexius and the empire of the east. he hoped to win a kingdom long before reaching jerusalem. in a surprisingly short time he sailed for the coasts of greece with twenty thousand footmen and ten thousand horse, followed by every renowned knight of apulia and sicily. none of them however became so celebrated for deeds of prowess as the brave tancred, who has found a place in history and poetry and who seems to have been actuated by the loftiest sentiments of piety, chivalric honor and loyal friendship for his leader. from the southern provinces of france under the leadership of raymond of toulouse and bishop adhemar, who was as valorous in the field as he was eloquent in prayer, came another army one hundred thousand strong, marching eastward along the south side of the alps and through northern italy by way of dalmatia, to constantinople. and now that all europe seemed pouring into the empire and capital of alexius, the emperor began to be alarmed. he had not forgotten the excesses of the first swarm of crusaders. should these multitudes now sweeping into and through his domains choose to do so, they could speedily wrest his sovereignty from him and find riches and dominion far easier than in remote and hostile asia. we have no time to dwell upon the intrigues and treachery that marked his dealings with these mighty leaders of the crusaders. more than once the forces of godfrey and alexius were called to arms with the fate of constantinople hanging in almost even balance. finally a truce was made and the emperor sent his son as a hostage to the camp of the crusaders. this dissipated all mistrust and the princes of the west swore to respect the laws of hospitality. they went in a body to the court of alexius, where they bent before his throne and were magnificently received. after an imposing ceremony the now graciously disposed emperor adopted godfrey as a son, placed the empire under his protection, promising aid to the crusaders by land and sea, provisions for their marches and the countenance of his leadership in glory or defeat. but every day brought its hosts of crusaders and magnificent presents must be given to all the leaders, and his profuse liberality was a heavy drain on his royal treasuries. his security now lay in keeping the armies in motion and hurrying them across the bosphorus; and once in asia their leaders would be engrossed in preparing to meet the saracens and his capital would for a time be free from insult and the unwelcome presence of his mortal foe bohemond who, struck with the riches of the apartments assigned him, exclaimed: "there is enough here to conquer kingdoms with." and now the plains of bythinia were fast filling with the warrior hordes of europe and as they swept along seeking safe camping places they came to the foot of the mountains where walter the penniless and his entire army perished in battle. the painful reminder of so great a calamity, and the recital by the starved remnants of peter's army found hiding in the mountains of their fearful sufferings, hushed all discord, silenced ambition and inspired fresh zeal for the conquest of the holy city and the destruction of the fierce, cruel and equally fanatical turks who swarmed in the valleys and filled the walled cities of palestine with desperate garrisons. but the first battle of invasion must be fought at the very gateway to asia minor. the chief of the infidel forces was the son of solyman; his name was david, surnamed kilidge arslan, or "the sword of the lion." he called upon the defenders of islam to rally to his standard and they came in troops from all the surrounding provinces and even from distant persia. the capital of his kingdom was nicea (nice). it was the advanced post of the turks in asia minor and there they would concentrate for the later invasion of europe. its approaches were defended by high mountains. its walls, surrounded by large water-filled ditches, were wide enough for the passage of chariots and were crowned by three hundred and seventy towers of brick. its garrison was composed of the finest troops of the turkish army; and one hundred thousand men were encamped for its defence upon the neighboring mountains. infatuated with their cause, blind in their faith, despising the martial quality of the enemy, and apparently ignorant of the careful and crafty preparations made to receive them, the crusaders marched in magnificently terrible swarms over the bythinian plains towards nice; with a force of one hundred thousand horse and five hundred thousand footmen among whom were a large per cent. of women and children and ineffectives. it was the chivalry of europe come out to dispute with the infidel the possession of asia. the sight of this immense army as the turks gazed upon it from their mountain tops must have thrilled their hearts even if it did not carry terror to their camps. it was soon learned that nice could only be captured by siege, if at all. for this preparations began to be made; but there was no central authority. in the camps of the crusaders were nineteen different nationalities grouped about their respective standards. no count or prince would deign to receive orders from anyone. each camp was protected by walls or palisades, and as the supply of wood and stone was scarce they gathered up the bones of the first crusaders that lay bleaching on the plains. the priests in all these various camps were always in the ranks and so great was their power that the commonest soldier gladly courted death for the sake of the rewards in store for all who perished in battle with the infidel. at the same time david, "the sword of the lion" animated his garrison by recalling former victories and saying: "we are going to fight for our wives and children and country. the religion of the prophet implores our help, and the richest booty will reward our exploits." while for every turk that fell in battle the gates of paradise would open and the most beautiful houris would minister with wine and dance to the unlimited enjoyment of the faithful. the rewards of the future, though so different to the imagination of the followers of christ and of mohammed, had precisely the same effect in stimulating the courage of all alike to the same pitch of frenzied fanaticism--the utter contempt of all danger, and to the very courting of death itself in the destruction of their enemies. as the crusaders advanced, their siege operations animated by the boldness of their leaders, the turks, similarly cheered and as bravely led, descended from their mountain camps and prepared for battle. their army divided into two great bodies as they struck the plains. one of these fell on the army of godfrey, and the other on that of raymond of toulouse. at first the troops of raymond gave way to the fierce onset but were soon rallied by the voices and bugles of raymond and adhemar. matthew of edessa writes:--"the two armies joined, mingled and attacked each other with equal fury. everywhere glittered casques and shields; lances rang against cuirasses; the air resounded with piercing cries; the terrified horses recoiled from din of arms and the hissing of arrows; the earth trembled beneath the tread of the combatants, and the plain was for a vast space bristling with javelins." the crusaders were most valiantly led by godfrey, tancred and the two roberts whose steeds seemed to be everywhere, whose valor knew no abatement and whose lances carried terror and death into the ranks of the infidels. it was a disastrous day for the turkish forces that were driven back in greatest confusion into their mountain camps. but the sultan did not stop to deplore his defeat. he rallied his forces during the night and determined to avenge his disgrace on the morrow. at break of day again his troops rushed with the violence of mountain torrents into the plains, and with loudest cries dashed again and again into the serried ranks of the crusaders. all day long under charge and counter charge the result of the battle hung in doubt. not till night did the turks confess their inability to crush the battle lines of the christians by retiring from the scene of awful carnage, leaving four thousand prisoners in the hands of the victors. the next day the heads of one thousand were cut off and sent as trophies to alexius at constantinople; the heads of the remaining captives were thrown by machines over the walls of the city to inform the turkish garrison of the disaster which had overtaken their supporting army. the crusaders were now free to push forward the siege by every artifice known to the romans and directed by the skill and energy of the greeks. they allowed the garrison no rest, and the defence was as furious as the attack. the turks covered their ramparts with formidable weapons which hurled destruction on their assailants. they shot forth darts, wooden beams and enormous stones which daily destroyed the labor of the crusaders whose rashness and imprudence cost them many precious lives. hundreds died from poisoned darts, and others, venturing too near the walls, were caught by grappling hooks, dragged alive over the walls to be shot back, stark naked, into the christian camp. the tales of personal, single-handed prowess place christian and turkish chief on equal footing as to strength, courage and splendid daring. after seven weeks had passed all hope for successful defence departed. the wife of the sultan and her two children were captured in trying to escape, and consternation siezed the garrison. just at this crisis the emissaries of alexius entered the city, and by creating in the inhabitants a dread of the terrible vengeance that would be inflicted by the crusaders, persuaded them to surrender to the emperor of constantinople. while the crusaders were preparing for what was intended to be their final assault, the standard of alexius suddenly appeared on the ramparts. the wily emperor had secured without the loss of a man the fruits of a victory won at terrible cost of life to the crusaders. he succeeded in quieting the wrath of the soldiers by distributing among them largesses equal in extent to the booty they expected from the looting of the captured city. he also restored to the sultan his wife and children, and thereby won his friendship. he also by this crafty stroke of policy secured the lives of the greek christians scattered throughout the cities of asia minor; but won the lasting hatred of the crusaders. the siege of one city is like the siege of all, and we must hasten to jerusalem, in the spring of . passing by the battlefield of dorylaeum, where the newly gathered army of david, the sultan, numbering two hundred thousand men, met with an awful defeat and the loss of nearly twenty-five thousand men; all the treasures of his camp, provisions, tents, horses and camels, and riches of gold and silver, falling as spoil into the hands of the crusaders:--passing by the terrible march through "burning phrygia," desolated by order of the sultan, we descend through the mountain passes of the taurus range into the fair and fertile and wealthy plains of the province of antioch. the armies were soon gathered for the siege of this historic city, which lasted seven months and was finally captured through the assistance of an armenian within the walls. six months after the sack of the city of antioch, the word was given, "on to jerusalem." it was now about the first of june. the harvests of phoenicia were ripe, plenty of provisions were in sight, and the country was beautiful as they marched down the seacoast from antioch. to their left rose the mountains of lebanon. on their right the blue waters of the mediterranean flashed in the sunlight of an eastern sky. between mountain and sea the valleys and plains were filled with orchards of olive, orange and pomegranate. among the plants which were new to the crusaders was the sugar cane of the syrian lowlands. returning pilgrims carried this plant to italy; the saracens introduced it into grenada, whence it spread throughout all the spanish colonial possessions; and to-day is the basis of the wealth of cuba, and one of the chief productions of our own southern states. the crusaders marched amid plenty and under balmy skies, with time enough to contemplate the fearful sacrifice of human life which their expedition had already cost. battle and famine, disease and despair had cut off more than two hundred thousand of their number. tens of thousands had deserted and returned to europe; other thousands remained in the cities and villages of palestine and were lost in the mixed crowds of the native races. while yet a vast host, the fighting force was about fifty thousand, but it was a compact and vigorous body of warriors. it marched better and lighter. its victories gave it courage; its defeats had taught it the value of discipline. the names of crusader and christian carried terror wherever spoken in the infidel camps or cities. their zeal increased as they drew near the end of their long and wasting marches. often the weary columns refused to halt for the night, but tramped on until forced to rest by sheer fatigue. to their disordered vision luminous angels appeared to guide them on the way. bending away from the sea and passing lydda, they soon gained the heights of ephraim, only sixteen miles from jerusalem. here their ranks were broken up as they entered these jagged ravines and narrow, lonesome valleys scorched by the rays of a summer sun, riddled by gullies and choked by great fragments of rock fallen from the precipitous sides of the mountains. had they been attacked from the heights above by even a few resolute mussulmen while in such disorder, fearful loss might have been inflicted; but no enemy appeared as the more ardent and faithful souls advanced barefooted, carrying with them the banner of the prince of peace to plant on the recaptured walls of the holy city of god. on june th, , the crusaders marched up the gloomy steeps to emmaus, and looking over its barren edges caught their first sight of zion. the cry of "jerusalem, jerusalem," rang out and down the slopes, and as the rear columns came up the war cry "it is the will of god," resounded throughout the whole army until reëchoed by the slopes of the mount of olives and heard in the city of david. horsemen dismounted and walked barefoot, thousands bent their knees and kissed the earth. hallelujahs arose, petitions went up for the remission of their sins, tears were shed over the death of christ, and the profanation of his tomb. pious fervor soon changed into fierceness and wrath as oaths were resworn to rescue the holy city from the sacrilegious hands of the followers of mohammed. they found a fierce and valiant memory awaiting them. the surrounding villages had been destroyed, cisterns and wells filled up or poisoned, the land made a desert. the siege began at once; but their situation grew desperate. they were suffering under a scorching heat and the sand storms out of the southern deserts. plants and animals perished. kedron ran dry. the army became a prey to raging thirst. water brought in skin bottles a distance of nine miles was worth its weight in silver. the old historians paint in most frightful colors the misery of the crusaders at this juncture; and had the mussulmen made a determined sortie upon the staggering hosts, the army must have perished. their strength and courage revived by the arrival of a genoese fleet at jaffa laden with provisions. a syrian pointed out a mountain thirty miles away that was forest-clad. every body wrought with unceasing energy. water was brought long distances by the women and children; machines of war towers, catapults and battering rams were erected and pushed up close under the walls of jerusalem. the priests exhorted to peace and harmony. the hermit of the mount of olives led a penitential march around the city. on their return to camp as the christian army marched by the tomb of david, and mt. zion they chanted "the nations of the west shall fear the lord; and the nations of the east shall see his glory." on the morning of july , , all the crusaders flew to arms at the sound of the trumpets to make their first grand assault. the great war machines were pushed close to the walls. showers of stones were hurled upon the ramparts. archers and crossbowmen kept up a continual fire from their towers. scaling ladders were planted. the great leaders were everywhere. for twelve long hours the crusaders maintained the unequal fight, and then nightfall covered their first repulse. the morning saw the renewal of the conflict more furious and desperate than before. it was carried on with demoniac obstinacy for half a day. their courage began to fail; nearly all their machines were on fire and there was no water to quench the flames; even their leaders began to waver. while the battle was in this desperate shape a mysterious knight made his appearance on the mount of olives waving his sword and signalling them to renew the assault. they accepted the omen as from heaven and in the fury of their faith rushed again to the attack--dragged their machines still nearer the walls, caught them with their grappling hooks, lowered their drawbridges, let fly showers of flaming arrows which set on fire sacks of wool and bundles of hay that had been used for protection on the inner walls. the wind fanned the flames, driving smoke and heat upon the doomed saracens. the crusaders sprang upon the walls with lance and spear in hand. godfrey, baldwin, raymond and tancred followed by their knights and soldiers were soon in the streets and beating down the gates with their battle-axes opened the way for the great body of crusaders to enter. their battle cry rang through the streets of the holy city. the miracle-monger places the entry of the crusaders at the very hour friday, p. m., at which christ expired on the cross. but even this could not move their hearts to mercy. we throw a veil of silence over the awful massacre that followed, until godfrey throwing aside his arms walked barefooted to the church of the holy sepulchre. his example was contagious. the army ceased its bloody fury, cast aside its blood-stained vestments, gave vent to its contrition in groans and sobs, and marched with uncovered heads and bare feet following their priests to the church of the resurrection. we marvel at the sudden transformation. the devotion of the crusaders seemed profoundly tender after such horrible carnage. we do not excuse it. we do not condemn it in bitter speech recalling some terrible experiences during our late civil war, when christian men sometimes seemed possessed. the demon of war has never yet been baptized with the spirit of him who gave up his life for the salvation of the very men who crucified him. the last chapter in the history of this first crusade ends with the establishment of a kingdom of jerusalem and the selection of the pious godfrey as king. with its fortunes we may not here concern ourselves. we shall touch upon it as we sketch the resistless march of the warriors of islam to the conquest of constantinople and the overthrow of the empire of eastern europe. chapter iv. the great tartar invasions. from jerusalem the reader must now transport himself beyond the caspian sea eastward if he would visit the early home of the turks or turcomans, or turkmans, against which the first crusade was chiefly directed. their scythian empire of the sixth century was long since dissolved, the tribes of the nations, each a powerful and independent kingdom, were scattered over the deserts of central asia from china to the oxus and the danube. hordes of these wandering shepherds were about to overspread the kingdoms of persia, shake the thrones of china and india, and erect a solid and splendid empire from samarcand to the confines of greece and egypt. their conquests were not to cease till their victorious crescents had been planted on the walls of constantinople, and unfurled to the breeze from the dome of the most magnificent christian temple of the world--the dome of st. sophia. one of the greatest of turkish princes was mahmood, who reigned over the eastern provinces of persia one thousand years after the birth of christ, (a. d. - .) for him the title of sultan was first invented--a word that signifies lord or master. his kingdom stretched from the shores of the caspian sea to the mouth of the river indus. in a series of twelve expeditions he waged a "holy war" against the gentoos of hindustan. never was the mussulman hero dismayed by the inclemency of the seasons, the heights of the mountains, the breadths of the rivers, the barrenness of the desert, the multitudes of the enemy or the formidable array of their elephants of war. but we cannot spare even a page to describe his swift and terrible campaigns that brought the power and wealth of india to his feet. as in his old age he surveyed the vast millions of gold and silver, the countless spoils in pearls and diamonds and rubies that filled his treasure house, even his boundless avarice might have been satiated for a moment. as he reviewed the state of his regular military forces which comprised one hundred thousand foot, fifty-five thousand horse and thirteen hundred elephants of battle; he wept the instability of human greatness, his grief embittered by the hostile progress of the turcomans whom as allies he had introduced into the heart of his persian kingdom. he was admonished of his folly by the reply of the chief of the race of seljuk of whom he had inquired what supply of men he could furnish for military service. "if you send," replied ishmael, "one of these arrows into our camp, fifty thousand of your servants will mount on horseback." "and if that number should not be sufficient?" "send this second arrow to the horde of balik and you will find fifty thousand more." "but," said mahmood, dissembling his anxiety, "if i should stand in need of the whole force of your kindred tribes?" "despatch my bow," was the last reply of ishmael, "and as it is sent around, the summons will be obeyed by two hundred thousand horse." well might he fear, for the multitude of shepherds were converted into robbers; the bands of robbers only needed leaders to become an army of conquerors, that would not be ashamed or afraid to measure courage and power with the proudest sovereigns of asia. too long did his son and successor neglect the advice of his wise men. "your enemies" they repeatedly urged "were in their origin a swarm of ants; they are now little snakes; and unless they be instantly crushed they will acquire the magnitude and venom of serpents." when the day of battle came, the swarm of ants had grown into a horde of fierce and mighty warriors: and although "massoud exhibited such acts of gigantic force and valor as never king had before displayed," in the very hour when victory was about to perch on his banners in dismay, he beheld almost his whole army led by some generals of the turkish race, "devouring the paths of flight." this memorable day of zendecan founded in persia the dynasty of the shepherd kings. the dynasty of the seljukian turks. (a. d. - .) the victorious turcomans, determined by lot, it is said, the selection of their king; and it fell to togrul beg, grandson of seljuk, whose surname was immortalized in the greatness of his posterity. at the age of forty-five togrul was invested with the title of sultan in the royal city of nishabur, and the sceptre of irak passed from the persian to the turkish nation, that now and everywhere embraced with fervor and sincerity the religion of mohammed. at the conquest of mosul and bagdad he received from the caliph of the east the title of the lieutenant of the vicar of the prophet, his mystic veil was perfumed with musk, two crowns were placed on his head; two scimitars were girded to his side as the symbol of a double reign over the east and the west. soon myriads of turkish horse went forth to conquest, overspreading the frontier of six hundred miles from tauris to erzeroum: and the blood of hundreds of thousands of christians were a grateful sacrifice to the arabian prophet. the first invasion of poor armenia was with more than a hundred thousand men and twenty-four provinces were laid waste. the second was with two hundred thousand and they completed the utter ruin of those provinces, carrying into captivity all the inhabitants. in the year the armies of togrul made a third invasion, besieging the city of ardzan, which had a population of three hundred thousand souls, and contained eight hundred churches with schools and hospitals. notwithstanding their utmost resistance it was taken and a hundred and forty thousand people were massacred, the remnant were carried into captivity and the city was burned. many other cities were treated in the same way. at the same time there were in armenia sixty thousand greek christian troops from constantinople, ostensibly for the protection of armenia, yet they did not take a single step to repel the invaders, preferring to see the armenians slaughtered. verily history repeated itself as the great "christian" powers of europe stood by witnessing the "reform of armenia." there is some small sense of satisfaction in the fact that before the turks left armenia they utterly defeated and dispersed these miserable "defenders of the faith." again in the year togrul appeared in armenia, destroying many cities, among them the capital city of kars and then marched to the city of manazguerd and laid siege to it. basilius, the chief of the city, was a man of great bravery and military skill. he was assisted in the defence of the city by a skillful armenian priest who, by his inventions rendered the machines raised by the persians against the walls entirely useless. then they planned to undermine the fortifications; but this new design was revealed by a soldier who, smarting under some grievous and unjust punishment, shot an arrow into the city to which was fastened a letter making known their plans. a countermine was dug, and the persian miners being captured they were taken into the city and beheaded on the battlements. in his rage togrul caused a huge wooden ballista to be erected,--so large that it required four hundred men to drag it before the walls. basilius offered a great reward to the man who should succeed in burning it. there was a very ingenious gaul in the city who, having composed an inflammable mixture, mounted a swift horse and proceeded to the persian camp holding a letter in his outstretched hand. he went directly to the spot where the ballista stood and while the guards fancied him a messenger sent to the king he hurled the bottles filled with the combustible material into the machine and in the confusion that attended the burning of the ballista escaped back to the city. the siege was soon raised but other cities felt the fury of his baffled rage as leaving a trail of fire and blood behind him, togrul returned to persia. the native historian whom we are consulting, in simplest yet most telling pathos, writes: "armenia, after this, enjoyed no repose." upon the death of togrul, (a. d. ) he was succeeded by his nephew, alp arslan who, in the following year came to wreak vengeance on unhappy armenia. everywhere he committed the most horrid devastation. marching to the province of ararat he laid siege to ani the magnificent, with its thousand and one churches. the city was lost by the cowardice of the governor. a breach had been made in an unprotected part of the wall, but being narrow the citizens so valiantly defended it that they compelled the sultan to retire; but the governor, fancying that the persians had succeeded in forcing an entrance, retired into the citadel. thinking themselves deserted, a panic seized the armenians and about fifty thousand of them fled into the country from the gates on the opposite side of the city. the retreat of the persians was countermanded, the city was taken, orders being given to put every man to the sword. human blood flowed in torrents. so great was the carnage that the streets were literally choked up with dead bodies, and the waters of the river akhurian flowed in crimson tides. after his first fury was somewhat abated, alp arslan gave orders to seize the most wealthy citizens still alive and torture them to make them reveal places where their treasures were hidden. then he pillaged the thousand and one churches, murdered all the priests found therein,--some were drowned, some he flayed alive, others died under tortures as excruciating as most fiendish imagination could conceive or invent. finally, gathering his captives--men, women and children and his plunder, alp arslan returned to persia. we must leave for awhile the bleeding armenians whose kingdom had been annihilated, to the tender mercies of the wicked, to follow the path of rapine and horror as the torrents of unspeakable turks flowed westward. they captured cities, put the inhabitants of asia minor to the sword and devastated the interior provinces to convert them into pasture lands for their nomad followers. romanus, husband of the greek empress eudocia took the field against them, and driving them back to the euphrates, laid siege to the fortress of manzikert or malasgerd in armenia midway between modern erzeroum and van. it was on the plain of manzikert in after the capture of the fortress, that the east gained one of its greatest triumphs over the west. the seljuk sultan and the roman emperor met face to face. romanus rejected in haughty pride the overtures of the sultan that might have secured his retreat, perhaps peace--and prepared for battle. the sultan with his own hands tied up the flowing tail of his horse, exchanged his bow and arrows for a mace and scimitar, clothed himself in a white garment, perfumed his body with musk, and declared that if he were vanquished, that spot should be the place of his burial. the sultan himself had cast away his missile weapons, but his hopes of victory were in the arrows of his cavalry whose squadrons were loosely placed in the form of a crescent. romanus led his army in a single and solid phalanx and pressed with vigor the artful and yielding resistance of the barbarians. thus the greater part of a hot summer's day was spent in fruitless combat until fatigue compelled him to sound a return to camp. this was the fatal moment. the turkish squadrons poured a cloud of arrows on the retreating army throwing them into confusion. the horns of the crescent closed in upon the rear of the greeks. the destruction of the army was complete, the booty immense. nobly did the emperor with desperate courage maintain the fight till the close of the day. the imperial station was left naked on all sides to the victorious turks. his body guard fell about him--his horse was slain and he himself was wounded, yet he stood as a lion at bay. he was captured, despoiled of his jewelled robes, bound and guarded all night on the field of the dead. in the morning the successor of constantine in plebian habit was led into the presence of the sultan and commanded to kiss the ground at the feet of the lord of asia. reluctantly he obeyed, and alp arslan, starting from his throne, is said to have planted his foot on the neck of the roman emperor. no captive was ever more nobly treated than romanus diogenes; but no captivity ever wrought more lasting woe. three years later the seljuk was the recognized lord of asia minor, and as such ventured to call himself the lord of rome. following the defeat of the romans the turks marched into syria and reduced damascus by famine and the sword. other cities in palestine yielded until the victorious army passing southward stood on the banks of the nile. the city of cairo in desperate battle drove back the armies of the sultan from the confines of egypt; but in their retreat jerusalem was conquered and the house of seljuk held the city for some twenty years. when jerusalem fell before the arms of the crusaders in , the event was applauded as a deliverance in europe, and was deplored as a calamity in asia. the syrian fugitives diffused everywhere their sorrow and consternation: bagdad mourned in the dust; the cadi of damascus tore his beard in the caliph's presence; the commanders of the faithful could only weep and vow vengeance on the head of the infidels who had defiled the holy city. it is not our purpose to pursue the story of the crusades through all the years that made jerusalem the prize of battle equally to christian and mohammedan. the life and exploits of saladin and richard, the lion-hearted are more thrilling than any romance. in a fanatic age, himself a fanatic, the genuine virtues of saladin commanded the esteem of the christians; the emperor of germany gloried in his friendship; the greek emperor solicited his alliance. egypt, syria, and arabia were adorned by the royal foundations of hospitals, colleges and mosques; cairo was fortified with a wall and citadel; but his works were consecrated to public use: nor did the sultan indulge himself in a garden or palace of private luxury. the son of job, a simple kurd, saladin was after the follies of a hot youth, a rigid mussulman, his garment of coarse woolen, and water his only drink. but already had he won for himself the name of "the scourge of god." he had united all the forces and riches of egypt and asia under his sword and now ( a. d.) hastened with eighty thousand horse to the deliverance of palestine. three months after the battle of tiberias (july and , ) he appeared in arms before jerusalem. when saladin had partially completed its investment, he invited its principal inhabitants to meet him in council. when they were assembled he said: "i acknowledge that jerusalem is the house of god. i do not wish to profane its sanctity by the shedding of blood. abandon its walls and i will bestow on you a part of my treasures, and i will bestow on you as much land as you will be able to cultivate." to which the christians replied: "we cannot yield the city in which our god died: still less can we give it up to you." this refusal enraged saladin, and he swore to destroy the towers and ramparts of jerusalem, and avenge the death of the mussulmen slaughtered by the soldiers of godfrey of bouillon. the siege went on. many and fierce the sorties from the gates of the city: but fight as they would the operations of the infidels could not be stayed. despair set in, mingled with wailing, tears and prayers. jerusalem was filled with sobs and groans. deputies were sent out to propose a capitulation on the terms which he had first proposed. he sent them back without one word of hope. but one day as the deputies were pleading with unusual earnestness, saladin pointed to his standards just placed upon the walls saying: "how can you ask me to grant conditions to a city which is already taken?" but he spoke too confidently, for at that moment they were stricken down again. as they went down baleau the leader of the christian forces spoke up: "you see jerusalem is not without defenders. if we can obtain no mercy from you we will form a terrible resolution which will fill you with horror. these temples and palaces you are so anxious to conquer shall be destroyed. the riches which excite your cupidity shall be burned. we will destroy the mosque of omar. we will pound into dust the stone of jacob which is an object of your worship. we will stay our women and our children with our own hands that they shall never be your slaves. when the holy city shall become a ruin--a vast tomb--we will march out of it armed with fire and sword and no one of us will ascend to paradise without first consigning ten mussulmen to hell. we shall thus obtain a glorious death and in dying shall call down on your head the maledictions of the god of jerusalem." saladin was awed by this terrible speech: told the deputies to return the next day, when the terms of capitulation were signed in the tent of the great sultan, and jerusalem passed again into the hands of the infidels, after having remained for eighty-eight years in the possession of the christians. the saracens boast that they retook the holy city on friday, the anniversary of the day on which mohammed ascended from it into heaven: but the complete conquest of the holy land by the turks was to be delayed yet an hundred years. finally, however, before mamelukes of egypt, jerusalem, and all the cities of the coast fell, and acre became the last stronghold of the crusaders. against it marched the sultan khali at the head of sixty thousand horse and one hundred and forty thousand foot. after a siege of thirty-three days the double wall was forced, the towers yielded to their engines, the moslems stormed the city may , (a. d., ) carried it by the sword; and death or slavery was the lot of sixty thousand christians. by the command of the sultan the churches and the fortifications of the latin cities were demolished, and a mournful and solitary silence prevailed along the coast which had so long resounded with the world's debate; and hundreds of thousands of warriors had found the "paradise that lies under the shade of swords." again must we go to the "roof of the world" to behold the great eruption of moguls and tartars whose fierce and rapid and cruel conquests can only be compared with the destructive forces of nature in her wildest moods when she lets loose upon the earth fire and flood, earthquake, avalanche and volcano. from these spacious highlands the tides of emigration and the floods of war have repeatedly been poured. in the twelfth century the various tribes akin to hun and turk were united and led to conquest by the formidable jenghiz khan, i. e. the most great khan or emperor of the moguls and tartars. the code of laws which jenghiz khan dictated to his subjects was adapted to the preservation of domestic peace and the exercise of foreign hostility. these fiercest of men were mild and just in their intercourse with each other. their primitive religion consisted in belief in the existence of one god, the author of all good, who fills by his presence the heavens and the earth which he has created by his power. the tartars and moguls were addicted to the idols of their various tribes yet there were among them converts to the religions of moses, mohammed and of christ. soon all the kindred tribes from the great wall of china to the volga owned his sway. he was the khan of many millions of shepherds and warriors. the court of pekin was astonished at receiving an embassy from a former vassal demanding the same tribute and obedience which he himself had but lately paid. on receiving a haughty answer innumerable squadrons soon pierced on all sides the feeble rampart of the great wall and ninety cities were laid low. on his second invasion he laid siege to pekin. the famine was terrible. men were chosen by lot to be slain for food. the moguls mined under the capital and the conflagration of the city lasted for thirty days. china was desolated by tartar war and domestic faction and the five northern provinces were added to the empire of jenghiz. on the west he touched the dominions of mohammed, sultan of carizme, who reigned from the persian gulf to the borders of india and turkestan. a caravan of three ambassadors and one hundred and fifty merchants having been put to death by the orders of mohammed, after he had fasted and prayed for three nights on a mountain, jenghiz appealed to the judgment of god and his own sword. seven hundred thousand moguls and tartars are said to have marched under the banners of jenghiz and his four sons. on the vast plains stretching north of the river jaxartes (now jihon) they encountered four hundred thousand soldiers of the sultan. in the first battle it is said that one hundred and sixty thousand carizmians were slain. the whole country then lay open to his fierce warriors and from the caspian to the indus, a tract of many hundreds of miles, adorned with the habitations and labors of the most highly civilized races of asia, was desolated so completely that five centuries have not repaired the ravages of four years. in all this jenghiz khan indulged and encouraged the fury of his army. he now yielded with reluctance to the murmurs of his weary but wealthy troops who sighed for the rest of their native lands. the return of jenghiz was signalized by the overthrow of the few remaining independent kingdoms in tartary: and he died in the fulness of years and glory, with his last breath exhorting his sons to achieve the conquest of the chinese empire. in the sixty-eight years of his first four successors the mogul had subdued almost all asia and a large portion of europe. to the east china was subdued; to the south the conquest of hindustan was reserved for the house of timour or tamerlane. while the hosts that went forth to conquer russia, poland, hungary, etc., ( - ) inscribed on the military roll numbered fifteen hundred thousand men. holagon the grandson of jenghiz khan had but to thrust at the phantom of power which the caliphs of bagdad enjoyed when it vanished like the mist. bagdad after a siege of two brief months, was stormed and sacked and the savage tartar pronounced the death of the caliph mostasem the last of the temporal successors of mohammed whose noble kinsmen of the race of abbas had reigned in asia above five hundred years. once more the torrents of woe flow in upon armenia lying in the track of the tartar armies westward. ani is again besieged and soon a famine broke out within the walls and many of the citizens rushed out and gave themselves up to the mercy of their enemies. they were kindly received and a sufficient supply of food was given to them. induced by this kindness more than half of the inhabitants were soon found in the camp of the tartars. all at once the poor wretches were divided into small parties under the pretext of receiving better protection when the soldiers fell upon them and massacred every individual. then the city was easily taken, destroyed by fire and the entire population put to the sword. many cities suffered the desolations and horrors of ani till the khan ordered his chiefs on to other conquests. then followed the infliction of a heavy capitation tax on all the remaining provinces--sixty pieces of money being demanded of every armenian from the age of ten upwards. those who were unable to pay this sum suffered intolerable tortures. those who were possessed of lands lost them, their wives and children being seized and sold into slavery. nothing ever equalled the horrors that now overspread this unhappy country, most of the inhabitants having no money to pay the tax and having no place to which to flee from their oppressors. finally an embassy to mangon khan, a grandson of jenghiz secured some little alleviation of their misery. meantime there was growing up in cilicia a subordinate kingdom of armenia with tarsus for its capital--and receiving favor from the sultan of egypt and the khan of the tartars. leo iii. resumed the kingly reins of his kingdom comprising all of modern anatolia. he repaired his cities; he erected public schools. he caused all the literary productions of the armenians from the earliest ages to be recopied and distributed among the convents of the kingdom. he reigned for twenty years ardently devoted to the service of god and died in the year . his son, hethum, was a prince who despised all worldly pomp and grandeur, seldom arrayed himself in royal apparel. he was greatly attached to the priests of his capital engaging daily with them in prayers and other religious exercises. he was particularly fond of the literary productions of the fathers of the church. his bible was his daily companion. he caused a copy of it to be prepared expressly for himself, and at the end of it wrote some lines expressive of the high satisfaction and comfort he had derived from its frequent perusal. these paragraphs may show what has ever been the character of these people who are still being harried to death in the same provinces where they have lived and suffered for centuries. the decline of the spirit of conquest in the mogul princes of persia gave a free scope to the rise and progress of the ottoman empire which was soon to strike fear into the heart of the emperor of constantinople, and finally establish itself in europe where it remains to this day a blot on western civilization and a curse to all the people over which it rules. in we find the throne of the ottoman turks established at adrianople almost within sight of constantinople which after resisting for a thousand years the assaults of barbarians of the east and the west, now saw herself hemmed in, both in europe and asia, by the same hostile power and her emperor following at his summons the court and camp of an ottoman prince. bajazet surnamed ilderim, or "the lightning" who came to the throne in , and reigned fourteen years, fills a brilliant page in ottoman history. he forced constantinople to pay tribute and enjoyed the glory of being the first to found a royal mosque in the glorious metropolis of the eastern church. he would speedily have forced its absolute surrender but that he was doomed to meet and be overthrown by a savage still more savage than himself--the name that caused all europe and asia to tremble with fear--the great, the terrible, the blood-thirsty timour or tamerlane. the family of tamerlane was another branch of the imperial stem of jenghiz khan. he was born a. d., in a village that lies forty miles to the south of samarcand, in a tribe of which his fathers were the hereditary chiefs. his birth was cast in a time of anarchy of bitter domestic feuds; when the khans of kashgar with an army of calmucks harassed the trans-oxian kingdom. at the age of twenty-five he stood forth as the deliverer of his people: and in ten years he was invested with imperial command of the zagatai. the rule over a fertile and populous land five hundred miles in extent either way, might have satisfied an ordinary man: but timour aspired to the dominion of the world and before his death the crown of zagatai was but one of twenty-seven which he had placed upon his head. he first swept persia to the sea. the city of ormuz bought its safety for an annual tribute of six hundred thousand pieces of gold. bagdad was laid in ruins: and from the gulf to the mountains of ararat the whole course of the tigris and euphrates was reduced to his obedience. the khan of the mogul empire of the north swept down through the gates of derbend entering persia at the head of ninety thousand horse, burned the palaces of timour and compelled him amidst the snows of winter to contend for samarcand and his life. after a mild expostulation, and a glorious victory he resolved on revenge. he invaded tartary with armies so vast that thirteen miles stretched between his left and right wing. in a march of five months they rarely beheld the footsteps of man. at length the armies met in most fearful conflict. in the heat of conflict the treachery of the bearer of the imperial standard of kipzak turned the tide of victory to the zagatai, and timour gave up the mingled hosts to the "wind of desolation." the pursuit of a flying enemy led him into the provinces of russia. moscow trembled at the approach of the tartar, but he turned his armies southward, and on the banks of the don received a deputation of the merchants of egypt, venice, genoa, and spain, who had built up the great commerce and the city of azoph. they offered him gifts, admired his magnificence, trusted his word. but the peaceful visit of an emir who explored the state of the magazines and harbors was speedily followed by the destructive presence of the tartars, who reduced the city to ashes, pillaged the moslems, and put every christian to the sword or sold them into slavery. having laid waste all the cities in southern russia, he returned to his capital at samarcand. samarcand, the center of his magnificence, the depot of all riches, arose and extended itself as by magic at each return of the world's conqueror. it is said that babylon, bagdad, persepolis, palmyra, baalbec and damascus, were all cast into the shade by the mosques, palaces, gardens, and aqueducts which arose under the hands of most skillful artisans brought from every captured city to decorate the capital of a barbarian. here amid the delights of his gardens, the love of his women, the conversation of his men of letters, the eulogies of poets, did tamerlane refresh himself after the exploits of a five years' campaign. but his loves, and delights of ease, did not make him forget that dream of all conquerors--india, and at this invasion he overran it from the indus to delhi, and from the ocean to thibet. as he proceeded on his march, his army became encumbered with the captives, and he ordered one hundred thousand of them slain in a single night. remorse, pity, and indignation, seized even a tartar army, but tamerlane answered it only by the conquest and massacre of delhi, that great and magnificent city which had flourished for three hundred years, under mohammedan kings; the ruins of which are still seen for miles on every side of the modern city. the blood of the slain, crimsoned the waters of the sacred ganges for many, many miles on its course to the sea. the recital of his cruelties could not be believed, were they not recorded in the history of all the nations he conquered. the treasures were of incalculable value, and every soldier received one hundred slaves for his share and every tartar camp follower, twenty. it was while camping on the bank of the ganges that tamerlane received from his couriers the tidings of the disturbances on the confines of anatolia and georgia, of the revolt of the christians and the ambitious designs of bajazet. he returned to samarcand having accomplished in a twelve month the ten years' campaign of alexander the great. after enjoying a few months tranquillity he proclaimed a seven years' campaign against the countries of western asia. to the soldiers who had served in the indian wars he granted their choice of home or camp, but the troops of all the kingdoms and provinces of persia were commanded to assemble at ispahan and await the imperial standard. with an army of eight hundred thousand fighting men and a multitude of slaves so vast that it is said that they dried up the earth as they marched, he started westward. words are lacking to describe the desolation and cruelty that attended his march and the sacking of cities. multitudes of christians suffered untold horrors rather than deny their faith. the cities that attempted to resist behind their walls were effaced from the earth, and upon their sites towers were erected, the walls of which were composed of living men cemented in the lime. pursuing the people of georgia into the gorges of the caucasus mountains he inflicted upon them great slaughter, and discovering many caverns into which men, women and children had fled for safety he walled up their entrances and left them to perish. ispahan in a moment of folly having rebelled and massacred three thousand tartars he sent back one hundred thousand soldiers with orders that every man should bring him a head on penalty of losing his own. ispahan in consternation and horror paid this price for its revolt, and on the site of a dismantled city, a mason-wrought pyramid of a hundred thousand heads told the awful story of their doom. proceeding westward tamerlane laid siege to siwas, or sebaste, modern siwas, a city having walls of prodigious thickness and a broad moat filled with running water. it contained one hundred and fifty thousand souls, was defended by intrepid armenians and seemed able to defy every assault of a tartar multitude without battering artillery to shake the walls. but tamerlane hesitated only a moment. prodigal of men, he set thousands at work to undermine the rocks that formed the foundation of the walls. he emptied the moats by cutting deeper channels for the river. he cut down adjacent forests to prop up the mines dug under the towers of the walls; and then setting on fire this underground forest he saw the rocks give way engulfing walls, houses and defenders in the ruins. twenty days and nights sufficed to open enormous breaches for his soldiers. the city naked and trembling before him awaited its fate. timour promised to spare the lives of mohammedans and christians, and to be content with servitude. but scarcely had he entered it before he inundated it with the blood of its defenders. by his ferocity he made all the east and the west to shudder, and the world to stand aghast at its recital after more than four centuries have covered its horrors. four thousand ottomans were buried alive up to the neck and thus left to perish. countless christians were bound in couples and cast into trenches which were then covered with boards and earth, and over them the tartars pitched their tents and took fiendish delight in their moanings. women were bound by the hair of their heads to the tails of wild young horses and thus dragged to death. the young children were bound hand and foot and laid together on an open plain and trampled to death by his cavalry. with the exception of the male children fit for slavery, and the young girls reserved for the harem the entire population was destroyed. do you shudder at even this cool recital? far worse horrors are still being endured by the christian people of armenia this very day on ground that is dyed with the blood of a thousand years of martyrdom. and still christian europe is unmoved; and the turk, drunk with the blood of his victims still is propped up on his throne by the arms that should drive him back to the deserts of tartary: and christian america contents itself with trying by their relief funds to keep alive the starving remnants of this harried race whose cry to christendom is "either kill us or in god's name redeem us." as timour took up again his march from desolated siwas he dragged with cords along the stones of the road at the heels of his horse the head of the governor of siwas, one of the sons of bajazet who was then besieging constantinople. aroused by the danger that threatened him yet with a deep sadness caused by the death of his son which settled upon him as if in presentiment of his own fate, bajazet raised the siege, called all his forces together to meet the bloody conqueror of the east. aleppo and damascus meanwhile fell with terrible slaughter, and now on the plains not far from siwas, timour awaited the coming of bajazet. tamerlane hesitated to engage in this battle with a race of his own blood, the champions of the faith of the prophet, who were fighting like himself for the triumph of islam. his envoys were disgracefully treated and his messages were answered with most haughty and insulting letters. "thy armies" said bajazet "are innumerable; be they so: but what are the arrows of the flying tartars against the scimitars and battle-axes of my firm and invincible janizaries?" then this deadly insult: "if i fly from thy arms, may my wives be thrice divorced from my bed; but, if thou hast not courage to meet me in the field mayest thou again receive thy wives after they have thrice endured the embraces of a stranger." on receiving this letter timour exclaimed: "decidedly the son of mourad is mad." all day long timour reviewed his troops of horse as the squadrons passed before him, then turning again to the envoy he made a last offer of peace, "say to your master that he can still, in accepting my just and moderate conditions, spare the fatal dissension of two servants of the one god, and torrents of human blood to asia." bajazet was both deaf and blind to the advice of his viziers, his generals and the last message of tamerlane; and was determined to meet with his army of four hundred thousand men which he had seen gathering for two years, the well trained army of eight hundred thousand men who were formed in nine divisions under the four sons and five favored grandsons of the greatest warrior of the world. never had the sun of asia shed its light upon so vast a multitude of warriors gathered for so deadly a conflict on july , . timour brought forward only five hundred thousand of his choicest troops, horse and foot, yet they covered the amphitheater of the hills which arose behind the river in the basin to the north of angora. he had most carefully chosen his field of battle and his position, and facing him was the vast army of bajazet. all historians, arabian, greek and ottoman agree that over one million men faced each other on this listed field. the situation added to the tragic majesty of the spectacle. the plain, the gradation of the hills and the rugged mountains of angora made a circus worthy of these imperial gladiators of the two asias. timour was stationed on an elevated mound whence he could survey the whole field, while behind him and out of sight from the enemy were forty divisions of select cavalry ready at the critical moment to strengthen any wavering squadrons, or to be hurled on the field to consummate the victory. the first dawn of day upon the mountains of angora illuminated those two armies in order of battle but motionless. but when the sun had dispelled the shade from the foot of the hills, at the rolling of drums of the turks with the cry of allah achbar the army of bajazet was put in motion. soon the battle was on. the first charge of one wing of tartar cavalry was broken by the immobility of the servian mountaineers. then in the rapid advance of his enemy's troops timour discovered that the asiatic army of bajazet had passed the level of the ottoman lines in order to turn the hills he was occupying, and down he rushed with his reserve cavalry of forty divisions and cut in two the army of europe and the army of asia, throwing one of them back upon the hills and the other into the marshes on the left, slaughtering at the center some thousands of ottomans and forcing bajazet himself to fly with ten thousand of his janizaries to a rising ground detached from the mountains whose steep declivities checked the impetuosity of the tartar cavalry. timour watched with admiration the retreat of the servian mountaineers, as in dense columns clad in splendid mail, unshaken by repeated charges of his cavalry they forced their way obliquely through that multitude until they gained the foothills in safety. "these miserable peasants are lions," he exclaimed in admiration of their discipline and their courage. two sons of bajazet were rescued by the bold daring of their devoted followers, but in vain did they urge the emperor himself to seek refuge in flight. satisfied that his sons were safe he continued to fight for glory or for death behind the rampart of his janizaries who formed about him a circular wall with their dead bodies. never was fidelity more desperate, more unswerving. stolen from christian homes at an early age and trained as warriors they knew no other home than the camp. they knew that their birth among the christians and their name of renegades left them no other choice than that of death upon the field of battle or the field of torture. the retreat of the ten thousand after the death of cyrus did not equal the glorious suicide of these ten thousand janizaries about the body of their sultan. as the shades of evening began to fall, bajazet, his youngest son and a few faithful generals and a group of horsemen sought to escape into the woody recesses of the mountains. a troop of tartar cavalry closely pursued the trail of the retreating sultan. the day was about to break and they hoped to escape by swimming a swift stream, the horsemen they heard galloping behind them when a loose shoe caused the horse of the sultan to stumble. none would save themselves and leave their master, and as one of the beys was presenting his own horse to him, a tartar emir with a body of horsemen surrounded the small group of the ottomans and they were prisoners. before night had fallen the vanquished sultan in chains, covered with dust and blood, was brought before timour, who was seated in the shade of his tent playing chess with the son whom he called the hope of his race. the vanquisher showed neither pride nor insolence before the vanquished. he remembered the maxims and respected the finger of god even in the enemy overthrown at his feet. he remembered that he was of the same race, that they were fighting for the same faith and he almost begged his pardon for the victory. he ordered him to be released, begged him to take a seat with him at the front of his tent on the same rank with himself and promised him that his honor and his life would suffer no risk during his brief captivity. three imperial tents were prepared for his use; and after the discovery of his attempt to escape, bajazet was chained at night in one of those iron-barred litters wherein women in their journeys are carried between two mules. hence the popular, but erroneous, tradition throughout the east about the iron cage wherein timour had shut up the sultan intending to exhibit him in his palace at samarcand. timour permitted bajazet to send for his favorite wife, the princess of servia--exacting from her at a banquet, but only for a single time, that she should hand him a cup of cyprus wine the sole vengeance he wished to take for the insulting letter wherein bajazet had threatened him with taking off his harem. bajazet died about nine months after his defeat at antioch in pisidia--his empire, lost in a single battle--having fallen into fragments before his eyes. turning away from the possible conquest of europe tamerlane soon returned to samarcand and in set out for the final and complete conquest of china. neither age nor the severity of the winter could retard the impatience of timour, he passed the sihon on the ice, marched hundreds of miles, then pitching his last camp, died of fever and fatigue and the indiscreet use of iced water april , . the conqueror of asia had reigned for thirty-five years and died at the age of seventy-one, having shed more blood and caused more misery than any other human being ever born on the earth. chapter v. the fall of constantinople. with the death of tamerlane all his further designs were lost; his armies were disbanded; china was saved; and fourteen years after his decease, the most powerful of his children sent an embassy of friendship and commerce to the court of pekin. but far different was the fate of the ottoman monarchy. the massive trunk was bent to the ground, but no sooner had the hurricane passed than it again rose with fresh vigor and more luxuriant foliage. the province of anatolia was desolated; the cities without walls or palaces, without treasures or rulers: while the open country was overspread with hordes of shepherds of tartar or turcoman origin. the five living sons of bajazet were soon fighting for the spoils of their father's empire: finally the favorite son mohammed i., stood forth as the sole heir of the empire. he obtained anatolia by treaty and roumania by force of arms and the eight years of his peaceful reign were spent in banishing the vices of civil discord and placing on a firmer basis the fabric of the ottoman monarchy. the wisest turks were devoted to the unifying of the empire and from anatolia to roumania one spirit seemed to animate them all. the christian powers of europe might have emulated their example, but the bitter schism between the greek and the latin divisions of the church, the factions and the wars of france and england, blinded them to the danger that was threatening in the east. had a confederate fleet occupied the straits of the dardanelles and a strong fort been built on the west side at gallipoli, the ottoman power must speedily have been annihilated; but as it was the dissensions and the indifference of the other powers of europe first yielded up the greek empire to the turks as they have since sustained it--an alien power--race and religion in one of the fairest regions of the earth. in sheerest folly did manuel the emperor of constantinople enter into an alliance with mohammed i., whereas his policy should have been to prolong the division of the ottoman powers. the sultan and his troops were transported over the bosphorus, and were hospitably entertained in the capital. not long after he unsheathed a sword of revenge in delivering the true or the false mustapha, real or pretended son of bajazet i., on his promise of delivering up the keys of gallipoli, or rather of europe, so soon as he was placed on the throne of roumania. but no sooner was he established than he dismissed the greek ambassadors with a smile of contempt, saying in a pious tone that at the day of judgment he would rather answer for the violation of an oath than for having delivered up a mussulman city into the hands of an infidel. the emperor was thus at once the hated of the two rivals for the ottoman throne; and the victory of amurath over mustapha was followed by the siege of constantinople, the following spring (a. d. , june , aug. ). the strength of the walls successfully resisted an army of two hundred thousand turks for some two months, when the army was drawn off to quell some domestic revolt, and the fall of the city was delayed for thirty years under the disgraceful conditions of the payment of tribute to turkey. meantime the ottomans were with cruel severity, organizing a terrible power for further conquest. the captured provinces of thrace, macedonia, albania, bulgaria and servia, became the perpetual recruiting ground for the turkish army. after the royal fifth of the captives was diminished by conquest, an inhuman tax of the fifth child or of every fifth year was rigorously levied on the christian families. at the age of twelve or fourteen, the most robust youths were torn away from their parents to be trained for the army or for civil service. they might pass through four successive schools according to their development or promise and then found themselves without friendships, outside their own number, without parents, without homes, dependent on the will of the despot on the throne, whose hand, on the slightest displeasure could break in pieces "these statues of glass." thus with satanic craftiness and cruelty were the stolen children of christian races trained to become the destroyers of a christian empire, which, for more than a thousand years had stayed the flood of barbarism from sweeping over all europe. freeman, the historian, declares that we may take mohammed ii., as the ideal of his race, the embodiment in their fullest form of ottoman greatness and ottoman wickedness. a general and a statesman of the highest order, he was also a man of intellectual cultivation in other ways, a master of many languages and a patron of the art and the literature of his time. at the same time the three abiding ottoman vices, cruelty, lust and faithlessness, stand forth in terrible preëminence. his first act was the murder of his infant brother and he made the murder of brothers the standing law of his empire. he made the ottoman power what it has been ever since. he defined its northern and western boundaries. "the ottoman empire as our age has to deal with it, is before all things the work of mohammed the conqueror." his reign was from to . coming to the throne at the early age of twenty-one, he had read plutarch assiduously and studied the careers of alexander, cæsar and other great conquerors; causing also the biographies of illustrious men to be translated into turkish, to give to himself and to his people the emulation of glory. on returning to adrianople, this thirst of glory and of conquest devoured him as it had devoured his ancient models. he coveted constantinople with a consuming avidity that often woke him with a bound from his sleep. the phantom of constantinople beset by day and night the young conqueror. he tried to conceal his impatience for fear of exciting before the hour the emotions of the christian west. he could not restrain it. he sent for his grand vizier, khalil, at night. alarmed, the vizier embraced as in a last farewell his wife and daughter, made his death prayer and appeared before the sultan. he prostrated himself as if to redeem his life by a ransom and presented to mohammed ii. the golden cup. "do not fear, my lala, (familiar term as father), do not fear, it is not thy gold nor thy life i want: what i want that thou shouldest give me is constantinople." then showing him his eyes, fatigued with sleeplessness, and his couch disordered, he added, "i cannot sleep unless you promise me what i dream of night and day." "you must have it, my master," responded khalil. "who could refuse you that which belonged to you by the grandeur of your views, and by the omnipotence of your arms. i have divined this long time your desires beneath your silence; i have all prepared to satisfy on an appointed day, your religion, your patriotism, your glory. constantinople or my head is at your feet." the next day the sultan set out with khalil for gallipoli and then proceeded to the village situated on the european shore of the bosphorus at the point which formerly gave passage to the persians of darius. there he ordered khalil to construct forthwith a fortress in front of the asiatic fortress constructed twenty years before by his ancestor, bajazet-ilderim. this promontory on the bosphorus, at a point where the channel is not wider than a river and only a few miles distant from constantinople, was admirably chosen to extend the limits of the conquest, to wall in the city, and to smother it by terror even before being swept by the fury of their fiery onslaught. with fantastic superstition the sultan or his architect gave the different compartments the form of the letters, which in arabic compose both his name and the name of the false prophet, as if to stamp with the very walls of a fortress on the soil of europe, the seal of islamism, and the empire on the last promontory that still sheltered the capital of the christians. the greek emperor alarmed at this menace almost under the very walls of his capital sent ambassadors who timidly demanded explanations from the sultan. "of what do you complain?" replied he, "i form no project against your city. to provide for the security of my dominions is not to infringe the treaties. have you forgotten the extremity to which my father was reduced when your emperor, leagued against him with the hungarians, sought to hinder him from passing into europe? his galleys at that time barred the passage and mourad was obliged to claim the aid of the genoese. * * * * my father at the battle of varna vowed to construct a fortress on the european shore. this vow i fulfil. have you the right or power to control in this manner what are mine; that of asia because it is inhabited by ottomans; that of europe, because you are unable to defend it. "go tell your master that the reigning sultan is not like his predecessors: that their wishes did not go so far as does to-day my power. i permit you to retire for this time: but i will have the skin flayed off the bodies of those who henceforth should have the insolence of calling me to an account for what i do in my own empire." a thousand masons and a host of laborers were soon at work on this fortress. some greek peasants, at work in their harvest fields, having been slain, constantine, the emperor, sent messengers to expostulate, and then to add: "if unmerited reverses menace the capital of the empire, the omnipotent will be the refuge of the emperor. the inhabitants will defend themselves by all the means which destiny leaves them, so long as god shall not have inspired the sultan with thoughts of justice and peace." mohammed ii. replied to this adjuration of his justice, but by the first cannon shot discharged from the fortress, already armed, at a venetian vessel wishing to try if the bosphorus were still free. while mohammed thus threatened the capital of the east the emperor implored with fervent prayers the assistance of earth and heaven. the invisible powers seemed deaf to his supplications; the powers of europe were stupid, jealous or deaf. christendom beheld with indifference the fall of constantinople. some states were too weak and others too remote. by some the danger was considered imaginary, by others as inevitable. the western princes were involved in endless quarrels; and the roman pontiff was exasperated by the falsehood or obstinacy of the greeks. thus they were left to the tender mercies of the turks. the sultan and khalil had already returned to adrianople to prepare the two hundred thousand men, the machines, the arms and the munitions stored in secret for the assault. from germany and italy were brought all the arts and the latest secrets of scientific warfare. a cannon founder, urban, a hungarian, deserted from constantinople on pretext of poor pay and sought the service of the sultan. mohammed thought nothing dear in exchange for constantinople: and lavished gold and honors on the refugee. "can you found me a piece sufficiently like a thunderbolt that a ball launched from it may shake the walls of constantinople?" "i can found you one," replied the hungarian, "that would overthrow the walls of babylon." a foundry was established at adrianople, the metal was prepared, and at the end of three months urban produced a piece of brass ordnance of stupendous and almost incredible magnitude. the stone bullet was of twelve palms circumference and weighed twelve hundred pounds. before its trial the population were warned of the coming event. the explosion was felt or heard in the circuit of an hundred furlongs, the ball was driven above a mile and buried itself a fathom in the ground. it required a force of a hundred oxen and seven hundred men to move it, and nearly two months were consumed in dragging it one hundred and fifty miles to constantinople. in the spring of two hundred thousand men from asia, and two hundred thousand from europe assembled rapidly in the vast plains that extend from gallipoli to constantinople under the eye of the sultan, khalil and his generals. the land and the sea supplied them in abundance for all the wants of the army; while a fleet of one hundred and sixty vessels of war, many of them but small ones, cruised about in full view of the tents upon the sea of marmora. constantine, the emperor, must have been mad to hope to defend a city some thirteen miles in extent, when a careful enumeration showed only four thousand nine hundred and seventy romans: to which were added some five or six thousand strangers under the command of john justiniani, a noble genoese. no capital had been more favored by nature than constantinople for defence against the investment and the assault of an entire people. geography had made it a citadel, a thousand years of power in its emperors and of art in its engineers had completed the work of nature. nature had made a peninsula, policy an island, the hills a fortress. the greek empire as if it had foreseen that one day it would fall, seemed to have meant to confine all its monuments, all its masterpieces, all its riches in an acropolis at the extreme point of the continent of europe where it fled the barbarians to encounter the conquerors. while fear was falling upon the hearts of byzantines presentiments of glory cheered the hearts of the soldiers of mohammed through the sole prophecy of the koran. "know you the city," says the koran, "of which two sides look upon the sea and one side upon the land? it will fall, not beneath the force of the enginery of war, but before the omnipotence of these words: 'there is no other god but god, and god alone is great.'" nevertheless the strength of the continuous wall outside of thrace, flanked with towers and bristling with battlements, the great thickness and the height of the walls, the site and depth of the trenches, the cincture of the waves, the impregnable renown of the city, the history of the numerous and fruitless sieges which constantinople had withstood did not leave mohammed and his generals at ease as to the result. twenty-nine times since its foundation had this mistress of the seas and of the continents seen an enemy under its walls. constantinople had triumphed in twenty-one. then any day the west might relieve the city through the two seas. mohammed was looking ceaselessly towards the sea dreading to see approach through the dardanelles a cloud of christian sail bringing the courage and skill of europe to the battlefield of christendom. oh that the wasted warriors of jerusalem might spring to life again and save europe from the curse of islam. but there was no voice, neither any that regarded. constantinople was left alone in her death agonies. the turkish vanguards soon swept away the towns and villages as far as the gates of the city and mohammed and his army halted at the distance of five miles. thence ordering the final disposition of his vast army he marched in battle array, planted the imperial standard before the gate of st. romanus and on the th of april, , formed the memorable siege of constantinople. the colossal cannon of adrianople and some others of very great size were trained upon this single gate, while eighteen other batteries were placed in a continuous line along the main wall. on the morning of the th at break of day the fire opened from all these volcanoes and the first great siege conducted with the help of heavy artillery had begun. the tactics of the hungarian officer were first to batter over a large area the ramparts of the gate of st. romanus and then to shatter the center with the fire of the great guns. the charge of the great cannon of urban was five hundred pounds of powder--the ball like a mass of rock hurled from a crater on fire made the very ground tremble beneath the walls. the entire facings of the towers and the bastions crumbled into the moat. thus during ten days, while keeping his soldiers behind the eminences of the ground only as necessary to work the batteries, did mohammed watch the breaches being made by the cannon of urban in the walls, towers and gates of constantinople. but two hours and tons of oil were scarce sufficient to cool the bronze gun, and only seven or eight shot could be discharged a day: but each of these rent the walls like an earthquake. on the tenth day the great gun burst with terrific force, hurling the dismembered bodies of its inventor and the gunners far over the walls into the doomed city. sapping and mining were now resorted to, and movable towers that could be pushed against the walls were provided, having grappling irons and drawbridges to let down upon the battlements, across which the fierce janizaries could rush in hand to hand encounter with the defenders on or behind the ramparts. the hope and heart of constantine were cheered at last by the sight of an approaching squadron of fourteen sail--among them five stout and lofty ships guided by skillful pilots and manned by the veterans of italy and greece long practiced in the arts and perils of the sea. the emperor however fearing to open the harbor of the golden horn to the fleet of mohammed, kept his own ships safely anchored behind the chains that protected the harbor and left these ships to fight out the battle alone. the ramparts, the camp, the coasts of asia and europe were lined with multitudes of spectators as these ships with joyful shouts sailed down upon the hostile fleet of three hundred vessels. most of these however were huge boats crowded with troops but without artillery. those who have in their eye the situation of city, harbor and shore, can easily conceive the scene and admire the grandeur of the spectacle. on came the ships in proud defiance. their artillery swept the waters. bullets, rocks and greek fire were showered from these floating fortresses upon the huge flat galleys of the turks. the weight of the venetian vessels crushed them like seashells beneath their planks. wielding their helms and sails as skillfully as the turks did their horses, they spread death, disorder and flight among the hostile fleet and strewed the two beaches of asia and europe with their wrecks that burned as they drifted to the shore. in vain mohammed spurred his horse breast deep into the sea and drew his scimitar against the venetian vessels which were fighting but a few yards from him in the mouth of the bosphorus. for a moment his cries and his presence encouraged his galleys but they were shattered anew. the greeks struck down the iron chains that protected the harbor of the golden horn and the christian ships entered it under full sail amid the shouts of soldiers and populace thronging the walls of the city. twelve thousand turks perished in this sea fight. the introduction of these supplies revived the hopes of the greeks. the city could easily be saved by the sea. a rational and moderate armament of the maritime states might have saved the relics of the roman name and maintained a christian fortress in the heart of the ottoman empire. yet this was the sole and feeble attempt to save constantinople. mohammed, now convinced that a complete investment by sea and land was the condition of conquest, resolved to conquer nature herself. by means of the thousands of wood cutters and miners who followed his army, he caused to be levelled and planked in a few weeks a road for his galleys and ships over the hills and across the valleys into the golden horn. over these "ways" which were well greased with ox-fat, a part of his fleet were drawn by cables and launched into the waters and anchored in the same bay with the greek fleet and under the shelter of the ottoman artillery. then a hundred thousand men were employed in making from one bank to the other a bridge or causeway of sufficient breadth to permit one hundred men to march abreast to storm the bastions of the fort. seven weeks of bombardment on the land side had at last opened four immense breaches upon the ruins of four towers. only the moat of great width and thirty feet deep protected the assault of four hundred thousand men from the ten thousand combatants of constantine that were extended along the walls for more than three miles. the sultan was desirous of sparing the blood of his soldiers, now that the city lay at his mercy, of securing the byzantine treasures as well and accordingly sent an envoy to appeal from the courage of the emperor to the cowardice of the greeks. the avarice of the sultan might have been satisfied with the annual tribute of one hundred thousand ducats; but his ambition grasped the capital of the east. he guaranteed the empire the absolute and independent sovereignty of the peloponnesus, the property of all the inhabitants of constantinople subject only to tribute if he would surrender. the reply was grandly heroic and stoical, not to say christian. it was sad, hopeless, yet grand and dignified. he said that he would give thanks to god if mohammed really inclined, in according him a sure and honorable peace, to spare his nation the catastrophes that weighed upon it. * * * that he was ready to discuss with the sultan the conditions of a treaty as from prince to prince or even the conditions of a tribute of war imposed by the strong upon the weak:--but that no human force and no personal advantage would ever make him consent to give up to the enemy of the christian name an empire and a capital, which he had sworn to his god, to his people and to himself, not to deliver, but with his life. these words, too noble, too elevated for the rest of christian europe were most irritating to the impatient sultan who, guided by his favorite science of astrology, fixed on the twenty-ninth day of may as the fortunate and fatal hour. several days were given to preparations for the assault. the sultan proclaimed it throughout the camps, and dervishes, fired their religious fanaticism by going through the ranks and haranguing the moslems: "it was the last step of islam in europe to sweep off the last focus of idolatry on the two continents. their bows and their scimitars were the weapons of allah the true god. those who vanquish in his name will possess the earth; those who fall will possess the houris and the fountains of paradise." on the eve of the day of the assault an illumination of joy suddenly lighted up the camps of the ottomans from the hills of the bosphorus of europe to the sea of marmora. every soldier had his torch of resinous pine, and thousands of fires burned all night long, and the three contiguous seas were reddened with an anticipated reflection of the conflagration of the doomed city. constantinople lighted up as it were by its own funeral pyre watched and wept and prayed during the night. endless processions of priests, monks, nuns, and other women thronged the streets chanting with mournful voice, "kyrie eleison. lord, have mercy. lord, rise in our defence." the whole city ran to the altars; no one except constantine and his few soldiers ran to arms: and he was everywhere posting his generals and giving orders for the morrow. the morning dawned with the four hundred thousand men in order of battle. the disciplined and veteran troops were carefully arranged in several lines of battle, mohammed himself at the center and in their front with his twenty thousand janizaries waiting for the decisive moment to arrive. between the city and the camp were the two hundred thousand motley volunteers whom he would send first into the battle to tire the defenders and fill the trenches with their dead bodies. constantine went with the nobles of his court to the church of st. sophia seeking to draw from the religion of his fathers the courage and perhaps the fortune of saving its altars. he attended a short service, as if it were his own funeral service. he received communion from the hands of the patriarch; made with tears a public confession of his sins to which the sobbings of the people were the only audible response. after this he repaired to his palace, his household and his family, where says one of his auditors in his farewell, he pronounced the funeral oration of the greek empire. he then threw aside the robes of royalty, keeping on only his shoes embroidered with a golden eagle, and his purple mantle, mounted on horseback in the costume of a private soldier, and went forth for the last time to battle in the front ranks of the defenders of the faith. such men only four hundred years ago did western christian europe willingly let die when she failed to stand beside him to beat back the turkish hordes and warriors to their desert plains in asia. mohammed ii. then proclaimed to his army as if to excite every fiercest passion in the breast of his men, that the entire city was devoted to spoil, and the inhabitants to slavery or death. "the city and public buildings are mine; but i abandon to you the captives and the booty, the precious metals and beautiful women; be rich and happy. the provinces of my empire are numerous, the intrepid soldier who first mounts the walls of constantinople shall be governor of the most delightful and opulent of them all, and such will be my gratitude that he will obtain more wealth and honor than he can dream of." mohammed thus fired all the cruel passions of the undisciplined hosts of his vanguard. neither pen nor tongue can fly fast enough to describe the wild impetuosity of their attack as they precipitated themselves upon the reverse side of the moat, one hundred feet wide and six thousand paces long. the stone, the earth, the wood these carried were not sufficient to fill this mighty trench. the cannon and the sharpshooters behind the ramparts still existing, strewed thousands of turks on the back of the exterior ditch. the smoke of the greek artillery rolled back upon the combatants, so that the gunners and archers of constantine could take aim only by the noise against the hosts of their invisible assailants. in vain the bullets and the grape shot filled the trenches with the turks: these masses of men, pushed forward by their mere impetus, rushed headlong into the water and formed with the dead and dying a causeway of human bodies about the gateway of st. romanus, which supplied a bridge for the battalions that pressed behind. after this sacrifice of the "scum of the army," thus put to death to secure victory, the three columns of the regular army, comprising two hundred and sixty thousand men, advanced in profound silence to the assault. the force of the fire of the nine thousand brave defenders was already exhausted by this desperate struggle of two hours. to protect them was this ditch now nearly filled up with earth and men and crumbling walls. the purple mantle of constantine, as he appeared momentarily on the summits of the shattered walls, served as a target for the tartars, and an inspiration to the spartans and italians inside. strong yet in their broken walls, in their towers and in their artillery, in their despair they repulsed the mad rushes of these torrents of men as with wild cries, under cover of clouds of arrows and with glistening scimitars they charged again and again along the whole line on port and continent. for three terrible hours the carnage continued, and fifty thousand ottomans rolled into the ditches or into the sea. the huge balls of constantine tearing into these solid columns piled the ground with dead; stones, rocks, beams and greek fire, crushed, burned, and mutilated those who tried to scale those wrecks of towers. the three column heads halted, wavered and ebbed a moment towards the camp of mohammed. a shout of victory rose from behind the ramparts, and a chanting of hymns from the heart of the city. constantine hurried from gate to gate to encourage the hope of his soldiers, who were done nearly to death. but their joy was vanishing. mohammed wavered only a moment, then stirred by the cries of his janizaries, who still stood motionless about his tent, yet burning with fury to avenge the rebuff of the army, he turned and launched them like a mighty thunderbolt to the deserted center of attack--the gate of st. romanus. the presence of the sultan brandishing his battle-mace, the shame of forsaking their sovereign, the reproaches of the janizaries rallied the shaken columns and the battle was on as fierce as ever. mohammed promised a kingdom to the first man who should take and hold a rampart. at this juncture his heroic justiniani fled his standard, though the emperor pleaded with him by the panic that would follow his flight; but there may be bounds to human courage when men fight for glory, and not for country or for faith, and he fled. it proved the rout of the besieged. the italians followed their general. the janizaries, at fearful loss, swarmed over the walls. constantine, flinging off his purple mantle and retaining but the arms and the uniform of a common soldier, that it might not be mutilated, fought to the last breath between the inner and the outer wall at the breach of the gate of st. romanus, that the turks might enter the imperial city only upon the dead body of its fallen emperor. thus did constantine by his heroic death put to eternal contrast and eternal shame the dastardly degeneracy of his own nation and the miserable cowardice and selfishness of the christian nations of western europe. the story is soon finished. as the troops rushed through and over the deserted walls, a hundred thousand panic stricken men and women fled to the church of st. sophia. the sight of this unarmed and helpless multitude disarmed the fury of the soldiers, who, remembering the promises of the sultan, began each to seize his captives and his. the greeks held out their hands to be tied with cords or saddle girths; women and girls were tied by their girdles or their veils. nuns were torn from the altars and from their convents with naked bosoms, outstretched hands and dishevelled hair. the cries of mothers, children and nuns were heartrending: even the ottomans themselves were affected by it. yet sixty thousand captives thus bound came forth from convent, hovel, or from palace, traversed for the last time the streets of their desolated city to be carried into captivity into all the cities and the tents of asia. the pillage lasted eight hours without exhausting the riches of an empire. the coined treasure was more than four million ducats, the uncoined gold, silver, pearls, diamonds, vases and ornaments of palaces and churches was incalculable. one hundred and twenty thousand manuscripts warmed the baths of the barbarians. but at the close of the day mohammed entered at the head of his janizaries to restore order. he proceeded at once to the church of st. sophia. the soldiers were still engaged in pillaging its treasures: and one of the barbarians even in his presence continued the work of destroying a precious marble of the sanctuary. mohammed struck him a blow with his club saying: "i have abandoned you the slaves and the treasures, but the monuments belong to me." the soldier was borne off dying from the church. accustomed to arabian and barbarian magnificence--constantinople dazzled him as she sat in her grandeur the queen of two continents on the shores of the bosphorus:-- "earth hath no fairer sight to show than this blue strait, whose waters flow, bordered with vineyards, summer bowers, white palaces and ivied towers." mohammed after having admired the grandeur of the edifice, the elevation of the dome--a second temple upheld in air by one hundred columns of porphyry, of rose-colored marble or serpentine, mounted the altar and offered a mussulman prayer: then ordered that this church, the most magnificent and majestic which christianity had yet constructed should become the first mosque of the conquerors of constantinople. the cross was torn down, the pictures of the saints destroyed, and muezzins mounting to the dome chanted for the first time to the desert streets of the metropolis of christianity in the east, the well-known call: "god is god; god is great; come to prayer." as the architects in his presence began to remove the mosaics of colored glass which formed the pictures in the ceiling we are told that mohammed cried out: "stop, confine yourselves to covering over these mosaics with a coat of lime so that they may not scandalize the believers but do not tear from the ceilings these marvelous incrustations. who knows but that they may be uncovered at some future day in another change of fortune and of destination of this temple." that hour of destiny has not yet struck the hour of deliverance, and the lime still covers the walls and the muezzins still call the faithful to prayer above the noise and din of the busy streets of a fallen city once the glory of a christian empire. from st. sophia mohammed proceeded to the august but desolate palace of a hundred successors of the great constantine but which in a few hours had been stripped of its pomp of royalty. a passing reflection on the vanity and vicissitudes of human greatness caused him to repeat an elegant distich of persian poetry:-- "the spider has woven his net in the imperial palace; and the owl hath sung her watch-song on the towers of afrasiab." the fifth day after the conquest he consecrated by a formal act the liberty of conscience accorded by the koran to the vanquished. he claimed for the mussulmans only half the churches leaving the rest to the christians. the patriarch gennadius led in pomp to the palace clothed in his pontifical robes and in the midst of a cortége of priests, received from him the investiture of the patriarchate. "it is my wish," said the sultan, "to give the christians and their pontiffs the same rights and the same protection that they enjoyed under your emperors." he even attended in person the pomps and ceremonies of the christians, as an impartial of the two religions which henceforth were to divide his people. before the death of mohammed in , by his many conquests of the neighboring states and peoples he had consolidated his empire: and it stood forth a fearless conqueror until in the battle of lepanto marked the turning point in the history of the ottoman power. we here turn aside for a brief hour from the stream of historical narrative to consider some of the results of ottoman misrule which has for more than four centuries controlled an empire in eastern europe almost as large as france, in one of the most delightful and beautifully varied regions on the continent and which yet holds its peoples in the relentless grip of the dark ages. weighed in the balances of the humanity, the culture, the christianity and the civilization of the dawning century, turkey is in every way found wanting and soon may appear the hand of fire to write on the black pages of her awful atrocities, "thy days are numbered. thy kingdom shall be destroyed and given to another." how long shall the blood of her slain cry aloud in the ears of christendom, yet in vain still cry aloud? the consciences of england and america must give answer to that cry of blood or be themselves weighed in the balances in the day of the lord at hand. chapter vi. the bulgarian massacre. we must pass over in silence a period of four hundred years in the history of the ottoman empire to open its blood-stained pages in our own era at the narrative of the bulgarian massacres. the centuries and the peoples have been under the rule of the barbarian; the story is one of continued persecution, outrage, and massacre. the turk never changes. what he has always done he always will do. and as long as any christian lands or people remain under his power and at his mercy, so long will there be discontents, disturbances, revolts and massacres. the only way to end these is to end the rule of the turk. reform--not to say regeneration, is an impossibility. he is an alien in race and religion. his spirit is fierce and fanatical: his rule that of the dark ages, the rule of a tyrant without conscience or remorse. in the early part of this century the oppression of the turk became unbearable, and throughout the empire the greek christians rose in rebellion. europe was at last horrified by the massacre on the island of chios, april , , when the entire population of forty thousand greeks was put to the sword. bravely did the greeks fight for their freedom. the sultan called to his aid the khedive of egypt, and for three years did they ravage crete and the peloponnesus, committing every crime and fiendish outrage that even a turk could think of from to . at last byron roused the spirit of england. the patience of europe was worn out. england, france and russia united to crush the power of the barbarian and to set free his victims, as the wild beast would not let go his prey till it was dragged out of his teeth. in november, , was fought the great battle of navarino. the turkish and egyptian fleet was destroyed. greece was saved. the russian protectorate over the eastern christians was confirmed and renewed: and also her right to free navigation in the black sea and the straits. scarcely had this "fit of generous enthusiasm on behalf of the struggling greeks" passed, than england under another minister began to regret the part she had taken. the glorious victory of navarino was spoken of as an "untoward event." austria and france shared in her misgivings. she suddenly began to talk about the necessity of muzzling the russian bear, and upholding turkey in behalf of british interests. ostensibly through fear of russian aggression, but really from the preponderance of commercial interests, england has now for more than sixty years been the upholder and defender of the turkish government. the sarcasm of freeman, the historian, is cutting and pitiless as he reviews the policy of england up to the hour of the terrible outrages perpetrated against the bulgarians, and her crime against humanity that followed the fall of plevna. through fear of russia, england induced the powers to sign a convention in by which it was agreed that no foreign fleets should enter the straits in time of peace. the result of this convention was to shut up the fleet of russia in the black sea, making of it to her, merely an inland lake. by a successful stroke of policy louis napoleon iii., president of the republic of france, had himself elected emperor in november, . to signalize his accession he sought to pose as an ally of england. it was his policy to pick quarrels with the great military powers of europe and then get some other nation to help him out. he began with russia over the holy shrines in jerusalem by seeking to have the privileges of the latin church enlarged. the greek church appealed to the czar of russia, the head of the church, and then it was carried to the porte. in the spring of , prince menchikoff was sent to constantinople. firstly, to negotiate on the question of the shrines, which question was settled with russia's acquiescence. secondly, to extract from porte a note confirming the treaties that had conferred on russia the protectorate of the christians of the ottoman empire. the second demand was made necessary by the renewed exactions under which some of these populations were then suffering: as it "happened," says an english writer, that omar pacha, at the head of a turkish force, was operating against the christians of montenegro. and something of the sort was always happening somewhere. for the turkish policy towards the christian has always been the same from the beginning of its power and will continue the same to the end. when the english ambassador, lord stratford de redcliffe, returned to constantinople, in april, , after an absence of eight months, he was directed "to warn the porte that the accumulated grievances of foreign nations which the porte is unable or unwilling to redress, the mal-administration of its own affairs * * * may lead to a general revolt among the christian subjects of the porte * * that perseverance in his (the sultan's) present conduct must end in alienating the sympathies of the british nation and make it impossible for her majesty's government to overlook the exigencies of christendom exposed to the natural consequence of his unwise policy and reckless mal-administration." the demand of russia was refused and prince menchikoff left constantinople may st, . a few days later the sultan issues a firman in which he promises again that he will maintain all the rights and privileges of the greek christians, and appeals to his allies. he was merely throwing dust in the air for the wind to blow away, though he thought he could fool europe with his waste breath. on the th of june the allied english and french fleets anchored in besika bay, the nearest point they could reach without the violation of the treaties. the czar nicholas at once ordered his army to cross the pruth and enter moldavia, july d. yet this occupation of moldavia and wallachia could not be considered an invasion of the ottoman territory, nor a "casus belli, per se," for these provinces were autonomous and under russian protection since the treaty of bucharest, while according to the same treaty the turks had no right to send troops into their territory. the unanimous judgment of europe was expressed in what is known as the "vienna note" and in urging its acceptance upon the porte they practically acknowledged the justice of the czar's demand and signed their own condemnation in the war that ensued. vienna note. "the government of his majesty, the sultan, will remain faithful to the letter and to the spirit of the treaties of kainardji and adrianople regarding the protection of the christian church." now the english ambassador had received instructions to bring his whole influence to bear upon the turks, "and to impress them with the strong and earnest manner in which the vienna note was recommended to the acceptance of the porte, not only by her majesty's government, but also by the cabinets of austria, france and prussia." before the presentation of the "vienna note" lord stratford had informed the porte with much circumstance and in his most impressive manner that the british fleet in besika bay was at his disposal; while therefore he read his instructions with most perfunctory obedience to the ottoman cabinet, his whole demeanor was urging them to disregard the note. the duplicity of the french emperor was more culpable as before the rejection of the vienna note and while the powers were still deliberating in concert he craftily succeeded in drawing england into a special alliance with france: and on receipt of some hysterical despatch from his ambassador he insisted with the english cabinet that it was "indispensably necessary" that their combined fleets should, in violation of the convention of enter the straits before there had been a declaration of war on any side. that very day without asking any information from the english ambassador lord clarendon telegraphed to lord stratford: "your excellency is instructed to send for the british fleet to constantinople." the sultan now amended the "vienna note" by inserting the words, "by the sublime porte," which completely destroyed the power of the existing treaty, making it read: "the government of his majesty the sultan, will remain faithful to the stipulations of the treaty of kainardji, confirmed by that of adrianople regarding the protection, 'by the sublime porte' of the christian religion." in other words, the wolf solemnly engaged to protect the lambs for himself, and all the world knows what that means: and we know it now in by forty years more of broken promises and horrible atrocities. what insane folly to believe the turk. the czar did not, and rejected the amended note. seven days after his rejection of the sultan's proposal in obedience to the telegram from lord clarendon two english and two french ships entered the dardanelles on september th, and on the strength of their presence and implied support, the sultan declared war against russia on the fifth of october, . thus did louis napoleon iii. precipitate england into what count nesselrode declared to be the most unjustifiable and the most unintelligible of wars. czar nicholas replied to this, by a counter declaration of war on november st, , solemnly declaring to the powers of europe "that the sole aim of his endeavors was to assure the rights of his co-religionists, and to protect them from every form of oppression." the work of two centuries was undone for russia. she lost the black sea and the protectorate of the christians of the ottoman empire that she had wrung from the porte by a succession of victorious campaigns. instead of the powerful champion which they lost the poor christians of the empire were granted another firman in which the sultan repeated all his lying promises of former years. not only so but the powers bound themselves not to interfere with the internal administration of affairs in the turkish empire. the christian nations in solemn treaty pledged themselves to let the turk do what he would with the people under his yoke and promised that they would do nothing to help them. they disclaimed any right to interfere with the relations existing between the sultan and his subjects: the relations between the robber and his victim, the master and the slave, the tyrant and the oppressed. future generations will stand aghast at the hideous spectacle of three civilized nations fighting side by side with and for barbarian moslems to crush the noble champion of their fellow christians and fellow slaves compelled by their victories to languish beneath the yoke of these savage aliens. all reverence to the heroes of the light brigade "stormed at with shot and shell, boldly they rode and well; into the jaws of death into the mouth of hell rode the six hundred." all reverence to millions of others, who at the voice of command if not of duty, gave themselves up for an unholy cause and perished by thousands of hunger and cold and disease on the bleak shores of the crimea. froude says "that the whole power of england and france supported passively by austria, and actively by sardinia and turkey, succeeded with communications, secure and rapid with every advantage for procuring supplies, in partially conquering a single stronghold. it was a great victory but it was achieved at a cost to england alone of eighty millions (sterling) of money and perhaps fifty thousand lives." while alexander writes (manifesto ), "for eleven months sebastopol was held against the allied aggressors: and in the whole empire from the shores of the pacific to the baltic, one thought, one resolution was dominant to fulfil duty, to protect the fatherland at any cost of property and life. husbandmen who had never left the fields they cultivated hastened to take up arms for the holy struggle and were not inferior to experienced warriors in bravery and renunciation." and this war was fought by france and england, not in the cause of freedom; not to redress the wrongs of the oppressed; not to help forward the wheels of progress. no, but to pave the way for the bloody atrocities which in called forth one long cry of horror and indignation throughout christendom, while these in turn were to pale before the horrors of - to which commercial england has turned a deaf ear, leaving armenia helpless in the jaws of the wolf. the crimean war as fostered by england and france with the avowed purpose of upholding the power of the turk really brought into action two new elements of weakness. first: up to turkey had been free from foreign creditors, but the opening of the dardanelles brought commerce and a foreign loan, and on the steps of indebtedness followed extravagance, speculation and national bankruptcy. the most wanton and unbridled extravagance reigned at the palace. the corruptions produced by the foreign loans found their way into every artery of the state and poisoned the very existence of the country. new loans could only be obtained by promises which it was impossible to fulfil and which were made without any intention of carrying them out. the navy was improved, the soldiers were better armed; a large part of the money was squandered on absurd building projects; while vast sums were spent on precious stones and personal pleasures. these loans were liberally subscribed in england, and englishmen helped the sultan to spend it lavishly. the origin of the troubles of - in bosnia and herzegovina was said to be the heavy burden of the increased taxes imposed to pay the expenses of a visit to the paris exposition, and the european capitals in made by the sultan accompanied by his son, two nephews and an expensive suite. but a second and more dangerous evil was this:--the self-exclusion of any right of interference on the part of the powers threw the control of affairs into the hands of a ring in whose power the sultan has been but little more than a puppet as the events of recent years have clearly shown. in the situation was thus reviewed by gladstone, sincerely penitent for the part he had taken in the crimean war. "twenty years ago," he said, "france and england determined to try a great experiment in remodeling the administrative system of turkey with the hope of curing its intolerable deficiencies. for this purpose having defended her integrity they made also her independence secure, and they devised at constantinople the reforms which were publicly enacted in an imperial firman or hati humayoun." "the successes of the crimean war purchased * * * by a vast expenditure of french and english life and treasure gave to turkey, for the first time, perhaps, in her blood-stained history, twenty years of repose not disturbed either by herself or by any foreign power. the cretan insurrection imparted a shock to confidence but it was composed and turkey was again trusted. the insurrections of , much more thoroughly examined, have disclosed the total failure of the porte to fulfil the engagements which she had contracted under circumstances peculiarly binding on interest, on honor and on gratitude." so totally, indeed, had the turks failed to keep any of their promises of reform and so hopeless did the condition of these hapless christians appear, that they at first refused the mediation of the powers, declaring that they preferred death to turkish rule. "if you are not willing to help us to attain our liberty," they said, "at least you can not compel us to enter into slavery again. we will never fall into the hands of the turks alive." about this time turkey partially repudiated her national debt, pledging for the payment of the interest for some five years the tribute from egypt and the tobacco revenue. bondholders became aroused. commercial interests, not interests of humanity, prompted some action; for if the christians, who are the cultivators of the soil, were exterminated, what would become of their per cents.? the powers intervened by the protocol, known as the andrassy note, which proposed among others the following measures:-- . religious liberty, full and entire. . abolition of the farming of taxes. . a law to guarantee that the direct taxation of bosnia and the herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the provinces. . a special commission composed of an equal number of mussulmans and christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed and proposed. . the amelioration of the rural population. the representatives of the six powers under instructions from their governments supported these measures of reform before the porte, all of them heartily, except the english minister, sir henry elliott, who acting evidently under secret instructions, expressed his belief that they would amount to nothing; and his fear that they trenched upon the right of the ottoman porte to manage its own affairs without foreign interference. the grand vizier did not reject them, but replied that he was preparing a constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures of reform. the powers believed or affected to believe these brilliant promises. england even tendered to the sultan the cordial expression of her hopes that "he would soon succeed in quelling the revolts of his subjects and restoring order." and this meant, as england ought to have known and as all the world knows now, that the turks might put it down in the only way the turk ever does put down a rebellion--with fiercest cruelty. it meant liberty from british interference while they proceeded to slay, kill, torture, burn, outrage, violate men, women and children with fiendish lust and delight. these promises of reform were made february , , and the turks' answer to the cordial expression of the hope of england that they would soon succeed in quelling the revolts of his subjects, was the awful bulgarian horrors executed by the orders of the porte during the first two weeks in may. the whole civilized world shuddered. just as the gates of the centennial were being thrown open to welcome the nations to the celebration of the glorious victories of peace and the triumphs of art, the unspeakable turk let loose upon the defenceless bulgarians the bashi-bazouks. these were irregular troops, the scum and offscouring of the oriental cities, gathered from the prisons, jails and slums: the vilest wretches to be found on the face of the earth without military knowledge, ability, courage or discipline--men fit only for the work of murder, lust, rapine and cruelty on which they were sent by the sublime porte, the infernal tyrant. on the th of may, , the representatives of russia, austria, hungary, and germany met at berlin without any knowledge of the massacres, and desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the grand vizier, agreed upon the paper known as the "berlin memorandum" which provided for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had been proclaimed, but were not yet put in force. five of the powers signed it, but great britain refused, on the ground that it must obviously and inevitably lead to the military occupation of turkey. miserable subterfuge--didn't she "occupy egypt" a little later to secure the payment of the interest on her bonds: but she had no "interest" in breaking the bonds and chains of christian populations of turkey. she knew very well that the sublime porte would never execute a reform except under compulsion. the action of the british ministry greatly encouraged the turks, and gave them very naturally the impression that england sympathized with them, and would help them to subjugate the christian races. the british ministry at first professed ignorance of the massacres: then thought the bulgarians as much to blame as the turk--the lamb as the wolf that devoured him--the helpless, disarmed armenians as the turkish soldiers that swept down upon them from the mountains--and at last compelled to acknowledge the enormity of the conduct of the turks, said they had been greatly provoked by the russian emissaries who were stirring up revolution among the christians. instantly great britain sent her mediterranean fleet again to besika bay, where it arrived may st, only seven days from the first meeting of the powers. the minister said it was to protect english subjects, the turks said it was to protect them. from what, pray? it was never clearly explained why; but it looked then and it looks now as if england were ready to champion the turk as she had done in the crimean war. it must have made every englishman with a conscience or heart in him, blush for shame that the turks themselves and all the rest of the world took it for granted that the presence of this fleet in turkish waters was a friendly demonstration on the part of the english towards the sultan: that in fact they were going to stand by and keep off the great powers while the turks continued to "restore order." the english people however were roused to such indignation by these massacres and by the course of the government, that under the lead of mr. gladstone they very soon made their ministers understand that they were not at liberty to sustain turkey in such acts of oppression or to alienate the friendship of russia. great men like john bright, always the friend of russia, gladstone, freeman and others publicly denounced england as the accomplice of the turks in their deeds of horror by the moral and material support she had so freely given them in recent years. we need not trace the details of these horrors here but quote the eloquent and stirring language of the greatest statesman of the age:-- "there has been perpetrated," said gladstone, "under the authority of a government to which all the time we have been giving the strongest moral support and for part of the time material support, crimes and outrages so vast in scale as to exceed all modern examples and so unutterably vile as well as fierce in character that it passes the power of heart to conceive and of tongue and pen adequately to describe them. these are the bulgarian horrors. there is not a criminal in a european jail; there is not a cannibal in the south sea islands whose indignation would not arise and overboil at the recital of that which has been done, which has been too late examined but which remains unavenged--which has left behind the fierce passions that produced it and which may spring up in another murderous harvest from the soil reeked with blood and in the air tainted with every imaginable deed of crime and shame. that such things should be done is a damning disgrace to the portion of our race that did them; that a door should be left open for their ever so barely possible repetition would spread that shame over the whole." grand and noble words and yet the hand of the english government not only left that door open but fastened it open and kept it open till again in armenia the bulgarian horrors were reproduced on a vaster and more terrible scale if the turk ever can be worse than the history of centuries has so often declared and revealed him. the turkish government made some feeble attempts to disavow the bulgarian atrocities. but the turk is an unmitigated liar. freeman, the historian does not hesitate to say that the ring at constantinople worked with a deliberate policy to oppress and if possible to destroy the whole bulgarian people. the first means they took was to plant large colonies of savage circassians in bulgaria who were allowed to commit any kind of outrage on their defenceless christian neighbors without redress. they could drive the christians from their homes, rob their houses, destroy their crops, ravish their women, and if any dared to resist their violence they were killed without hesitation. if any dared to complain against the circassians they were summarily punished. but worse than this was the quartering of turkish troops upon the peasants and the landholders whose dastardly outrages upon the wives and daughters of the bulgarians were fiendish and constant. neither woman's honor nor human life was safe where they were. when flesh and blood could bear no more there was some slight uprising of an unarmed people and then the fury of circassian and of bashi-bazouk was let loose upon them. freeman says again, "there can be no doubt that the massacre was deliberately ordered by the ring at constantinople, the highnesses and the excellencies of polite diplomacy. this is proved by the fact that they honored and decorated the chief doers of the massacre, while they neglected and sometimes punished those turkish officers who acted at all in a humane way. to this day (april, ) in defiance of all remonstrances from the european powers, the chief doers of the massacres remain unpunished, while we still hear of bulgarians being punished for their share in the attempt to free their country." for a true statement of some of the facts in the case, for the full truth can never be told, the world is indebted to the government of the united states, which sent a special commission of inquiry to bulgaria, and history will owe them a debt of gratitude for having furnished reliable documents on this matter in which every european state was more or less exposed to an imputation of bias. as mr. gladstone observed: "america had neither alliances with turkey nor grudges against her nor purposes to gain by her destruction. she entered into this matter simply on the ground of its broad human character and moment. she had no 'american interests' to tempt her from her integrity and to vitiate her aims." mr. eugene schuyler, american secretary of legation at constantinople, who visited the ruined villages in july and august, , made his report to the united states minister plenipotentiary november th. in that report he says that "in the districts he visited at least nine thousand houses were burned, seventy-two thousand persons were left without roof or shelter and ten thousand nine hundred and eighty-four persons were numbered as killed. many more were killed in the roads, in the fields, in the mountains; so that he numbers the slain at about fifteen thousand,--but adds many more died subsequently from disease, exposure and in prison." he says that he could only find proof of the death of one hundred and fifteen mussulmans. "neither turkish women nor turkish children were killed in cold blood. no mussulman women were violated. no mussulman was tortured. no purely turkish village (with one exception) was attacked or burned. no mussulman house was pillaged. no mosque was desecrated." the storm of indignation which followed the publication of the reports of mr. schuyler and mr. baring the british commissioner, was so terrible that even a disraeli cabinet did not dare to enter into another monstrous alliance with the turks against the only champion of the christians. but official neutrality did not prevent the turks from recruiting many officers in england; in spite of it british guineas and firearms strengthened their powers of resistance against russia. it is a terrible indictment that may be brought against england that the question of righteousness never seems to enter into the questions of her foreign "policy," but only the question of interest and that chiefly the interest which is reckoned in pounds, shillings and pence. from a letter dated september th, , published in one of the english blue books, addressed to the earl of derby by sir henry elliot, english ambassador at constantinople,--the sir henry who would not support the andrassy note because he feared that the provisions of it trenched upon the rights of the ottoman porte to manage its own affairs,--the following quotation is taken, viz:-- "an insurrection or civil war is everywhere accompanied by cruelties and abominable excesses, this being tenfold the case in oriental countries where people are divided into antagonistic creeds and races. * * * to the accusation of being a blind partisan of the turks, i will only answer that my conduct here has never been guided by any sentimental affection for them, but by a firm determination to uphold the interests of great britain to the utmost of my power, and that those interests are deeply engaged in preventing the disruption of the turkish empire, is a conviction which i share in common with the most eminent statesmen who have directed our foreign policy. (this is the key to every position assumed by british diplomacy at the porte. never a question of righteousness.) "we may, and must feel indignant at the needless and monstrous severity with which the bulgarian insurrection was put down, but the necessity which exists for england to prevent changes from occurring here which would be most detrimental to ourselves, is not affected by the question whether it was ten thousand or twenty thousand persons who perished in the suppression. "we have been upholding what we know to be a semi-civilized nation, liable under certain circumstances to be carried into fearful excesses: but the fact of this having now been brought home to us all, cannot be a sufficient reason for abandoning a policy which is the only one that can be followed with due regard to our interests." it is enough to take one's breath away to read such words as these. they are clear enough. they declare what is the settled policy of the english government. towards turkey? not alone, but towards the world. her interests are purely commercial.--interests payable in gold: always and everywhere. what are her interests in venezuela? in the bering sea fisheries? in the transvaal? in india and in china? the integrity of the turkish empire must be maintained. all else is mere diplomatic froth, waste breath and ink in the torrents of her speeches and her correspondence with the porte; and the turk knows it, and russia knows it and the world knows it. england is pilloried to-day for her selfishness, if not for her unrighteousness, in all her dealings with the rest of the earth. it is her government, not her people that the world arraigns. mr. freeman is scathing and unsparing in his denunciation of the government's position; but that he was not more severe than just the issue plainly declared, and we tarry on this situation a moment longer because of its special bearing upon the situation as regards the massacres in armenia. war had been declared by servia and montenegro against turkey on the d of july, , which had thus far resulted in victory for montenegro and defeat for servia. this situation still further increased the anxieties of the great powers. not that they cared for turkey only because they could not agree on how it should be carved up. they would all like a generous slice if each could have the portion that he liked best. when it became evident that there was no hope of any good resulting from notes and memorandums, the british government suggested a conference of the powers which had been parties to the treaty of paris to meet at constantinople in december : and in order to open the way for this conference, proposed an armistice of six weeks between turkey and servia. the turkish government proposed six months: the russians demanded an immediate armistice of from four to six weeks and threatened to break off diplomatic relations at once if it was not granted. the turkish government complied with the demand. in an interview with the british minister, november d, , the emperor alexander pledged his sacred word of honor in the most earnest and solemn manner that he had no intention of acquiring constantinople, and that if necessity compelled him to occupy a portion of bulgaria it would only be provisionally and until the peace and safety of the christian population could be secured. a few days later--november th, the emperor made a speech at moscow in which he said: "i have striven and shall still strive to obtain a real improvement of the position of the christians in the east by peaceful means. but should i see that we cannot obtain such guarantees as are necessary for carrying out what we have a right to demand of the porte i am firmly determined to act independently; and i am convinced, that in this case the whole of russia will respond to my summons should i consider it necessary and should the honor of russia require it." the preliminary conference at constantinople was opened on the th of december, and was participated in by representatives from great britain, france, russia, austria-hungary, germany and italy. the conference was foredoomed to end in failure, for by the treaty of paris the powers had no right to interfere, and they were all too righteous to sin against that treaty, though bulgaria should be utterly wasted with fire and sword. the marquis of salisbury, now prime minister, was the chief representative of great britain, and in a speech before the house of lords thus defined the purposes of the conference and its failure. after speaking of previous treaties and the changes that had taken place both in turkey and great britain which prevented the latter from maintaining exactly the same attitude towards turkey which she did in , he went on to say: "if the alliance was broken up, if our exertions for the maintenance of the ottoman empire were to cease * * * assuredly it was our duty to exhaust appeal, remonstrance and exhortation before deserting a cause we had hitherto maintained. * * * we went to stop a great and menacing danger, namely the prospect of a war between russia and the porte. it was in pointing out that evil that our moral influence on the porte rested. we said to turkey, "unless you do this or that, this terrible danger which may well involve the loss of your empire is ready to fall upon you. we hope that our influence and advice may be able to avert it: indeed we come here for that purpose, but we warn you that we shall accept no responsibility for the future, if you treat our advice with disdain. * * * it seems to me, as it must to everybody else, that the refusal of the turk is a mystery: for the infatuation of that cause seems to be so tremendous." the refusal of the turk is no mystery to-day. there was no infatuation about it. the porte knew that his speech meant no harm to turkey: that he had come to avert the loss of the empire. he knew very well that whatever the issue of the war might be on the battlefield, england would never let russia profit by her victories. hence the porte in sublime contempt snapped its fingers in the face of the conference and politely bowed it out of existence. the issue proved that the turks knew exactly the man and the nation they were dealing with. yet the english people thought the government really meant to do something to help the cause of the persecuted bulgarians: just as they thought for awhile that salisbury as prime minister meant, really intended to do something in the cause of armenia. england has not changed in her traditional policy towards the turk. she has not deserted the cause she has maintained for now some sixty years, and she never will desert it until she and russia can agree about the division of the spoils: then her love for the turk will vanish as a mist before the rising sun of her own increasing power and splendor. chapter vii. the russo-turkish war. we turn back a single leaf of history in beginning this chapter on the russo-turkish war,--and stand at the opening of the year . as the nations of europe faced the questions of that hour, there was not one of them that desired to begin a war of which no statesman could foresee the issue. perhaps the traditional desire of russia to possess the gates of the two continents and fly her flag over constantinople, delivered from the crescent of islam, was growing apace, and her indignation at the treatment of the greek christians was rising to fever heat, but she did not desire war. turkey did not desire war, the insurrection in bosnia and herzegovina was giving her serious trouble. england did not desire war, though her people were divided, part favoring russia as a christian nation, as against an infidel, but a greater part thinking of turkish bonds which were held in london that would be worthless if turkey should be dismembered; france did not want a war which would imperil her interests in the suez canal and in syria, and because if she sided with turkey, germany might side with the czar. and as neither germany nor italy desired war it would seem as if it might be easy to prevent its occurrence. hence the diplomats put their heads together, and count julius andrassy, the premier of austria, one of the ablest of the continental statesmen undertook on the th of january, , to draw up a note to the ottoman porte demanding certain reforms from turkey, and promising to sustain her if she would institute these reforms promptly. the following are some of the measures proposed for the pacification of discontented servia, roumania and montenegro, viz: . religious liberty, full and entire. . abolition of the farming of taxes. . a law to guarantee that the direct taxation of bosnia and herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the province. . a special commission, composed of an equal number of mussulmans and christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed and proposed. . the amelioration of the condition of the rural populations. the grand vizier, midhat pasha, replied, that he was preparing a constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures of reform. the powers trusted his integrity and disposition to promote these reforms; but even though the entire imperial ministry saw clearly the evils out of which the insurrections had grown, it were in the face of centuries of deceit and the cruelty and the intolerance of islam, to believe that the porte would of its own volition enforce these reforms against a hostile mussulman sentiment. the powers waited for months until on may st, , without having received the honest approval of the sultan, the outline of the constitution of midhat pasha was published. now note this fact--that on the th of may, when the representatives of russia, austria-hungary, germany and great britain, met at berlin, desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the grand vizier and agreed upon a paper known as the "berlin memorandum," which provided for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had been already proclaimed, when all the others had signed it, knowing that only by such a broad guaranty could the reforms ever be enforced, great britain refused to sign it on the ground "that it must obviously and inevitably lead to the military occupation of turkey." the memorandum fell to the ground by the action of england, who was not willing to stand with the other powers and compel the enforcement of the reforms demanded. england was alone responsible for that failure. but worse than that, with all the enormities of the bulgarian outrages which took place during the sessions of the great powers, just coming to the ears of the horrified nations, england sent her fleet into besika bay, on the th of may, as if to say to the other powers, "hands off, let turkey alone, no reforms are needed." two or three weeks after this demonstration, which had had its effect in assuring turkey that england would stand by her, the fleet withdrew to its former harbor. those were stormy days at constantinople. the grand vizier, mehemet ruchdi, and midhat pasha requested the sultan abdul aziz to give up some of his treasure to save the nation from ruin. he refused and was deposed may th. the next day his nephew was proclaimed as murad v., joyfully accepted by the people and recognized by the western powers. but he also was deposed on august st and his brother proclaimed. when invested on the th of september, with the sword of othman, abdul hamid ii., in his inaugural address, said: "the great object to be aimed at, is to adopt measures for placing the laws and regulations of the country upon a basis which shall inspire confidence in their execution. for this purpose it is indispensable to proceed to the establishment of a general council or national assembly, whose acts will inspire confidence in the nation, and will be in harmony with the customs, aptitudes and capabilities of the populations of the empire. the mission and duty of this council will be, to guarantee without exception, the faithful execution of the existing laws, or of those which shall be promulgated in conformity with the provisions of the "sheri" (the decrees already published), in connection with the real and legitimate wants of the country and its inhabitants, as also to control the equilibrium of the revenue and expenditures of the empire." in accordance with this inaugural promise the council of ministers prepared a constitution, not quite so liberal as the one midhat pasha had previously presented, and proclaimed it on december d, . midhat pasha had been made grand vizier on the th. on the d the opening of a conference of six great powers took place in constantinople to consider measures that would ensure peace at the close of the armistice then existing between turkey and servia and montenegro which had been extended to february, . they asked for local self-government for the turkish provinces in europe--equal treatment of mohammedans and christians, better administration for both, security for life and property and effectual guarantees against the repetition of outrages. on january th, , the great national council of turkey rejected the propositions of the conference, which therefore closed its sittings on the th, having accomplished nothing. now just here please note this fact--that if great britain had signed the berlin memorandum which was to guarantee the execution of the reforms promised--the ambassadors might have demanded the enforcement of such reforms, and backed their demand by the presence of a fleet before constantinople. great britain thus was to blame for the feebleness of the advice which was tendered and of course rejected. if the sultan had been sincere when he issued his inaugural, if he really meant to give equal rights to his christian subjects he would have welcomed the presence of a combined fleet that would have protected himself from the opposition of fanatical leaders of the old turkish party. this was the crisis of ,--granting that there was an honest desire to reform the government of turkey and the distinct refusal of great britain to sign the memorandum guaranteeing that said reforms promised should be executed, settles upon her government the responsibility of the failure of the promised reforms of the constitution proposed, and also of the war that followed. notice further, the fanatical leading turks were bound not to suffer the interference of any foreign power, and this bitterness of fanaticism apparently compelled the sultan to dismiss and send into exile (february th) midhat pasha, the wisest minister in the government, and drove the porte itself on to the war which followed. after the failure of the conference at constantinople, prince gortschakoff issued a circular in which after reciting what had taken place he said, "it is necessary for us to know what the cabinets with which we have hitherto acted in common, propose to do with a view of meeting this refusal and insuring the execution of their wishes." now remember the armistice was only extended to february st, . turkey refused to give any guarantee to fulfil the reforms promised, the atrocities of bulgaria were still unpunished--the people were still at the mercy of the fanatical and cruel turks. before any response had been made to this request for information from the other cabinets, a treaty of peace with servia had been signed march st, and the first parliament was convened at constantinople march th. the russian government pressed for an answer, and fearing it might be embarrassed prepared a protocol which was signed by the representatives of the six powers at london on the st of march, . after taking cognizance of the peace which had recently been concluded between turkey and servia, and of the good intentions of the porte as had been shown in its declarations made from time to time during the past year, the protocol invited the porte to place its army on a peace footing and then declared that "the powers propose to watch carefully by means of their representatives at constantinople and their local agents, the manner in which the promises of the ottoman government are carried into effect. "if their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition of the christian subjects of the sultan should not be improved in such a manner as to prevent the returns of the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the east, they think it right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their interests and those of europe in general. in such case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the christian populations and the interests of the general peace." these are very good words, but unless the powers meant to back them up with men and guns and war ships, they were only waste breath and paper. on affixing his signature the russian ambassador filed the following declaration:-- "if peace with montenegro is concluded and the porte accepts the advice of europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace footing--seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the protocol, let it send to st. petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament to which his majesty, the emperor, would also on his part consent. if massacres similar to those which have stained bulgaria with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the measures of demobilization." if turkey had honestly desired to enforce the reforms promised, and deal justly by her christian subjects, and avoid the dangers of war, there should have been no hesitation in giving its assent to this protocol. but the sublime porte knew very well that great britain would never take up arms against her, as she had distinctly refused to sign a memorandum that might involve the pressure of force. the porte knew it could rely upon the diplomatic resources of england in the final issue of affairs, hence rejected the protocol with audacity and insolence. in substance the rejection of these last offers of peace stated that:--first, the sublime porte would spare no effort to arrive at an understanding with the prince of montenegro. second, that the imperial government was prepared to adopt all the promised reforms. third, that turkey was ready to place its armies on a peace footing as soon as it saw the russian government take measures to the same end. fourth, with regard to the disturbances which might break out and stop the demobilization of the russian army, the turkish government repelled the injurious terms in which the idea had been expressed, and stated its belief that europe was convinced that the recent disturbances were due to foreign instigation, (i. e. russia's) and after other reasons given, it declared that turkey can not allow foreign agents or representatives charged to protect the interests of their compatriots to have any mission of official supervision. (precisely its position to-day.) the imperial government in fact is not aware how it can have deserved so ill of justice and civilization, as to see itself placed in a humiliating position without example in the world. (this after all the horrors of bulgaria--which were known to the world long before this.) the treaty of paris gave an explicit sanction to the principle of non-intervention. * * * and if turkey appeals to the stipulations of the treaty * * it is for the purpose of calling attention to the grave reasons which, in the interest of the general peace of europe, induced the powers, twenty years ago, to place the recognition of the inviolability of this empire's right to sovereignty, under the guaranty of its collective promise. when the turkish ambassador in london called upon earl derby, on the th of april, to deliver the above circular, the british minister of foreign affairs expressed his deep regrets at the view the porte had taken, and said he could not see what further steps england could take to avert the war which appeared to be inevitable. on the th of april, the czar, who was at kischeneff, with his army, issued his manifesto in which he said:-- "for two years we have made incessant efforts to induce the porte to effect such reforms as would protect the christians in bosnia, herzegovina, and bulgaria from the arbitrary measures of the local authorities. the accomplishment of these reforms was absolutely stipulated by anterior engagements contracted by the porte to the whole of europe. "our efforts supported by diplomatic representations made in common by the other governments have not, however, attained their object. the porte has remained unshaken in its formal refusal of any effective guaranty for the security of its christian subjects, and has rejected the conclusions of the constantinople conference. wishing to essay every possible means of conciliation in order to persuade the porte, we proposed to the other cabinets to draw up a special protocol, comprising the most essential conditions of the constantinople conference, and to invite the turkish government to adhere to this international act, which states the extreme limits of our peaceful demands. but our expectation was not fulfilled. the porte did not defer to this unanimous wish of christian europe and did not adhere to the conclusions of the protocol. having exhausted pacific efforts we are compelled by the haughty obstinacy of the porte to proceed to more decisive acts, feeling that equity and our own dignity enjoin it. by her refusal, turkey places us under the necessity of having recourse to arms. "profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause and humbly committing ourselves to the grace and help of the most high, we make known to our faithful subjects that the moment foreseen when we pronounced words to which all russia responded with complete unanimity, has now arrived. we expressed the intention to act independently when we deemed it necessary, and when russia's honor should demand it. and now, invoking the blessing of god upon our valiant armies, we give them the order to cross the turkish frontier." never was the sword drawn in more dignified and solemn manner; never in a more holy war for the deliverance of persecuted and outraged humanity. alexander drew his sword in the cause of bulgaria, knowing that single-handed and alone he must face the armies of turkey, the indifference of continental europe; knowing that he must face the bitter opposition and jealousy of england, and not knowing but he might have to meet her armies and fleets as well. this latter possibility was averted, as we know, by the vehement opposition of gladstone, john bright, and other statesmen; the people voiced their opinions in four hundred public meetings, and the disraeli cabinet was prevented from declaring war in behalf of injured and self-righteous turkey. it is very well known that there are many who deny that russia was moved by any high sense of honor, or driven by righteous and outraged christian sentiment to draw the sword for the deliverance of bulgaria and the punishment of the unspeakable turk. they affirm her to be governed entirely by self-interest, and that under the garb of zeal for her distressed co-religionists she seeks to conceal her purposes of self-aggrandizement. russia has been the persistent and bitter foe of turkey for three hundred years, and turkey of russia. only once in all that time ( ) did russia stretch out her hand to aid the turk, and for reward she received the free navigation of the dardanelles and the bosphorus for a series of years. she has fought the turk single-handed and alone: she has fought him when he has had poland and the tartars for his allies: when venice and austria and hungary fought under his banners: when italy and france were his allies: when england, france and sardinia united to help him in the crimea. whatever her motives russia has always been true to herself, and consistent in her hatred of the turk. it may be that she has dreams of an empire ruled from constantinople as a winter capital; but whatever her dreams or purposes, no nation has less claim to rule over the ancient byzantine empire than the alien race of the ottoman turks--fanatical followers of the prophet. the russo-turkish war, while but a brief campaign, was from its beginning to the treaty of san stefano a war for religious life and freedom and singularly free from death or insult to civilian or woman, while abounding in thrilling and dramatic incident. on the russian side the preparations for war had been carried on with much secrecy, headquarters being at kischeneff in bessarabia. the greater part of the army had been distributed throughout the provinces in comfortable winter quarters, and were in excellent health and spirits. early in april the soldiers began swarming towards kischeneff for the grand review and the expected declaration of war. the city had put on its holiday attire, flags and streamers were flying from the houses, and there was the greatest excitement among the people and the soldiers as they waited the arrival of the emperor. the review was to be no dress parade, but the serious prelude to war. it was all the more impressive therefore, as early on the morning of april th, , the army corps began to gather on the broad plains and sloping hillsides above the town. the troops were already under arms by nine o'clock, standing in lone lines and solid masses, silent and almost motionless as for an hour and a half, they waited the arrival of the emperor. the crowd, too, of onlookers were serious, and spoke in hushed voices, for these splendid troops were soon to be hurled against the fortification of plevna only to be shattered, broken, decimated. only when the emperor appeared mounted, accompanied by his brother the grand duke nicholas and an immense staff of a hundred officers and rode slowly along the lines, was the silence broken by the sound of music and the cheering of the soldiers. the review was over in an hour. the music ceased, silence reigned, the soldiers stood uncovered and the crowd also removed their caps. the voice of only one man was heard, that of the bishop of kischeneff saying a grand military mass. for more than half an hour the soldiers, composed, expectant, reverently stood and listened. when the mass was finished a low murmur ran through the crowd. then a dead silence, and again the strong voice of the bishop was heard not now engaged in prayer but in reading the manifesto. in the midst of it sobs were heard and as men looked they saw the emperor weeping like a child. it had been the pride and glory of the reign of alexander that his reign had been of peace. he hoped to finish it without war, and now the fatal step had been taken, and who could tell its issue. this was not the spirit of a man eager, determined on conquest, lusting for martial fame and glory. there was not a dry eye within sound of the bishop's voice, but when he closed with the impressive words, "and now, invoking the blessing of god upon our valiant armies we give them the order to cross the turkish frontier," a wild and universal shout went up--a shout of exultation, triumph, relief, which ran through all the army over hill and plain till the whole air resounded with the glad acclaim. some corps started at once for the frontier and the rest began rapidly preparing for the march--and by the th of may the russian army, over two hundred thousand men, was posted along the banks of the danube facing the forts, the fleets and the armies of the porte which numbered one hundred and fifty thousand effective soldiers. not until june th did the main body of the russians succeed in crossing the danube, but it was most skillfully done and the march began for constantinople. already the hero of the war had been revealed in the person of general skobeleff--the custer of the russian army and the youngest general in the army, with a strange and brilliant career which was to be most gloriously eclipsed by the successes of this campaign. "he was a tall, handsome man with a lithe, slender, active figure, clear, blue eyes, a large prominent, but straight well-shaped nose, the kind of a nose it said napoleon used to look for among his officers when he wished to find a general." he was highly educated, speaking five languages fluently, and always had time even in his hardest campaigns for new books and reviews. he was every inch a soldier, and his great strength lay in the power and influence he had over his men. he was never weary of seeing that his men were well fed, warmly clothed and comfortable. he was always intelligible in his orders. he was the comrade of his men as well as their officer. when the passage of the danube was made finally on the pontoon bridge, skobeleff shouldered a musket like a private soldier and marched over with his men. every officer under him was devoted to him. he treated them all as friends, but then every one of them was expected when occasion came to lay down his life as an example to his men. "fear," he said, "must cease when a man reaches the grade of captain." after the passage of the danube, he was given the command of a division--was always at the front, in the thickest of every fight. he was a hero at plevna, that stronghold commanding the pass through the balkans, where osman pasha held the russians at bay from july until december th. three times the russians had attacked it and been repulsed; twice in july and the third time in september. the great infantry assault was made on the th day of september, the fifth day of the bombardment. on this last occasion skobeleff's duty was to take a redoubt on a certain green hill, which he regarded as the key to the turkish position. he always rode a white horse and wore a white coat that he might be more conspicuous to his own men during a battle. with his usual address to his soldiers he despatched them to the redoubt. he knew well that he was sending many of them to their death. they knew it too, but advanced unflinchingly in the face of a fearful fire from cannon and from infantry. one company wavered and broke. instantly skobeleff was among them on his white charger. "follow me," he cried, "i will show you how to thrash the turks. close up there! follow me my men. i will lead you myself. he who deserts me should be ashamed of himself! now then, drummers--look alive." meantime the turks were seen everywhere torturing the wounded before despatching them. this roused the spirit of the russians and they pushed on with fury. with fearful loss they captured the redoubt, and planted two russian flags on it. then skobeleff, who had had two horses shot under him, started back for reinforcements. in vain he pleaded for men. in vain he pleaded that the redoubt was the key of the position. he burst into tears. he visited the redoubt three or four times during the day to encourage them. plevna would soon be taken. victory would crown their efforts. for the honor and the glory of the russian arms;--and they always replied with the same cheery shouts while their numbers were dwindling by hundreds. but the battle was against the russians. one more effort must be made. "major gortaloff, you will remain here in charge of the redoubt," he said. "can i depend on you? you must hold this at any price." "i will remain or die, your excellency." "possibly i shall be unable to send you any reinforcements. give me your word that you will not leave the redoubt." "my honor is pledged. i will not leave this place alive." the major raised his hand as if taking an oath. skobeleff embraced him. "god help you! remember my men, there may be no reinforcements. count only on yourselves. farewell, heroes." but as he took his last look at them--the finest troops of his division, he sighed. "consecrated to death," he said and thundered down the hill. only one thing remained, to draw off his men and save as many of them as possible. a colonel of one regiment of cossack infantry, however, without orders, put his men at skobeleff's disposal and once more he started for the redoubt. the turks were swarming over the ramparts, mounting its walls on dead bodies. the garrison defending themselves by bayonets began to despair. at last through the fog and smoke they saw their comrades coming. but skobeleff had only one battalion; not enough to drive out the turks. "i think he wants to cover our retreat," said the major. he gathered his men about him. "comrades go. open your way with your bayonets. this place can no longer be held. god bless you, my children. forward." and bowing his head he reverently made the sign of the cross over his men. "and you, father?" they exclaimed. "i stay with our dead. tell the general i have kept my word. good by, children." they watched him as they turned their heads in their retreat. they saw him standing on the ramparts waving to them. then the turks rushed in. they saw the struggle. they saw his body uplifted upon turkish bayonets. "it was just after this," said a correspondent, "that i met general skobeleff the first time that day. he was in a fearful state of excitement and fury. his uniform was covered with mud and filth, his sword broken; his cross of st. george twisted round on his shoulder; his face black with powder and smoke; his eyes haggard and bloodshot, and his voice quite gone. i never before saw such a picture of battle as he presented. i saw him again in his tent at night. he was quite calm and collected. he said, 'i have done my best. i could do no more. my detachment is half destroyed; my regiments do not exist; i have no officers left; they sent me no reinforcements, and i have lost three guns.' 'why did they refuse you reinforcements?' i asked. 'who was to blame?' 'i blame nobody,' he replied. 'it is the will of god.'" the russians fell back from plevna for a little breathing spell, having lost in this third assault more than twenty thousand men. at bucharest general skobeleff met general todleben, the great engineer who had planned and superintended twenty-one years before the defence of sebastopol. it had been decided to plan works by which plevna should be taken, not by assault but by starvation. by the middle of october, , skobeleff was back at the seat of war with his division of about forty thousand men. he had no longer with him the "lions," the "eagles," the "heroes" of the third assault, but largely new recruits whom he must train. two months of the siege sufficed to starve out the garrison, and osman pasha surrendered unconditionally on december th, and thirty-two thousand men laid down their arms and the gates were open towards constantinople. as soon as plevna fell skobeleff was appointed its military governor. the roumanians in the russian army had already begun the plunder of the city. when skobeleff remonstrated, their officers replied: "we are the victors, and the victors have a right to the spoils." "in the first place," answered the general, "we were never at war with the peaceable inhabitants of this place, and consequently can not have conquered them. but, secondly, please acquaint your men that i shall have victors of this kind shot. every man caught marauding shall be shot like a dog. please bear this in mind. there is another thing. you must not insult women. such conduct is very humiliating. let me tell you that every such complaint will be investigated and every case of outrage punished." compare this order with the horrible atrocities continually committed upon the bulgarians during this campaign by bashi-bazouks and the thirty thousand circassian horsemen, who were allowed to follow their own fashions, in which they excel even the apache tribes once the terror of the southwest. before them went anguish and horror; after them death, ruin and despair. we have no time to follow the war as carried on in armenia, but on november - , the city and fortress of kars was carried by assault, and the russian officers remembering how the fanatical turks had tortured and killed the wounded soldiers that had fallen into their cruel hands, expressed the fear lest their excited soldiers might put aside feelings of humanity and inflict summary vengeance. but contrary to all expectations, cossack and russian put aside all thought of personal revenge; and not a single civilian was killed or insulted, and not a woman had to complain of insult or outrage. these facts are stated for the sake of those who may have thought that there is little to choose between the semi-barbarous hordes of russia (as they call them) and the armies of turks, kurds and circassians. another fact regarding the religious sentiment of the russian peasant transformed into a soldier. a frenchman who was at plevna with the officers of the commander-in-chief's staff thus writes of skobeleff: "he is a magnificent looking soldier, almost as tall as the emperor. * * on the battlefield he is brave as a lion. * * * when ordering a retreat, he sheathes his sword, sends his white charger to the front and remains on foot, the last man in the rear, saying; 'they may kill me if they like, but they shall not harm my horse unless he is advancing against the enemy.' he has never quitted a battlefield without carrying off his wounded (unless in such retreat as from the third assault on plevna), nor has he ever after a battle gone to rest without making an address to his men, and writing his own report to the commander-in-chief. he is adored by his soldiers. * * he is highly educated and a sincerely religious man. 'no man can feel comfortable in facing death' he has been heard to say 'who does not believe in god and have hope of a life to come.' each evening in the camp he stood bareheaded taking part in the evening service which was chanted by fifty or sixty of his soldiers. * if the people of paris who shed tears over the miserére in trovatore, could hear these simple soldiers in the presence of death addressing prayers and praises to the almighty father with their whole hearts, they would find it far more moving. skobeleff is as distinguished for his modesty as his bravery. 'my children,' he says to his soldiers, 'i wear these crosses, but it is you who have won them for me.'" attention is called to these things that you can compare for yourselves the morale of the russian army with its reverence for woman and for god, with the grossness and corruption and wickedness that prevails in the mixed multitudes that form the soldiers of islam. who is not touched by the deep sincerity of that word in his first address to his army, "while you are fighting i shall pray for you." so deep was his interest in the war that he could not content himself in st. petersburg but felt that his place was on the danube. when he reached the seat of war he assumed no command, but he endeavored to inform himself about everything. the failures before plevna greatly troubled him. "if we lose i will never return to russia. i will die here with my brave soldiers." hence it was with more than usual emotion that the emperor reviewed the troops, seventy thousand men, at plevna a few days after its fall. the troops were drawn up in two lines of quarter columns at intervals of ten paces between regiments. the second line was about fifty paces in rear of the first. he embraced the generals, greeted the officers and then accompanied by the grand duke and prince charles, attended by a brilliant staff, he passed down the front line and back by the second. his reception was most enthusiastic, every regiment cheering the moment it caught sight of the white flag with the ornamental cross that denoted the emperor's presence; and nothing could be more impressive than the enormous volume of sound produced by the triumphant cheers of seventy thousand men. in a few days skobeleff's division was to cross the balkans by a pass leading to senova while the main army was to take the shipka pass. one order he gave caused much amusement among his brother officers. each man of his division was ordered to carry a log of wood with him. "what will he think of next?" said some one. "if skobeleff has ordered," said the grand duke nicholas, "he has some good reason for it." he had a good reason. there was no wood on the summit of the balkans. he wanted his men to have three hot meals a day. and in consequence of his precautions not one man of his division arrived disabled or frozen on the other side; not one had straggled, and the only two who were lost had slipped and fallen over a precipice. the soldiers who crossed the shipka pass suffered frightfully. the passage to senova was an awful journey. the men had to break their way through great snowdrifts. they had to drag their cannon on sledges by hand, but on the third day they descended into the valley of roses in splendid form. in the battles that raged during the next few days skobeleff was uniformly successful, and the regiments coming down the shipka pass went right into the thick of the fight. at last the turks put out two white flags. the pashas surrendered themselves and their whole army--thirty-five thousand men and one hundred and thirteen guns were given up. "the scoundrels," muttered gen. skobeleff "to give up with such a force and with such a position." "no wonder," cried the turks, "that we were beaten; for the russians were commanded by akh pasha and it is impossible to overcome him." the first order given was, "let the turks' property be sacred to us. let not a crumb of theirs be lost. warn the men, i will shoot them for stealing." "i shall never forget," said mr. kinnard rose, "a solemn service for the repose of the souls of the dead that was held on that battlefield of senova by the general and a score of companions. skobeleff's chaplain chanted the mass with a simple dragoon for clerk. every head was uncovered. the party stood in respectful groups around a monumental column with its cross, the general to the right of the priest. as the service progressed, the general wept like a child, and among the small but deeply moved congregation there were few dry eyes." and now the road lay open before him. the last army was beaten--skobeleff's forced march made the turkish pashas stand aghast--thirty, even fifty miles a day, and soon he had occupied adrianople, the second city of the empire. he had entered it without a sick man--there was not a theft nor burglary--not a street row, as he rested there a few days. the heroes of the campaign in the balkans were generals gourko, radetzky and skobeleff. they carried out operations which for difficulty of execution, rapidity of movement and quickness of combination have hardly ever been equalled. in fifteen days they had destroyed three turkish armies, and swept the country from shipka pass to adrianople and with one hundred and thirty-two thousand bayonets were ready to dictate peace to the sublime porte. general gourko, who was skobeleff's senior, arrived in advance of his columns on january th, and took command of the city, while skobeleff pushed on with his cavalry and in two weeks (february th) camped on the shores of the sea of marmora a short distance from constantinople, having marched two hundred and seventy-five miles in twenty days, one hundred miles of it in four days. the history of the russo-turkish war has been written in terms of highest eulogy by impartial historians and disinterested eyewitnesses. the condensed account given in these pages is accorded space to emphasize the difference between warfare as conducted by one of the great powers of europe and the barbarous methods of the "unspeakable turk." previously to the occupancy of adrianople by the russian forces, representatives of the two nations most interested, met and seriously discussed the question of peace. the turkish delegates refused to accept the russian terms. they were informed that the russians would march upon constantinople unless they accepted. on the question of the autonomy for bulgaria, the russians were inflexible. this the delegates refused, and the troops continued to close in upon constantinople. on january st an armistice was signed, and a neutral zone declared with constantinople exposed to the russian army. while going over the lines of delimitation one day, general skobeleff and his whole staff gazed upon the city of constantinople. he was furious when he learned that the russian army was not even to enter constantinople, and he is said to have debated whether he would not on his own responsibility take the city without orders and break the meshes of diplomacy. "i would hold a congress in constantinople--here!" he said, "and would myself preside if i were emperor, with three hundred thousand bayonets to back me--prepared for any eventuality. then we could talk to them." "but suppose all europe should oppose you?" "there are moments when one must act--when it is criminal to be too cautious. we may have to wait centuries for so favorable an opportunity. you think the bulldogs would fight us? never. it should be our duty to defend this--our own city--with the last drop of our blood." when general grant said that russia's abstaining from entering constantinople was the greatest mistake a nation ever committed, he was either not aware of the secret engagement made with lord loftus, the british ambassador at st. petersburg, or he considered with reason that england's sending her fleet into the bosphorus was such a violation of her engagements of neutrality, as would justify russia in not abiding by her promises. england, on february th, had ordered her fleet to constantinople to protect british interests. news was received by skobeleff that the fleet was under way. he instantly informed headquarters, and had orders for concentrating his troops where they could strike at a moment's notice. he quickly and gladly so disposed his army that in two hours he could occupy the turkish positions, and in thirty six hours could place two divisions on the high ground just behind constantinople, the very ground from which the turks in had besieged and assaulted and captured this queen of eastern christian empire. for russia had decided before the armistice that the english fleet coming into the bosphorus should be the signal for the march into the city. then came the news that the turks refused to allow the fleet to pass and that it was lying at the mouth of the dardanelles and the danger of a general european war was passed for the time. but the approach of the fleet was a warning and the delay, and hesitation of the ambassadors to sign the preliminaries of peace and the objections they made were irritating to the last degree, and the answer of russia was the removal of headquarters to san stefano, only twelve miles from constantinople, and there the treaty of peace must be signed. there is little time to portray the many dramatic scenes connected with the signing of the treaty of san stefano. march d was the anniversary of the czar's accession to the throne. there was to be a grand review. at four o'clock the grand duke galloped towards the hill where the army was drawn up; then up dashed a carriage from the village. general ignatieff was in it and when he approached he rose and said: "i have the honor to congratulate your highness on the signature of peace." then the grand duke to the army: "i have the honor to inform the army that with the help of god we have concluded a treaty of peace." a shout, swelling and triumphant, rose from the throats of twenty thousand men, some of them the most famous regiments of russia's favored troops. after the review the grand duke spoke briefly, "to an army which has accomplished what you have, my friends, nothing is impossible." then all dismounted, uncovered and a solemn service was held, the soldiers all kneeling, even the wife of general ignatieff was seen kneeling on a fur rug beside her carriage. the religious ceremony over, the grand duke took his stand and the army began to file past with a swinging, rapid stride. the night was falling, darkness settling over all. still the grand duke sat motionless on his horse, the troops still were passing; the joyous shouts grew fainter and the measured tramp, tramp died out on the ear and the war of - had entered into the history of the struggle of humanity for religious life and freedom. the history of the treaties of san stefano and of berlin will be told in the chapter that records the greatest crime of the century against the life and freedom of a still suffering and outraged humanity under the curse of islam. chapter viii. the sultan abdul hamid. it does not lie within the plan of this volume to review at any length the history of turkey, or to sketch the lives of the sultans who have reigned during the century; it will answer, however, to make our work intelligible and clear, if the life of the reigning sultan of turkey, abdul hamid ii. is presented briefly. he is the second son of abdul medjid, who was sultan from to . he was born september th, ; and his mother having died when he was quite young, he was adopted by his father's second wife, herself childless, who was very wealthy and made him her heir. his early life was quiet and uneventful; his boyhood was a continual scene of merry idleness. his education consisting mostly in amusements and tricks devised for his entertainment by the court slaves: and in an unusually early and complete initiation into the depravities of harem life. indeed up to manhood all the learning he had acquired, amounted to but little more than the ability to read in the arabic and turkish tongues. his mother had died of consumption and his constitution was delicate. he had inherited a taste for drink, but his doctor who was a greek, assured him it would be his destruction. "then i will never touch wine or liquor again," said abdul hamid, and he kept his word. the turning point in his life came, when in his uncle abdul aziz, then sultan, took his own son and his two nephews, murad and hamid, to the paris exposition, england and germany. he saw with a quick and appreciative eye. he acquired a taste for political geography, and for european dress, customs and interests. what he then learned was to modify very considerably the subsequent course of his life. from april, , both he and his brother murad were kept under strict surveillance and not allowed to take any part in the political movements going on in constantinople. abdul aziz, the reigning sultan, was determined to defy the turkish law of succession and proclaim his son in june, as heir presumptive to the throne, thus displacing murad and hamid, who both were before him in rights of succession. at this crisis, midhat pasha, the leading and most progressive statesman and strong adherent of murad, planned a revolution and abdul aziz, was deposed and murad was proclaimed sultan, may st, and so recognized by the western powers: but he was never girded with the sword of othman in the mosque of eyout, a ceremony equivalent to a western coronation. his ill-health, increased by excessive use of liquor and the mistaken treatment of his physician, rendered him mentally incapable of ruling: though a celebrated dr. liedersdorf, sent for from vienna, is said to have stated, "if i had sultan murad under my own care in vienna, i would have him all right in six weeks." in consequence of this mental indisposition, murad v. was deposed august th, and abdul hamid ii. was proclaimed on august st, and girded with the sword of othman a few days later. he was then living in a small palace in the valley of sweet waters, which he inherited from his father. he was very fond of agriculture, and amused himself by cultivating a model farm. to his mother, who is said to have been an armenian from georgia, in russia, he owed a quality very rare in the family of the sultans, the spirit of economy. he never allowed his expenses to exceed his income before he came to the throne. in this charming retreat he resided quietly with his wife and two children, all eating at the same table, and showing in his dress and surroundings his preference for european modes of life. the only concession he made to orientalism in personal dress, was in wearing the "fez," which he disliked, but continued to wear as the necessary token of his nationality. six weeks after he was proclaimed sultan, it was announced that a scheme of reform for the whole ottoman empire, was in course of preparation. it was published in january, and while it was a much less sweeping reform than midhat wished, it provided for a senate and a house of representatives, which last was to take control of the finances, the system of taxation was to be revised and better laws were to be enacted for the provinces. election to the lower house was to be by universal suffrage; for the upper house electors were restricted to two classes: the noble and the educated. abdul hamid cordially disapproved of this check on the absolute power enjoyed by predecessors. he was willing to do justice and to temper it with mercy, but to be placed in the position of a servant to his people was odious to himself. at a council held, when only his other ministers were present, the sultan asked, what should be done with midhat pasha. two of those present said: "let him die." but abdul hamid was not bloodthirsty, hence he only banished him to arabia where two years later he was poisoned. the sultan was restive under the constitution and the pashas, against whose cruelty and extortion the most of the reforms were aimed, sided with their sovereign. in , midhat pasha had outlined the situation thus to the english ambassador: "the sultan's empire is being rapidly brought to destruction; corruption has reached a pitch that it has never before attained. the service of the state is starved, while untold millions are being poured into the palaces and the provinces are being ruined by the uncontrolled exactions of the governors who purchase their appointments at the palace: and nothing can save the country but a complete change of system." and the very worst governed portion of all his empire was armenia. we are officially told that its government for the last thirty years has been horrible. in an armenian village recently plundered by bandits, the famous hungarian professor, arminius vambery, an intimate friend of the sultan, once asked, "why do you not get help from the governor of erzeroum?" "because," answered the villagers, "he is at the head of the robbers. god alone and his representative on earth--the russian czar, can help us." this brigandage, is one of the greatest curses of the turkish empire, exercising a rule of terror and oppression, and now legalized, apparently, by the transformation of the kurdish horsemen--robbers--into the hamidieh--the sultan's own cavalry. such being the spirit of the pashas who had grown rich by plunder and official theft, of course they were opposed to the constitution, and by the will of the sultan it was abrogated after two sessions had been held. this was soon followed by the dismissal of the ministers who had formed the triumvirate, and the sultan resumed his despotic and absolute sway. assured that england would not suffer the dismemberment of his empire we have seen him refusing to guarantee the enforcement of promised reforms and provoking the war with russia; but as we have already told this story, we will give some pictures of the sultan as drawn by his admirers; leaving the horrors of the armenian massacres to bear witness as to the honesty of his professed devotion to the welfare of his christian subjects and his promises to observe the terms of said treaty in the amelioration of the condition of all who were suffering under the murderous oppression of kurds and circassians. professor vambery, a most remarkable linguist who writes and speaks all the languages of europe like a native, spent some time in turkey a few years ago and was received into closest conference by the sultan.--here are extracts from what he has written of him: "i must own that the education of abdul hamid, like that of all oriental princes was defective, very defective indeed; but an iron will, good judgment and rare acuteness have made good this short-coming; and he not only knows the multifarious relations and intricacies of his own much tried empire but is thoroughly conversant with european politics: and i am not going far from fact when i state that it has been solely the moderation and self-restraint of sultan abdul hamid which has saved us hitherto from a general european conflagration. as to his personal character, i have found the present ruler of the ottoman empire of great politeness, amiability and extreme gentleness. when sitting opposite to him during my private interviews, i could not avoid being struck by his extremely modest attitude, by his quiet manners and by the bashful look of his eyes. * * at his table, though wine is served to european guests, it is not offered to the sultan or any other mohammedan. "his views on religion, politics and education have a decidedly modern tone, and yet he is a firm believer in the tenets of his religion, and likes to assemble around him the foremost mollahs and pious sheiks on whom he profusely bestows imperial favors; but he does not forget from time to time to send presents to the greek and the armenian patriarchates, and nothing is more ludicrous than to hear this prince accused by a certain class of politicians in europe of being a fanatic and an enemy to christians,--a prince who by appointing a christian for his chief medical attendant and a christian for his chief minister of finance, did not hesitate to intrust most important duties to non-mohammedans. * * *" [doubtless he wanted the best men he could find as his physician and minister of finance, and these men were found among the christians. let the last year tell whether he be the friend or the enemy of the christians.] "in reference to the charge of ruthless despotism laid upon sultan abdul hamid in connection with his abrogation of the charter granted during the first months of his reign, i will quote his own words. he said to me one day:--'in europe the soil was prepared centuries ago for liberal institutions, and now i am asked to transplant a sapling to the foreign, stony and rugged ground of asiatic life. let me clear away the thistles, and stones, let me till the soil, and provide for irrigation because rain is very scarce in asia and then we may transport the new plant; and believe me that nobody will be more delighted at its thriving than myself.'" thus far the professor. and now, it is to be wondered if he calls the extermination of the armenians the clearing away of the thistles and does he propose to irrigate the soil of armenia with the blood of its noblest race. is he not rather slitting the veins of asia minor and pouring out its heart's best blood? that the sultan was a warm personal friend of gen. lew wallace does not make him any the less a despot; neither because hon. s. s. cox, who succeeded gen. wallace was an admirer of the sultan as the following quotation will show; does that make him the less a fanatic and the most remorseless shedder of blood that europe has seen since the days of tamerlane. "the sultan is of middle size and of turkish type. he wears a full black beard, is of a dark complexion and has very expressive eyes. his forehead is large, indicative of intellectual power. he is very gracious in manner though at times seemingly a little embarrassed. * * * "as caliph he is the divine representative of mohammed. his family line runs back with unbroken links to the thirteenth century. he is one of the most industrious, painstaking, honest, conscientious and vigilant rulers of the world. he is amiable and just withal. his every word betokens a good heart and a sagacious head. [what a comment the horrors of the many months just past furnishes to this flattering estimate a mohammedian conscience!] "he is an early riser. after he leaves his seraglio and has partaken of a slight repast his secretaries wait on him with portfolios. he peruses all the official correspondence and current reports. he gives up his time till noon to work of this character. then his breakfast is served. after that he walks in his park and gardens, looks in at his aviaries, perhaps stirs up his menagerie, makes an inspection of his two hundred horses in their fine stables, indulges his little daughters in a row upon the fairy lake which he has had constructed, and it may be attends a performance at the little theatre provided for his children in the palace. at p. m. having accomplished most of his official work, he mounts his favorite white horse, ferhan, a war-scarred veteran for a ride in the park. the park of the palace yildiz where he lives comprises some thousand acres. it is surrounded by high walls and protected by the soldiery." but all this does not tell us what the man at heart is any more than if some flatterer of nero should expatiate on the esthetic taste of nero and his love of the fine arts and his skill as a violinist when he sat at night in his marble palace and enjoyed the blazing magnificence of rome. it is as foreign to the present situation as if some one should praise the skill of nero's horsemanship as he drove his mettled steeds with firm reins along the course lighted by the blazing torches of the tar-besmeared christians, whom he accused of having set the city on fire. the persistence with which the sultan has followed out his purpose of exterminating the armenians, in the face of a horrified and indignant christendom, marks his audacity and contempt of christians as sublime in height, as infernal in spirit, and bottomless in its cruelty. gibbon in his decline and fall of the roman empire can scarcely find polite words enough to express his contempt for the forms of early christianity and praised the turks as possessing the rarest of qualities when he said: "the turks are distinguished for their patience, discipline, sobriety, bravery, honesty and modesty," and hon. sunset cox echoed the same when he wrote, "it is because of these solid characteristics, and in spite of the harem, in spite of autocratic power, in spite of the janissary and the seraglio that this race and rule remain potent in the orient. his heart (the heart of the present sultan) is touched by suffering, and his views lean strongly to that toleration of the various races and religions of his realm, which other and more boastful nations would do well to imitate." the facts given in the chapters on the reign of terror will be sufficient commentary on such praise. probably no building in all europe has so many associations with tragical events as that of the palace of the sultan of turkey--the autocrat whose rule is absolute over more than thirty million subjects. from this palace go forth the edicts which involve the death of thousands and which control the governments of distant provinces. fifty years ago the sultans governed a huge territory in europe, but one province after another has been freed from their yoke, until turkey in europe has dwindled in size to less than half its former area. but the asiatic possession of the sultan have not diminished, and the events in armenia which have recently horrified the whole world, show what that possession means. nor are these massacres a new or unparalleled feature of turkish rule. similar horrors have been perpetrated before under the cognizance of the sultans and the only reason why the indignation now aroused on the subject is deeper and more intense, is that it is now impossible to conceal them, and in the days of the telegraph and cheap newspapers they are set in the light of publicity. the turk is no worse now than he has always been, and is only trying to govern at the end of the nineteenth century as he governed in the sixteenth. as an eminent writer has said: "the turk is still the aboriginal savage encamped on the ruins of a civilization which he destroyed." in some respects abdul hamid is better than his predecessors, and until the reports of the armenian horrors were published, he was believed to be a great deal better; but they have proved that he has the same nature, and is at heart as fierce and relentless as they. the character of the man is of so much greater moment to his subjects than in other lands, because of the utter absence of even the semblance of constitutional government. the government of turkey is a despotism pure and simple. it is tempered only by the dread of assassination or deposition, and even those calamities may come rather from a wise and merciful policy than from massacre. the pashas who surround the sultan, the successors of those who deposed his uncle and his brother, applaud the atrocities, and are willing instruments in the perpetration of them. the danger to the sultan's person is far more likely to come through weakness and lack of vigor in persecution than from indignation at wholesale slaughter. the sultan fully appreciates this fact, and lives in constant dread of treachery. an interesting story of the present sultan is related by mr. w. t. stead, in an article in his review of reviews, which in some measure explains the singular mixture in his character of fanaticism, such as that which produced the armenian massacres, with the marked ability and intelligence he displays in the conduct of national affairs. it appears that when he was a mere youth, he was conspicuous even in constantinople, which is notorious for its immorality, for the gross excesses of his private life. there was then little probability of his ever ascending the throne, and as he was condemned by his position to a life of idleness, he plunged into all the wickedness of the capital, and lived a life of debauchery. suddenly he changed his course. he quitted his evil ways and became a devout follower of mohammed, was attentive at the mosque and gave all his thoughts to his religion. from that time until now his religious enthusiasm has been the most prominent feature of his character. but with the change came a fierce intolerance, a desire that others should follow his example and determination, evinced since his accession, that in his own dominions no enemy of the prophet, nor any who did not avow themselves his followers, should have peace or rest until they accepted the faith. this spirit accounts for the crusade against the armenians whom he hates because they are christians. the real cause for all the trouble in the turkish empire will be found to lie within the spirit and purpose of the sultan himself. his conduct towards the powers will serve to most abundantly confirm this view. the condition of armenia under turkish rule has for many years been a scandal to christendom. after the horrors of the blood bath of sassoun had been made known to the world a commission of the powers were sent to investigate and report on the massacres which had been perpetrated. the investigation of the latest atrocities showed that the armenians had been wantonly tortured and murdered, and that indescribable atrocities had been perpetrated. men, women, and children were proved to have been hacked to pieces, and no respect had been shown to age or sex. whole villages had been depopulated, and the fact of any community being christian seemed to have been sufficient to provoke the murderous hostility of the authorities. where the turks did not commit the outrages themselves, they remained inactive while the kurds committed them, and their inactivity amounted to connivance, because the armenians are not allowed to arm themselves for their own protection. there was legitimate grounds for foreign powers urging reforms upon the sultan, as in , when the berlin congress was inclined to strip him of his armenian provinces, he promised that armenia should be governed better than it had been, and england became sponsor for the performance of his promises. under those conditions the sultan was allowed to retain the provinces, and his failure to effect the reforms was therefore a distinct breach of faith. the ambassadors of england, france and russia accordingly presented to the sultan on may th a demand for twelve specific changes in the government of armenia. the scheme outlined included the appointment of a high commissioner, with whom should be associated a commission to sit at constantinople, for the purpose of carrying out all reforms. the full details of the plan were not made public, but among the suggestions made were these: the appointment of governors and vice-governors in six armenian vilayets--van, erzeroum, sivas, bitlis, harpoot, and trebizond; that either the governor or the vice-governor of each vilayet should be a christian; that the collection of taxes be on a better basis; with various other reforms in the judicial and administrative departments: especially that torture should be abolished; the gendarmérie to be recruited from christians as well as mohammedans, and the practical disarmament of the kurds. note the names of these vilayets as they are the centers of the horrible massacres that followed the porte's true answer to all its own promises of reform. to this project of reforms the following memorandum was attached:-- "the appended scheme, containing the general statement of the modifications which it would be necessary to introduce in regard to the administration, financial and judicial organization of the vilayets mentioned, it has appeared useful to indicate in a separate memorandum certain measures exceeding the scope of an administrative regulation, but which form the very basis of this regulation and the adoption of which by the porte is a matter of primary importance." these different points are: . the eventual reduction of the number of vilayets. . the guarantee for the selection of the valis. . amnesty for armenians sentenced or in prison on political charges. . the return of the armenian emigrants or exiles. . the final settlement of pending legal proceedings for common law crimes and offences. . the inspection of prisons and an inquiry into the condition of the prisoners. . the appointment of a high commission of surveillance for the application of reforms in the provinces. . the creation of a permanent committee of control at constantinople. . reparation for the loss suffered by the armenians who were victims of the events at sassoun, talori, etc. . the regularization of matters connected with religious conversion. . the maintenance and strict application of the rights and privileges conceded to the armenians. . the position of the armenians in the other vilayets of asiatic turkey. after much delay the porte replied that it could not accept the proposals made. of course not. why should the sultan do anything to favor the armenians or even to prevent the recurrence of these terrible outrages unless compelled to do so by something more than advice! yet the sultan would be anxious to know what the three powers would do about it. he was not kept long in suspense, so far as england was concerned. orders were issued for the english fleet to proceed to constantinople, and france and russia were informed of the fact. the news reached the sultan and appears to have convinced him that it was not safe to trifle any longer with the demands of the powers. he accordingly telegraphed that he would accede to the principle of reform outlined for him. the sultan, learning also that the british cabinet had met to consider turkey's reply to the plan of reform for armenia, submitted by great britain, france and russia, telegraphed to rustem pasha, the turkish ambassador in london, instructing him to ask the earl of kimberly, the british foreign minister, to postpone a decision in the matter. the earl of kimberly acceded to the request. in the meanwhile the porte handed to the british, french and russian ambassadors a fresh and satisfactory reply, acceding to the principle of control by the powers, but asking that the period be limited to three years. while these promises were being so freely made, letters from armenia, in july, represented turkish cruelty as unabated; the position of affairs never so grave and critical; and the armenians to have reached the ultimate limit of despair. yet in august the world was informed that turkey had decided to accept in their entirety the armenian reforms demanded by the powers, and that the acceptance of these reforms was primarily due to the pressure brought to bear on the government by sir philip currie, the british ambassador, who communicated to the government a confidential note from lord salisbury to the effect that the porte must accept the proposals of the powers unconditionally, or england would use sharper means than those adopted by lord rosebery to settle affairs in armenia. the summer passed in fruitless and endless negotiations. later in september a press telegram from london voiced the situation as follows:-- "european diplomacy seems already weary of the question, which turkish diplomacy has handled with an evident ability, based upon temporization and inertia, as well as upon its knowledge of the jealousy existing between the three powers which proclaim so loudly that they want nothing else but the happiness of the armenians. "the question has not progressed one iota, despite all the negotiations, memoranda, appointments of commissions, and even the (awful!) rumor, one month ago, of the assembling of the british fleet in besika bay, at the entrance of the dardanelles. england, france and russia, however, had the way clear before them, if they had been really in accord and seriously willing to accomplish the humanitarian mission they pretended to assume. article sixty-one of the berlin treaty gave the powers the right to see that the same rights granted to bulgaria should be granted also to armenia. this article has remained a dead letter in regard to the latter country since . when the sassoun atrocities were recently committed, the powers merely sent to the porte a memorandum, requesting it to cease its persecution of armenians. during two or three months the european ministers at pera awaited the decision of the sultan. whenever they sent their dragomans to the foreign minister, said pasha caused his secretary to answer in the spanish manner, 'hasta la mañana' (to-morrow a reply will be given). finally the three powers thought of using the rights conferred upon them by article sixty-one, and required abdul hamid to consent that a european commission of control should be sent to armenia, in order to see that reforms be practically applied there. the sultan will fight stubbornly before accepting them, which would amount to the abandonment of a portion of his sovereignty, and it remains to be seen how much the powers, jealous of their respective influence at the porte, are in earnest and how anxious they are promptly to enforce the acceptation of their control commission." the turks continued to play a waiting game in armenian affairs. remembering the treaty of berlin, they were shrewd enough to play off one power against another so as to retain absolute control over their internal affairs, though they had forfeited all right to rule by their outrageous and brutal massacres. the congress of berlin was at the time a costly thing to the eastern christians but was destined to prove almost their utter ruin. the turks did not find it hard to pick flaws in the plan of administrative reform when they did not intend to have any reform. the whole scheme was without any security against the renewal of the sassoun massacres. everybody who was interested in armenia protested against the plan, but it was the best that mere diplomacy could do. thus the summer passed filled with plenty of promises, but without any fulfilment, until suddenly the signal was given and the horrors of sassoun were reënacted throughout all the provinces of armenia. at a mass meeting of armenians held in new york, free expression was given to the feeling of horror with which the news of the turks' outrages was received there. there seemed to be no doubt in the minds of these people as to the truth of the reports from asia minor, and many were of the opinion that still more terrible news would be received. mr. dionian presided, and in calling the meeting to order, said that armenia and turkey could never be friends, and that armenia must either be liberated or annihilated. dr. p. ayvard also spoke, and then dr. s. aparcian offered resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, saying in part:-- resolved, that we most respectfully and appealingly call upon all the great powers of europe, and of our adopted and well loved country of america, to the deplorable condition of armenia, and trust that the moral interests of europe will demand taking immediate steps to put an end to this rule of anarchy and lawlessness prevailing there, and that the united states of america will give their moral support. knowing the turk as they did, the armenians in this country were prepared for the confirmation of these reports. in due time it came. a prominent turk laughed when he saw the report, and said it was a mere fabrication, and that if there was any slaughter it was not committed by the turks. as to the turks being opposed to the armenians because of their being christians, he said: "people who have lived in the orient know that to be absurd. we have christians and jews among us, and as long as they obey the laws of the land they are treated the same as the members of our faith. of course," he added, "when people become revolutionists and conspire against our government, then we take measures to punish them. the armenians are revolutionists, and their revolutionary societies exist in every city in this country, while the head-centre is at naples." the turk laughed and blamed the armenian revolutionists. the porte denied the outrages at first then charged the trouble to the armenians, until the terrible situation at trebizond and erzeroum could no longer be kept from the knowledge of christendom. the prisons in trebizond were filled with wounded and helpless armenians: the mohammedans were well armed and the governor entirely in sympathy with, even if not the instigator of the outrages. meanwhile the european manager of the united press at constantinople gave the first detailed account of the appalling massacres to which armenian christians had been subjected since the sultan abdul hamid gave perfidious assent to the reforms demanded by the european powers. the harrowing and shameful facts were told on the authority of american christian men, who witnessed them, and their narrative had the unqualified endorsement of mr. terrell, the united states minister to turkey. in view of such conclusive testimony to the duplicity and faithlessness of an incorrigible ruler, it seems incredible that christian peoples will let their rescuing hands be stayed any longer by sordid jealousy and greed, or that they will any longer consent to bear a share of the responsibility for such crimes against humanity. the blood of the slaughtered thousands of their fellow christians in armenia cries against them from the ground. by this trustworthy evidence the conclusion was justified that within the six provinces mainly concerned in the proposed reforms, no fewer than fifteen thousand armenians were assassinated, while the number of those rendered homeless and robbed of all their possessions, did not fall short of two hundred thousand. the places and dates exposed the aim of the hellish atrocities committed, and drove home the guilt to their authors and accomplices. on october , the sultan authorized kiamil pasha, his grand vizier, to accept the reforms proposed for the armenian provinces by the european powers, and to promise that they should be forthwith carried out. on the next day, october , when there had been ample time for the reception of orders telegraphed from constantinople, the kurds and turks throughout armenia, openly incited and assisted by the regular troops, entered on a scheme of wholesale murder and devastation. the purpose of this preconcerted iniquity, as disclosed by its disgraceful antecedents and its horrible results, was to vent upon the helpless armenians the venom and the spite engendered by enforced submission to the will of the christian powers. it was to enforce at one vindictive stroke the programme of extermination devised in , but prosecuted hitherto with some show of secrecy and caution. it was to make of armenia a solitude, and then with satanic mockery, to offer exact fulfilment of the pledge of peace and of reform. all the circumstances showed that with this flagitious rupture of the sultan's plighted word, the person directly and primarily chargeable was the sultan himself. he sanctioned the plot of extermination, if he did not personally concoct it in , the relentless though disavowed execution of which at last provoked the interposition of christian powers. no sooner had kiamil pasha been reluctantly permitted to agree to the reforms exacted for armenia, than he was summarily dismissed by abdul hamid from the grand vizierate, lest he should execute the agreement in good faith. the new ministers selected by the sultan were drawn mainly from the scum of constantinople, and their first act was to protest that time must be given to the porte for the proper enforcement of the reform project. time was needed to render reforms superfluous through the sweeping destruction of its intended beneficiaries. it was needed to perpetrate the design of annihilation on a scale of vast proportions. the sultan well wished to hide his privity to such a devilish transaction, but he dared not disavow his agents, lest they should divulge his instructions. accordingly, when high turkish officials, unmistakably implicated in the armenian enormities, were subjected to the nominal penalty of a recall at the imperative instance of england's representative, they were decorated and promoted by abdul hamid, whose secret aims and wishes were thus betrayed. on november , the kurds made an attack on harpoot, but were easily repulsed. on november , a party of the soldiers and leading turks met the kurds in conference, during the progress of which a bugle was sounded, at which signal the soldiers withdrew. the kurds thereupon advanced with yells. there was no effort on the part of the soldiers and armenians to resist, and the turks joined in the killing and plundering. the armenian school was burned, and then began an attack upon the christian quarter, the buildings in which were also set on fire. the christians were without weapons of any sort, and trusted entirely to the government to protect them. the armenians remained in the girls' seminary until that building was set on fire, and then they appealed to the governor for protection. they obtained a guard of soldiers, all but two of whom afterward deserted. these two remained and carried out the orders issued to them, to fight the fires which had been kindled. the burning continued for three days. the armenians were stripped of everything but their clothing. all the christian villages around were burned by the kurds. the outrages continued unchecked until the government at constantinople ordered the troops to take action. fourteen kurds were then shot, when the murders and pillaging ceased instantly. the districts of diarbekir, malatia, arabkir, kyin and palu were made desolate. thirty-five villages were destroyed, and thousands of the inhabitants embraced islamism in consequence of the pressure brought to bear upon them. the turkish troops which were on their way to zeitoun to suppress the trouble there, were concentrated at marash, where they awaited the return of the delegation sent to zeitoun to negotiate with the armenians in control there for their surrender. the government said they were projecting more extensive relief work, and would welcome foreign aid through a joint commission. despite this promise of greater relief, the government was bent on continuing the work of extermination--all promises to the contrary notwithstanding. the tidal wave of horror and indignation swept over europe, and found expression in most intense and emphatic speech; it was even felt in the cabinets of diplomacy and in constantinople. there seemed to be more iron in their blood and energy in their action and purpose in their speech. the general situation was not changed, but it was apparent that a change was about to take place. the representatives of the powers, some of whom were awaiting instructions from their governments in regard to the matter of sending additional guardboats into the bosphorus, seemed to be unanimous in their insistence on the issue of permits for the admission of such boats by the sultan, and the ambassadors held a meeting to consider the situation as presented by the sultan's refusal to permit the passage of the additional boats through the straits, and to decide on a concerted plan of action. for several days the wires were hot with the assertion that all the powers were united and determined to carry their demands to a successful termination. the sultan was unofficially informed that if he continued to maintain his stubborn attitude, a forced entry of the dardanelles would possibly be made. as previously, and with equal pertinence, at this hour of crisis the continental press devoted much space to the affairs of the orient, and the sultan was the recipient of much newspaper advice. one writer in particular urged him to remain master of the situation, and to show himself promptly disposed to fulfil his engagements. in that case the crisis would remain an internal one; but if it should assume an international aspect it would be peacefully adjusted on the basis of the maintenance of the integrity of turkey which would be asserted by france and russia, the two pacific powers. it was also telegraphed from constantinople that the czar, in reply to a personal appeal from the sultan, consented to waive the russian demand for a second guardship in the bosphorus. at the same time she was prepared to resent any aggressive action that england might undertake alone. the sultan knew very well that there would be no concerted action of the powers--that england and russia would never agree as to any joint action, and yet to give color of necessity to his refusal, it was given out that the powers had decided to depose him, using for this purpose the forces aboard the second guardship which they demanded should be permitted to enter the bosphorus. this was to stir up the populace against the powers. then to furnish another excuse the report was circulated that the sultan was in daily fear of sharing the fate of ishmail pasha at the hands of the softas and the young turkish party. the sultan's letter to lord salisbury was often quoted as a confirmation of the report that the sultan was panic stricken. it will be recalled that lord salisbury in his speech at the lord mayor's banquet on november th, declared that, if the sultan will not heartily resolve to do justice to them, the most ingenious constitution that can be framed will not avail to protect the armenians; that through the sultan alone can any real permanent blessings be conferred on his subjects. "what if the sultan," exclaimed the british prime minister-- "what if the sultan is not persuaded? i am bound to say that the news reaching us from constantinople does not give much cheerfulness in that respect. you will readily understand that i can only speak briefly on such a matter. it would be dangerous to express the opinions that are on my lips lest they injure the cause of peace and good order." these words seemed to be freighted with some ominous significance, and they would have been, if there had been any purpose to make them mean anything. in a remarkable letter to lord salisbury which he read publicly at a conference in london, the sultan used a most beseeching tone to show that the possible dissolution of his empire was lying heavy on his mind. it sounded like a most abject plea for mercy, a cry for the postponement of the fate which the powers seemed to be preparing for the terrified monarch. in this note the sultan said: "i repeat, i will execute the reforms. i will take the paper containing them, place it before me and see that it is put in force. this is my earnest determination and i give my word of honor, i wish lord salisbury to know this and i beg and desire his lordship, having confidence in these declarations, to make another speech by virtue of the friendly feeling and disposition he has for me and my country. i shall await the result of this message with the greatest anxiety." it will be noted that the sultan's communication contained no denial that there are wrongs to be remedied in the administration of his government in armenia and elsewhere. there is no plea that the terms of solemn treaty obligations have been observed. the letter is a tacit confession that the interposition of the powers as far as it had gone was justifiable and that the reports of the atrocities in asia minor, which were at first strenuously denied by the turkish government, were true. it was only a shrewd plea of helplessness to persuade the powers not to enforce their demands and nothing more. in his rejoinder to the sultan's letter, lord salisbury substantially admits the hopelessness of reform under the sultan's government as now constituted and administered. a few days after this correspondence the fear of the sultan seemed to have vanished, and he was brave enough to refuse permission to the powers to send extra guardboats into the bosphorus. at this time it looked as if sir philip currie, the british ambassador, would act alone, and that he really meant to force the passage of the dardanelles. but the sultan knew he would not dare to do it, and he knew also that the powers were not agreed to use force. england proved herself impotent before the crafty diplomacy of the timid sultan. it is folly at this day to pretend to believe that the sultan ever intended of his "spontaneous good-will" to protect the armenians even as human beings from the cruelty of kurd or turkish officials. the horrors of december and january give the lie direct to every promise made at constantinople. the sultan had outwitted england, if indeed england ever were in earnest, and by circulating a rumor of a turco-russian alliance, most effectually checked all danger of intervention by force--the only argument to which the turk will ever yield--and proceeded to commit yet greater crimes if that were possible. under the very eyes of the russian, english, and french delegates at moush, the witnesses who had the courage to speak the truth to the representatives of the powers were thrown into prison, and not a hand was raised to protect them: and within a stone's throw of the foreign consuls and the missionaries, loyal armenians were being hung up by the heels, the hair of their heads and beards plucked out one by one, their bodies branded with red-hot irons, and defiled in beastly ways, and their wives and daughters dishonored before their very eyes. and all that philanthropic england has to offer its protégés, for whose protection she holds cyprus as a pledge, is eloquent sympathy. she received cyprus by secret convention, and now holds it as the price of innocent blood. the rewards of iniquity are in her hand. it was worse than folly; it was the refinement of cruelty to send a commission to investigate the outrages in armenia, thereby irritating the turk to the height of possible fury as his deeds were proclaimed to the world and then leave him free to wreak his compressed wrath upon the christians for whose protection no hand would be uplifted. the powers saw armenia in misery, bleeding, dying, and passed by on the other side, saying, we are bound by the terms of the berlin treaty not to interfere with turkey in the administration of her domestic affairs; we are sorry for you; we wish the sultan would listen to our advice and not be quite so severe in his chastisement, but really you must have given him some cause for his anger. yes, such provocation as the lamb gave to the wolf that charged it with soiling the water, though it was drinking much farther down the stream. the humiliation of england as one of the great powers was complete when in the house of commons march th, in reply to questions that were put to him mr. curzon under secretary of foreign affairs was obliged to say that reports received by the government confirmed the statements that a great number of forced conversions from christianity to islamism were still being made in asia minor. under the circumstances of cruelty and systematic debauchery of defenceless christian women through the devastated districts of anatolia, he said, the british consuls in asia minor had been instructed to report such cases, and representations in regard to them were constantly being made to the government in constantinople. representations were constantly being made! what did the porte care for representations? how england was compelled to quaff the contempt even of the turk who laughs or sneers as his mood may be over these representations of english consuls and missionaries. the sublime porte--which means the sultan--cabled the turkish legation at washington to deny most emphatically the statements that appeared in the american religious press regarding forcible conversions to islam. the sublime porte affirmed that "the stories related therein are mere inventions of revolutionists, and their friends intended to attract the sympathy of credulous people. there is no forcible conversion to islamism in turkey and no animosity against protestantism." this is sublime impudence. the statements thus contradicted, represented conditions certified to by official reports, by careful investigations made by correspondents of newspapers in england and the united states, and by hundreds of private letters from persons in the region where the massacres occurred. moreover, this declaration of the sultan is contradicted by centuries of mohammedan history, by the ruins of ancient churches throughout all asia minor and mesopotamia, and by daily prayer concerning the christians:-- "oh allah make their children orphans, * * give them and their families * * their women, their children, * * their possessions and their race, their wealth and their lands as booty to the moslems, o lord of all creatures." the softas are, properly speaking, the pupils who are engaged in the study of mussulman theology and law in the medresses, or schools attached to the mosques, the range of their studies, however, being practically limited to learning to read the koran. the softas take their name from a corruption of the past-participle soukhte--burned--applied to them because they are supposed to be consumed by the love of study of sacred things, and devoted to a life of meditation. the softas follow their studies in the school building, sleeping and eating at the imaretts, where free lodgings and food are provided for them out of the legacies of the pious. if their families can afford to do so, they furnish them with clothing and bedding; if not, these are given to them from the same charitable fund. the number of softas is very large, for one reason because of their exemption from military service. after long-continued study of arabic, and the koran and its commentaries, the softa, after an examination which, though nominally arduous, is almost invariably passed successfully, takes the title of khodja. the khodja--khavadje, reader or singer--a scholar who has taken his diploma in the medresse, teaches for several years, in fact till he has conducted a class of softas through the same course he had himself taken, when, on application to the ministry of worship, at whose head is the sheikh-ul-islam, and, after a severe examination, he receives the title of ulema. the mussulman does not arrive at this dignity until he has reached the age of thirty or thirty-five. it confers numerous privileges, for those doctors escape military service, unless in the event of the djihad, or sacred war, and from their ranks are filled the judgeships, the curacies (so to speak) of the mosques, the professorships in the medresses, the trusteeships connected with the administration of the trust funds for pious and charitable purposes, etc., etc. the imaums--who are the real priests and have charge of the public religious service--are selected from among the ulema. the title of imaum comes from the arabic, and is the equivalent of leader or outpost. there is as a rule one imaum to each mosque of minor importance--messdjid--while two, or, at most, three, one of whom is designated the chief authority, are appointed to the principal mosques--djamis. even the ulema--the word is plural and signifies wise men--are subject to military duty when a holy war is proclaimed. the term softa includes all the grades above mentioned, from the imaum, or priest, to the softa proper, or mere students of the koran. they are usually distinguishable in turkey by wearing a white turban around their fez, or skull cap. sultan abdul medjid some years ago endeavored to induce his subjects to wear a european dress, and succeeded so far that almost without exception every one except the very lowest in the public service adopted it. but the softas to a man retain the old-fashioned baggy, slouchy dress which abdul medjid wished to get rid of. who can believe that through fear of the uprising of a few thousand softas, the sultan planned a fanatical uprising of the kurds in distant armenia. how could that benefit the softas save as it were permitted them to beat, kill and plunder the armenians in stamboul? if the fear of the softas prompted it, still what a heartless wretch to doom seventy-five thousand to death and hundreds of thousands to starvation and outrage when to admit the fleets of europe would have protected him from any possible insurrection in constantinople. the turkish government itself was directly and actively responsible for the outrages in asia minor; it not merely permitted, but actually ordered them. but there was in constantinople itself a most serious conspiracy against the dynasty, which threatened to turn out the sultan and revolutionize the whole form of government. as a sort of counter-irritant, which haply might cure this, the government might have indeed resorted to any extravagance or conduct elsewhere. more than one monarch has begun a foreign war to quell disaffection at home. why should not the porte think a general harrying of the armenians a ready way of allaying incipient disloyalty among the faithful? this conspiracy was made by what was known as the young turkey party. it included most of the softas, and students in all colleges, and many lawyers, doctors, officers of the army and navy, and even civil servants of the porte. back of these were multitudes of the general populace. there were many who denied abdul hamid's legal right to be sultan while his elder brother was living. there were others, numbered by millions, who held that the caliph must be an arab and that the sultan was therefore not to be recognized as the true commander of the faithful. moreover, many, indeed all the leaders of young turkey, demanded the carrying out of the hatt of , establishing a constitution and parliament, and denounced the suppression of that promised system as a gross breach of faith and wrong to the people of the empire. it may not be generally remembered; men's memories are so short; but it is a fact that a constitutional government was once officially proclaimed in turkey. the plan was conceived by midhat pasha, then grand vizier, and formally approved by the sultan. a constitution was promulgated. a parliament, consisting of a senate and an elective assembly, was created, and its first session was opened by abdul hamid in person on march , . later in the same year its second session was opened, and the sultan publicly declared that the constitution should thenceforth be the supreme law of the land, in practice as well as in theory. but before the end of the year one designing politician managed to get parliament involved in a corrupt job, and then, to avoid investigation, persuaded the sultan to issue a decree abrogating the constitution and abolishing parliament! it was a coup d'état, and it was successful; thanks largely to the indifference of the powers, and especially of england. the young turkey leaders demanded the restoration of the constitution. in order to accomplish that they proposed to get rid, in some way, of the sultan who first decreed and then abrogated that instrument. there were threats of assassination, and something like a reign of terror prevailed at yildiz kiosk. the sultan took as many precautions against treachery as ever did the russian czar. the man who brought about the abolition of the parliament by his rascality was a cabinet minister. he, too, was threatened with death. the strictest repression was practiced. the merest hint was enough to cause a man's arrest and summary execution. but in spite of all, the revolutionary movement grew. mysterious placards appeared on the walls, calling for fulfilment of the hatt of . the name of midhat pasha, who suffered martyrdom for having given turkey a constitution, was spoken now and then, in whispers only, but in tones of grateful reverence. a whisper of "the constitution," too, went round. army and navy were becoming secretly leavened with the idea. the sultan and his ministers did not know whom to trust. and now that we have seen what a fiasco this brilliantly projected great naval demonstration proved itself to be; and how cleverly the sultan played his pawns against castles and kings and queens, and checkmated all the powers of europe, we will leave him in his hell of infamy bathed in the blood of nearly a hundred thousand slain, with the voices of agonized and outraged mothers and daughters raining maledictions upon his accursed head, while we try to be patient until the rod of the almighty shall smite the wicked, till the day of reckoning and of vengeance shall come in the day of the lord at hand. we leave the sultan in his palace to the companionship, perhaps the guidance, of khalil rifaat pasha, the new grand vizier, the voice of history and the righteous judgments of god, but as for islam, as a system of government over christian populations, we can but pray daily for its speedy, utter and final overthrow. chapter ix. progress and power of christian missions in the ottoman empire. in the following pages have been gathered a few very important papers that will be of permanent value, but necessarily the limits are very narrow, and only a sketch of the beneficent influences of the sweet and holy gospel of jesus as it comes into the dark, and cruel and ignorant heart of moslem heathen, or breathes a new life into the dead forms of the ancient church of armenia can be given. it may, however, be the less regretted as the great missionary periodicals of every christian church have given to christendom for years the ever thrilling and precious story of the victories won by grace. it is to be hoped however that these papers will freshen the interest of the reader and increase his faith in the coming of the kingdom of christ--the kingdom of peace and good will and righteousness, wherein the terrible evils which prevail under the rule of islam shall never more be done, but the will of god be sweetly supreme. a chapter of mission history in turkey. by rev. h. o. dwight, of constantinople. the providential preparation for the opening of the mission of the american board at constantinople sixty years ago was sufficiently remarkable to warrant recalling the story. in the year a tract by the rev. jonas king on the necessity of studying the scriptures was published in syria. it was translated into armenian by bishop dionysius at beirût and sent in manuscript to an influential armenian at constantinople. its convincing words produced an extraordinary effect upon all who read them. minds largely ignorant of the bible and its teachings were aroused at once, to see the lacks of the armenian church in the matter of bible knowledge. a school, having for its principal object the education of the clergy, was established at the armenian patriarchate at constantinople, under charge of the eminent teacher peshtimiljian. a rule limiting ordinations for the priesthood in constantinople to graduates at this school was adopted, indicating slightly the ignorance which had been prevalent up to that time among the ordinary priesthood. peshtimiljian, the head master of the new school, was a learned man for his day and was also firm in his conviction that the bible is the sole standard of christian life and doctrine. thus it was that when five or six years later the missionaries of the board went to reside at constantinople, there to urge upon the people individual examination of the bible, their access to armenians was easy. they found a strong group in the armenian church who were already exercised with this question, although it was pathetically evident that they had no idea that any other branch of the christian church was equally interested in the gospel of jesus christ. it is noteworthy that all the first converts under the labors of the missionaries at constantinople and many of the later ones received their first impulse towards evangelical christianity from the school of peshtimiljian, and that, perhaps, before a missionary had reached constantinople. an impressive ceremony in the armenian patriarchal church in constantinople, held in september, , was part of the fruits of this remarkable movement. it was the first ordination of armenian priests under the new rule. fifteen young men, who had completed their studies in the school, were then solemnly set apart for the priest's office, and the missionaries were specially invited to be present at the ceremony. one of the men ordained on that day, the rev. kevork ardzrouni, had been brought into such relations to the missionaries, that after his ordination dr. goodell and dr. dwight could call upon him in his cell of retirement. as they were leaving, der kevork asked an interest in their prayers. it surely was not without significance in the after life of this priest that there, at the threshold of his church service, he received the benediction of that holy servant of god, rev. william goodell, who solemnly invoked upon him the descent of the holy spirit as they stood together in the cloisters of the armenian patriarchate. der kevork's name appears repeatedly in all the early records of the mission at constantinople. his early history was inseparably linked with the history of the founding of the mission. he himself, full of years and of good works, died at constantinople in january , at the age of one hundred and seven. from the first der kevork was prominent among the fifteen priests, ordained on that great day in , as a man of learning and of piety. during five or six years after his ordination he was one of the principal teachers in a great armenian school in hasskeuy, the religious influence of which he at least helped to make as pure and as strong as that of the mission school. he also spent much time at that early day in visiting from house to house among the people, reading the scriptures, and exhorting the people to obey the gospel message. wherever he was there was a quiet but powerful influence for the spread of evangelical ideas. then came the reaction against the evangelicals. the more ignorant and bigoted of the clergy looked with terror upon the influx of light among the common people. it seemed to promise only harm to ecclesiastics who had not, and cared not to have, spiritual understanding of the priestly duty. the reactionary party gained the control of the church, they secured the imprisonment and banishment of the evangelical leaders in the armenian church, and the excommunication and cruel persecution of all among the laity who persisted in claiming the right to read the bible and to judge by it of the value of the usages of the ancient church. der kevork was one of the pious priests imprisoned in and banished to a remote part of asia minor. the whole hope of reform in the armenian church seemed to be destroyed. the sultan made a proclamation against the protestants as enemies of the peace of the empire; the ecclesiastics, citing the fact that dr. hamlin did not make the sign of the cross or fast, officially asked for his expulsion from bebek; the american episcopal missionary added fuel to the flame by translating into armenian, for the edification of the reactionary party among the clergy, passages from the missionary herald, which he claimed showed a purpose to break up the church, and in print and in speech he denounced the missionaries of the board as infidels and "radicals." all these circumstances had their influence upon the mind of der kevork, and by the time this terrible persecution had led in to the organization of a separate evangelical church at constantinople, der kevork had decided to make his peace with his own church and to break off relations with the missionaries. in doing this he did violence to his conscience. but his hope that still he might be able to aid in reforming his church from within, offers sufficient justification for charity towards this pious priest. it was long before der kevork ventured to renew intimate relations with the missionaries and the evangelical armenians. i can remember, forty years ago, being taken by my father to see der kevork in his home in hasskeuy. there was evident constraint in their conversation, but the old affection of twenty years before still existed. and when the old man--for his beard even then was white as snow--laid his hand on my head and said, "god bless you, my son, and make you a good man!" it was like a blessing from a man of god. as the conscience of the venerable priest more and more resumed its sway over his life he became more and more earnest in teaching evangelical truth. his great age made it necessary some time ago for him to commit the principal part of his parish duties to an assistant, happily a kindred spirit. but his influence in the armenian church, especially during the last fifteen years, has been thoroughly and penetratingly the influence of a simple and pure-minded gospel christian. he had a standing order in the bible house for all new religious publications, and to the day of his death he loved to talk with missionaries and pastors of the evangelical church upon the things of the kingdom. his last sermon was preached at easter, , when he was carried in a chair to the church which he had served for more than half a century. there, supported by loving arms, he preached a most powerful discourse upon the duty of bible study and of conformity of life thereto in pure and spiritual piety and devotion to christ. the public life of this aged priest of the gregorian armenian church corresponded with the whole period of the existence of the american board's mission among the armenians. his spiritual life was largely determined by the influence of the fathers of that mission, and the outcome of his work was essentially on the same lines as the work of the mission. it is, then, a suggestive token of the great change which god had already effected in the armenian church that protestants and armenians joined in mourning his loss, and that both honored in him the same traits of character: a hearty love for the simple gospel and a life conformed to the life of jesus christ. have missions in turkey been a failure? by a. h. haigazian. university of chicago. it is only a short time that i have been in america; yet my intercourse with american friends has led me to this conclusion, that the people in general do not know what the missions have done in turkey. so far as i can judge, much has been said on the dark side of the mission work. it seems to me that even the missionaries who return home for a short rest, finding the people more interested with the funny customs of the old east; they are tempted to forget to tell more about the results of the missions. i thoroughly admit, that the need must be pictured before the eyes of the people as vividly as possible, and for this end the costumes and the beliefs of the natives are to be discussed. this must be done; but on the other hand, the results and the fruits of the sincere prayers and long toils should not be omitted. the former pleases the people but the latter encourages them. dear american friends, i assure you that the missions in turkey have not been a failure. your prayers and best wishes for turkey have been answered by the great master of the work. the mission's first and most important work has been in the establishment of many strong and evangelical churches in turkey. at this point you must remember that the main work of the missions in asiatic turkey has been among armenians. missionaries do not preach to moslems or mohammedans in turkey, as it is often supposed. neither do they preach to heathen. now the armenians had already accepted christianity in the beginning of the fourth century as a whole nation, and to this day they have kept christianity in their national church. but the intercourse with the greek and roman catholic churches, took out the vital element from the church. now the whole missionary effort is spent to reform the old armenian church; and to a great extent they are successful. i call the work of the missions in turkey only a reformation, nevertheless a great reformation. the attention of the people has been directed to the bible itself. the most important and principal doctrines of christianity have been preached to the souls in a more open and simple way. sunday schools, young men's and young women's christian associations and christian endeavor societies have been formed, which were almost unknown before the mission work. from the ignorant women of turkey have come out many hannahs and monicas. "jesus, lover of my soul," "my faith looks up to thee," "nearer, my god, to thee," and many other hymns which are used so much among you, are also the favorite hymns of these armenian evangelical churches. even the most ignorant woman sings them without having a hymn book in her hand. when you lift up your voices here in america in christian prayers and songs, be sure that at that moment, four thousand miles beyond in turkey, many voices have been lifted up with the same spirit towards heaven. yours and theirs ascend together up to the throne of almighty god. they have no such magnificent buildings for their churches as you have here. in many churches they have no organ or piano; a poor people. yet if you should see those protestant churches, their sincerity, their piety, and their love for the truth of god, you would surely say, "truly the gospel is preached to the poor." the educational work of the missions has been not less successful. the colleges and theological seminaries of the missions among those protestant churches can be well compared with the many colleges and the theological seminaries of america. and the graduates of these institutions are carrying on the work of the missions. we have there able professors, able preachers and successful revivalists and evangelists. dr. daniels, the secretary of the american board, recently in one of the congregational churches of chicago said: "our missionaries have laid the foundation, but our native preachers and professors are building up the rest." the congregations are made ready to hear more thoughtful sermons. don't think that it will be a very easy matter to preach in those churches. criticism of sermons is not confined to american and european churches. even the sermons of the missionaries are not so welcome as before. they are nowadays anxious to hear only the thoughts that come out from thoroughly educated minds. the cities of marash, aintab, etc., which are educational centers, are choosing their pastors from those who are educated in the american universities. the ideals of the people are going to be higher and higher. the present colleges and seminaries are being obliged almost every year to change their programs, to fit them to the conditions and wants of the people. missions have awakened an interest among the people in the musical department. vocal music is taught in every high school. haydn, handel, mozart, beethoven, etc., are familiar names to both educated young men and women. the "hallelujah chorus" of handel, and many other classic pieces are sung in social meetings. during these last years kindergartens have done much in the education of the young folks. the kindergartens of smyrna, cæsarea, aintab, marash and hadjin are very successful. those children can sing many english songs. "twinkle, twinkle, little star, how i wonder, what you are" is one which i have heard many times. even non-protestants are much attracted by this kind of education, and i think this is a good opportunity for missions. the third and last result of the missions which i will mention, is the social improvement among the natives. the poverty of the people has been a hindrance to this. yet the improvement on this point cannot be denied. an educated young man in armenia wears the dress of an american gentleman, with this difference, that, the former puts on his fez instead of hat. especially young women of the cities cannot be distinguished by their dress from european or american young women. these are some direct results of the missions. besides, the missions have done a great deal indirectly. non-protestant armenians also have been awakened to their duties. the preaching of the gospel is becoming more common among them, and i am sure there are hundreds of armenians, who do not call themselves protestants, who are in reality protestants. if so, then have missions been a failure? mrs. scott-stevenson in her book entitled "our ride through asia minor," severely criticises the missions, their aims and their methods. if she should criticise only their methods, i should agree with her in some degree; but to criticise the sacred aim of preaching the gospel is non-christian sentiment, and i am sure she must have taken those notes under the influences of the wines of turkey, which she seems very much delighted with. let me add one point more. the missionaries succeed better among armenians than among any christian sects in turkey. and why? simply because they love the truth. the history of the armenian church proves this. the history of the missions in turkey proves this. because their motto is progress. forward to a higher spirituality; forward to a higher education; forward to a higher civilization. and no wonder that they accept reformation so readily. they believe that the kingdom of god brings with itself all that which is necessary for a nation. and we cannot help but mention our hearty gratitude to the american board. thanks for their love of humanity; thanks for their liberal gifts; thanks for their prayers, and thanks for their missionaries. yet there is much to be done. we need more help. the harvest is ready--more reapers! the points thus far mentioned are pledges for a greater success. [the following paper was contributed to the "world's congress of missions," held at chicago in . the "parliament of religions" will long be remembered as the most remarkable gathering the world has yet seen of the defenders of the ethnic faiths of the world. representative men from the ends of the earth brought to this parliament the best religious thought of their respective faiths. it was the high water mark of that which the best and wisest of men have discovered or that has been revealed concerning god, duty and destiny.] modern triumphs of the gospel in the ottoman empire. rev. henry h. jessup, d. d. to recount the triumphs of the gospel in the ottoman empire would be to write the history of its moral, intellectual and social progress for the past seventy-five years. when pliny fisk and levi parsons sailed for jerusalem in the ottoman empire was virtually a "terra incognita." ruling over thirty-five millions of souls in southeastern europe, western asia and northern africa, of whom twelve millions were oriental christians, this great empire had not a school excepting the koranic medrisehs for boys in the mosques, and its vast populations were in a state of intellectual, moral and religious stagnation. these young americans were instructed to ascertain "what good could be done for jews, pagans, mohammedans and christians in egypt, syria, persia, armenia and other adjacent countries." fisk died in beirut in , and by his grave was planted a little cypress tree. parsons died in alexandria, and his grave is unknown. they both "died without the sight" of fruit from their labors. three-quarters of a century have passed, and to-day we are asked, what good has been done to jews, pagans, mohammedans and christians in this great empire? the work to be done in was formidable and the means seemingly contemptible. what could a handful of young men and women accomplish, coming from a distant land whose very existence was discredited, to an empire whose political and religious systems had been fossilized for centuries, where schools, books and bibles were unknown? for these inexperienced youth from the land of the pilgrims, reared in the air of civil and religious liberty, trained to hate all despotism, political or ecclesiastical, and to love a free press, free schools, and absolute freedom of conscience, to attempt to change public opinion and renovate society, to reform the oriental churches and liberalize islam, seemed a forlorn and desperate venture. seventy years have passed. sultans have risen and fallen. patriarchs and bishops remain, but turkey is not what it was in , and can never retrograde to those days of darkness. that little evergreen tree planted by pliny fisk's grave in the suburbs of a town of eight thousand population has grown to be a stately cypress tree in the very center of a city of ninety thousand people. overlooking it is a female seminary, a large church edifice, a sunday school hall, a printing house, which sends out more than twenty millions of pages annually. that little iron door to the east opens into a vault containing thirteen thousand electrotype plates of various editions of the arabic scriptures. within a radius of two miles are four christian colleges, seven female seminaries, sixty boys' day schools, thirty-one girls' schools, seventeen printing presses, and four large hospitals. the boys' and girls' schools belong to the protestants, catholics, greeks, muslims and jews, and sixteen thousand children are under instruction. scores of muslim girls are as familiar with the old testament prophecies with regard to christ as are our sunday school children at home. bibles, hymn books and christian literature, as well as scientific, historical and educational works, are scattered over the city and throughout the land. young syrian women, formerly shut up in ignorance and illiteracy, now enjoy the instruction of home libraries and useful periodicals, and even carry on discussions in the public press and write books of decided merit.... the outcome. i. the gospel has triumphed in securing in a great measure to the people of turkey that most precious treasure, religious liberty and freedom of conscience. in , every ottoman subject had a right to remain in his own sect and to think as his fathers thought before him. muslim could remain muslim, greek remain greek, armenian armenian, and maronite maronite. each sect was a walled enclosure with gates bolted and barred, and the only possible egress from any was into the fold of islam. the appearance of an open bible, the preaching of the gospel, free schools and open discussion of religious questions threw all things into confusion. not a few received the gospel and claimed the right to think for themselves.... anathemas, the major excommunication, stripes and imprisonment, intimidated some, but drove multitudes out of the oriental churches, and as the imperial laws regarded every man outside the traditional sects as an outlaw, exile, death, or recantation seemed their only possible fate. but these storms of persecution developed some of the noblest types of christian character. true heroic spirits, like asaad esh shidiak in lebanon, preferred death to submission to the doctrines of a priestly hierarchy. the maronite monastery of connobîn, near the cedars of lebanon, where he was walled up in a cell under the overhanging cliff and starved to death, has become memorable in syria as the scene of the first martyrdom for the evangelical faith in turkey in modern times. scourging, imprisonment and exile have been the lot of multitudes who have stood steadfast amid their sufferings. mr. butrus bistany, a young maronite scholar, who found the truth as luther found it, in a monastery, fled for his life to beirut, and remained concealed for two years in the american mission, fearing death at the hands of the spies of the patriarch. but he was spared to be a pillar in the protestant church, a learned arabic author, the assistant of eli smith in bible translation, and the biographer of asaad esh shidiak.... kamil abdul messiah, a youthful syrian convert to christianity from islam, who died in bussorah in june, , seemed baptized by the holy spirit and divinely instructed in the word of god. he grasped the vital truths of the gospel as by a heavenly instinct. he was a youth of pure life and lips, of faith and prayer, of courage and zeal, and he was mighty in the scriptures. in southern arabia he preached in the streets of towns, in arab camps, on the deck of coasting ships, and even in mosques. his journals read like chapters from the acts. his early death was a loss to the arab race, but his memory is fragrant with the aroma of a pure and godly life and example. time would fail us to recount the history of the able writers, the liberal christian merchants, the faithful pastors and teachers, the godly physicians, the self-denying poor, the patient, loving, and exemplary women, who have been christ's witnesses during these years of toil and prayer in syria. in november, , an imperial decree recognized native protestants as an independent community with a civil head. in the sultan gave a firman granting to protestants all the privileges given to other christian communities, and in another, declaring christians before the law equal in all respects to mohammedans, and the death penalty for apostasy from islam was abolished. this magna charta of protestant rights is the charter of liberty of conscience to all men in turkey. the ottoman government became to a great extent tolerant, and to-day, as compared with its northern muscovite neighbor, it is a model of toleration. there is no open legal persecution for conscience's sake. the bible in its various languages is distributed throughout the empire, with the imperial permit printed on the title page. there is not yet liberty to print controversial books touching the religion of islam, although islamic works attacking christianity are distributed openly, with official approbation. the censorship of the press is rigid, but the existing christian literature is rarely interfered with. the sheikh ul islam in constantinople recently replied officially to a european convert to islam who asked his aid in entering the mohammedan religion, that "religion is a matter between man and god, and that no sheikh or priest or mediator is needed in man's approach to his maker." this is one of the cardinal principles of christianity,--the difference consisting in this:--that while the sheikh ul islam probably meant to exclude even the mediation of christ, the gospel claims christ as the only mediator. it is also true that if any christian wishes to become a mohammedan he must go before the kadi, who summons the christian's religious minister to labor with him and examine his case before he is admitted to islam. that so much of religious liberty exists is cause for profound gratitude. ii. the social triumphs of gospel work in turkey appear in the transformation of the family and the elevation of woman. the mohammedan practice of the veiling and seclusion of woman and her exclusion from all social dignity and responsibilities rested like a blight on womankind among all the sects of the empire. even among the women of the non-muslim sects the veil became a necessary shield from insult. an exploration of the empire in failed to discover a single school for girls. american women were the first to break the spell, and after long and patient efforts the first school building for the instruction of girls in the ottoman empire was erected in beirut, in , at the expense of mrs. tod, an american lady in alexandria, and the teacher was mrs. sarah l. h. smith.... in , the first muslim school for girls was opened in beirut. they now have three girls' schools in the city, with five hundred pupils. thus far their girls' schools are confined to the great cities, and they have shown commendable zeal in erecting neat and commodious buildings. in syria and palestine there are now nine thousand and eighty-one girls under protestant instruction, and there are thousands in the greek and papal schools. the effects of female education prosecuted for so many years has been a palpable change in the status and dignity of woman. the light and comfort, the moral and intellectual elevation which have resulted are plain even to the casual observer. the mother is becoming the primary instructor of the children at home, and by precept and example their moral and religious guide. the indifference of the oriental christians and the opposition of the mohammedans to female education has been largely overcome. a mohammedan turkish lady in constantinople, fatimeh alia khanum, daughter of joudet pasha, has just published a novelette in turkish and arabic to show the superiority of the home life of turkish muslim women to that of european christian women. a protestant young lady of northern syria has taken a prize of $ for the best original arabic story illustrating the benefits of female education. another protestant young woman has recently published an arabic book on "society and social customs," and, on the eve of her departure for the columbian exposition, delivered a public lecture on the duty of ottoman subjects to support their own domestic manufacturers. it was largely attended by muslim sheikhs, turkish effendis and the public generally, and at the close a young jewess, a fellow-graduate with her from the american female seminary, arose and made an impromptu address in support of the speaker's views. too much cannot be said in admiration of the self-denying and successful labors of the american, english, scotch and german women who have toiled patiently through long years, and many of whom have sacrificed their lives to the elevation of their sisters in this great empire. educated and cultivated wives, mothers, sisters and daughters, all over the land, rise up and call them blessed. these happy oriental homes, neat and well ordered, their high character, their exemplary conduct, their intelligence and interest in the proper training of their own children and the best welfare of society, are among the noblest fruits of a revived christianity in the east. what is wanted to complete the symmetry of this picture of the intellectual progress of oriental women is that a deputation of mohammedan ladies should attend the great world's congress of women from all the nations, and explain to their sisters from christian and pagan empires wherein consists the excellency and glory of the veiling and seclusion of mohammedan women in harems and zenanas, and the permission to their men to have four legal wives and as many concubines as their right hands may acquire by purchase or capture. they should have the opportunity to explain the superiority of this system to that of christianity, under which woman is allowed the most complete liberty of action, is trusted and honored, and given the highest place in the great organized enterprises of benevolence, charity, religion and social reform, and in the relief of human suffering at home and abroad. iii. to protestant missions is due the modern intellectual and educational awakening of the whole empire. the american schools had been in operation forty years before the turkish government officially promulgated (in ), school laws, and instituted a scheme of governmental education. in there were twelve thousand five hundred elementary mosque schools for reading the koran, in which there were said to be half a million of students. in , according to the recently published ottoman reports, there were in the empire forty-one thousand six hundred and fifty-nine schools of all kinds, of which three thousand are probably christian and jewish. as there are thirty-five thousand five hundred and ninety-eight mosques in the empire, and each mosque is supposed to have its "medriseh" or school, there would appear to be about four thousand secular government schools not connected with the mosques, independent of ecclesiastical control by mollahs and sheikhs, and belonging to the imperial graded system of public instruction; yet many of the mosque schools have now been absorbed into the government system, so that there may be twenty thousand of these so-called secular government schools.... there are now in the empire eighty hundred and ninety-two protestant schools, with forty-three thousand and twenty-seven pupils. schools. boys. girls. total pupils. in syria and palestine , , , in egypt , , , in asia minor, etc. , , , --- ------ ------ ------ total , , , of these pupils twenty thousand are girls, a fact most potent and eloquent with regard to the future of these interesting peoples. there are thirty-one colleges, seminaries and boarding-schools for girls, of which eleven are taught by english and twenty by american ladies. in some of these schools young women are carried to the higher branches of science. in all of them the bible is taught as a daily text book. there are six american colleges for young men, the most of them well equipped and manned, taking the lead in academic and scientific training. the medical college in beirut has pupils from nearly all parts of the empire. the standard of instruction is kept as high as the circumstances of the different provinces will admit, and the education given is thoroughly biblical and christian. and there are no more upright, intelligent, useful, loyal and progressive subjects of the sultan today than the graduates of these colleges. iv. the fourth evidence of the gospel's triumph is the translation of the bible into all the languages of the empire, and the publication of a vast mass of religious, educational, historical, and scientific books. the bible is now printed in eleven languages and made available to all the people of the empire. about fifteen hundred different books have been published in these various languages, of which nearly seven hundred are from the arabic press in beirut. the arabic bible is sent to the whole arabic reading mohammedan world. the literary, scientific, historical and religious books also have a wide circulation. seventy years ago there were neither books nor readers. now the hundreds of thousands of readers can find books in their own tongue, and to suit every taste. there are children's illustrated books for the school and the fireside, stories and histories for the young, solid historical, theological, and instructive works for the old, and scientific books and periodicals for students. bunyan, d'aubigné, edwards, alexander, moody, and spurgeon are speaking to the orientals. richard newton instructs and delights the children. eli smith, van dyck, and post, meshaka and bistany, nofel and wortabet, instruct the scholarly and educated, while mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, chemistry, and medicine, geology and meteorology carry students on to the higher departments of learning. tracts and sunday school lesson books abound, and periodical literature supplies the present daily wants of society. the american arabic press, founded in malta in , and in beirut in , set in motion the forces which have now filled all the great cities of the empire with presses and newspapers, and awakened the people to a new intellectual life. the beirut press alone has printed five hundred millions of pages in arabic. the bible and the koran are now the two religious books of the empire. the koran is in one language for one sect, and cannot be translated, and any copy of the koran found in the possession of a native christian or a european traveler is confiscated. the bible is in eleven languages and is freely offered for sale to all. sixty thousand copies of the scriptures are sold annually in the turkish empire. the outlook. . russia is straining every nerve to destroy protestant schools as endangering the political solidarity of the greek church and thus hostile to her prestige and future influence in turkey. . republican france, having exiled the jesuits as intolerable at home, finds them pliant tools of her political schemes abroad and subsidizes them heavily with money and diplomatic support in thwarting protestant missions. . the civil policy of the turkish government is "turkey for the turks." this means virtually filling all the offices of the empire with mohammedans, thus gradually closing every avenue of public official employment and promotion to the six millions of the christian population, who are far in advance of the muslims in education and intelligence. we do not here dispute the right or the political sagacity of this new régime. but its natural result is seen in the emigration of thousands of the most energetic and enlightened young men to foreign lands. protestant schools are endangered by losing their trained teachers, and the churches by losing their best members and the material for their future pastors, and the cause of self-support is gravely imperilled. but though thus threatened protestantism is secured. . by the wide distribution of the scriptures. the hundreds of thousands of bibles in the hands of the people will make the extinction of protestantism impossible unless the people themselves are exterminated. . by the wide diffusion of education and the founding of so many protestant colleges and seminaries which have come to turkey to stay. . by the deep-rooted faith and personal convictions of tens of thousands who believe in the right of individual judgment in religion and in the supremacy of conscience enlightened by the word of god. fifty thousand protestants in the empire can be depended upon to hold their own, even were all foreign missionaries to be withdrawn. . by the vast body of christian literature and the power of the journalistic press, which are inconsistent with a recoil into the domain of priestly tyranny and the stifling of the human conscience. protestantism as a principle is steadily growing in every sect in the empire. the ark of god is safe in this land. let us work on in patience and good cheer, with gratitude and unquestioning faith. chapter x. the kurds and armenians. turkish armenia, the northwestern division of kurdestan, is a great plateau of nearly sixty thousand square miles, bounded on the north by the russian frontier, by persia on the east, the plains of mesopotamia on the west, and asia minor on the south. there are in all, at the present time, about four million armenians on the globe, of whom little more than half are in turkey, and the rest in russia, persia, other asiatic countries, europe and america. in armenia--the name and geographical existence of which are not recognized in turkey--there are probably six hundred thousand native armenians, or one-fourth of the whole number that are scattered throughout the porte's dominions. the climate is temperate and bracing. facilities for travel and transportation are exceedingly meagre, and all the methods employed by the natives are unusually primitive. "valis," or municipal governors, are appointed by the government at constantinople to administer the laws, and none but moslems hold official positions. among the population are found many races, including turks, kurds, russians, circassians, and jews, besides native armenians. fully one-half the people are mohammedan. the kurds lead a pastoral and predatory life, dwelling in mountain villages over the entire region. their number is uncertain, but it is estimated that in the villages of erzeroum, van and bitlis there are not less than six hundred thousand. some of these tribes are migratory, like the bedouins of syria. almost all are warlike, and many have degenerated into lawless brigands. for centuries they have made serfs of the christians, trampling them under foot at every opportunity, and extending to them no toleration whatsoever. these rude mountaineers delight in bloodshed and pillage, and it was their oppression of the armenian villagers which precipitated the distress in sassoun, moush, bitlis, and the surrounding country. the kurdish costumes are picturesque, and nearly all the tribesmen are magnificent horsemen. the government at constantinople organized them as a military force, and bestowed the name "hamidieh" on their cavalry regiments, but their spirit, like that of the wild arab, the cossack, or the north american indian, is one that scarcely brooks the restraints of military discipline. they were always formidably armed, and weapons in the hands of such a war-loving race were an incentive to disturbance and outrage. they spread universal terror among the armenians by their cruelty and frightful excesses for many centuries, but it was reserved for our own time to witness the exhibition of barbarism on their part that filled europe and america with horror. kurdestan, which is a name very common in the east, is no more than a geographical appellation for the entire country inhabited by the kurds. its area is estimated at more than fifty thousand square miles. this region has no political boundaries, but includes both persian and turkish territory. it may be said to extend from turkish armenia, on the north, to the plains of the middle tigris, and the luristan mountains, on the south. it contains many other people besides kurds, such as turks, nestorians, chaldeans, persians and armenians. the origin and ancestry of the kurds, like that of most eastern nations, is still unsettled among ethnologists. they stand among the asiatic races, like the basques and lapps in europe, wrapt in obscurity. they are a people without a literature, and almost without a history. they number about two millions, six hundred thousand of whom are under persia, the rest being under turkey. they are divided into many independent tribes; the tribal feeling is very strong, a very fortunate thing for turkey and persia, for could the kurds be firmly united these empires might often suffer much at their hands. some of them are nomadic, not, however, wandering indefinitely, for they have well defined circuits which they make annually. but some of them are agricultural people, who live in villages, tilling ground on the plains and hillsides. it is amusing to notice them on their way to their work, dragging along their sluggish limbs, as though they might drop asleep at any moment. they will waste two hours before they even start to work. after an hour of pretended labor, in which they have really accomplished nothing, they will have to sit down and smoke awhile. but look at the kurd as he rides his arabian steed, gun on shoulder, sword at side and spear in hand--a veritable angel of death. his dark eyes and gloomy countenance are fearful to look upon. these warriors sleep most of the day, and at sunset start on their robbing expeditions. they descend to the numerous villages in the valleys and drive away the cattle and flocks, no one daring to oppose them, as their very name strikes terror to the hearts of the people. robbing is their business, and they believe that god created them for this purpose only. one who has conversed with many of them, asked them why they steal. they answered that every man has some occupation; one is a judge, one a merchant, one a farmer, and "we are robbers." they make their living in this way. "why don't you work?" "we do not know how to work." "why do you kill people?" "when we meet a man that we wish to rob, if we find him stronger than ourselves, we have to kill him in order to rob him." "but you are liable to be killed some day." "we must die at some time," they answer, "what is the difference between dying now and a few days hence?" the kurds are profoundly ignorant and stupid, with neither books nor schools. of the whole race not one in ten thousand can read. the most of the summer they live in tents in the cool places on the mountain slopes and valleys. their winter houses are built underground, most of them having a single room with one or two small holes at the top for light. this serves for a bedroom, parlor, kitchen and stable. in the daytime they are all away; towards sunset they come in, one by one, at least a score of men, women and children; but already the hens have found their resting place; sheep, oxen and horses each in their corner. after it is quite dark, coarse, stale bread and sour milk are brought out for supper. two spoons and one big dish are sufficient for all; each in his turn tries the spoon. of course this is always done in the dark, as they have no lights. now it is bedtime and one after another finds his place under the same quilt without a pillow or bed. in a few minutes all are fast asleep, and soon the heavy breathing and snoring of men and cattle is mingled, and the effect is anything but a sweet sound. the temperature of the room is sometimes as high as a hundred, and swarms of fleas (one of which would be enough to disturb the rest of an entire american family) attack the wild kurd, but he stirs not until morning, the fleas being exhausted sooner than the men. their women wear an exceedingly picturesque costume. they have dark complexions, with eyes and hair intensely black. their beauty is not of a refined type, but by a mass of paint is made sufficiently attractive for their easily pleased husbands. almost all the work, both in and out of doors, is done by them. early in the morning, when they are through their home work, they hasten to the field to attend the flocks, or gather fuel for use in winter. in the evening they come in with large burdens on their backs, which appear to be quite enough for two donkeys to carry. so industrious are they, that they frequently spin on their way to and from work, singing all the while, apparently as happy as if all the world were theirs. this industry the men do not appreciate, or reward. they will not hesitate, when it is raining, to drag the women from the tent, in order to make room for a favorite steed. this country of kurdestan is filled with wonderful ruins. on its western border is an inscription upon the face of a cliff which was written by nebuchadnezzar when he came to conquer this country. in the city of farkin, only five miles from kilise, there are most magnificent ruins of churches, castles and towers. the columns still standing in one of these ruined churches are about twelve feet high and over two feet in diameter and above the arches thus supported is another corresponding series. this church is closely surrounded with a great many graves--thousands of them--so that the church is often spoken of as "the church of martyrs." in all probability these are some of the ruins with which tamerlane filled the land at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and these are the remains of the splendid christian civilization which he so ruthlessly destroyed, and the kurdish-armenians are the descendants of the few armenians who accepted of islam to save themselves and their families from utter destruction. compulsory conversion to islam is still the order of the day in all the desolated districts of turkish-armenia. armenia in the mountains. the following tour through the heart of armenia and part of kurdestan is prepared that the reader may follow more easily the course of the whirlwind of death and desolation that was soon to sweep down from the upper valleys of ararat far out upon the plains until it met the cyclone from the west and enveloped the whole land in misery, destitution and despair, filled all the air of heaven with the shrieks and agonies of the tortured and the dying martyrs for the faith once delivered to the saints. we enter the valley at kharput or harpoot, which is situated in the valley of the murad, the eastern branch of the euphrates river. coming into the valley from the west, we find ourselves in the midst of a well-cultivated district, and as we advance the villages become numerous. the city is situated upon rising ground, which is bounded by a long line of steep, flat-topped heights. the approach from the south presents a most striking appearance as we ascend by a steep, winding path the narrow ravine reaching up to the plateau above, where at the base of the ruined walls of a medieval castle, nestle the buildings of a part of the armenian quarter--the rest of the city spreading out to the verge of the hill. from this height, a thousand feet above the lower ground, there is a superb prospect over the rich plain studded with villages and bounded on the south by the taurus range, which contains the sources of the tigris and separates this country from the lowlands of mesopotamia. to the east and west lie an expanse of undulating ground, stretching on the one hand towards the murad, into which this district drains, on the other in the direction of the euphrates. the length of this plain to the foot of the taurus is about fifteen miles, while the murad is about the same distance eastward. this plain is a most beautiful sight in the spring time, when the whole is one vast carpet of green. according to the natives, the number of the villages it contains is three hundred and sixty-five, and they also claim this place was the site of eden--they even point out the place where adam first saw the light. the houses of the missionaries of the american board and the college buildings, all of which were laid in ruins, were built not far from the edge of the high precipitous cliff and commanded this beautiful prospect. the elevation of kharput, or harpoot, is about four thousand five hundred feet above sea level. from its strategic position it has been occupied by a city from very early times. it is now the leading city in the province and has about five thousand houses--five hundred armenian, the rest turkish, while the villages in the plains are occupied almost entirely by the armenians. these villages were almost swept off the earth during the harpoot massacres. the armenian college was the finest in eastern turkey and the value of mission property destroyed was upwards of $ , . a day's journey up the eastern branch of the euphrates brings us to the castle-rock of palu. this rock is nine hundred feet above the river and on its summit is the town of about one thousand five hundred houses. palu has the honor of being the dwelling place of st. mesrob, the saint who invented the armenian alphabet about a. d., and translated the scriptures into that tongue. his name is still in great repute in his native country. if we should leave the valley of the euphrates to the northward, five hours of steep climbing would bring us to the top of the mountain ridge that overlooks the great plain of moush, which stretches forty miles away to the eastward towards lake van. from the top of this ridge to the monastery of st. john the baptist the road is one of the most beautiful in all armenia, as it follows a terrace path along the mountain side through low forests, commanding a succession of beautiful views into the valley of the euphrates. on rounding a shoulder of the mountain we have the first sight of the towers of the monastery, which occupies a small table of ground with very steep slopes both above and below it, at an elevation of six thousand feet above the sea and about two thousand above the plain. this monastery was founded by st. gregory the illuminator, the apostle of the armenians, having in residence before the massacres twenty monks and one hundred lay brethren under the care of the superior. some of these priests were highly educated, speaking french fluently beside armenian and turkish. but all these monasteries were utterly destroyed by the kurds in the late savage raids. the town of moush is nearly a day's ride up the euphrates valley from the point where the road down the mountains from the monastery reaches the river. the plain is one of great beauty--quite productive, growing fine harvests of wheat. fine gardens are found about the villages which nestle in the ravines which put up into the taurus mountains on the south side of the plain. at the head of one of these narrow valleys is the city of moush of three thousand houses, about one-fourth of them belonging to armenians. the hillsides are devoted to gardens and vineyards which flourish here, though the elevation is four thousand feet above the sea. this plain was swept with the wind of desolation at the time of the sassoun massacre. as we continue our journey up the valley we rapidly rise above the plain into the mountains which separate the valley of moush from lake van. a few hours' ride from nurshin, the last armenian village, takes us through a mountain pass about six thousand feet high, into the territory of the kurds--kurdestan. we take this way that we may more readily understand how the kurds and the turks could make such awful havoc of the armenians when they were "let loose" upon them. when the head of this pass is reached, we are at a point of some geographical interest. it is one of nature's great crossroads. the waters from this mountain plateau, flow north and westward down the valley of moush into the euphrates, another valley opens eastward and downwards into lake van, and another southwards into the tigris. it is somewhat similar to the water shed in the rocky mountains above leadville, col., where, from the same marshy plateau, the waters flow southward, forming the arkansas, and so through the royal gorge, into the plains of colorado eastward, and also westward and southward into the grand river, through a most magnificent and beautiful canon, past glenwood springs and so into the colorado river and the gulf of california. let us turn southward and make an excursion to bitlis before resuming the journey to van. at various points in this high mountain valley are massively built stone khans which are intended as refuges for travelers at unfavorable seasons of the year. they make considerable pretensions to architectural beauty, having portals and arched recesses and are of great antiquity. three hours' hard riding down a bare stony valley would bring us to the entrance of bitlis. when approached from this side bitlis comes upon us as a surprise, for until you are within it, there is nothing but a few trees to suggest that an inhabited place is near. it lies completely below the level of the upper valley which here suddenly makes a sheer descent so that the river which has now been swelled into a fair sized torrent, breaks into rapids and cataracts in its passage through the town. in the middle of the place it is joined by another stream from the mountains towards the northwest: and the buildings climb up the hillsides at the meeting of these valleys, rising one above another with a striking effect. thus the tigris breaks its way through deep chasms below, and for several days' journey descends with great rapidity to the lower country. we will be struck with the massiveness of the stone built houses with large courts and gardens and abundance of trees surrounded with strong walls, the coping stones of which are constructed so as to rise to a sharp angle at the top. in the middle of the town between the two streams rises the castle, occupying a platform of rock, the sides of which fall away precipitously and like all the cliffs around have vertical cleavings. the space which it covers is large, and it forms a very conspicuous object with its square and circular towers following the broken surface of the ground. there is a dull tone however, about the town, because of the brown sandstone which is used in its construction, being of the same hue as the bare mountains about it. remember that now we are on the southern slope of the mountains facing arabia, and the climate is milder than in the valley of moush. the elevation is four thousand seven hundred feet and the thermometer rarely falls below zero in winter. at bitlis is a missionary station in charge of rev. mr. knapp. the kurdish mountains rise about the city in bare, cold grandeur. these summits are the conclusion of the taurus chain. they are the niphates of antiquity, on the highest peak of which milton makes his satan to alight. [par. lost iii. , "nor stayed, till on niphates' top he lights."] the castle is said to have been built by alexander the great. bitlis was the site of an ancient armenian city and was strongly fortified in the days of the saracens. it recently contained thirty thousand inhabitants, ten thousand being armenians. this city was the scene of a terrible slaughter and being determined that the armenians who were left should perish by starvation, the porte placed mr. knapp under arrest for treason and ordered him taken to constantinople for trial before united states minister terrell. returning up to the head waters of the tigris we next see a level plain extending eastward, hemmed in on either side by lofty mountains. here in august are wheatfields extending up the hillsides to quite an elevation, showing what the harvests of that region might become under safe and careful husbandry. five hours' journey from bitlis brings us to the opening of the valley eastward, and as mountain ranges go sweeping around to the north and to the south, suddenly lake van bursts upon our astonished vision in all its beauty and grandeur. fed by the snow upon the mountains, but with no visible outlet, lake van is about twice the size of lake geneva, as it lies in a hollow of these highlands five thousand feet above the tide. its extreme length is ninety miles, its breadth where widest is thirty miles. this mountain lake is only five hundred feet lower than the highest sources of the tigris. on the northwestern shore of the lake are the remarkable ruins of the very ancient armenian city of akhlat, on the north mount sipan, an extinct volcano with most imposing form and lofty summit, while on the southeastern shore is the castle rock of van, which, without exaggeration may be spoken of as one of the wonders of the world from its extraordinary formation, its rock-hewn chambers and its cuneiform inscriptions. coming down to the lake on its western shore and skirting it northwards, the little valleys are found full of copious springs surrounded by willows and poplars and an abundance of most luxuriant grass. orchards filled with walnut, plum and apricot trees delight the eyes, and the apricots also the palate, being of excellent flavor. the ruins of akhlat may be said to consist of three parts, the gardens on the upper, the ruined city on the second level and the castle one half mile distant on the lake shore. in the steep sandstone cliffs which wall in the ruined city, are numerous caves and also many artificial chambers, some of which were inhabited as late as as many doubtless now are in all parts of the mountains by the destitute armenians. the most of the ruins here are of a saracenic style of architecture. the castle is a large rectangular fortress measuring six hundred yards from the sea to the crest of the hill and three hundred yards across, having two gates which stand opposite to one another in the middle of the eastern and the western wall. two ancient mosques, some fruit trees and ten inhabited cottages are the inventory of its contents. we must cut short the trip up mount sipan which is fourteen thousand feet high, for the sail in a very cumbrous craft across the lake to the city of van. it takes about four hours' sailing to reach the landing place which is about a mile from the city proper. immediately from the shore rises a curious mass of rocks commanding a most beautiful view. the slopes of the sides are protected by a succession of irregular walls, whose long outline is diversified by towers and other fortifications, and a minaret. this rock is three hundred feet high and runs due east from the lake about two-thirds of a mile. at either end it rises by a gradual ascent and on its summit are two forts and a central castle. the city which is an irregular oblong lies entirely beneath this rock to the south, and is enclosed by lines of turkish walls with battlements. the famous inscriptions are found for the greater part on this side of the rock, the most important one occupying an inaccessible position halfway up the face of the cliff. this inscription is trilingual being written in three parallel columns and is much later in date than some of the others that are found there. it commemorates the exploits of xerxes the son of darius, and is very nearly word for word the same as those of that king at hamadan and persepolis. when it was copied, a telescope was required to read it. here we see the turks in large turbans and flowing robes, wild looking kurds in sheepskin jackets, persians in tall felt hats, and the armenians in their more moderate dress. there is a christian assistant-governor here. he is supposed to have much power, but in reality has very little, being not much more than a convenient agent to the governor. but his position has this advantage that he is only removable by the central government at constantinople, and not at the will of the pasha for the time being. the assistant-governor is an armenian and speaks both french and italian well. the city contains about thirty thousand population of whom three-fourths are armenians. on account of the nearness of the persian frontier which is only sixteen hours off (about fifty miles) there is kept in the city a garrison of four hundred soldiers. the view from the summit is most enchanting for on the one side lies the expanse of the blue sparkling lake with its circuit of mountains--not unlike great salt lake with the wasatch mountains to the east and the beautiful plain stretching to the north and the south, and the mountains away to the west. the fortifications at the shore end of the rock are of most massive stones, and are attributed to semiramis, as in old armenian books van was called shemiramagard or the city of semiramis who made of it her summer capital. the story of her love for the king of armenia may be familiar. she had heard of the remarkable personal beauty and wisdom of ara the king and sent ambassadors offering him her hand and crown and love, and upon his spurning the offer and the dishonorable proposals attending it, she declared war against him giving orders that the king should not be slain. she was greatly distressed when she heard he had fallen in battle and before she left for nineveh she had six hundred architects and twelve thousand workmen employed in erecting this new city for her summer residence. the gardens of van which stretch for several miles to the south and southeast were her glory and pride. copious rivulets and streams with careful irrigation have made these gardens famous throughout the east. van was the only city which successfully resisted the kurdish cavalry and the turkish soldiers. it became the center also of dr. kimball's great relief work which was carried on through the generous aid furnished by the relief fund of the christian herald of new york. the mountains of ararat, rise about sixty miles north of lake van. after crossing the mountain divide which separates the watershed of van from that of ararat, a valley opens out to the northeast. it was one of the highways for the armies of the middle ages and the head of the valley was once a strongly fortified city. here were erected the fortresses that protected the eastern frontier of the byzantine empire when it stood at the zenith of its power. continuing our journey northwards the upland pastures are soon reached and the kurdish encampments with their black tents begin to be very numerous. but being armed with a firman from the porte, and with an official escort we pass on without serious trouble. now we come upon a large encampment with numerous tents stretching along the course of a clear mountain stream. the men are a wild, surly looking set with hair streaming down in long straggling locks. all of course are fully armed. the possessions of these nomad kurds may be seen about the encampment--sheep, goats, oxen, cows, herds of horses, big mastiff dogs and greyhounds clothed with small coats. a first look at the kurdish tents gives a person the idea that they are chilly habitations, but there are tents within tents or separate rooms partitioned off, having a plentiful supply of carpets, rugs and pillows that are very comfortable indeed even in the cold nights they have at that elevation of nearly eight thousand feet. resuming our journey and soon after crossing a ridge a thousand feet higher than the valley where we have rested--the whole mass of ararat--not merely the snow capped dome--suddenly reveals itself from base to summit--a most splendid sight. although the summit of great ararat, which has an elevation of seventeen thousand nine hundred and sixteen feet, yields in height to the peaks of the caucasus in the north and to demavend (nineteen thousand four hundred feet) in the east, nearly five hundred miles away, yet, as bryce in his admirable book has observed, there can be but few other places in the world where a mountain so lofty rises from a plain so low. the summit of great ararat has the form of a dome and is covered with perpetual snow; this dome crowns an oval figure, the length of which is from northwest to southeast, and it is therefore the long side of this dome which we see from the valley of the araxes. on the southeast, as we follow the outline farther, the slope falls at a more rapid gradient of from thirty to thirty-five degrees and ends in the saddle between the two mountains at a height of nearly nine thousand feet. from that point it is the shape of the little ararat which continues the outline towards the east; it rises in the shape of a graceful pyramid to the height of twelve thousand eight hundred and forty feet, and its summit is distant from that of great ararat a space of nearly seven miles. the southeastern slope of the lesser ararat corresponds to the northwestern slope of the greater mountain and descends to the floor of the river valley in a long and regular train. this mountain forms the boundary stone of three great empires, the northern slopes of great ararat belong to russia, the southern slopes to turkey, while a portion of little ararat belongs to persia. from ararat it is a six days' journey to erzeroum along what may be called the roof of western asia--these elevated plains being about six thousand feet high, and forming the watershed between the persian gulf and the caspian sea. while its own barrenness is as wearisome to the eye as the plains of wyoming from laramie to the wasatch mountains, it is constantly sending forth its streams to fertilize the far off plains to the east and the south. from the western slope of ararat the euphrates takes its rise--rapidly cuts for itself a deep bed through steep walls of rock. half a day's journey down the river brings us in sight of the monastery of utch keliseh or "three churches." only one, however, can be discovered--but that is the finest ecclesiastical building in all ancient armenia, though in a sad state of disrepair, having been sacked by the kurds a few years ago. it is built of large blocks of black and grey stone. it has both round and pointed arches; the western door has a rude cable moulding over it, and much interlaced ornament. but it would take the pen of a ruskin and numerous photographs to make the stones of this old church as eloquent as the stones of venice, although the story they could tell would be far more tragic than any story told beside the murmuring waves of the adriatic. these ruined monasteries and churches tell us of a superior order of architecture for the houses also in the days of prosperity, but now the poverty of the villagers is described by their dwellings which are sometimes large in area, with low stone wall, flat roofs, the living-room raised but a foot or two above the floor of the stables. here they are obliged to live--during the bitter cold winter--the warmth from the presence of the cattle being necessary to keep themselves from perishing, and for the sake of the heat, the smells and the noises are endured. another day's travel will bring us through delibaba pass which is a succession of hills and valleys leading into the plains northward. after many miles of travel across the broad plain through which runs the araxes eastward, the steep climbing of two extended ridges brings us to the top of the mountain slope that stretches down into the plain of erzeroum, the city being built on the hillsides before they sweep out into the plain. erzeroum is the most important place in armenia. the site is that of an ancient city as it commands the pass on the main line of communication between the black sea and persia and is just on the edge of a wide and fertile plain. the population which was once very large has declined of late years, and is now only about fifty thousand. about two-thirds are armenians. owing to its elevation, six thousand feet, and the fact that it lies on the north side of the range hence open to the blasts from the black sea it is very cold in winter. about two thousand of the people are persians, and the great carrying trade is largely in their hands. they enjoy great freedom and consideration. the journey from erzeroum lies westward across the plain for three hours to the foot hills from which issue the "hot springs," where anatolius is said to have established his famous baths. in the mountains north of erzeroum, six hours distant, are the sources of the western branch of the euphrates river and from the warm springs the route lies along the hills overlooking the course of the winding river. crossing the river the road skirts the broad and ever-winding valley of the frat as this branch of the euphrates is called at erzeroum--until turning into a narrow rocky gorge the road begins to climb the sides of the lofty kop dagh which is the great barrier between erzeroum and baiburt on the road to trebizond, and forms the watershed between the valleys of the euphrates and the black sea. the road has been finely engineered and the rise is one of easy ascent, but the roadbed is somewhat out of repair, the smaller bridges are all but impassable. the higher the ascent the grander the views become over the successive mountain ranges to the south and the long depression that marks the course of the frat, while the wild storms that go sweeping over the sky in that direction add to the grandeur of the effect. imagine a sunset from the summit of this pass which is nearly eight thousand feet above sea level, and then the rapid plunge down the mountain side under deepening shadows to the large khan at its base called kop khané, which is the natural starting point or resting place for all those who cross the pass of kop dagh. this is a magnificent view across and down a wide valley bounded by lofty mountains, and through it runs the river tchoruk, which flowing northwards then westward empties itself into the black sea at batoum. the town of baiburt lies on either side of this river. the river banks are flanked by extensive gardens with fruit and vegetables and large poplar plantations, while directly opposite stands the lofty castle hill crowned with a long and varied line of fortifications. baiburt is a considerable town of two thousand houses, three hundred of which are inhabited by christians. this fine old castle was built centuries ago by the armenians, but had been captured and restored by the seljukian turks. but we will not linger longer here. a little farther on is the village of varzahan which possesses some very interesting ruins of mediæval armenian edifices of elaborate designs. our way now lies over granite mountains, wild and bare, though with some elements of grandeur about them. large flocks of broadtailed sheep are feeding in the narrow valleys as we carefully pick our way along the road which is hardly more than a mountain path. the first view of the sea after crossing the chill, bleak mountains that divide armenia from the coast, has a most inspiring effect. away to the northeast rise the snow capped mountains of lazistan, and completing all, the expanse of the soft, blue euxine. our ride is now along terrace paths cut in the forests, everywhere embowered in trees. every turn in the road opens up some new vista of beauty. the greek villages on the hillsides present a prosperous appearance and an aspect of comfort. the faces that we see wear the bright, quick look which characterizes the greek face. this is in striking contrast with the careworn look of the people of armenia, where even the children had none of the brightness of other children: the life seemed too hard, the surroundings too dull, the lowering storms of persecution too near for even the children to smile. the appearance of trebizond as we approach it from the east is singularly pretty. the suburbs, on that side, are the starting places of the numerous caravans that are fitted out for persia, then comes the extensive christian quarters and the walled town inhabited by the turks, which is the site of an ancient byzantine city. the total population is estimated at about thirty-two thousand, of whom two thousand are armenians, seven or eight thousand greeks, and the rest, with but a sprinkling of foreigners are turks. the city was glorious in the days of tamerlane. ancient writers were enthusiastic in their praises of its lofty towers, of the churches and monasteries in the suburbs; especially charming were its gardens and orchards and olive groves which the delightful but humid climate is so well suited to foster. nature lovingly smiles upon it still, but the handful of scattered christians, the ruins of stately churches and monasteries and walls all tell the same story of the conquest and heartless rule of the turk, and emphasize with silent but pathetic eloquence the moaning cry for deliverance that rose up from prostrate and bleeding armenia. as we have traveled we have seen the helplessness of the unarmed armenians when the kurds went sweeping down the valleys upon the defenceless villages. how hopeless also any attempt at escape when the kurds held possession of all the passes. saddest of all there were no cities of refuge for them. van alone of all the cities of armenia was able to resist and drive back the hordes of mountain warriors, yet her fertile plains were swept naked of their beautiful villages. thousands of refugees were, however, kept alive by the generosity of the tender hearted in america as the chapter on relief work will graphically portray. chapter xi. the reign of terror. the time has come for every citizen to deliberately accept or repudiate his share of the joint indirect responsibility for a series of the hugest and foulest crimes that have ever stained the pages of human history. the armenian people are being exterminated root and branch by turks and kurds--systematically and painfully exterminated by such abominable methods, and with such fiendish accompaniments as may well cause the most sluggish blood to boil and seethe with shame and indignation. for the armenians are not lawless barbarians or brigands: nor are the turks and kurds the accredited torch bearers of civilization. but even if the "rôles" of the actors in this hideous drama were thus distributed, an excuse might at most be found for severity, but no pretext could be discovered for the slow torture and gradual vivisection employed by fanatic mohammedans to end the lives of their christian neighbors. if for instance it be expedient that armenians should be exterminated, why chop them up piecemeal, and in the intervals of this protracted process, banter the agonized victims who are wildly calling upon god and man to put them out of pain? why must an honest, hard workingman be torn from his bed or his fireside; forced to witness the violation of his own daughter by a band of all pitiless demons unable to rescue or help her, and then, his own turn come, have his hand cut off and stuffed into his mouth while a short sermon is being preached to him on the text: "if your god be god, why does he not succor?" at the peroration of which the other hand is hacked off, and then amid boisterous shouts of jubilation, his ears are torn from his head and his feet severed with a hatchet, while the piercing screams, the piteous prayers, the hideous contortions of the agonizing victim seem to intoxicate with fiendish delight the fanatic moslems who inflict such awful cruelties. and why when the last and merciful blow of death is being dealt, must obscene jokes and unutterable blasphemies sear the victim's soul and prolong his hell to the uttermost limits of time, to the very threshold of eternity? surely, roasting alive, flaying, disembowelling, impaling and all that elaborate and ingenious aggravation of savage pain on which the souls of these human fiends seem to feast and flourish, have nothing that can excuse them in the eyes of christians, however deeply absorbed in politics or money getting whether in downing street or in wall street. but the turk or kurd is at his best only a tartar utterly averse to all humanizing influence, and at his worst seems a fiend incarnate perpetrating and glorying in the horrors just enumerated, and in others so gross and vile that they can not be mentioned. but remember that while we may shut our ears to the horrid tale, innocent women and young children are enduring even unto the agonies of death outrages we can not imagine. the armenians constitute the sole civilizing force--nay with all their faults, the sole humanizing element in anatolia: peaceful to the last limit of self sacrifice, law-abiding to their own undoing, and at the same time industrious and hopeful under conditions which would stagger the majority of mankind. at their best they are the stuff of which heroes and martyrs are made. most emphatically they are the martyr nation of the world. they are christians, believing as we believe that god has revealed himself to the world in jesus christ for the salvation of men; and they have held fast to that faith in our common lord in spite of disgrace and misery, in the face of fire and sword, in the extremest agonies of torture and death. whether suffering death at the hands of the persia magi, or being built alive by tamerlane into pyramids of hideous glory, scarcely a generation has passed to the grave without giving up its heroes and martyrs to the cross of christ. the murdered of sassoun, of van, or erzeroum were also christian martyrs: and any or all of those whose eyes have been gouged out, whose limbs were torn asunder from their bodies might have obtained life and comparative prosperity by merely pronouncing the formula of islam and abjuring christ. but instead of this, thousands have commended their souls to their creator, delivered up their bodies to the tormentors, endured indescribable agonies, and died, like christian martyrs, defying heaven itself so to speak, by their boundless trust in god, though he seemingly does not hear their cries for deliverance. the apostacy to islam by those who can no longer endure these horrors will, certainly, be laid at the doors of christian europe and america, who left them to perish in the direst, darkest hour of human history. all christendom knows what they are suffering yet not a christian power has said in words like solid shot: "these persecutions must cease." identity of ideals, aspirations and religious faith give this unfortunate but heroic people strong claims on the sympathy of the english-speaking peoples, for our ancestors whatever the form of their religious creed never hesitated to die for it, and whenever the breath of god swept over them breasted the hurricane of persecution. but even in the name of a common humanity to say nothing of race or creed what special claims to our sympathy are needed by men and women whom we see, treated their masters, as in the dark ages the damned were said to be dealt with by the devils in the deepest of hell's abysses? our written laws condemn cruelty to a horse or cat or dog; our innate sense of justice would compel us to punish the man who should wantonly torture even a rat by roasting it alive. and yet we read of wounded armenians being thrown into wells where kerosene was poured upon them and then being burned alive and we are as cool as ever. what more is needed to compel us to stretch out a helping hand to tens of thousands of virtuous women and innocent children to save them from protracted tortures with some of which the gehenna of fire were a swift and merciful death. why is it that the sentimental compassion of england has not gone out into effective help to poor armenia? for reason of "higher politics." her interests demand that the turks and kurds in whose soulless bodies legions of devils seem to have taken up their abode, shall be protected; the integrity of the empire and the rule of islam are essential--indispensable to christian civilization, i.e., to england's commercial prestige. by the terms of the berlin treaty and the occupation of cyprus, england bound herself to see to it that the christian peoples under the rule of the porte should have fair, humane treatment. this has been fully and clearly shown in our chapter on the russo-turkish war. at the close of that war ( ) the condition of armenian christians was from a humane point of view deplorable. yet nothing was done--no efficacious step was taken to fulfil that solemn promise. things were allowed to drift from bad to worse, mismanagement to develop into malignity, oppression merge into persecution, until just as in most solemn promises of reform were followed by the bulgarian horrors, so the promises for reforms in armenia after the sassoun massacre were followed by the still more terrible atrocities which have not yet ceased. the turk knew that the powers would not agree in compelling the enforcement of the promises made. time was needed. yes time in which to slaughter and to starve the armenians whom by the treaty of berlin all the great powers were bound to protect in their rights. but the unfortunate action and reaction of the english government made themselves immediately and fatally felt in the very homes and at the fireside of hundreds of thousands of christian men and women driving them into exile, shutting them up in noisome prisons and subjecting them to every conceivable species of indignity, outrage and death. by pressing a knob in london, as it were, hell's portals were opened in asia minor, letting loose legions of fiends in human shape who set about torturing and exterminating the christians there. nor was the government ignorant of the wide-reaching effects of its ill-advised action. it is on record that for seventeen years it continued to watch the harrowing results of that action without once interfering to stop it although at any moment during that long period of persecution it could have redeemed its promise and rescued the christians from their unbearable lot. mr. dillon says that if a detailed description were possible of the horrors which england's exclusive attention to her own mistaken interests let loose upon turkish armenians, there is not a man within the kingdom of great britain whose heart strings would not be touched and thrilled by the gruesome stories of which it would be composed. during all those seventeen years written law, traditional custom, the fundamental maxims of human and divine justice were suspended in favor of a mohammedan saturnalia. the christians by whose toil and thrift the empire was held together were despoiled, beggared, chained, beaten, banished and butchered: first, their movable wealth was seized, then their landed property was confiscated, next, the absolute necessaries of life were wrested from them, and finally honor, liberty and life were taken with as little to do as if these christian men and women were wasps and mosquitoes. thousands of armenians were thrown into prisons by governors like tahsin pasha and bahri pasha, and tortured and terrorized till they delivered up the savings of a lifetime and the support of the helpless families to ruffianly parasites. whole villages were attacked in broad daylight by the imperial kurdish cavalry without pretext or warning, the male inhabitants killed or turned adrift, the wives and daughters falling victims to the foul lusts of these bestial murderers. in a few years some of the provinces were decimated: aloghkerd for instance being almost "purged" of armenians. over twenty thousand woe-stricken wretches once healthy and well-to-do, fled to russia or persia in rags and misery diseased or dying. on the way they were seized over and over again by the soldiers of the sultan who deprived them of the little money they possessed, nay, of the very clothes they were wearing, most shamefully abused the wives and daughters and then drove them over the frontier to hunger and die. those who remained behind for a time were no better off. kurdish brigands lifted the last cow and goats of the peasants and carried away their carpets and their valuables. turkish tax-gatherers followed after these, gleaning what the brigands had left, and lest anything should escape their avarice they bound the men, flogged them till their bodies were a bloody mass, cicatrized the wounds with red hot ramrods, plucked out their beards hair by hair, tore the flesh from their limbs with pincers and often even then hung the men whom they had thus beggared and maltreated from the rafters of their houses to witness with burning shame and impotent rage the hellish outrages of these fiends incarnate. terrible as these scenes are even in imagination, it is only proper that some effort should be made to realize the sufferings which have been brought down upon these thousands and hundreds of thousands of helpless men and women, and to understand somewhat of the shame, terror and despair that must take possession of the souls of christians whose lives are a daily martyrdom of such unchronicled agonies, during which no ray of the life-giving light that plays about the throne of god ever pierces the mist of blood and tears that rises between the blue of heaven and the everlasting grey of the charnel house called armenia. these statements are neither rumors nor exaggerations concerning which we are justified in suspending judgment,--though the turks long denied the reports of the sassoun massacres. history has set its seal upon them. diplomacy has slowly verified and reluctantly recognized them as accepted facts. religion and humanity are now called upon to place their emphatic protest against them on record. the turks in their confidential moods have admitted these and worse acts of savagery. the kurds glory in them at all times. trustworthy europeans have witnessed them and described them: and the armenians have groaned over them in blank despair, and the sweat of their anguish has been blood. officers and nobles in the sultan's own cavalry regiments like mostigo the kurd, glory in the long series of crimes and outrages which have marked their career, and laugh to scorn the idea of being punished for robbing and killing the armenians whom the sublime porte desires them to exterminate. the stories of the bulgarian atrocities were repeated here. it was the armenians themselves who were punished if they dared complain when their own relatives or friends were murdered. and often they were punished on the charge of having committed these outrages themselves, or else on the suspicion of having killed the murderers who were afterwards found living and thriving in the sultan's employ, and were never disturbed there. three hundred and six of the principal inhabitants of the district of khnouss in a piteous appeal to the people of england, wrote:-- "year by year, month by month, day by day, innocent men, women and children have been shot down, stabbed, or clubbed to death in their houses and their fields, tortured in strange fiendish ways in fetid prison cells, or left to rot in exile under the scorching sun of arabia. during that long and horrible tragedy no voice was raised for mercy, no hand extended to help us. * * * is european sympathy destined to take the form of a cross over our graves." now the answer has been given. what an answer! these ill-fated men might know that european sympathy has taken a different form--that of a marine guard before the sultan's palace to shield him and his from harm from without, while they proceed with their orgies of blood and lust within. they might know; only most of them have been butchered since then, like the relatives and friends whose lot they lamented and yet envied. in accordance with the plan of extermination, which has been carried out with such signal success during these long years of turkish vigor and english sluggishness, all those armenians who possessed money or money's worth were for a time allowed to purchase immunity from prison, and from all that prison life in asia minor implies. but, as soon as terror and summary confiscation took the place of slow and elaborate extortion, the gloomy dungeons of erzeroum, erzinghan, marsovan, hassankaleh, and van were filled, till there was no place to sit down, and scarcely sufficient standing room. and this means more than english people can realize, or any person believe who has not actually witnessed it. it would have been a torture for turkish troopers and kurdish brigands, but it was worse than death to the educated schoolmasters, missionaries, priests, and physicians who were immured in these noisome hotbeds of infection, and forced to sleep night after night standing on their feet, leaning against the foul, reeking corner of the wall which all the prisoners were compelled to use as.... the very worst class of tartar and kurdish criminals were turned in here to make these hell-chambers more unbearable to the christians. and the experiment was everywhere successful. human hatred and diabolical spite, combined with the most disgusting sights and sounds and stenches, with their gnawing hunger and their putrid food, their parching thirst and the slimy water, fit only for sewers, rendered their agony maddening. yet these were not criminals, nor alleged criminals, but upright christian men, who were never even accused of an infraction of the law. no man who has not seen these prisons with his own eyes, and heard these prisoners with his own ears, can be expected to conceive, much less realize, the sufferings inflicted and endured. the loathsome diseases, whose terrible ravages were freely displayed; the still more loathsome vices, which were continually and openly practised; the horrible blasphemies, revolting obscenities and ribald jests which alternated with cries of pain, songs of vice, and prayers to the unseen god, made these prisons, in some respects, nearly as bad as the black hole of calcutta, and in others infinitely worse. into these prisons venerable old ministers of religion were dragged from their churches, teachers from their schools, missionaries from their meeting-houses, merchants, physicians, and peasants from their firesides. those among them who refused to denounce their friends, or consent to some atrocious crime, were subjected to horrible agonies. many a one, for instance, was put into a sentry-box bristling with sharp spikes, and forced to stand there motionless, without food or drink, for twenty-four and even thirty-six hours, was revived with stripes whenever he fell fainting to the prickly floor, and was carried out unconscious at the end. it was thus that hundreds of armenian christians, whose names and histories are on record, suffered for refusing to sign addresses to the sultan accusing their neighbors and relatives of high treason. it was thus that azo was treated by his judges, the turkish officials, talib effendi, captain reshid, and captain hadji fehim agha, for declining to swear away the lives of the best men of his village. a whole night was spent in torturing him. he was first bastinadoed in a room close to which his female relatives and friends were shut up so that they could hear his cries. then he was stripped naked, and two poles, extending from his armpits to his feet, were placed on each side of his body and tied tightly. his arms were next stretched out horizontally and poles arranged to support his hands. this living cross was then bound to a pillar, and the flogging began. the whips left livid traces behind. the wretched man was unable to make the slightest movement to ease his pain. his features alone, hideously distorted, revealed the anguish he endured. the louder he cried, the more heavily fell the whip. over and over again he entreated his tormentors to put him out of pain, saying: "if you want my death, kill me with a bullet, but for god's sake don't torture me like this!" his head alone being free he, at last, maddened by excruciating pain, endeavored to dash out his brains against the pillar, hoping in this way to end his agony. but this consummation was hindered by the police. they questioned him again; but in spite of his condition, azo replied as before: "i cannot defile my soul with the blood of innocent people. i am a christian." enraged at this obstinacy, talib effendi, the turkish official, ordered the application of other and more effective tortures. pincers were fetched to pull out his teeth; but, azo remaining firm, this method was not long persisted in. then talib commanded his servants to pluck out the prisoner's moustachios by the roots, one hair at a time. this order the gendarmes executed, with roars of infernal laughter. but this treatment proving equally ineffectual, talib instructed his men to cauterize the unfortunate victim's body. a spit was heated in the fire. azo's arms were freed from their supports, and two brawny policemen approached, one on each side, and seized him. meanwhile another gendarme held to the middle of the wretched man's hands the glowing spit. while his flesh was thus burning, the victim shouted out in agony, "for the love of god kill me at once!" then the executioners, removing the red hot spit from his hands, applied it to his breast, then to his back, his face, his feet, and other parts. after this, they forced open his mouth, and burned his tongue with red hot pincers. during these inhuman operations, azo fainted several times, but on recovering consciousness maintained the same inflexibility of purpose. meanwhile, in the adjoining apartment, a heartrending scene was being enacted. the women and the children, terrified by the groans and cries of the tortured man, fainted. when they revived, they endeavored to rush out to call for help, but the gendarmes, stationed at the door, barred their passage, and brutally pushed them back. [ ] nights were passed in such hellish orgies and days in inventing new tortures or refining upon the old, with an ingenuity which reveals unimagined strata of malignity in the human heart. the results throw the most sickening horrors of the middle ages into the shade. some of them cannot be described, nor even hinted at. the shock to people's sensibilities would be too terrible. and yet they were not merely described to, but endured by, men of education and refinement, whose sensibilities were as delicate as ours. and when the prisons in which these and analogous doings were carried on had no more room for new-comers, some of the least obnoxious of its actual inmates were released for a bribe, or, in case of poverty, were expeditiously poisoned off. in the homes of these wretched people the fiendish fanatics were equally active and equally successful. family life was poisoned at its very source. dishonor menaced almost every girl and woman in the country. they could not stir out of their houses in the broad daylight to visit the bazaars, or to work in the fields, nor even lie down at night in their own homes without fearing the fall of that damocles' sword ever suspended over their heads. tender youth, childhood itself, was no guarantee. children were often married at the age of eleven, even ten, in the vain hope of lessening this danger. but the protection of a husband proved unavailing; it merely meant one murder more, and one "christian dog" less. a bride would be married in church yesterday and her body would be devoured by the beasts and birds of prey to-morrow. others would be abducted, and, having for weeks been subjected to the embrace of lawless kurds, would end by abjuring their god and embracing islam; not from any vulgar motive of gain, but to escape the burning shame of returning home as pariahs and lepers to be shunned by those near and dear to them for ever. little girls of five and six were frequently forced to be present during these horrible scenes, and they, too, were often sacrificed before the eyes of their mothers, who would have gladly, madly accepted death, ay, and damnation, to save their tender offspring from the corroding poison. one of the abducted young women who, having been outraged by the son of the deputy-governor of khnouss, hussni bey, returned, a pariah, and is now alone in the world, lately appealed to her english sisters for such aid as a heathen would give to a brute, and she besought it in the name of our common god. lucine mussegh--this is the name of that young woman whose protestant education gave her, as she thought, a special claim to act as the spokeswoman of armenian mothers and daughters--lucine mussegh besought, last march, the women of england to obtain for the women of armenia the privilege of living a pure and chaste life! this was the boon which she craved--but did not, could not, obtain. the interests of "higher politics," the civilizing missions of the christian powers are, it seems, incompatible with it! "for the love of the god whom we worship in common," wrote this outraged, but still hopeful, armenian lady, "help us, christian sisters! help us before it is too late, and take the thanks of the mothers, the wives, the sisters, and the daughters of my people, and with them the gratitude of one for whom, in spite of her youth, death would come as a happy release." neither the christian sisters nor the christian brethren in england have seen their way to comply with this strange request. but it may perhaps interest lucine mussegh to learn that the six great powers of europe are quite unanimous, and are manfully resolved, come what will, to shield his majesty the sultan from harm, to support his rule, and to guarantee his kingdom from disintegration. these are objects worthy of the attention of the great powers; as for the privilege of leading pure and chaste lives--they cannot be importuned about such private matters. what astonishes one throughout this long, sickening story of shame and crime is the religious faith of the sufferers. it envelops them like a nessus' shirt, aggravating their agonies by the fear it inspires that they must have offended in some inexplicable way the omnipotent god who created them. what is not at all wonderful, but only symptomatic, is the mood of one of the women, who, having prayed to god in heaven, discovered no signs of his guiding hand upon earth, and whose husband was killed in presence of her daughter, after which each of the two terrified females was outraged by the band of ruffians in turn. when gazing, a few days later, on the lifeless corpse of that beloved child whom she had vainly endeavored to save, that wretched, heartbroken mother, wrung to frenzy by her soul-searing anguish, accounted to her neighbors for the horrors that were spread over her people and her country by the startling theory that god himself had gone mad, and that maniacs and demons incarnate were stalking about the world! such, in broad outline, has been the normal condition of armenia ever since the treaty of berlin, owing at first to the disastrous action, and subsequently to the equally disastrous inaction of the british government. the above sketch contains but a few isolated instances of the daily commonplaces of the life of armenian christians. when these have been multiplied by thousands and the colors duly heightened, a more or less adequate idea may be formed of the hideous reality. now, during all those seventeen years, we took no serious step to put an end to the brigandage, rapes, tortures, and murders which all christendom agreed with us in regarding as the normal state of things. no one deemed it his duty to insist on the punishment of the professional butchers and demoralizers, who founded their claims to preferment upon the maintenance of this inhuman system, and had their claims allowed, for the sultan, whose intelligence and humanity it was the fashion to eulogise and admire, decorated and rewarded these faithful servants, making them participators in the joy of their lord. indeed, the utter perversion of the ideas of justice and humanity which characterized the views of european christendom during the long period of oppression and demoralization at last reached such a pitch that the powers agreed to give the sultan a "reasonable" time to reëstablish once more the normal state of things. sassoun. sassoun is a mountainous province in the southern portion of the armenian plateau, west of lake van. it is inhabited exclusively by armenians and kurds, the former race being in majority. there is, however, no intermingling of the races; the armenian villages are grouped in the center of the province, and the kurdish are scattered all around. despite continuous spoliation by kurd and turk, the armenians managed to get along tolerably. but turk and kurd became more and more exacting, the kurd being instructed by the turk. the kurds would be satisfied with the traditional tribute, but the turkish authorities incited them to demand more, to plunder and to kill. the armenians of sassoun were fully aware of the hostile intention of the government, but they did not imagine it to be one of utter extermination. the porte had prepared its plans. sassoun was doomed. the kurds were to come in much greater number, the government was to furnish them provisions and ammunition, and the regular army was to second them in case of need. the plan was to destroy first shenig, semal, guelliegoozan, aliantz, etc., and then to proceed towards dalvorig. the kurds, notwithstanding their immense number, proved to be unequal to the task. the armenians held their own and the kurds got worsted. after two weeks fight between kurd and armenian, the regular army entered into active campaign. mountain pieces began to thunder. the armenians, having nearly exhausted their ammunition, took to flight. kurd and turk pursued them and massacred men, women and children. the houses were searched and then put on fire. the scene of the massacre was most horrible. the enemies took a special delight in butchering the dalvorig people. an immense crowd of kurd and turk soldiery fell upon the dalvorig village, busy to search the houses, to find out hidden furniture, and then to put fire to the village. a native of the dalvorig village, succeeded in hiding from the searching soldiers, and when, twelve days after the destruction of his home, the army went away, he came out of his hiding place and looked among the corpses for his own dead. he found and buried his father, two nephews and his aunt. the bodies were swollen enormously in the sun, and the stench was something awful in all the surroundings. he witnessed many acts of military cruelties which are not proper to be reported. in june, , four young armenians and their wives, living only two miles from the city of van, where the governor and a large military force reside, were picking herbs on the hillside. they carefully kept together and intended to return before night. they were observed by a band of passing kurds, who in broad daylight fell upon the defenseless party, butchered the young men, and, as to the brides, it is needless to relate further. the villagers going out the next day found the four bodies, not simply dead, but slashed and disfigured almost beyond recognition. they resolved to make a desperate effort to let their wrongs at least be known. hastily yoking up four rude ox carts they placed on each the naked remains of one of the victims, with his distracted widow sitting by the side, shorn of her hair in token of dishonor. this gruesome procession soon reached the outskirts of the city, where it was met by soldiers sent to turn it back. the unarmed villagers offered no resistance, but declared their readiness to perish if not heard. the soldiers shrank from extreme measures that might cause trouble among the thirty-thousand armenians of van, who rapidly gathered about the scene. the turkish bayonets retreated before the bared breasts of the villagers. with ever-increasing numbers, but without tumult, the procession passed before the doors of the british and russian vice-consulates, of the persian consul-general, the chief of police and other high officials, till it paused before the great palace of the governor. at this point bahri pasha, the governor, stuck his head out of the second story window and said: 'i see it. too bad! take them away and bury them. i will do what is necessary.' within two days some kurds were brought in, among whom were several who were positively identified by the women; but, upon their denying the crime, they were immediately released, and escaped. in , the impoverished armenians stripped of everything worth possessing, decided to resist further robberies. early in the spring of that year, the kurds came with demands more exorbitant than ever, the chiefs being escorted by a great number of armed men, but they were driven back by the brave villagers. when this became known to the ottoman authorities, some of the more zealous of them applied for a large body of regular troops. the turkish government affected to believe that the secret political agitation which had been going on among the armenians for some time had at length produced a serious revolt, and that it was necessary to quell it at once in energetic and relentless fashion. orders were accordingly sent to zekki pasha, the mushir commanding the troops at erzinghian, to proceed to sassoun with a sufficient force and suppress the disturbances. the precise terms of the instructions to this energetic pasha never transpired and were never known to any one outside the turkish official world. whatever they were the pasha evidently understood that he was literally to annihilate those who had resisted the authority of the local officials, and he executed what he supposed to be the wishes of his superiors with a barbarity towards both men and women, which deserves the reprobation of the civilized world. the turkish soldiers hesitated to carry out such atrocious orders against defenceless women and men who offered no resistance, and they did not obey until threatened with condign punishment for disobedience. the protests of the mutessarif, the civil governor of the district, were disregarded. the fixed hour of fate arrived. in august , kurdish and turkish troops came to sassoun. among them the famous hamidieh troops, the specially organized kurdish cavalry named after the sultan, the name significant of the purpose for which they were organized. zekki pasha who commanded on that infamous occasion was afterwards decorated by the sultan as were four kurdish chiefs who had been specially savage and merciless during the progress of the carnage, while the civil governor of the district who so humanely protested was summarily removed from his post. the kurds were newly armed with martini rifles. zekki pasha, who had come from erzingan, read the sultan's order for the attack, and then urged the soldiers to loyal obedience to their imperial master. on the last day of august, the anniversary of abdul hamid's accession to the throne, the soldiers were specially urged to distinguish themselves in making it the day of greatest slaughter. on that day the commander wore the edict of the sultan on his breast. kurds began the butchery by attacking the sleeping villagers at night and slaying men, women and children. for twenty-three days this horrible work of slaughter lasted. some of the kurds afterward boasted of killing a hundred christians apiece. at one village, galogozan, many young men were tied hand and foot, laid in a row, covered with brushwood and burned alive. others were seized and hacked to death piecemeal. at another village, a priest and several leading men were captured and promised release if they would tell where others had fled; and, after telling, all but the priest were killed. a chain was put around his neck and pulled from opposite sides until he was several times choked and revived, after which bayonets were planted upright and he was raised in the air and dropped upon them. the men of one village, when fleeing, took the women and children, some five hundred in number, and placed them in a ravine where soldiers found them and butchered them. little children were cut in two and mutilated. women were subjected to fearful agonies, ending in death. a newly wedded couple fled to a hilltop; soldiers followed and offered them their lives if they would accept islam, but they preferred to die bravely professing christ. on mount andoke, south of moush, about a thousand persons sought refuge. the kurds attacked them, but for days were repulsed. then turkish soldiers directed the fire of their cannon on them. finally the ammunition of the fugitives was exhausted, and the troops succeeded in reaching the summit unopposed and butchered them to a man. in the talvoreeg district, several thousand armenians were left in a small plain. when surrounded by turks and kurds they appealed to heaven for deliverance, but were quickly dispatched with rifles, bayonets and swords. the plain was a veritable shamble. no accurate estimate of the number slain in the first massacre could be made. forty villages were totally destroyed and the loss of life from ten to fifteen thousand. efforts were made to conceal the real extent of the carnage, but the "blood-bath of sassoun" has passed into history and cannot be forgotten. at bitlis there was a kurdish raid on armenian cattle, resulting in a fight in which two kurds were killed. the friends of the kurds took the corpses to moush and declared that the armenians had overrun the land and were killing and plundering right and left. this furnished a pretext for a massing of the troops. on the admissions of turkish soldiers, some of whom tearfully protested that they merely obeyed orders, six thousand people were killed. no compassion was shown to age or sex. in one place three or four hundred women, after having been forced repeatedly to submit to the soldiery, were hacked to pieces with swords and bayonets. in another place two hundred women begged at the commander's feet for mercy. the commander, after ordering that they be outraged, had them all despatched with the sword. similar scenes were enacted in other places. in one case sixty young brides and maidens were driven into a church, and after being violated were butchered until their blood flowed from the doors. a large company, headed by a priest, knelt near the church begging for compassion, averring that they had nothing to do with the culprits who killed the kurds. it was in vain; all were killed. several attractive women were told that they might live if they would recant their faith. they replied: "why should we deny christ? we have no more reason to do so than had these," pointing to the mangled bodies of their husbands and brothers, "kill us, too." this was done. a priest was taken to the roof of his church and hacked to pieces; young men were placed among wood saturated with kerosene and set on fire. after the massacre, and when the terrified survivors had fled, there was a general looting by the hamidieh kurds. they stripped the houses bare, then piled the dead into them and fired the whole, intending as far as possible to cover up the evidences of their dreadful crime. the rivulets were choked with corpses; the streams ran red with human blood, the mountain gorges and rocky caves were crowded with the dead and dying; among the black ruins of once prosperous villages lay half-burned infants on their mothers' mangled bodies: pits were dug at night by the wretches destined to fill them; many of whom were flung in while but slightly wounded, and underneath a mountain of clammy corpses struggled vainly with death and with the dead who shut them out of life and light forever. the following letter from an armenian native of sassoun added another page to the tale of woe:-- "at last we have escaped from the barbarity and atrocity of the turks, and have arrived at athens. our escape from sassoun was almost miraculous, and it is possible that the cannon and knives of the turkish soldiers are still doing their bloody work there. everybody knows that the orders for the massacre were given by direct counsellors of the sultan. "there is hardly a man left alive in sassoun, and pleading women and little children, all together, old and young, have been sacrificed by the swords of the turkish soldiers. they besieged the village from the last of april until the first of august, and during all these weeks we fed on vegetables and the roots of grasses. "the first few weeks were bitterly cold, and existence was terrible. all outside communication was cut off. the turks suspected that other villages would give us food, and so they plundered the neighboring villages. the villagers resisted and hundreds of them were killed. of the three hundred and twenty-five houses which made up the village of varteniss only thirty-five were left standing. "when the news of this massacre reached sassoun our people were excited beyond all thought of personal safety, and we attacked the soldiers and succeeded in killing twelve of them. then more ammunition and soldiers were sent there, and a devilish work was begun. "the chiefs of the tribes of the kurds, with celo bey and his staff, together with the regular soldiers, came to the village of samal. many of the inhabitants, after suffering atrocious cruelties, were put to death. they brought the minister of the village from his house, and after putting the sacred chalice into his hands, bound him to a donkey and then shot him and the animal together. in all, the number killed in the village was forty-five. "this deviltry was by no means the worse perpetrated. the greatest horror was at the village of gely guse. celo bey and his men entered the village before daybreak, and while the inhabitants were peacefully sleeping in their homes set fire to the whole village, and not one escaped. the village of shenig met with almost a similar fate, all the people of prominence being killed. "the tribe of kurds known as gebran, headed by the chief ebo and accompanied by turkish soldiers, entered the village of konk. there they gathered all the women in the church. after defiling them in the most revolting manner, they slew them. the soldiers spent the night in the village in revelry and debauchery. "two other tribes, those of pakran and khisan, came against the village of alpak. they collected all the herds and flocks, and drove them off. then they returned and burned the whole village. "we who have escaped thank god for our safety and are prayerfully exchanging the helpful sympathy of the civilized world." another letter from a sassoun fugitive, gave the saddening story of the experience of one family. it is typical of the experience of thousands of others. he wrote: "our family was composed of ten members, and were natives of semal, a village in sassoun. we fought the kurds to protect our lives and property; but when the turkish soldiers united with the kurds, we fled. i was with my father. he could not run away because he was very weak, having eaten nothing for many days. i entered, with the rest of my family, into a thick forest. the soldiers overtook my father and struck him with their swords, disemboweling him; they filled his body with gunpowder and set fire to him. afterwards i went with others and gathered up what remained of my poor father and buried him. "with the rest of my family i remained forty days in the forests, subsisting on herbs and roots until the soldiers were recalled, and there was nobody to pursue us. we came down to moush, and the government sent us to khibian, a village in the moush plain, where we remained in a dilapidated hut with very little to eat. all of us became sick from hunger and cold: two girls and one boy died, and the rest, six members of our family, are now wandering from village to village, naked and hungry." neither age nor sex were spared. a final refusal to deny christ and accept islam sealed the fate of the armenian. women torn from their homes and outraged, and hundreds of young girls forcibly carried off, fiendishly used and wantonly slain, and other horrors unnamable and unfit to print, were some of the methods employed with the sultan's permission, in upholding the glory of islam. the following narrative, was also obtained from armenian sources: "andakh was besieged in august. gorgo, with his followers, strengthened their position and defended it heroically for six days, generally fighting with stones and daggers. the women often took the places of these who had been killed. the position becoming untenable, gorgo left the women to defend it, and took his troops out to forage for food and ammunition. the women maintained the defence twenty-four hours, then yielded to greater numbers after being surrounded on all sides. their condition was terrible. many carried babies on their backs, while the elder children stood beside them. the women saw that they never could fight their way through the ranks of the enemy. gorgo's wife stepped on a high rock and cried, 'sisters, you must choose between two things: either fall into the hands of the turks and forget your husbands, homes, and your holy religion to adopt islam, and to be violated, or you must follow my example.' thereupon, holding her young child in her arms, she dashed herself into the abyss. others followed her, falling without cry or groan. the children followed their mothers, and the ravine was soon filled with corpses. those who jumped last were not hurt, as their companions' bodies were piled high. about fifty women and one hundred children were taken prisoners. the women bore their tortures silently, and refused to betray gorgo and his brave followers. gorgo's wife was named schakhe." the following accounts gave in realistic language, some of the sufferings of the native christians, who met death bravely rather than purchase life by denying their saviour. a man from central dalvorig, said: his family numbered twelve; of these six had been killed. his wife, a son six years of age, and a little girl, a brother, a daughter five years old, and son aged ten. these children tried to flee, but being greatly reduced by hunger, were unable to escape from the soldiers pursuing them. a brother, shemo, survived, and with his wife and children found refuge in a monastery. he saw a group of three brothers, while hidden behind some trees, surprised by soldiers and brutally murdered. they were boys about three, seven, and ten years of age. their anguished mother, from hodwink, utterly powerless to rescue her children, witnessed the awful deed from her place of concealment, and after the soldiers had gone, went and buried them. the same writer repeatedly heard women say, "we will be a sacrifice for our nation, but we cannot deny our faith." a man from galigozan said that he had an uncle and three cousins killed in the massacre--all were shot and one was mutilated with the sword. another nephew, thirty-five years of age, was burned in a house from which he could not escape. his wife and two children remained for five weeks in the covert afforded by the rocks and holes of a mountain side. on seeing soldiers approach one day, a man nearly strangled his little daughter, four years of age, to suppress her cries for food. she died a few days afterward from the effects of his treatment. the niece was betrothed to a young man from semel who, with three others from the same house, came to galigozan when the soldier called to surrender, promising safety. but on appearing there the whole company were told that they must either embrace islam or meet instant death. the four men above referred to with forty others, were there pitilessly slaughtered, and thrown into the pit which had been dug. from spughawk, a village near dalvorig, a man gave an account of the fate of his family. a kurdish sheik with fifteen hundred followers came and the terrified people fled to the mountain. in the attempt to escape many were killed. afterwards soldiers came and with the kurds surrounded the village, plundered and burned it. its fine church built of hewn stone laid in lime and having an arched roof, was razed to the ground. this man's brother arakil was shot and then pierced with twelve bayonet wounds. his nephew was killed with the bayonet and a niece who was about to be married was decapitated. a woman and her two sons (thirty and seven years of age), were discovered by soldiers. they first attacked the woman, inflicting dangerous, though as it proved, not fatal wounds, and then killed her two sons. after the departure of the soldiers the mother with one hand, (the fingers of the other had been mangled), scraped shallow holes in the ground using sharp stones and then dragging the bodies of her sons thither, covered them with earth and stones. one man said that his family consisted of twelve persons. his brother was one of the chief men of the place, conspicuous at all times for his ability and courage. the soldiers had heard of this man and were anxious to find him. finally they discovered his hiding place and attacked him fiercely saying: "at last we have found you, infidel!" with cursing and dreadful language they literally hacked him to pieces, his son, and his brother's wife hidden among rocks near by, paralyzed with terror, saw the awful deed. his son sarkis was afterward slain, as also his nephews. a woman from dalvorig said: "of the twelve in my family, three were killed in the massacre, my husband (forty years), daughter (ten years), and hukhit, my infant son. a brother-in-law was taken captive, and after suffering much from cruel treatment, died in moush prison. when we saw the smoke of the burning villages we hastily fled. we had buried our most valuable household goods some days previous, but the kurds found and carried off everything. while concealed among the rocks and thickets we heard the sound of trumpets, and fearing lest we should be hunted down by the soldiery, about one hundred refugees got together and we then decided to go to the hinatsee tribe of kurds; (they were the aghas of our province), and implore their protection. we set out early in the morning and soon met five kurds who said to us: 'come to the camp, to the surrender; there is peace.' thus saying, one of them seized a mule, the only animal we had with us, and rode away to betray us as it afterward proved. we followed the four kurds till we came near a river. then we saw two large companies of kurds approaching us, one some distance below us, the other on the opposite side of the river. these soon surrounded us. they were led by a mollah, one of the followers of the noted sheikh of zeelon. they drove us into a ravine. one of our company attempted to escape, but was instantly cut down with the sword. the kurds gave us the alternative of accepting the moslem faith or death. with one accord we all said, 'we cannot deny our christ.' immediately they seized the men, there were only eleven in our company, bound their arms with cords, and then took from us women and children all clothing worth removing. many were left with a single garment. one aged woman near us was left stark naked. after this the mollah sent a letter to the turkish camp, which was about half an hour distant from dalvorig village, inquiring as to what should be done with us. i heard them talk about the letter. soon after this i heard the kurds plotting to take the young women and send the others away to the mountains. "they did not unite in this plan, and as the darkness came on they counted us and set a watch and lay down to rest on the ground about the ravine. the next day towards noon they decided to take us to the turkish camp and ordered us to set out. our husbands and brothers who had been bound the night before were in a pitiable condition,--their arms and hands badly swollen. shortly after this the kinds dispersed and we made our escape to the mountains. one day while hiding among the rocks i saw my husband, and son-in-law, kevork, bound by cords and cruelly murdered. my husband was cut limb from limb--literally hacked to pieces. too terrified to move i stood gazing at the awful sight, when suddenly five kurds sprang upon me. they did not harm me but wanted my child. i threw myself upon the ground to shield him, but they drugged me to one side and stabbed him with a dagger. (her twelve-year old daughter was not far away. she was greatly terrified, having witnessed the murder of her father and brother.) i ran to her and tried to pull her along as we fled, but she soon stopped and exclaiming, 'mother, i am dying,' fell dead at my feet. i did not dare to linger and fled over the rocks until i found my other children, one of whom was the wife of kevork, my son-in-law, who had just been murdered. the next day we turned back to bury the body of my daughter. we did not dare to go further then, as there were many soldiers and kurds around. twenty days later i returned and buried the remains of my husband and son-in-law. while i was hiding among the rocks i saw soldiers barbarously kill a woman, removing the yet unborn child and thrusting it through with a bayonet." what she saw and endured during those weary days of wandering would fill many pages. at length all the surviving members of the family reached shadald, a district near moush. one woman's husband disappeared at the time of the massacre. she, with her husband, brother, and his son, were hiding in the mountains when soldiers murdered her brother-in-law, and his son-in-law, and his son in a most brutal manner. she was very near them, hidden behind some rocks, but they did not discover her, and the next day she joined a company of seven villagers, two women, three girls, and two boys, with whom she remained hiding among rocks and thickets. they were soon discovered by kurds. two soldiers took her away from her companions and told her she must adopt the mohammedan faith, and that if she refused they would take her life then and there. she finally replied, "if you wish to kill me i am helpless, but i cannot commit the awful sin of denying christ." they took her with them for several miles, sometimes persuading, sometimes threatening her, till they were met by a company of kurds, among whom was a woman who begged the soldiers to let the young woman go. this they did. a woman from somal said: "i am a member of a priest's family; my husband was his brother's son; i went with the family to surrender at galigozan; the priest, my husband, and his two brothers were all cruelly murdered and thrown into the death-pit at galigozan which the soldiers had dug. we were separated from our husbands and brothers, and soldiers took us to a church about half an hour away from the camp. there we were kept all night. in the morning soldiers came to us and said: 'come to camp and give your word that you will accept islam.' we cried out, 'never! we cannot do that great sin.' they replied, 'if you do not, we will do to you as we did to your husbands and sons last night.' this was the first intimation we had of the awful massacre that had taken place the night before." such are some of the causes that impelled these people to appeal to the christian world for protection and redress. the incidents mentioned were only a few among thousands of similar experiences, which showed how loyally the christian peasants of armenia laid down their lives rather than betray their master by accepting the faith of islam. chapter xii. the reign of terror--trebizond and erzeroum. the mohammedan populace in all the large cities of asia minor were deliberately inflamed against the armenians by lying rumors of intended attacks on the mosques. soon there was an outbreak at constantinople in which nearly two hundred armenians were killed by the "softas" (moslem students), and by the police. this was followed by a terrific outburst of fanaticism all over the sultan's dominions, the kurdish hamidieh were brought into requisition, and such scenes of massacre ensued as have not been paralleled since the days of tamerlane. through all the vilayets of armenia ran the red tide of blood. in trebizond, erzeroum, erzinghan and hundreds of other cities and villages the christians were crushed like grapes during the vintage. in this work of destruction the kurds may have been the leaders, but the turkish soldiers and civilians did their full share. for a week prior to the outbreak on october , there was great excitement in trebizond, and the consuls called in a body upon the vali, and urged him to arrest those who were exciting the populace to deeds of violence. matters apparently quieted down for a few days, when, suddenly, like a clap of thunder in a clear sky, the assault began. unsuspecting people walking along the streets were shot ruthlessly down. men standing or sitting quietly at their shop doors were instantly dropped with a bullet through their heads or hearts. the aim was deadly, and there were no wounded men. some were slashed with swords until life was extinct. they passed through the quarters where only old men, women and children remained, killing the men and large boys, generally permitting the women and younger children to live. for five hours this horrid work of inhuman butchery went on; the cracking of musketry, sometimes like a volley from a platoon of soldiers, but more often single shots from near and distant points, the crashing in of doors, and the thud, thud of sword blows resounded on the ear. then the sound of musketry died away, and the work of looting began. every shop of an armenian in the market was gutted, and the victors in this cowardly and brutal war glutted themselves with the spoils. for hours bales of broadcloth, cotton goods, and every conceivable kind of merchandise passed along without molestation to the houses of the spoilers. the intention evidently was to impoverish, and as near as possible, to blot out the armenians of this town. so far as appearances went the police and soldiers distinctly aided in this savage work. they mingled with the armed men and, so far as could be seen, made not the least effort to check them. to any found with arms no quarter was given, but large numbers were shot down without any demand to surrender. one poor fellow when called on to surrender thought he was called on to give up his religion, and when he refused he was hacked to pieces in the presence of his wife and children. not one of the perpetrators of these outrages was arrested or disarmed, but all moved about with the utmost freedom to accomplish their nefarious purposes. on the other hand many of the armenians were thrown into prison. the frantic mob, seething and surging in the streets of the cities, swept down upon the defenceless armenians, plundered their shops, gutted their houses, then joked and jested with the terrified victims, as cats play with mice. as rapid whirling motion produces apparent rest, so the wild frenzy of those fierce fanatic crowds resulted in a condition of seeming calmness, composure, and gentleness which, taken in connection with the unutterable brutality of their acts, was of a nature to freeze men's blood with horror. in many cases they almost caressed their victims, and actually encouraged them to hope, while preparing the instruments of slaughter. the french mob during the terror were men--nay, angels of mercy--compared with these turks. those were not insensible to compassion; in these every instinct of humanity seemed atrophied or dead. on the first day of the massacre, an armenian was coming out of a baker's shop, where he had been purchasing bread for his sick wife and family, when he was surprised by the raging crowd. fascinated with terror, he stood still, was seized, and dashed to the ground. he pleaded piteously for mercy and pardon, and they quietly promised it; and so grim and dry was the humor of this crowd that the trembling wretch took their promise seriously and offered them his heartfelt thanks. in truth they were only joking. when they were ready to be serious they tied the man's feet together, and taunted him, but at first with the assumed gentleness that might well be mistaken for the harbinger of mercy. then they cut off one of his hands, slapped his face with the bloody wrist, and placed it between his quivering lips. soon afterwards they chopped off the other hand and inquired whether he would like pen and paper to write to his wife. others requested him to make the sign of the cross with his stumps or his feet while he still possessed them, while others desired him to shout louder so that his god might hear his cries for help. one of the most active members of the crowd then stepped forward and tore the man's ears from his head, after which he put them between the man's lips and then flung them in his face. "that effendi's mouth deserves to be punished for refusing such a choice morsel," exclaimed a voice in the crowd, whereupon somebody stepped forward, knocked out some of his teeth and proceeded to cut out his tongue. "he will never blaspheme again," a pious moslem jocosely remarked. thereupon a dagger was placed under one of his eyes which was scooped clean out of its socket. the hideous contortions of the man's discolored face, the quick convulsions of his quivering body and the sight of the ebbing blood turning the dry dust to gory mud, literally intoxicated these furious fanatics, who having gouged out the other eye and chopped off his feet hit upon some other excruciating tortures before cutting his throat and sending his soul to "damnation" as they expressed it. these other ingenious, pain-sharpening devices, however, were such as do not lend themselves to descriptions. more than one thousand people perished in trebizond under similar tortures who were not more mercifully shot down at once--while many armenian women were murdered or kidnapped, and most of the armenian houses were burned to the ground; the survivors of the massacres being driven to the hills and woods to suffer slow starvation. equally sad was the fate of the christians of baiburt whose tragic taking off was related in a letter addressed by the survivors to the armenian patriarch at constantinople. after giving a partial list of the slain, the writers stated: "when the massacres and plundering began, on account of the prevailing terror and insecurity, the people were compelled to close all the churches, shops and schools, and take refuge in the houses. letters were sent from our prelate to the commandant of the fourth army corps at erzeroum, and to the armenian prelate at erzeroum asking assistance; but all our prayers remained unanswered. after the massacres the turks advised us indirectly that the order was secretly given from the imperial palace and was irrevocable! "the frantic turkish mob, assisted by regular troops suddenly fell upon the innocent and unarmed armenians. the bloody work began at four o'clock a. m., and lasted until late in the evening. besides murdering our people, the mob plundered and fired the armenian dwellings and stores, taking care that the greeks should not be molested. on that frightful day the armenian community was almost annihilated. "strong men, youths and women, and even babies in the cradles and unborn children were butchered with most awful savagery. infants were stuck on bayonets and exposed to the agonized view of their helpless and frantic mothers. young brides and girls were subjected to a fate far worse than death. no resistance was possible on the part of the armenians. all the native teachers with a single exception were murdered with most cruel tortures. baiburt became a slaughter house. torrents of blood began to flow. the streets and bazaars were filled with dead bodies. on the following day the turks did all in their power to conceal the bodies of those who had been pierced by bayonets. similar scenes were enacted in all the surrounding villages. "mourning and lamentation prevail throughout armenia. the churches are closed; no more can the sound of worshippers be heard. the pealing of the bells is silent. we have no more teachers to teach the remnant of armenians who still live. rich and poor alike have perished, and the survivors are in the direst indigence. no bread, no covering for their nakedness; they are shivering in the cold. baiburt, until lately so generous to help others, is now helpless, and in need of moral and material assistance. unless such assistance is soon received, nobody can live. "after the massacres the government began to arrest the remaining armenians who had escaped the slaughter. we hear that in the prisons the tortures have reached an extreme point of frightful cruelty. thus the survivors of the massacre are now dying daily. every moment we have the horrors of death." turkish duplicity was fertile in its resources. many documents were forwarded to the grand vizier at constantinople from scenes of massacres, purporting to be signed by armenian nobles, the signatures having been obtained by intimidation. one of the most remarkable was from bitlis, and bore the signatures of thirty-one armenian nobles. it proceeds to state that "some of our co-religionists have been deceived by instigators coming from certain parts, and have been the cause of deplorable events and have committed crimes contrary to the wishes of his imperial majesty, and against the government of his imperial majesty--a government to be whose subject had been for six hundred years a title of glory to us, and through whose benevolence we were enjoying religious liberty and a self-government, the like of which cannot be found under any administration. this being so there remains no hope for us but the mercy of our august sovereign, who deigns to accept all classes of his subjects with a benevolence worthy of the greatest of monarchs. "on the other hand, everlasting happiness for us consists in preserving our national existence in the shadow of the imperial government. we dare to commend ourselves to the humanity and benevolence of our sovereign, who is an object of admiration for the whole world, and we implore his pardon, taking refuge in that heavenly power bestowed upon him for the pardon of criminals." such is an example of similar documents that were drawn up by local turkish officials, in fulsome praise of the porte's humanity, and which the leading armenians were compelled to sign, under threats of imprisonment and torture. these spurious testimonials, like the manufactured reports of outrages by armenians, were designed to influence public opinion in turkey's favor. even the porte, accustomed to distort facts, found itself no longer able to conceal from the world the pitiable condition of the armenians. in erzeroum, where a large tract of country, from the lofty mountains of devi boyen to the black sea shore was laid waste and completely purged of armenians, similar scenes were enacted. the vilayet of van, the town of hassankaleh, and numerous other places were deluged with blood, and polluted with unbridled lust. a man in erzeroum, hearing the tumult, and fearing for his children, who were playing in the street, went out to seek and save them. he was borne down upon by the mob. he pleaded for his life, protesting that he had always lived in peace with his moslem neighbors, and sincerely loved them. the statement may have represented a fact, or it may have been but a plea for pity. the ringleader, however, told him that that was the proper spirit, and would be condignly rewarded. the man was then stripped, and a chunk of his flesh cut out of his body, and jestingly offered for sale: "good fresh meat, and dirt cheap," exclaimed some of the crowd. "who'll buy fine dogs' meat?" echoed the amused bystanders. the writhing wretch uttered piercing screams as some of the mob, who had just come from rifling the shops, opened a bottle, and poured vinegar or some acid into the gaping wound. he called on god and man to end his agonies. but they had only begun. soon, afterwards, two little boys came up, the elder crying, "hairik, hairik, (father, father,) save me! see what they've done to me!" and pointed to his head, from which the blood was streaming over his handsome face, and down his neck. the younger brother--a child of about three--was playing with a wooden toy. the agonizing man was silent for a second and then, glancing at these, his children, made a frantic but vain effort to snatch a dagger from a turk by his side. this was the signal for the renewal of his torments. the bleeding boy was finally dashed with violence against the dying father, who began to lose strength and consciousness, and the two were then pounded to death where they lay. the younger child sat near, dabbling his wooden toy in the blood of his father and brother, and looking up, now through smiles at the prettily-dressed kurds, and now through tears at the dust-begrimed thing that had lately been his father. a slash of a sabre wound up his short experience of god's world, and the crowd turned its attention to others. in erzeroum about seven hundred houses and about fifteen thousand shops were plundered. the number of killed was never known, for there were many strangers in the city. the condition of the people was about as bad as that of the sassoun people after the massacre. between two thousand and three thousand people were destitute of fuel, bedding and food, and the majority had only the clothes they had on their backs. the government made a show of distributing the plunder collected from the barracks to the rightful owners, but the attempt was farcical. the turks declared that the armenians made an attack on the government house, and so the affair begun. this declaration was absolutely without foundation. there was no attack even contemplated by armenians. the first man shot was an aged priest, who was at the government house to present a complaint to the governor. he had been robbed in his own house in the village of the tivnig, and only got off with his life by giving a note for $ for five days. he was an inoffensive old man, and would be the last man in the world to offer an attack. the attack was made by moslems after leaving the mosques after the noon hour of prayer, and it was simultaneous all over the city. a letter from erzeroum said: "it is almost impossible for me to describe that which i have seen and heard. in gurum everything which hellish ingenuity can devise has been done by the turkish soldiers and bashi-bazouks. all the armenian villages are in ashes, and the smoke which is rising from the ruined houses gives the appearance of a volcanic eruption. along the road between trebizond and erzeroum, at every step, mutilated bodies are lying. we are unable to leave our homes to bury the dead; unable to sleep. the whole city has taken on the aspect of a wild desert strewn with corpses. hundreds of thousands of families are compelled to wander in rags, begging for their living. the same fate has befallen a few of the europeans." the erzeroum massacre started at the office of the vali in the government building. an armenian priest of tevnik was in the building endeavoring to gain an audience with the vali, when he was shot down by turkish murderers. then followed a horrible saturnalia of carnage, during which over one thousand christians were slaughtered. after the butchery, the dead victims were dragged by the neck and heels into the cemetery and cast into a long, deep trench, not unlike the death pit of geliguzan--the murdered fathers, mothers and sweet, innocent babes, all calm and peaceful in the sleep of death, flung down like carrion. nothing more horrible or more pathetic could be imagined than that scene at the cemetery two days after the massacre. the spaces between the poor dead bodies were filled with the skulls and thigh-bones that had been taken by the sacrilegious moslems from the old, upturned graves and then all were covered up together out of sight. the survivors dared not even express their grief. not less shocking was the news that came from kaisarieh in that part of asiatic turkey known as cappadocia, where a frightful massacre of christians took place, accompanied by the outraging of women and the looting of the shops and houses. this was done in obedience to orders from constantinople. over one thousand were killed and the fury of the kurds, not satiated with slaughter, vented itself in the mutilation of the inanimate bodies. an extract from a paper on "the condition of armenia" by e. j. dillon will fitly close this chapter. "the stories told of these koordish hamidieh officers in general, and of one of them, named mostigo, in particular, seemed so wildly improbable, that i was at great pains to verify them. learning that this particular fra diavolo had been arrested and was carefully guarded as a dangerous criminal in the prison of erzeroum, where he would probably be hanged, i determined to obtain, if possible, an interview with him, and learn the truth from his own lips. my first attempt ended in failure; mostigo being a desperate murderer, who had once before escaped from jail, was subjected to special restrictions, and if i had carried out my original plan of visiting him in disguise, the probability is that i should not have returned alive. after about three weeks' tedious and roundabout negotiations, i succeeded in gaining the gaoler's ear, having first replenished his purse. i next won over the brigand himself, and the upshot of my endeavors was an arrangement that mostigo was to be allowed to leave the prison secretly, and at night, to spend six hours in my room, and then to be re-conducted to his dungeon. "when the appointed day arrived the gaoler repudiated his part of the contract, on the ground that mostigo, aware that his life was forfeited, would probably give the prison a wide berth if allowed to leave its precincts. after some further negotiations, however, i agreed to give two hostages for his return, one of them a brother koord, whose life the brigand's notions of honor would not allow him to sacrifice for the chance of saving his own. at last he came to me one evening, walking over the roofs, lest the police permanently stationed at my door should espy him. i kept him all night, showed him to two of the most respectable europeans in erzeroum, and, lest any doubt should be thrown on my story, had myself photographed with him next morning. the tale unfolded by that koordish noble constitutes a most admirable commentary upon turkish régime in armenia. this is not the place to give it in full. one or two short extracts must suffice. "'now, mostigo, i desire to hear from your own lips and to write down some of your wonderful deeds. i want to make them known to the "hat-wearers."' (europeans). "'even so. announce them to the twelve powers.' (the whole universe). "there were evidently no misgivings about moral consequences; no fears of judicial punishment. and yet retribution was at hand; mostigo was said to be doomed to death. desirous of clearing up this point, i went on: "'i am sorry to find that you are living in prison. have you been long there?' "'i, too, am sorry. five months, but it seems an age.' "'these armenians are to blame, i suppose?' "'yes.' "'you wiped out too many of them, carried off their women, burned their villages and made it generally hot for them, i am told.' "(scornfully). 'that has nothing to do with my imprisonment. i shall not be punished for plundering armenians. we all do that. i seldom killed, except when they resisted. but the armenians betrayed me and i was caught. that's what i mean. but if i be hanged it will be for attacking and robbing the turkish post and violating the wife of a turkish colonel who is now here in erzeroum. but not for armenians! who are they that i should suffer for them?' after he had narrated several adventures of his, in the course of which he dishonored christian woman, killed armenian villagers, robbed the post and escaped from prison, he went on to say: "'we did great deeds after that: deeds that would astonish the twelve powers to hear told. we attacked villages, killed people who would have killed us, gutted houses, taking money, carpets, sheep and women, and robbed travelers.... daring and great were our deeds, and the mouths of men were full of them.' "having heard the story of many of these 'great deeds,' in some of which fifty persons met their death, i asked: "'do the armenians ever offer you resistance when you take their cattle and their women?' "'not often. they cannot. they have no arms, and they know that even if they could kill a few of us it would do them no good, for other koords would come and take vengeance; but when we kill them no one's eyes grow large with rage. the turks hate them, and we do not. we only want money and spoil, and some koords also want their lands, but the turks want their lives. a few months ago i attacked the armenian village of kara kipriu and drove off all the sheep in the place. i did not leave one behind. the villagers, in despair, did follow us that time and fire some shots at us, but it was nothing to speak of. we drove the sheep towards erzeroum to sell them there. but on the way we had a fight near the armenian village of sheme. the peasants knew we had lifted the sheep from their own people, and they attacked us. we were only five koords and they were many--the whole village was up against us. two of my men--rayahs [ ] only--were killed. we killed fifteen armenians. they succeeded in capturing forty of the sheep. the remainder we held and sold in erzeroum.' "'did you kill many armenians generally?' "'yes. we did not wish to do so. we only want booty, not lives. lives are of no use to us. but we had to drive bullets through people at times to keep them quiet; that is, if they resisted.' "'did you often use your daggers?' "'no; generally our rifles. we must live. in autumn we manage to get as much corn as we need for the winter, and money besides. we have cattle, but we take no care of it. we give it to the armenians to look after and feed.' "'but if they refuse?' "'well, we burn their hay, their corn, their houses, and we drive off their sheep, so they do not refuse. we take back our cattle in spring, and the armenians must return the same number that they received.' "'but if the cattle disease should carry them off?' "'that is the armenians' affair. they must return us what we gave them, or an equal number. and they know it. we cannot bear the loss. why should not they? nearly all our sheep come from them.' "after having listened to scores of stories of his expeditions, murders, rapes, &c., &c., i again asked: 'can you tell me some more of your daring deeds, mostigo, for the ears of the twelve powers?' to which i received this characteristic reply: "'once the wolf was asked: tell us something about the sheep you devoured? and he said: i ate thousands of sheep, which of them are you talking about? even so it is with my deeds. if i spoke and you wrote for two days, much would still remain untold.' "this brigand is a koord, and the name of the koords is legion. ex uno disce omnes. and yet the koords have shown themselves to be the most humane of all the persecutors of the armenians. needing money, this man robbed; desirous of pleasure he dishonored women and girls; defending his booty, he killed men and women, and during it all he felt absolutely certain of impunity, so long as his victims were armenians. is there no law then? one is tempted to ask. there is, and a very good law for that corner of the globe were it only administered; for the moment he robbed the imperial post and dishonored a turkish woman, he was found worthy of death. "laws, reforms and constitutions therefore, were they drawn up by the wisest and most experienced legislators and statesmen of the world, will not be worth the paper they are written on so long as the turks are allowed to administer them without control." * * * "justice in all its aspects is rigorously denied to the armenian. the mere fact that he dares to invoke it as plaintiff or prosecutor against a koord or a turk is always sufficient to metamorphose him into a defendant or a criminal, generally into both, whereupon he is invariably thrown into prison. in such cases the prison is intended to be no more than the halfway-house between relative comfort and absolute misery, the inmates being destined to be stripped of all they possess and then turned adrift. but what the prison really is cannot be made sufficiently clear in words. if the old english star chamber, the spanish inquisition, a chinese opium den, the ward of a yellow fever hospital, and a nook in the lowest depths of dante's hell be conceived as blended and merged into one, the resulting picture will somewhat resemble a bad turkish prison. filth, stench, disease, deformity, pain in forms and degrees inconceivable in europe, constitute the physical characteristics: the psychological include the blank despair that is final, fiendish, fierce malignity, hellish delight in human suffering, stoic self-sacrifice in the cultivation of loathsome vices, stark madness raging in the moral nature only--the whole incarnated in grotesque beings whose resemblance to man is a living blasphemy against the deity. in these noisome dungeons, cries of exquisite suffering and shouts of unnatural delight continually commingle; ribald songs are sung to the accompaniment of heartrending groans; meanwhile the breath is passing away from bodies which had long before been soulless, and are unwept save by the clammy walls whereon the vapor of unimagined agonies and foul disease condenses into big drops and runs down in driblets to the reeking ground. truly it is a horrid nightmare quickened into life." chapter xiii. the reign of terror--van and moush. much earnest and faithful missionary work had been done in the cities and towns of the various armenian provinces, before the storm of desolation swept over them. evangelistic, educational and medical lines had been followed and now the missionaries, who had been laboring in a land where crops had failed and where the inhabitants were leaving their homes to escape starvation, were to face massacre, pillage and horrors, such as the world had not beheld for centuries. no words of praise are adequate to tell the story of the devotion which kept them at their posts, or of the succor they extended to the victims of the sultan's hate. a vivid picture of the desolation that everywhere prevailed, was given by one who was engaged in the work of distributing relief money in july, . "semal and shenig are situated in a continuous, moderately wide valley, with a little reach of rolling land between the encircling mountains where about half the hill fields are growing green with a sort of millet that matures in a few weeks and which the sufferers were persuaded to come and sow, with oxen loaned by the poor, but generous villagers of the moush plain. these few fields and few people at work upon them, were all there was to relieve the sad desolation which reigned over all. buildings, once the homes of happy and prosperous countrymen, now presented only ruined walls with not a chip to show they had ever roofs to cover them, save a few, of which a little corner was rudely covered last fall, so that the wretched owners could find imperfect shelter during last winter. the torch of the incendiary soldiers had consumed every vestige of wood from all these scattered homes. the church at the central hamlet, where der hohannes (whose eyes were bored out and his throat pierced, while yet alive, by the cruel soldiers), used to officiate, being of stone, was not consumed, being the only roofed building in all the valley, after that flood of carnage had swept past. near this church we pitched our tent, and began to study the situation. "beneath our eye, in these two villages, had already gathered over one thousand people, whom it was our work to try and set upon their feet again, so that they could start once more on the uphill road towards prosperity. could a community be conceived of more completely prostrated? the sheep and cattle, which composed their wealth, in the hands of kurds, as also their few simple household belongings, cooking vessels, clothing, bedding, etc., and whatever money they may have managed to hoard. those who fled with their lives found themselves nearly as destitute of all that makes life comfortable as the day they were born. english liberality has already spent five thousand dollars, and the authorities gave reluctant consent to our coming up to distribute it. we located here at semal, while the turkish committee has its headquarters at shenig, half an hour distant. it was evident that the thing to be first accomplished was the erection of houses, and only a few weeks remained in which it would be accomplished, so we set about persuading the people to begin preparing their walls for the timbers the government had promised them. "of the survivors of the massacre (of ), five thousand have already gathered to try and reëstablish their old homes, while possibly another eleven hundred may still be scattered over the world. it is impossible as yet to give the exact number of the slaughtered, but it will probably be not far from , . we feel that unless a different status from the present can be secured to distribute anything to these people beyond daily food, is simply to run the risk of its falling into the hands of the kurds. we have distributed a good many tools, with which the people are gathering hay, in hope of having some animal to eat it during the winter. we should be glad to furnish them with tools for laying up the walls of their houses, and even pay the wages of masons to come and help them. it is all we can do now to prevent the people from fleeing again to the plain, when all their crops would go for naught." near harpoot eleven villages were compelled to accept mohammedanism, and also near van the entire population of two villages were forced to change their religion. eight villages near van were entirely depopulated. most of the inhabitants were killed, and those who survived escaped to the snow-covered mountains, where they wandered with their children, naked and starving. the men who were forced to accept mohammedanism were compelled to take their own sisters-in-law, whose husbands have been killed, to wife--a practice most horrible to the christians, who hated polygamy. they were also compelled to plunder and kill their armenian brethren to show that their conversion to mohammedanism was genuine. the young maidens of these villages were carried into the pasha's harem. the kurds attacked the same villages over and over to make their work of destruction complete, and yet the sultan ordered his ambassador in washington to deny that there were any forcible conversions to islam. all accounts received of the hardships endured by the armenians were distressing in the extreme. many of the refugees, weakened by want and exposure, were dying. fully one thousand armenian families in the province of van alone were in want of food. a majority of these families lived on roots and herbs, the few fortunate ones had bread made of clover seed, linseed or flax, mixed with grass and roots. in the district of moks, three-fourths of the villagers left their homes and were in danger of starving. in shadakh, two-thirds of the population were homeless wanderers. beggars swarmed in the streets of van, but so general was the poverty that little help could be afforded. so widespread was the want that many declared, in bitterness of heart, "there is no food in all the length and breadth of armenia"--which was long ago the garden of eden. many poor were fed daily at the american mission in van. america and armenia both owe more than words can ever express to the energy, devotion and abundant generosity that sent mr. w. w. howard, in , to investigate the situation in armenia. in a later chapter the story of the great relief work will be told, meanwhile mr. howard will tell his story. "i have just returned from the interior of the devastated region of armenia and the english language is impotent to produce a true picture of the actual condition of that distressed country, and a just regard for the conventionalities of civilized speech will not permit that the whole truth be told. the refined christian mind can understand wickedness and iniquity up to a certain point, but beyond that point, it either refuses to believe, or it is incapable of receiving additional impressions. "there are in armenia at the present moment at least two hundred thousand persons fighting a death fight with famine! in the one province of van, which is the center of armenia, there are fully one hundred thousand persons, out of a total armenian population of one hundred and forty-five thousand, in actual want of food. "many have already died of starvation, and thousands of villagers are barely keeping soul and body together by eating roots and herbs and sort of bread made of clover seed, flax or linseed meal, mixed with edible grass. i have brought to peaceful, prosperous america specimen loaves of this hunger-bread. starving villagers, reduced to the verge of despair, are crowding into the cities to beg for food and work. three thousand unwilling beggars walk the streets of the city of van, like spectres of famine, asking bread from door to door, who six months ago were comparatively prosperous. others, too proud to beg, but in as desperate condition, crouch in their ruined homes, waiting for a merciful death to end their sufferings. "these are not hallucinations on my part, but are things which i myself have lately seen with my own eyes. unless these wretched people receive immediate help, they will perish of starvation. they must have food and clothing or they cannot possibly survive the winter. they are now living on roots and herbs and edible grass, together with this terrible hunger-bread, the mere odor of which is enough to make a strong man shudder; but when winter begins, in october, the supply of edible grass and roots and herbs will be cut off. what will become of them then? "the armenians have no wheat, and no money with which to buy food. the kurds and the turks have taken everything, and the armenians have nothing. "the armenians planted only half a crop this year, owing to the persecutions and exactions which beset them on all sides. in the early summer, when the young grain was green, the kurds pastured their buffalos and their cattle in the growing wheat. much of the crop was thus destroyed. later, when that which remained of the wheat was ready for the harvest, the kurds came down, cut off the heads of the ripened grain, and left the worthless stubble for the armenians to live upon during the long and bitter winter. even a persecuted armenian cannot hope to maintain his family on wheat straw. "now, we have this condition at the present moment in armenia: the crop planted this year was entirely inadequate to the needs of the population, and when the kurds got through pasturing their cattle in the growing fields they harvested the ripened grain for their own use, leaving only dry grass for the armenians. the systematic persecutions of the people, the exactions of the tax-gatherers, and the repeated robberies by the kurds have left the armenians absolutely penniless and foodless. utterly unable to maintain life in their nearly ruined and wasted villages, the country people are wandering about from place to place, and crowding into the cities. there is no work for them to be had, and no chance of earning enough to keep starvation at bay. "it is for the youngest christian nation on earth to say whether the oldest shall perish and be no more, and whether the followers of mohammed shall be the sole inhabitants of that land which, in the beginning of all things, was the garden of eden. if we turn a deaf ear now to the supplications of the starving thousands of fellow-christians in eastern turkey, the coming of spring will see the troublous armenian question forever at rest. there will be no more armenian question, for there may be no more armenians. "if, on the contrary, the practical christians of our own land desire to assist in preserving this ancient christian race in the land in which it took descent from the grandson of noah, the way is clear. a little help extended now, will not only save the lives of those who are dropping dead of hunger from day to day, but will provide work during the coming winter. "i have necessarily been brief, and have dwelt entirely upon the starvation in armenia, because it is the most urgent feature of the situation. i have not touched upon the sassoun massacre, because as the grand vizier of turkey truthfully says, 'that is an old story.' the victims of sassoun were in many respects more fortunate than their fellows, for they had at least the privilege of dying quickly. they escaped persecution, torture, and starvation. there are very many hopeless creatures in armenia to-day who would welcome a second sassoun as an easy release from the burden and shame of living. "as to the cause of the persecution which has brought two hundred thousand human beings to the actual brink of starvation, there can be but one explanation. the armenians are christians. should they become mohammedans their troubles would vanish, and return no more. it is for the sake of jesus christ, the son of god, that they are persecuted unto death." a resident of moush confirmed all that has been stated regarding the widespread suffering and destitution. he said: "after the departure of the kurdish tribes, which had perpetrated the massacres of sassoun, the survivors left their hiding-places. one group of these people settled themselves on the plateaux, in the defiles, and in the forests of sassoun, whilst the greater part emigrated to moush, whence they were soon scattered among the armenian villages of the plain. the armenians sheltered and fed these emigrants as long as they had the means; but being themselves doubly tried by the want which reigns on all sides, and for the past two years and more, in the country, they soon found it impossible for them to supply the needs of these emigrants. the latter were obliged to move away to the mountains, where they are finding their food from herbs and leaves, or else to beg in the villages, where they are hardly finding a morsel of bread." the kurds took advantage of the sufferings of the people of sassoun to carry on a trade in white people. a young armenian woman of sassoun, was sold as a slave by these nomads. another was sold to an inhabitant of the village of hadji-osman-bey, and taken to diarbekir. a little boy and little girl were bought for one hundred and thirty piastres of a kurd named mehmed; this amount included besides, the price of a donkey. there were other instances also of the same character. the following letter from the duke of westminster to the editor of an american paper, afforded new evidence of the widespread destitution in armenia: "sir:--there is an additional distressing phase connected with the sufferings of the armenians consequent on the losses they have sustained at the hands of the turks, which calls for consideration and assistance from those who are ever ready to relieve distress in whatever part of the world. vice-consul shipley reports from moush, that 'there is great distress, amounting in a great number of cases to abject destitution, among the fugitives from sassoun, of which he and his colleagues have had many opportunities of convincing themselves from personal observation.' mr. hallward, her majesty's vice-consul at van, testifies that the need for relief is unquestioned; that there is an enormous amount of destitution, and that there will certainly be more before next winter. "this applies, we are assured, to the province of bitlis, and to a large extent to erzeroum, where there are survivors of the sassoun massacre--mostly women and children who have no one to provide for them--scattered about. a year ago these people were comparatively prosperous and comfortable, but are now barefoot and in rags, begging their daily bread from those who are not much better off than themselves. "consul graves forwards a private letter describing the deplorable condition of the people at talvorig:--'there are about eight hundred and fifty of these houseless wanderers now living in the woods and mountains, in caves and hollow trees, half naked, and some, indeed, entirely without covering for their nakedness. bread they have not tasted for months, and curdled milk they only dream of, living, as they do, upon greens and the leaves of trees. there are two varieties of greens which are preferred, but these are disappearing, as they wither at this season. living on such food, they become sickly; their skin has turned yellow, their strength is gone, their bodies are swollen, and fever is rife among them.' "in addition to these, there are thousands of refugees who, compelled by poverty and danger to abandon their village homes, have flocked into the towns where they hope to find personal safety and charity to keep them alive. "the committee of the armenian relief fund has already remitted £ , to sir philip currie, her majesty's ambassador at constantinople, for the distribution of food and clothing in the distressed districts, and further aid is very urgently required. "westminster." grosvenor house, london, w., sept. th, . probably the best known and most experienced of all the americans who have served in the missionary field in asia minor is rev. cyrus hamlin, d.d. the venerable founder of roberts college, constantinople. dr. hamlin, has a lifelong acquaintance with the armenian question in its various phases, and is a strong champion of the right of this oldest christian nation on earth to be permitted to live and worship in the faith of their fathers. conversing on the subject, dr. hamlin said: "the condition of affairs in that country has not been exaggerated in the printed reports. i have lately finished reading the ms. of some two hundred letters from missionaries, a very large part of them dealing with the oppressions and sufferings of the armenians, which were of a most frightful character. the poor creatures must have help before the winter opens in earnest, or they will perish. an armenian winter is usually very severe, the snow lying on the ground from four to six feet in depth and the cold being intense. "the whole civilized christian world must help these people--they must be saved from death and assisted over the winter. they can look in no other direction for help, for there is no sympathy and assistance to be had from turkey. indeed, the policy of the sultan's government is apparently dictated by a desire to efface the armenian people altogether--at least those of them who will not accept mohammed. when you talk sympathizingly about these people, a turk will say in surprise: 'why do you speak in behalf of such worthless trash and try to save them? they can save themselves--all they need do is to accept islam and then they are safe and out of trouble.' "and so," continued dr. hamlin, "a turk regards it as strange that an armenian should refuse to purchase his life at the cost of his faith; but there are some among them who take a different view. some of the turkish soldiers who shared in the terrible atrocities lately perpetrated on the armenian christians have been stricken by remorse afterward. one soldier, who had borne his part in several horrible butcheries of women and children, was so troubled that he could not sleep. he had visions of his victims that ultimately drove him insane." dr. hamlin spoke in the highest terms of miss kimball and her relief work, in conjunction with the other missionaries at van. "no one knew the needs of the suffering people better, or was better qualified to deal with the present very trying situation. it is the duty of the christians of america to help them as far as we can help them. the turks will embarrass the work if they can; they wish these people to die. in the whole region of sassoun--comprised of about one hundred villages--forty or fifty villages have been annihilated." a letter from mr. cole, a missionary who is employed in relief work, stated that he visited a village of one hundred and seventy-five houses, every one of which had been destroyed. the turks would not even permit him to erect a shanty as a defence against the weather, lest some armenian should get the use of it. they wished these people to die out of cold or starvation. england, whose official support of turkey made it in large measure responsible for the wrongs and sufferings of the armenians, now moved for reform in that unfortunate country. at the same time, the english people were helping the armenians by contributions. on the occasion of opening a bazaar held at chester, for the benefit of the armenian sufferers, mrs. gladstone gave expression to the popular sentiment prevailing in england regarding armenia's condition in these terms: "no words of mine are needed to describe the frightful need of help. you are all aware of the terrible details. i plead to-day in behalf of the poor sufferers--that we may be instrumental in allaying their sufferings. as my husband says, we cannot dictate to the government as to the time, but we pray that the powers may soon take action to end armenia's woes." but while this most blessed work of caring for these hunger-stricken, homeless and wretched armenians was going on, the storm burst upon them in all its fury. the appetite of the moslem had merely been whetted, not satiated. following the massacres in trebizond and erzeroum all the villages about them were almost depopulated, the orders for the slaughter of the christians, as the moslem troops admit, having come from constantinople. at sivas the massacre was terrible, and a like horror occurred at marash. the ungovernable fury of the turks spared neither age or sex, and the brutalities practiced upon women and children could not be described. bodies of little children, dead and mutilated, were found in the fields after the slaughter had ended. large numbers of the victims of these atrocities died the death of martyrs. they fell in the moslem war for the extermination of the religion of jesus in asia minor. at diarbekir, where the victims were numbered by thousands, there was abundant evidence that the massacre was premeditated. it was claimed that the armenians had attacked a moslem mosque, whereas the facts, as afterwards disclosed, showed the kurds and turks to have been the sole and intentional aggressors. the massacre began on friday, and continued on saturday and sunday with insatiable ferocity. meanwhile, the story of what was taking place in the villages and hamlets of the different districts had not reached the public ear. when it came, it disclosed a tale of suffering and savagism that had scarcely a parallel. many hundreds of villages were literally swept out of existence. the story of one is the story of all: the kurds, directed from higher sources, swooping down, rounding up the cattle, slaying the strong men, outraging and abducting the women, and killing even the children, concluded the satanic work by burning everything that would consume. in many places the kurdish troops came equipped with empty sacks strapped to their saddles for the purpose of carrying off the plunder. the kurdish chiefs openly declared that they were ordered to slay the christians and take the plunder for their pay. rev. john wright, another missionary, wrote: "in one instance, the kurds, after compelling a family to provide food for their horses and themselves, smothered a babe which was asleep in the cradle, cut it in pieces and roasted it before the fire on their weapons, and then made the mother eat the flesh. in another case, when the kurds had killed an armenian, they joined hands and danced about the corpse, singing a song of triumph. they then cut up the corpse, boiled it, and forced the armenians residing there to eat the flesh. flocks were driven off, grain burned, and houses razed to the ground and burned. many women died from fright, and the children also died from fright or exposure to the cold. we found that nearly half the members of the families we met had perished during the flight. they had great difficulty in securing food to eat. all of them had substantially the same harrowing tale to tell. about ten thousand refugees are estimated to have passed through the district of khoi." eight of the villages near van were totally depopulated and all their people slain or rendered fugitives, except the young women who were seized and taken to kurdish harems. in the van provinces nearly two hundred villages were partially destroyed. during the last weeks in december, , the carnival of slaughter continued with tireless energy and terrible ferocity by the turks and kurds. from every side came reports of atrocities by turks, kurds, and circassians--villages swept by fire, the men massacred, the women either slain or reserved for a fate worse than death. thousands of women were carried away captive to become inmates of some vile moslem harem. an illustration of the turkish method of extermination was found in the case of the village of hoh, in the sandjak district. at first the aghas (or local magistrates) promised to protect the christians, but when they saw villages burning in every direction they refused to keep their word. all the christians were told that, under the pain of death, they must accept islam. they were assembled at the mosque, and there eighty young men were picked out and led outside the village--for slaughter. eight escaped, sixty-two were killed, and ten wounded. the young women of the village were taken to turkish harems, and the survivors of the christian population were scattered among other villages. in every district there was the same tragic story of massacre, outrage, pillage, and abduction; monasteries sacked, and christian pastors and people butchered. in many villages the armenian priests were among the number who laid down their lives as a testimony to the faith. in almost every village the strong men and youths were killed, and in nearly every case they met death with the fortitude of true martyrs. many were killed with horrible tortures, because of their refusal to deny christ. among those who so perished were the armenian pastors at khizan, halakeny, and koh. although in official communications the atrocities were denied by the turkish government, the statements issued by the porte were nowhere credited. denials of the massacres of trebizond and erzeroum were circulated, despite the statements of american and european consular officials, missionaries, and armenian survivors, supplemented by the photographs of the piles of dead in the streets and cemeteries. a number of armenian citizens were arrested by the authorities after the trebizond massacre, on the pretext that they caused the riot, and six of them were condemned to death. in january, , the mesopotamian christians of mardin were suddenly attacked by a large body of kurds, the town being surrounded. news had already been received of the burning of many villages and the massacre of thousands of peaceful peasants, but the mardin attack came like a thunderbolt. many hundreds were butchered in a few hours. a number of native ministers of the gospel were slain. the town was a scene of terror and desolation; groups of weeping mothers and crying children sheltered themselves in the houses, while all around, and even upon the floors were the telltale pools of blood that showed where the martyrs fell under the kurdish swords. dead bodies, clotted with blood that had flowed from great gaping wounds, lay everywhere in sight. there were other horrors that added to the terror--the attacks on the native women and girls, who were subjected to nameless abuse. the massacres at mardin and gemerek resulted in leaving the survivors in those once populous villages in a condition that threatened to exterminate them by starvation. the help which was cabled to them from the relief fund was welcomed with a gratitude that can hardly be expressed in words. with the horror of their recent woes still unrelieved, the aid seemed as if heaven-sent. erzeroum was still full of wounded, and rows upon rows of blackened ruins alone showed where its homes once stood. there were many hundreds homeless. harpoot, too, had a large number exposed to hunger and cold. at diarbekir the destitution was probably worst of all, for both in the city and villages, the slaughter was relentless, and the survivors had nothing to expect but death by slow degrees--their little ones perishing of hunger and cold beside them. at erzinjian, where many martyrs fell, the remaining christians were scattered around, hiding where they could, like hunted wild beasts. after these massacres most piteous appeals were received in this country from relatives in the stricken towns and villages. a letter sent by a poor mother from gurun to a relative here, said: "we have only to say that i and my child are living. no male population has been left in our town. they have killed my father. i took the child with me and sought refuge in the church. our cousin also has been killed. of our three families, only one family has partly a shelter, but we have not even a piece of a blanket to cover our nakedness! we have nothing to eat. the government is giving a small piece of bread for each living person. no physician has been left. our child has not a book to study from or to read. everything has been destroyed. they have plundered even the goods which were concealed in the ground. there is no life for us here. in our three families, there is not a lamp to give light. for god's sake send help or else we will die of starvation." a letter from a young man in the same town to an armenian in new york, said: "you have no doubt heard of the terrible events that have taken place in our town. they have not left anything in our house. they killed your brother and sister. they have burned our stable and woodhouse and our winter house. we are in terrible distress. we have no bedding, no clothes. we have not even the means to procure a piece of dry bread. rich and poor are all alike, and our generous neighbors are not any better off than ourselves, so that they cannot help us. no merchant or broker has been left." a few extracts from another report of mr. w. w. howard, sent from urumia in december, , will fitly close this chapter of woe and destitution. "the american mission work at van has been suspended, and all the schools closed. the closing of the schools, however, has not been confined to the american mission, but has extended to every school in the city, of whatever race or creed. all the shops have likewise been closed, both armenian and turkish. even the turkish shops in the bazaar proper have been shut, so great is the fear of massacre. the turkish government ordered the armenian merchants to open their shops, and the armenians obeyed, but when the shops were opened they were entirely empty, the goods having been removed to the merchants' houses. the merchants then sat in their empty stores with nothing to sell. "with the money already sent to her, miss kimball has done a large work in the supplying of bread for the starving, and she is now at work on a soup kitchen. her plan of relief is to furnish work to such of the poor as are able to work. business in van and the province of van has been dead for months. nothing is being bought or sold except the simplest articles of food that will sustain life. miss kimball is, therefore, distributing these articles of clothing free to the wretched village refugees who are flocking to van in rags and nakedness. "in raiding the villages the hamidieh cavalry not only destroyed the houses, drove off the sheep and cattle and removed every portable piece of property, but actually stripped the villagers of the clothes on their backs. the unfortunate peasants, men, women and children, were thrust out into the wilderness of snow-covered mountains without clothes to cover them or food to eat. how many of these poor creatures left bloody tracks on snow and ice; how many dropped by the wayside to go down to death in a shroud of snow and a tomb of ice no man may know. the snow will not give up its dead for long months to come. "are the christian people of america willing that this thing shall continue?" chapter xiv. the reign of terror--harpoot and zeitoun. the harpoot massacre was another butchery carried out under orders. sixty christians fled to a church in the vain hope that its walls would furnish them a shelter against those who were crying for the blood of armenians. they were permitted for a time to believe themselves secure, but suddenly the church was surrounded by a great number of kurds. the doors were then blown in, and the christians thought that they would be massacred within the sacred structure. they were not. their captors took them one at a time outside the church, and there, heedless of the cries for mercy from women and children, killed them, either by shooting or stabbing them. the first victim was the protestant pastor of the church, who, as he was dragged out, bade the others, if they had to die, to die as christians. he met his death like a martyr. some of the refugees, in a very agony of terror, offered to abjure their faith and accept islamism, thinking thus to save their lives. the offers availed them nothing, for their insatiable enemies, after accepting them, dragged the converts out and killed them one by one. the armenian church was turned into a mosque, and the protestant church into a stable. an eyewitness who saw the christian quarter in flames and the houses of the american mission burning, said that he came on to malatia (the ancient melitene), and found not a house in the christian quarter standing. in a khan there were about twenty wounded men, the sole survivors of a caravan of two hundred who had been traveling to harpoot from northern syria and whose members had nearly all been slain by the kurdish bands. there were one hundred and fifty bodies lying in the road. at marash, the same witness, days after the massacre, counted eighty-seven dead armenians in one spot, and there were hundreds of bodies strewn around in the near neighborhood. in the villages on the plains near harpoot, each containing from fifty to one thousand houses, the evidences of slaughter were sickeningly abundant. the kurdish butchers had slain fully half the population. the door of a house would be burst open, a volley fired upon the shuddering inmates, while those who rushed out were caught and killed in the fields. then the houses were plundered, fired and left blazing. this was the fate of thousands of christian homes. several thousand armenian christians fell in the city of harpoot under kurdish and turkish swords. in the province of harpoot were hundreds of small towns and villages, few of which escaped the terrible fate of slaughter and desolation that befell over two thousand other towns and villages throughout the country. harpoot is one of the principal stations of the eastern turkey mission, and is the seat of euphrates college, a group of buildings, eight of which were badly wrecked during the riots. this institution had about five hundred and sixty-four pupils in all its departments, and was exerting a powerful influence for good throughout eastern turkey. it was estimated that the loss would not be less than $ , . at marash, the destruction of mission buildings was more complete. the central turkey girls' college and the theological seminary were both wrecked. there were in the former institution (which was organized in ), about thirty-five students. both buildings were located a little distance outside of marash. in february, , the united states minister, mr. terrell, demanded an indemnity of $ , for the burning and pillaging of the american missions at marash and harpoot. he also asked for the immediate granting of firmans for the rebuilding of them. rev. grigos hachadoovian, the pastor of the second congregational church in harpoot, when the turkish soldiers commenced shooting all over the city, took his wife and children and went to church, where about sixty of his congregation joined him. naturally good and earnest christians as they were, they lifted their voices up to heaven for help. while in prayer the turks rushed in and demanded of the minister to become a mohammedan then and there, with his congregation. he refused promptly. the turks removed the pulpit, made a butchering platform, cut off the head of the minister and actually cut him to pieces before his congregation. mind you on the platform from which he had preached christ for twenty years. this horrible spectacle had no effect upon the devout christian armenians, as they all refused to denounce christ and pray to mohammed, and all were killed in the church to the last man, woman and child. what do you think of that picture, christian people of america? that is the mohammedanism some people would like to have introduced into our county. letters received from persons engaged in relief work among the armenians, gave the following carefully prepared statistics concerning the recent massacres by the turks under the tolerance of christian powers in the year of our lord, - . these statistics were given in detail for the several villages in harpoot province. "killed, thirty thousand six hundred and one; burned to death, one thousand four hundred and thirty-six; preachers and priests killed, fifty-one; died from starvation, two thousand four hundred and sixty-one; died unprotected in the fields, four thousand three hundred and forty; died from fear, six hundred and sixty; wounded, eight thousand; houses burned, twenty-eight thousand five hundred and forty-two; forcible conversions, fifteen thousand and sixty-six; women and girls abducted, five thousand five hundred and forty-six: forcible marriages, one thousand five hundred and fifty-one; churches burned, two hundred and twenty-seven; destitute and starving, ninety-four thousand seven hundred and fifty." the account does not add the number of english and american cannon with the cobwebs left over their mouths. the turks said that they killed too few the last time, and would kill more in the next massacre. when the kurds were expelled from diarbekir and the gates closed against them, they turned their attention to the villages. these, one after another, were taken, plundered, and in many instances, burned--massacre being generally in proportion to the degree of resistance made by the villagers. a district about ninety miles long and fifty broad, east of diarbekir, and up to the boarders of syert, in the vilayet of bitlis, was swept by this hurricane of destruction, wherever christian villages nestled among the billows of this rolling country. the first intimation that the wave of wanton wreckage was moving southward was given in the attack upon tel-ermin. this armenian town of two hundred houses and sixty shops, five hours west of mardin, was taken, plundered and burned. the next day gorli, a syrian village south of mardin, and only two hours away, shared the same fate. about the same time the village of abrahamiyeh fell into the hands of the kurds and only monsoruyeh, twenty miles north of the city remained intact. this they tried to capture, but were driven back. serious attempts were made by the kurds to enter the city in the hope that they would be aided from within. in this they were disappointed and obliged to draw off with severe loss. the kurds persistently asserted that a firman for the slaughter of christians had been given, but that the christians of mardin had bribed the government to conceal it and defend them. when the kurds realized that the government and city garrison were a unit for the common defence, they drew off and the tide of attack swept further east taking nisibin, and some twenty christian villages in its way. thousands of refugees collected near mardin. in the village of kulleth, three hundred refugees from the diarbekir plain were begging food and clothing. the entire christian population remaining in syert was stripped of everything. fully three thousand armenians were massacred at arabkir, and the widows and orphans of those killed were left in terrible distress from cold and hunger. the armenians of sivas and cæsarea were in daily fear of massacre, and soon their fears were terribly realized, for the kurds and turks thoroughly performed their inhuman work of butchery and plunder, the former taking the booty as their pay, according to the permission granted from constantinople. in the district between gemerek and cæsarea twenty-seven armenian villages were pillaged and burned. the thirteen villages this side of gemerek, and five or six hours distant, such as burhan, dendil, tekmen, etc., were also pillaged and ruined. burhan was ravaged five times and tekmen seven times. the raiders carried plunder from dendil for three days continuously; they carried away even the old mats and wooden spoons from the houses. no clothing, no bedding, no utensils, and no food was left to the survivors in those villages. the people lived on herbs gathered from the hillsides, and cooked in the petroleum tins which the raiders had brought along full of petroleum to fire the houses with. in the district of tounnouz the armenian villages, especially hantavos, kazmakara and patsin were pillaged and destroyed, the male inhabitants were butchered, and the young women were carried off. some of the villages were so utterly destroyed that now there is no sign that such places existed. at gemerek the turks joined the armenians and drove away the raiders, who however carried away one thousand sheep and cattle and about one hundred horse loads of wheat and flour from the neighboring mills. the reader can understand the ferocity of the attack upon the christians in this city from the fact that the wife of a captain in the turkish army watched the horrors from her window. she was so affected by what she saw that she has since that event become insane. another terrible massacre occurred in palu, a district not far from harpoot. an armenian lady of palu, writing to her son in new york, thus told the story: "you are my comfort in god. my only joy is that you are safe; but we are in great distress. my hands are trembling; i cannot write from hunger. the turks have burned forty-one villages, destroying everything. they take the beautiful women to their homes and use them badly. they kill the old men, and the old women and children are entirely naked. their bed is now the snow. they go begging at turkish doors for a piece of bread, and instead of bread they get mulberry and husks. after six days of plundering and burning those villages, our enemies returned to the city. ten thousand kurds with the mohammedans of the city, attacked the houses and killed one thousand seven hundred and thirty-two grown-up men and many children and women who would not accept mohammedism. "they took all the articles which were useful and broke everything they had no use for. they tore up every place in the hope of finding something valuable." a letter received from an armenian resident on the seacoast of cilicia, said: "the government has taken away all the arms from the armenians of chok marsovan, who were armed to protect themselves against fifteen thousand bashi-bazouks, who were marching on them. since then the turks have reduced to ashes the villages of engerli and ojakli, which contained respectively three hundred and two hundred and fifty houses. they have plundered seventy-five houses in the armenian village of najarli. they set on fire the houses in the presence of the regular soldiers. now all the villagers are reduced to the utmost distress. more than one hundred farms have been plundered, and many people butchered in the houses and in the gardens." every account from survivors of the massacres who succeeded in reaching places of safety, disclosed some new and revolting trait of moslem ferocity and hatred against christianity. a veritable crusade of mohammedan fanaticism ruled the hour. whole villages and towns, and whole christian quarters in cities were driven like helpless sheep into the moslem fold. aintab, a city of forty-five thousand inhabitants had its baptism of blood. the massacre and pillage began in the markets and in those parts of the city where christian houses offered easy points of attack, crowds rushed in every direction while pistol and gun shots with cries of fear, anger and defiance made an exhibition of the most fearful tumult and confusion. after the kurds and turkish soldiers of harpoot had plundered and burned nearly all of the christian houses in the missionary quarter of the city, including eight of the mission buildings which were then in flames, when massacre was rife and the air was rent with the cry of the wounded and dying, nearly five hundred christian refugees with the missionaries, driven from place to place by fire and bullet, found themselves in the large, new stone building of euphrates college. the turkish officers, seeing that in order to reach the refugees they must withdraw the americans whom they feared to kill, attempted to induce the missionaries to come out from the building "that they might be the better protected." dr. barnum (a missionary for thirty-nine years) replied, "you can protect us here better than anywhere else; we shall remain and if you burn the building we will die with these christians." they were all spared. certainly the age of heroism is not past. the city of oorfa is one of the most ancient in the world. it is the edessa of the time of christ where abgar reigned as king (see chapter i.)--the ur of chaldea, where the patriarch abraham was born. it was one of the great heathen cities to which the disciples went immediately after pentecost and where they were most gladly received. in this city, on october th, , began an awful slaughter, which continued for two days. when the massacre was yet proceeding, a muezzin ascended to the steeple of the armenian church and began to call the faithful to prayer. during the two days' disturbance three thousand christians were slaughtered by a single hamidieh regiment and a force of bedouins and all their property was either looted or destroyed. among other horrors, one hundred and fifty wounded armenians were thrown down a well and petroleum having been poured over them the whole mass of human beings were set on fire and perished in most awful agony. for two months, the christian population of oorfa experienced all the vicissitudes of a veritable "reign of terror." during all this time the christians ventured beyond the precincts of their own homes only at the risk of their lives. nor were they secure even in their homes. for six or seven weeks the soldiers of the government went from house to house almost daily, and after forcing an entrance, offered the inmates the option of becoming moslems, or being killed on the spot. when the general onslaught began on december th, the christians sought the refuge of their churches and every other possible place which they hoped might shelter them from the fury of their fiendish assailants. many took refuge in wells, some under manure heaps, while others had their friends cover them under piles of charcoal. for some of these their shelters proved to be a living grave. two hundred and forty-six persons took refuge in the home of the american missionary, miss shattuck. during the six weeks immediately following the first massacre, this devoted missionary heroine was obliged to keep all but constant vigil, and was unable through all this time to undress even once, and retire to her room for a night's rest. any rest or sleep obtained was on a lounge and for but short intervals, while others kept watch. this church was built entirely of stone and may be said to be absolutely fire-proof. it was to this edifice from fifteen hundred to two thousand of the people fled when the general massacre began, and the story of what took place within its walls on that awful day will never be fully known. these nearly two thousand victims were at the mercy of the merciless soldiers and the worse than merciless mob. the soldiers were first to enter, but they soon allowed the promiscuous rabble to follow and share with them in the carnival of debauchery and blood. the fiendish fanaticism of these moslems had its climax in setting fire to the victims of their wild fury. there being no wood finishing on the inside of the church, and little or no inflammable furnishings, one can only conjecture how they succeeded in transforming this multitude of human sacrifices into the great mass of bones and ashes to which they were all reduced by the following morning. for two or three days afterward a number of hammals (turkish porters), were engaged in carrying the bones and charred remains of these victims from the church to a place close in the rear of the american mission premises, where they were dumped over a portion of the old wall of the city. apart altogether from those killed and burned in the church, the bodies of over one thousand five hundred by actual count were dragged, usually by the legs, and in considerable numbers at a time, by animals, to a large trench dug for the purpose on the outskirts of the city. there they lie in one, irregular mass, awaiting the day when all wrongs shall be righted. as many as three hundred bodies were taken from one of the large cistern wells some days after the massacre, while another furnished over fifty and yet another about thirty. scarcely a single gregorian or protestant home escaped the general pillage and bloodshed and the total number of victims in this last massacre in oorfa must now be put down at four thousand. read this farewell which seemed to come out from the tombs of the dead: some days before the massacre at oorfa the armenians were warned that it was impending, but the officials prevented them from leaving the town. during the suspense the gregorian clergy compiled a letter which they sent secretly to aintab, whence it was forwarded to europe. the arch priest stephen and four other priests were subsequently slain before the altar while celebrating the eucharist. the letter contained messages to the sultan and to the gregorian's moslem fellow-countrymen, and reproached their european brethren for standing by, watching the bloody work. it also contained the following: "to the christians of the united states of america we say farewell. we have been strenuously opposed to your mission work among us, but these bloody days have shown that some of our protestant brethren have been staunch defenders of our honor and our faith. you, at least, know that our crime, in the eyes of the turk, has been that we adopted the civilization you commended to us. behold now the missions and schools which you planted among us, at the cost of many millions of dollars and hundreds of precious lives! they are in ruins, and the turk is planning to rid himself of the missionaries and teachers by leaving them nobody among whom to labor." zeitoun has the glory of being the only town that successfully resisted the turkish troops and secured for itself an honorable capitulation. peace having been secured through the consuls of the various powers, it was believed that the terms of the amnesty granted by the porte would honestly be fulfilled. it would not have been a very easy thing to hush up another massacre, and if one had occurred it might at last have aroused the powers that (ought to) be to some decisive action. the town of zeitoun lies several hours' journey over the mountains, to the north of marash. secluded in a deep valley, it is well protected on all four of the roads leading into it and could be defended against very great odds if there were a small force at each narrow pass. the zeitounlis had early determined to make a stand for their lives and had succeeded in capturing the barracks, which are situated just at the edge of the town, after an attack of sixty hours and taking prisoners nearly six hundred turkish soldiers, and then they proceeded to garrison and provision the town for a siege. in one of the battles which took place at hot springs, some five miles east of the city, the zeitounlis made a stand at a stone bridge which there spans a rushing torrent. but after holding it bravely for awhile they slowly retreated up a steep hill until almost the entire turkish army had crossed the bridge, when suddenly the bridge was blown up and the zeitounlis turning, hurled down from the hills above great rocks and poured upon them a most destructive fire. hemmed in as they were the loss was very great. the turkish account was that fire burst out from the air or from the ground and destroyed the army. seven distinct attacks were made in which the losses as sent through official sources to the porte were placed at ten thousand men. on february th, , the porte communicated to the embassies of the powers its reply to the proposals of the zeitounlis for conditions of surrender. the porte promised a satisfactory settlement, and on the th the terms were announced. terrible distress and illness prevailed in the city as the consequence of the siege. thousands died of cold and starvation. how the turk began on the first day of to keep the oft repeated promises made to the powers of europe, was best told in the following account of the massacre at birijik (province of aleppo). "the assault on the christian houses commenced at about nine o'clock in the morning, and continued until nightfall. the soldiers were aided by the moslems of the city in the terrible work. the object at first seemed to be mainly plunder, but, after the plunder had been secured, the soldiers seemed to make a systematic search for men, to kill those who were unwilling to accept mohammedanism. the cruelty used to force men to become moslems was terrible. in one case the soldiers found some twenty people, men, women and children, who had taken refuge in a sort of cave. they dragged them out, and killed all the men and boys because they would not become moslems. "after cutting down one old man who had thus refused they put live coals upon his body, and, as he was writhing in torture, they held a bible before him and asked him mockingly to read them some of the promises in which he had trusted. others were thrown into the river while still alive, after having been cruelly wounded. the wounded and children of this party were loaded up like goods upon the backs of porters and carried off to the houses of mussulmans. "christian girls were eagerly sought after, and much quarreling occurred over the question of their division among their captors. every christian house, except two claimed to be owned by turks, was plundered. ninety-six men were killed, or about half of the adult christian men. the others became mussulmans to save their lives, so that there was not a single christian left in birijik. the armenian church was made into a mosque and the protestant church into a medresse seminary." massacres went on actively in armenia for over sixteen months, dating from the terrible slaughter at sassoun in august and september, . a low estimate of those either killed, or in a state of actual starvation, was half the agricultural population of seven vilayets--two hundred and seventy-five thousand, according to turkish statistics, two-thirds of the starving being women and children. the government completed its work in the vilayets by reducing the population and the remaining property under the forms of martial law, and by forcing the armenians to declare themselves mohammedans. many died for their faith, but the greater number still held out, dying by inches. turkish estimates, which, as can be readily understood, did not magnify the massacres, gave the following as the net result of the sanguinary work up to the middle of december: armenian population in larger towns , armenian population in villages , number killed in towns (estimated) , number of armenian villages (about) , villages destroyed , number killed in villages, no data, but probably, , number reduced to starvation in towns , number reduced to starvation in villages , chapter xv. relief work in armenia. in presenting an account of the relief work done in armenia, the order in time has been observed in a very great degree in order that as the distress and misery increased the reader might see that greater efforts were made to relieve the terrible condition of the starving thousands. march , , hon. john wanamaker who was then in the east, sent this cablegram to the relief committee of philadelphia. "i am convinced that the necessity is appalling. needs for relief extremely urgent." the spring of saw the gaunt spectre of poverty stalking through this devoted land. it trod on the beautiful valleys and they lost their verdure and their harvests withered. poverty became hunger and cheeks grew thin and death's pallor looked out from hollow eyes. hunger became starvation and the keenest form of suffering became the portion of thousands of once prosperous and happy armenians. the rev. mr. macallum, a missionary at erzeroum said of the situation in and about that city in april : "the famine continues to increase in severity. spring is opening up late. very many of the farmers have no grain to sow; we wish we had enough money on hand to supply the protestants of khanoos with seed, but i am sorry to say that what has come to us is now exhausted, or practically so. we are feeding about seven hundred people a day in this city, who otherwise would have nothing to eat. besides this, we have sent sufficient out to the country districts to keep life and courage in several hundred more." over $ , had been sent to mr. macallum up to the middle of may but though spring had arrived and the agony of the cold was over, there was no work to be found, and over one-third of the sixty thousand inhabitants of erzeroum had nothing to eat except the bread of charity. in the passen and khanoos district near by a similar famine was prevailing, and but for the help sent to them many of the people would have died of starvation. writing to the friends who had sent him aid mr. macallum said: "you may rest assured that there are hundreds of poor starving people who bless you and the givers night and day. we have sought to help only those who are most needy, and the testimony of all is that the help we have administered has saved many from a terrible death. 'you have redeemed us.' 'you have bought our children's blood.' 'may the lord reward you a thousandfold for all you have done!' these and other like expressions we hear every day. some of those who get bread from us regard it as sacred, and eat it as they take the sacrament in church. we are giving bread regularly to over a thousand people a day in the city, protestants, greeks, catholics, and gregorians. we have given £ to the governor here for the turkish poor. this gift was comparatively small, but more gratitude was expressed by the turkish authorities than by the gregorians, to whom we had given the most." the summer of instead of bringing relief, brought increased burdens from the frequent raids of the wild kurds, who during that single year drove out of the districts of boolanyk and moush alone more than ten thousand head of cattle and sheep. the result was the utter disappearance of wealth and the rapid spread of misery so intense, so hopeless, so distressing in its moral and physical effects as to have inspired some of its victims with that wild courage which is akin to despair. to the depredations of the kurds, were added the cruel extortions of the zaptiehs, or official tax-gatherers. there was absolutely no redress for christians who suffered in property, life or limb at the hands of mohammedans. the taxes levied upon armenians were exorbitant; the bribes that invariably accompanied them, and were imposed by the zaptiehs, swelled to any proportions, and assumed the most repugnant forms, while the methods employed to collect both constituted by themselves sufficient justification for the sweeping away of ottoman rule in armenia. to give a fair instance of the different rates of taxation for christians and mohammedans in towns it will suffice to point out that in erzeroum, where there are eight thousand mohammedan houses, the moslems paid only three hundred and ninety-five thousand piastres, whereas the christians, whose houses number but two thousand, paid four hundred and thirty thousand piastres. the barbarities and the enormities and savagery of the sassoun massacres left those districts in a most deplorable condition. after decimating the population, the kurds burned and utterly destroyed many villages and drove off all their cattle and sheep and left the plains as if swept by cyclone and wrecked by earthquake. the fugitives returning after the kurdish fiends had returned into the mountains had neither the means nor the opportunity to cultivate the soil which their forefathers had possessed for many generations. their homes were wrecked, their farms destroyed, and their implements and cattle seized by the bandit mountaineers, and they themselves were compelled to seek such shelter as the woods and caves afforded. it was the medical missionary at van, dr. grace w. kimball whose heart was so smitten with anguish at the sight of such suffering that she determined to let the world know what the horrors of sassoun really were. in the smitten districts at least five thousand were living in the mountains and faring little better than the wild beasts. they were sustaining life on roots and berries and were almost naked--many wholly so. it is not surprising that this terrible privation should have bred disease, and, when she wrote, fever and other physical troubles were carrying the wretched people off in large numbers. she described the condition of the women and little children as miserable beyond anything she had ever heard of. this brave christian woman did not spend the time in lamenting the wretchedness of the people among whom she labored, but set about to find out some practical way of helping them. food, clothing, and shelter were the three prime necessities. she gathered the adults in about one hundred of the fugitive families, and soon had them employed at making cotton cloth--an industry with which they were already familiar. she supplied the material, and paid the workers for their labor, expending in this way about $ weekly, which was applied to the relief of the families. by this excellent method, she gave the needed help to many of the sufferers without pauperizing them, and she earned the warmest love and gratitude of the armenians. but the market for the product of this labor was soon supplied and the resources of the missionaries were soon exhausted. it was then that she wrote in the anguish of her soul to this country and this was the origin of the christian herald relief fund which collected and sent many thousand dollars to the centers of massacres and suffering. early in october, , mr. w. w. howard the commissioner sent by the christian herald of new york to relieve the persecuted and hunger smitten peasants of armenia, set forth on his errand of mercy. in retaliation for his articles on the terrible suffering in armenia and its cause, the turkish government resolved to prevent mr. howard from entering its dominions. refused permission to pass through anatolia he was compelled to go through russia and persia, and eventually was prevented by the turkish officials from crossing the frontier opposite van, a notification of the order for his exclusion being sent to mr. terrell, the american minister at constantinople, who cabled the fact to this country. this, however, did not impede the work of the distribution of the relief fund as the money was sent to w. w. peet, constantinople, to be distributed by rev. h. o. dwight "with special reference to sufferers in the neighborhood of van." the whole country was in fearful peril and van itself practically in a state of siege, the trees along the streets having been leveled to permit the placing of cannon in position to command the armenian quarter. a most various phase of the condition was wholesale exile. thousands of armenian villagers, unable to endure privation longer, or to see their wives and children starve left their ruined homes and bare fields and poured into the neighboring cities, unsheltered and hungry. meanwhile the good work that the missionaries were doing at van and bitlis led the duke of westminster, chairman of the british committee of relief, and sir philip currie, the british ambassador at constantinople, to designate messrs. raynolds and cole as almoners of their bounty as they were of the gifts from america. when these gentlemen first reached the desolated region they were greatly hindered in caring for the poor by petty officials, but later on and in view of representations made by the embassies, the opposition ceased, at least outwardly. men were set at work rebuilding houses and food was distributed to the most needy. it was estimated that $ , would be needed to feed upwards of five thousand persons until the next harvest, and a call was sent for further aid from europe and america. finally the bitter hate of the turkish officials prevailed and the distribution of supplies was stopped and messrs. cole and raynolds compelled to return to their homes. there were one hundred thousand persons in the two hundred towns and villages in one district alone, who were actually starving, and the story of one was the story of all sections. no one not in the actual midst of it could have any comprehension of the extent of the desolation and of the degree of the suffering. daily rations of bread, amounting to two cents for adults and one cent for children, were delivered to more than one thousand six hundred in one city. over four thousand suits consisting of shirt and drawers, were made and distributed, three hundred mattresses and four hundred quilts were given. many were glad of a piece of bagging to put over them. poor armenia! drenched with the blood of her children, her hills and valleys resounding with their shrieks and sighs and moans, she stood the oldest christian nation in the world--asking for the smallest of small coins to preserve lives that might yet be given the crown of martyrdom--a spectacle for the world. in the first outburst of righteous indignation that blazed out from all europe, it seemed as if the infidel turkish government condemned unanimously by the verdict of all nations for its crimes against god and humanity, would soon be swept out of europe and that even its possessions in asia minor would be torn from its grasp and partitioned among civilized races. lord salisbury, the british premier, at a public dinner, made an address which plainly intimated that the patience of europe was exhausted, and that the sultan's folly had sealed the doom of his own government, if not of the ottoman empire. lord salisbury recognized in the present condition of turkey, the result of its offences against god. he said: "above all treaties, all combinations of the powers, in the nature of things, is providence. god, if you please to put it so, has determined that persistent and constant misgovernment must lead the government which follows it to its doom. the sultan is not exempt any more than any other potentate from the law that injustice will bring the highest one on earth to ruin." these words sounded as if the prime minister really meant to do something to permanently better the condition of christian armenia, but in the light of after events it seemed that lord salisbury, after considerable reflection, concluded to let the lord settle the account with turkey without england's intervention. there was one man in constantinople who played a mighty part in the life and death struggle between christianity and islam--mattheos ismirlian, the armenian patriarch, but great as was his influence, he was powerless to relieve the increasing mass of suffering and misery in all the provinces. the story of zeitoun, of its long and brave defence and of its final capitulation has been already told, but the distress which prevailed there was simply awful. the five european consuls who went to zeitoun to negotiate for the submission of the armenian insurgents telegraphed to their respective embassies that indescribable distress prevailed among the eight thousand refugees at that place. the sick, the dying and the dead were heaped together in all kinds of astonishing places where a little extra warmth was to be hoped for. bitter cold prevailed and the women and girls were devoid of necessary clothing. although the inhabitants of zeitoun gave up their arms, the refugees shrank from quitting the town through lack of confidence in the turks. only too well founded were their fears, as, a little while after this disarming, sixteen zeitounlis were proceeding under the escort of one gendarme to albistan to buy wheat or barley; they were suddenly fallen upon and nine of them were massacred. it was an awful crime against humanity, the stupidest folly to put faith in the promises of the turk where the welfare of a christian was at stake. fifteen armenian families were murdered by kurds in the district of tchabakeiour, bitlis, because, having embraced islamism, they returned to christianity. the authorities declined to recognize them as mohammedans, and are said even to have advised them to remain christians. this exasperated the kurds, who decided to exterminate them. at many points the lives of our missionaries were in peril but united states minister terrell warned the sultan that his government would be held responsible "if even a hair upon the head of an american should be touched:" and to enforce that word--a good straightforward, understandable word, there were three american warships cruising in turkish waters. there is not the slightest doubt but that if the fleets of the great powers had passed the dardanelles in november, , and demanded that the outrages against the armenians should cease, or their guns would fire on stamboul, silence would have fallen like that of death upon the fierce soldiers and fiercer kurds, in armenia. but the word was not spoken, and before god and in the sight of christendom the blood of the slain is upon them. from every quarter of the afflicted country appeals came pouring in, saying that the suffering was beyond all description and starvation imminent. "aid must be sent quickly if lives were to be saved." the survivors of the erzingan massacre appealed to the patriarch at constantinople to lay their sore need before the world, and to "send aid quickly, quickly, quickly." but these were only a few; similar appeals, heart-moving in their terrible earnestness, kept coming in from a score of districts where continued massacres made the trembling survivors almost wish for death, that they might be spared the pain of witnessing further horrors. noble work was done by american missionaries everywhere in armenia. nearly all were engaged in aiding the distressed families, and it was that fact alone that caused the turkish officials to demand their withdrawal, in order that the homeless and destitute armenians might be left to die. conspicuous among the relief work accomplished was that done at van under the direction of dr. grace w. kimball. all who care for the amelioration of destitution and suffering, cannot fail to see in the following letter, the practical wisdom which characterized her work. october , , dr. kimball wrote: "the plan of this work is to aid without pauperizing, and to utilize a part of the great number of workers who are idle and starving because there is no work to be had. a large proportion of the people of both city and villages are conversant with the various processes in the manufacture of coarse cotton and woolen fabrics. this suggested a simple solution of the work problem. small sums of money had, as early as june, come to us for our distressed people. and on the strength of this money and the increasingly urgent demands for help, a very simple beginning was made. a bag of wool was bought, weighed out into pound portions, and whenever a woman came begging for help or work, her case was investigated, her name registered, and she was given wool to card and spin. on return of the thread it was weighed and examined as to quality: the woman was paid at a rate that, it was estimated, would supply her with bread, and she was given another lot of wool. the giving of two or three lots of wool in this way was enough to bring down on us a crowd, and speedily we found a large business flooding in upon us--one demanding good organization and a corps of distributors. cotton was added to our supplies, and all the processes and tricks of the two trades were quickly investigated, and every attempt was made to put the enterprise on a sound business basis. we were able to select at once those whom our hearts had ached to help to gain a living, and a good corps of helpers was soon organized. men to keep the door--and it often took three men to do this against the clamoring crowd--men to receive and weigh the wool, cotton and thread; men for the various demands of the central bureau. "for the first two months the work was accommodated in our house, in the rooms used as a dispensary, and we were in a state of siege from morning to night. the long lower hall was devoted to a row of cotton-carders, the twang of whose primitive cards and the dust of whose work, filled the house from early morning till dark, while a crowd of wretched men and women was never absent. the accumulation of thread brought the necessity for weavers, and all the processes of weaving had to be studied. the demand was met at once by weavers who were out of work and in dire poverty. the thread was given them by weight, and the woven goods received by weight; and they in turn were paid with due regard to the needs of their families. then to the children and to some who were too weak and sick to do the heavier work, yarn was given to be knitted into socks. "shortly, we found ourselves in possession of a good stock of cotton cloth, woolen goods for the loose trousers worn here, and huge piles of coarse socks. and the question what to do with them came to the front. the suggestion was made that this work might help and be helped by the sassoun relief work, by our supplying materials for distribution there. the proposition was submitted to messrs. raynolds and cole and gladly accepted by them, and this arrangement has been the means whereby our bureau could double its efficiency, thanks to having an assured market for all its produce, without affecting the same industries here, which on the contrary it should help. our goods are done up in bales, loaded on donkeys or ox-carts, and carried down to the lake harbor. they are received by the miserable little sailboats that ply the lake, and taken--with prayers for insurance--to the opposite side of van lake, a distance of some sixty miles. thence they are transported by horses or carts to moush, the headquarters of the sassoun commission. the journey takes from ten days to two or three weeks. in this way we have already sent some two thousand pairs of socks, and fourteen hundred webs of cloth. the total number of workers (up to october ) was as follows: spinners of cotton and wool weavers of cotton goods weavers of woolen goods weavers of carpets carders spindle fillers sizers weighers, door-tenders, etc. --- total "the average of wages per capita for the week was seven piastres, or about thirty cents. the intense poverty of the people is shown by the fact that these wages, small as they are, exceed from one-third to one-half the regular rates for the same work. on the other hand the demands grow more and more urgent--desperate, i might well say. so importunate are the crowds that i often have to call a man to pass me out of the office after my work is done. they beg and weep and catch at my clothes and will not let me go. and it is maddening to see such misery, and yet be obliged to turn a deaf ear to so much of it. we help, through our four hundred and seventy six workers, some two thousand souls, and this is not in itself, a small thing. but when it is compared with the vast number of helpless poor about us, it accentuates our appeal to our more fortunate fellow christians for larger help. "the gratitude of these people is touching in the extreme. would that i could send to each one who has given to this work the blessings and the prayers and the gratitude that are bestowed on them daily. and yet the cry goes up for more help. winter cold and rains are upon us. thousands have but the thinnest and most ragged clothing, no shoes or stockings, many no beds, and most no fuel or other winter provisions. thousands never taste anything but coarse, dry bread for weeks and months at a time--and little enough of that--while, especially in the villages, hundreds have not even that, and are on the verge of starvation. i doubt not that many will have actually starved before these words are read in america. "it is a national tragedy we are witnessing, and we know not what the end will be. it is also and especially an historical struggle between islam and christianity. christianity is for the present sadly worsted, and it remains for christian europe, england and america to decide which shall ultimately be victorious. all that armenian christians can do is to die martyrs to the faith, and that they have done, are doing, and will continue to do daily, until help come--help which reaches not merely embassies and the capital, but which penetrates to the remote villages and mountain fastnesses where the worshippers of the cross are to-day at the pitiless mercy of the fanatical kurd and turk. "in closing this incomplete report of our mutual work, let me again assure all our helpers and coöperators, of the deep appreciation of their aid and sympathy that is felt, not only by those who receive their gifts, but by the entire armenian people. and let me also remind whomsoever may feel impelled to send us aid that he is not only aiding a starving people, but is also helping to maintain christianity against its most virulent foes." early in the following december, dr. kimball again wrote: "the bakery which we opened is taxed to its utmost capacity and beyond, so that we have been giving orders on another bakery as a temporary thing, and are having a new bakery fitted up, to be ready in two or three days. we are now feeding about one thousand five hundred people daily, and are distributing clothing to these people and hundreds of other villagers who are in greatest need. we have laid in one thousand five hundred bushels of wheat and a considerable amount of wood at very advantageous prices. "just here, the man in charge of the bakeries comes and reports that the governor is giving out orders for bread to the villagers. this governor is a good man, and we do not doubt his good intentions. but as the treasury is entirely empty, we do not anticipate any very material assistance from turkish sources. however little it may be, it will doubtless be noised abroad, especially in english papers, as a proof of the tender feelings the government entertains for its christian subjects. the hand that smote will not long comfort. please assure all contributors and helpers in this work of armenian relief, of the deepest gratitude of the poor people, and of the hearty thanks of us who are witnesses of their misery. * * *" the following is a summary of relief work at van up to january st, : number of employees of industrial bureau nine hundred and eighty-one, representing over nine hundred and fifty families, or about four thousand seven hundred and fifty persons. of these four are overseers, nine master-workmen, six hundred and fifty eight spinners of cotton and wool, one hundred and fifteen weavers of cotton, thirty-seven weavers of woolen goods, and the remainder, carpet weavers, carders, spindle-fillers, sizers, knitters and sewers of clothing. the manufactures are coarse cotton cloth, woolen goods, carpets; a kind of heavy jacket worn by the villagers; socks, ready-made clothing and bedding. the product from july to november was largely sold to the sassoun relief commission, though small quantities were distributed here, chiefly among refugees. the supply is not nearly equal to the demand. in the baking department free bread is given regularly to four hundred and fifteen families or about two thousand five hundred persons. about one thousand five hundred persons have received rations for from a week to a month, while waiting to return to their villages. the allowance per capita is one and a half pounds a day. free bread is being given to the extent of three thousand pounds a day. at this time, in harpoot there was still much unrelieved suffering. in the city the missionaries were giving one thousand five hundred rations of bread daily. the ladies distributed one thousand two hundred shirts and drawers, sixty pairs of stockings, one hundred and forty six mattresses, and two hundred quilts. these garments were manufactured by the destitute women, with regular wages of three or four cents a day. at aintab the missionaries with the relief moneys were feeding three thousand two hundred and twenty-six persons, at erzeroum two thousand five hundred, at erzingan one thousand, and also large numbers at palu, diarbekir, oorfa, arabkir, malatia, marash, hadjin, cæsarea, and sivas. by christmas, , generous responses came from all over the land, though by no means large enough to equal the necessities of the starving thousands scattered throughout the cities and towns and villages of anatolia. this work of relief was conducted under extraordinary conditions, the turkish government hampering and opposing it at every point and making it clear to all the missionaries that the deliberate intent was to allow the armenians to die of cold and hunger. abdul hamid decreed that the christians should be exterminated; those who had survived the massacres at moush, sassoun, dalvorig, trebizond, erzeroum and harpoot, would die quietly if let alone. they were mere christian dogs--all of them, and deserved to perish for the glory of allah and his prophet. and when the missionaries, faithful to their duty, and at the risk of their own lives, continued to extend succor to the starving ones, their mission buildings were burned down, their converts slain and they themselves compelled to seek a place of shelter. early in december, , miss clara barton, of washington, president of the red cross society, was requested to undertake relief work in armenia, and as turkey belonged to the red cross association, it was thought that no obstacles would be placed in her way by the sultan. miss barton quickly responded and prepared to take the field in person with a corps of trained workers, sailing from new york, january , . upon her arrival at constantinople the fullest permission was given for the entrance into armenia of the red cross party and an apparently active and generous effort was made towards making their endeavors, journeys, etc., as safe and easy as possible. miss barton took with her many letters of great influence addressed to the turkish authorities and other persons in close contact with them, but in spite of this and the reiterated promise of the turkish foreign minister to permit the distributors of relief to go to anatolia, the necessary irades were withheld by the sultan and for some time miss barton's work was limited to constantinople. it was during this period that the porte permanently prohibited several leading american newspapers from entering turkey. early in april, , as the result of the incessant pressure brought to bear upon the porte by mr. j. w. riddle, united states chargé d'affaires, and sir philip currie, british ambassador, tewfik pasha, the turkish foreign minister, gave assent to the demand that all relief afforded to the suffering armenians by the agents of the red cross society should be distributed unconditionally, with the exception of one provision, namely, that one member of the turkish relief commission should be present. miss barton at once despatched one caravan with goods to marash and followed it with another including eight physicians and apothecaries with medical supplies. at marash, the destitution and misery were past human imagination. cold, famine, smallpox and typhoid fever had carried off four thousand people and twelve thousand refugees were in need of food, clothing and bedding. there was not a yard of cotton cloth in the place and no doctors. at aintab, oorfa, harpoot and zeitoun the needs were almost as great, and to each of these points, goods and medical supplies were despatched and distributed by trustworthy american residents and miss barton's red cross agents. upwards of $ , were sent by cable from america to the missionaries in armenia, through the american board of foreign missions. not one dollar of this amount was lost or failed to reach its proper field. in many instances the money was given out in the form of bread and clothing to the starving refugees in asia, within forty-eight hours of the time of cabling it from new york. this fact should go far towards disarming the severe criticisms sometimes heard regarding the business management of missionary enterprises. chapter xvi. the curse of islam. dr. m. s. gabriel. in europe and america there is very little, if any, exact knowledge of what mohammedanism means and who the turks are. the christian subjects of turkey alone have the unfortunate opportunity of knowing well both the turk and his religion. and of all the christian subjects of the porte the armenians have the profoundest understanding in this matter. in the case of the roman catholic and the orthodox christian, turkish oppression has more or less been alleviated by the sympathy and protection of some one or the other of european powers, while the armenians, related to none of the great nations by close ties of either church or race, are absolutely friendless and have known the virulence of moslem hatred in its utmost intensity. this remark, i hope, will caution those of my readers who, having heard of the "tolerant spirit" of islam and "the benign rule" of the sultan, might think my description of them to be rather exaggerated. of "the benign rule" of the ottomans and the spirit of islam i can speak from personal and intimate acquaintance. there can be no curse for a christian nation as great as that of bearing the yoke of moslem tyranny. armenia has many times during her long national life seen foreign rule or supremacy, that, for instance, of the romans, but not without some consoling advantage. the british, called the true romans of modern times, carry some blessing to the countries they conquer or rule, although they conquer or rule in the commercial interests of their own. they are like butterflies which fly from flower to flower in order to suck the honey, but, in so doing, they transfer to them the fertilizing pollen attached to their wings. what have the turks brought into the greek and armenian centers of civilization in the orient? any commerce, or industry, or literature, or art, or science? no, not a bit. they have come, sword in hand, bringing with them new vices and novel methods of torture. since they established their rule in the east, italy, in the west, had her literary renaissance, germany her religious reformation, france her great revolution, each contributing to the cause of general civilization, and all europe and america appear to-day gloriously transfigured, thanks to modern science and industry and art, while turkey remains where she was five centuries ago. the task of the turk has been not to enter himself and not to allow his christian subjects to enter into the path of progress. whatever progress has been realized by the armenians has been despite the systematic opposition of the turkish government. they have smuggled, so to say, european elements of civilization into armenia. but armenian experience proved that it is vain, it is even dangerous, for christians under moslem rule to try to progress, to multiply schools and churches and colleges, to educate the children, to send the young men to the universities of europe and america, to be economical and industrious, to grow rich and to be influential or merely to be born beautiful under the turkish flag. the destruction of armenia, after the general massacres of october and november last, is going on by starvation and exposure and sickness. armenian progress is buried by islam in the heaps of slaughtered bodies and under the ashes that cover her ruined and deserted villages. why is the turk so fiercely opposed to progress? why does he so bitterly hate the progressive armenians? because, in the first place, he is turkish; and because, in the second place, he is mohammedan. the turk is not a member of the best human race--the indo-european or arian, like the armenians. the turk does not belong even to the next best of races, the semitic, like the jews and the arabs. he is a branch of the mongolian race, and, as such, incapable of assimilating complex ideas and higher forms of civilization. the mental inferiority of the turk unfortunately matched with a religion of a very low order, has made of him what he is, worse than savages. there is much to say of the inferiority of islam, but i shall confine myself to showing that the moral law of islam is essentially immoral. this may seem to some too bold an assertion. let us see. according to the koran, the woman must be veiled lest any man look at her and lust after her. she is not to talk with any man other than her nearest relatives. a moslem must not drink wine or liquor at all, in order that he may not drink too much. there should be no liberty of press, nor of speech, nor of association, lest any seditious utterance or movement be the outcome. in a word, man must be watched from above, governed, repressed, in order that he may not have any occasion to sin. he is not to be left free, he is not to govern himself, but remain under tutelage, like a child. the consequence is that the moslem is condemned to perpetual infancy as a moral creature; his individuality, his will power remain undeveloped. compare that with the moral law of christianity. christianity is the fight of man's deeper, true nature against his animal or lower nature. it is a healthful exercise by which his soul grows in grace and strength and will power, building up a christlike character, that is the ideal of his life. the more he fights, the greater and surer becomes the supremacy of his higher nature over the lower. just the reverse of this is the spiritual course of a moslem. he does not aspire at all at purity or moral freedom, but, on the contrary, he believes that by certain acts he can so please allah and become his friend as to get the privilege of indulging in things forbidden to the common "faithful." i know this to be the belief among the learned moslems. it has its ground in the koran itself--in the fact that mohammed the "prophet" was granted such privileges. "o prophet!" says the koranic oracle, "we have allowed thee thy wives, unto whom thou hast given their dower, and also the slaves which thy right hand possesseth, of the booty which god hath granted thee; and the daughters of thy uncle, and the daughters of thy aunts, both on thy father's side and on thy mother's side, who have fled with thee from mecca, and any other believing woman, if she give herself unto the prophet; in case the prophet desireth to take her to wife. this is a peculiar privilege granted unto thee, above the rest of the true believers. (koran, chapter xxxiii.) another privilege, necessitated by the above, is thus declared: "thou mayest postpone the turn of such of thy wives as thou shalt please, in being called to thy bed; and thou mayest take unto thee her whom thou shalt please ..., and it shall be no crime in thee." a further affirmation of the peculiar privilege: "o prophet, why holdest thou that to be prohibited which god hath allowed thee, seeking to please thy wives?" (chapter lxvi.) gratification of senses in this world under certain regulations, and unlimited gratification of senses in the paradise, with plenty of wine, without any danger of "headache," enjoying "wives free from impurity," and "fair damsels with large black eyes" result of "a peculiar creation" ... remaining "virgins" though "beloved by their husbands." (chapter lvi.) such is the ideal of the moslem for the present life and the future. this is not mere theory. to be fully convinced of this, a christian must live among the turks, see their homes, attend to their festivals, visit their schools, watch their prayers, and become acquainted with their priests and princes. did i say their "homes?" the turk has no home in the european sense of the term, nor wife, nor schools, nor government. his prayers are gymnastics of lips and limbs. his charity is a mere show--as are his prayers, and often an act of cruelty. his school is a place where the spark of tartaric intelligence is put out under the fuel of koranic verses. his courts are stores where justice is sold by auction. his government is an organized brigandage and his diplomacy, falsehood and shameless hypocrisy. outsiders may think that the turks will make some progress. no, there is no hope. as long as the turks are faithful to the teachings of their sacred law, the only form of their government will be absolute monarchy, their only instrument the sword, and their ideal sensualism. for the present life the turks have for centuries secured an abundance of sensual gratification, thanks to the sword, the great instrument recommended to them by their religion. reserving for their pious selves the sword, they have left all other instruments to the "unbelievers." they have devoted themselves to the higher vocations of the state as soldiers, priests, judges, governors, and ministers, and if those careers are not easily open to any one, another noble profession, that of brigandage, is embraced, and in all cases, they have had plenty of income, gardens, palaces and wives. they have left to the armenians all the low, hard or undignified work--to till the soil, to build houses and roads, bridges and palaces, to make shoes, clothes, rugs and carpets and all the rest. thus the turks led an existence full of pleasure, pride and luxury, and they degenerated; while agriculture, commerce and industry which they despised made the armenians comparatively prosperous, and the christian faith which the turks hated, rendered the armenian family great and healthy, and the armenian community stronger, having greater solidarity. in brief, armenia appeared to the turk like a little europe rising in the very bosom of the ottoman empire. already in the turkish newspapers of constantinople were publishing editorials with regard to the alarming increase of the armenians and the decrease of the turks. the sultan, abdul-hamid, who aimed, and still is aiming, to be a very great padishah, devoted himself to the task of readjusting the balance in favor of the turks. his khalific intelligence had nothing to do with causes. he never troubled himself with the complicated question why the turks were not increasing, why a rich moslem with three wives had no children, while a simple christian artisan with one wife had three or four or half a dozen. to hamid's mind the problem was very simple. are the armenians getting rich? he will plunder them. have they organized educational, religious or other benevolent associations? he will scatter them. have they bishops, professors and other leaders of high education; and are they increasing in numbers? he will by exile and wholesale massacres get rid of them. if anywhere any of them should venture to resist plunderers or defend the honor of their wives and daughters or kill any of his imperial brigands in self-defense, he will regard and declare them to europe as rebels and treat them and the rest of their nation as such. his satanic accounts were quite well made up. some armenians did, from sheer exasperation and desperation, resist their foul aggressors. hamid was glad. he ordered the annihilation of sassoun in . successful in that, he, in , by the kind permission of christian europe and america, proceeded to destroy the armenian nation and extirpate the armenian church by wholesale massacres and forced conversions to islam. the sword, even in the hands of the turks, had never been used with such ferocity. the turks surpassed themselves in these late massacres. they displayed to the world the bottom of their infernal foulness. unable to use their sword against europe, which has grown far too powerful for them, they used it to cut down the armenian europe in its bud. and the consciousness of their impotence against the great powers intensified their cruelty and hatred with regard to the defenseless and unarmed armenians. but all these frightful deeds of the moslems do not surprise us. it is but natural that "a corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit." there is perfect harmony between these happenings and the mohammedan faith. the surprise, the shock we experience when we think that the "christian" emperors of russia, of united germany, of austria-hungary, and the "christian" empress of great britain and india, and the "christian" presidents of the united states and of france could prevent the massacres, and did not. they looked on. they are all, in various degrees, the accomplices of the criminal turk. is it to be supposed, logically, that while hamid is acting in accordance with his religious belief and the example of the "prophet," certain christian princes have no sincere faith in christ and his gospel of love? may the exhibition of islamic barbarity and blindness open the eyes of the "christians" to see the heavenly holiness of christ! may the curse of islam which has fallen upon armenia as a deadly pestilence arouse the torpid conscience of christendom to a full appreciation of its sacred book, its christian homes, its free institutions and its religious liberty! chapter xvii. the greatest crime of the century. that the powers of europe, having their fleets lying at anchor in the mediterranean and the black seas within a day's sail of constantinople, should stand by and permit the sultan to slaughter the helpless armenians by the tens of thousands is the greatest crime of the century. the mutual jealousies and distrusts and diverse ambitions of the powers of europe have been as fatal and as horrible in result as the cruel wrath of a nero, when for the first time he smote the early christians with the clenched fist of the roman empire. would that some hand could strip off the blood-soaked, dagger-pierced garments of nearly a hundred thousand martyred dead, and lay them at the feet of the nations who were consenting unto their death. far be it from us to attempt to divide, or measure, or weigh out the guilt that lies with common shame upon them all; but that the burden rests with unequal weight upon the powers a brief recital of some of the facts of history will show. in little more than three hundred ( ) days the russian army had swept from the danube, through bulgaria, over the passes of the balkans across the plains of adrianople, breaking and scattering the power of the turkish armies until in february, , nearly one hundred thousand victorious troops encamped before the gates of constantinople which lay defeated and helpless at the feet of the conquering czar. general grant said that for russia not to enter constantinople at that conjuncture was the greatest mistake a nation ever made. could he have foreseen the misrule of the coming years culminating in the recent awful massacres, he would have called the failure a crime and not a blunder. but alexander had not entered upon the war for the sake of conquest, but to punish turkey for her crimes against the bulgarians and to deliver them from her power. hence the terms of the treaty of san stefano were specially in the interest of the subject christian races that were under the rule of the sublime porte. the treaty established the independence and boundaries of montenegro, servia and roumania. it constituted bulgaria an autonomous principality with a christian government, a national militia, with fixed tribute; its boundaries carefully defined, included over sixty-five thousand square miles with a population of nearly four million christian people. the ottoman army was to be withdrawn and the irregular forces, the bashi-bazouks and the circassians were to be absolutely excluded from it. the russian army of occupation was to consist of fifty thousand men to remain until the new government should be firmly established (for the term approximately of two years.) all danubian fortresses were to be razed and bessarabia restored to russia. kars, batoum, ardahan, bayazet and certain surrounding territory to be ceded to russia, and armenia to be guaranteed protection against kurds and circassians, and besides this territory, a war indemnity of a paltry $ , , . this is all that russia claimed for herself at the close of a victorious campaign that had cost her $ , , and the loss of nearly one hundred thousand men. this was the sacrifice she had offered to free her bulgarian fellow christians from the power of the turk. russia was the master of the situation and had well earned the right to dictate her own terms when the sultan sued for peace. already the british government had declared that they would not permit any power to interfere with the freedom of the dardanelles and the bosphorus, and that they should protect constantinople from becoming the prize of conquest. the parliament had been convened in january ( th) , and in the queen's speech there was this sentence: "i can not conceal from myself that should hostilities be unfortunately prolonged some unexpected occurrence may render it incumbent on me to adopt measures of precaution. such measures could not be effectually taken without adequate preparation and i trust to the liberality of my parliament to supply the means which may be required for that purpose." in the debate that followed the marquis of salisbury said, "if you will not trust the government provide yourselves a government you will trust." the danger flag was waved ominously bearing the insignia of the russian bear. on february th, the house voted a war credit of an additional $ , , , and on the same day five british war vessels were ordered to constantinople. troops were ordered to malta from india, and disraeli, the premier, significantly declared "that in a righteous cause england would commence a fight that would not end till right was done." on march th, the ratifications of the treaty between russia and turkey were exchanged at st. petersburg. now note the situation. russia has but three or four towns and the fortress of kars on the frontiers of armenia, and the seaport of batoum, from which to compel the porte to protect the armenians from kurds and circassians. but there is a bulgaria freed from turkish despotism. four millions of christians are given the privilege of self government while still tributary to the porte. the frontier of russia is restored as it was before the treaty of paris by the addition of bessarabia. this is the only political advantage to compensate for the expenditure of blood and treasure in the liberation of bulgaria. what does england want? what does she mean to fight for? how is she injured? the dardanelles are opened for the free passage of merchant vessels both in peace and war. what right has she to interfere now that the treaty has been signed? yet on march th, the disraeli government announces that the first class of the army reserve numbering thirteen thousand, and the militia reserve of about twenty-five thousand men were to be called out. this determination led to the resignation of lord derby as foreign secretary and the marquis of salisbury was appointed in his place. on april st, salisbury addressed a circular to the powers, and after giving russia's refusal to consent to england's demand (by what right?) relative to placing the treaty as a whole before the congress--which germany was endeavoring to secure to avoid another war--he goes on to complain of the terms imposed by russia on turkey: and the violation of the treaty of paris, etc. prince gortchakoff in his reply among other questions asks lord salisbury how he would reconcile these treaties with the benevolent ends to which the united action of europe had always been directed and the attainment of which one learns with pleasure the english government desires, namely, good government, peace and liberty for the oppressed populations. having allowed russia single handed to chastise the turks for the massacre of the bulgarians--and we think that any one can see that she had done it with neatness and despatch, and had delivered four million christians from the cursed rule of islam, england now comes forward and demands that the treaty of san stefano shall be broken and a new one made. we may well exclaim "cui bono?" in whose interest? for the greater security of the christians in bulgaria? for larger liberty and protection to the armenians from kurds and circassians, or the protection of the balkan populations from circassians and bashi-bazouks? no indeed! noble, christian england in her sympathy for the suffering bulgarians wanted a congress called to give back into the hands of the turk, bashi-bazouk and circassian more than three million christians and forty thousand square miles of territory which might have formed the home of a strong, progressive christian nation under the terms of the san stefano treaty. having thus purposed to give back these millions into the jaws of the wolf, she yet desired to pose as the chief guardian of armenia, and said to turkey now give me cyprus and i will protect you against russia, and we can let kurds and circassians alone for awhile. thus while urging a congress of the powers, already on june th, , england had secured the island of cyprus, and alone christian england had agreed to defend by force of arms the integrity and the independence of the turkish dominions. on june th, the congress was called, prince bismarck occupying the presidential chair. beaconsfield and salisbury and the ambassador at berlin representing england, russia, austria, france, italy and turkey also having their respective representatives. at the twentieth and last meeting held july th, the treaty of berlin was signed. thus by the conduct and the persistence of the english government alone was the calling of the congress made necessary or possible, and by the spirit of england was the congress dominated, and its final deliverances controlled. at the behest of england were millions of bulgarians and armenians handed over again to the tender mercies of the wicked turk, and russia was robbed of the glory of her victories. an international crime like this must cry to heaven for vengeance and the most powerful and enlightened nation that insisted on it and forced it through is also the most guilty. on their return to england beaconsfield and salisbury received an ovation, and the queen conferred the order of the garter on these two lords who had delivered the lives and welfare of millions of christians back into the hands of the unspeakable turk. that england's attitude has not been too strongly emphasized, read this quotation from lord salisbury's summing up of the situation in : "the sultan's dominions he informed the powers have been provided with a defensible frontier far removed from his capital. * * rich and extensive provinces have been restored to his rule, at the same time that careful provision against future misgovernment has been made which will, it may be hoped assure their loyalty, and prevent the recurrence of calamities which have brought the ottoman power to the verge of ruin. arrangements of a different kind, having the same end in view, have provided for the asiatic dominions of the sultan security for the present, and hope of prosperity and stability in the future. whether use will be made of this, probably the last opportunity which has thus been obtained for turkey by the interposition of the powers of europe, of england in particular, (note this phrase) or whether it is to be thrown away, will depend upon the sincerity with which turkish statesmen now address themselves to the duties of good government and the task of reform." one would suppose from the terms of the treaties that the bulgarian war had been undertaken for the sole and express purpose of establishing and assuring the integrity and independence of turkey, the entrenchment of the bashi-bazouks in bulgaria and for protecting the fierce wolves that dwell in the mountains of kurdestan from the helpless lambs that infest the valleys of armenia. in russia the berlin treaty called out the most indignant disapprobation. it was said to be "a colossal absurdity, a blundering failure, an impudent outrage." the nation had been robbed of all reward for the sacrifices she had made in the name of humanity: and before the people alexander had been humiliated. he saw the incompleteness of his work, felt his inability to deal with the forces that were at that time massed against him and felt bitterly the reproach of the army and of those who had suffered the loss of kindred and friends in a useless and expensive war. russian diplomacy at berlin was felt to be more disastrous than the war, while the nation had been decked with a fool's cap and bells and their honor trampled under foot. england had taken on her hands a most difficult task, viz: to be the protector of the armenians, while at the same time she wore the belt as champion defender of turkey against all comers. the protector of the christians, and the christian champion of islam!! treaty of berlin. art. lxi. the sublime porte undertakes to carry out, without further delay, the improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by the armenians, and to guarantee their security against the circassians and kurds. it will periodically make known the steps taken to this effect to the powers, who will superintend their application. anglo-turkish (cyprus) convention. art. i. if batoum, ardahan, kars, or any of them shall be retained by russia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by russia to take possession of any further territory of his imperial majesty, the sultan, in asia, as fixed by the definitive treaty of peace, england engages to join his imperial majesty, the sultan, in defending them by force of arms. in return, his imperial majesty, the sultan, promises to england to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later between the two powers, into the government and for the protection of the christian and other subjects of the porte in these territories; and in order to enable england to make necessary provisions for executing her engagement, his imperial majesty, the sultan, further consents to assign the island of cyprus to be occupied and administered by england. the anglo-turkish convention having been made june th, and the berlin treaty not being signed until july th, places priority (may we not almost say entirety?) of obligation upon england, which obligation with all that it implies she fully and alone accepted when she accepted the island of cyprus as a necessary base of operations and a promise and pledge of good faith. the berlin treaty did not release england from this distinct and individual obligation nor did she wish to divide the honor of being the defender of the armenian christians. it may be questioned whether she had any right to expect anything more from the other signatory powers than their moral support in any attempted enforcement of its terms. passing by the first part of art. i. in the anglo-turkish convention the reader is asked to give special attention to the wording of the second part: "in return, his imperial majesty, the sultan, promises to england to introduce necessary reforms to be agreed upon later between the two powers, into the government and for the protection of the christian and other subjects of the porte in these territories." with that clause inserted "to be agreed upon later" how could lord salisbury possibly dream, let alone say "that careful provision against future misgovernment has been made"? absolutely no provision had been made to protect armenia from kurd or circassian or the rapacity and cruelty and outrage of turkish officials. and none could be made unless these two powers alone, england and the porte could agree upon the nature of the reforms and the manner in which they should be carried out. was any promise, pledge or convention ever written that actually meant less? was this honest british statesmanship actually determining that something should be done? or was it shrewd turkish diplomacy that will promise anything in the bond but withdraw it in the terms of later stipulations? or was it understood that it was merely dust for the eyes of christian europe? the following incident in the career of gen. b. f. butler was given as a newspaper item. in the course of a very spirited conversation one day a gentleman called him a knave. the general smiled and replied, "well, did you ever hear anybody say that i was a fool?" somebody was surely fooled by this convention. who was it? not russia and certainly not the turk. who then? salisbury? or england? there were many men even in england who did not hesitate to express hottest indignation against the policy of the government regarding her dealings with turkey. here are paragraphs from "the ottoman power in europe" by the english historian e. a. freeman: "the england of canning and codrington, the england of byron and hastings has come to this, that the world knows us as the nation which upholds oppression for the sake of its own interests. we have indeed a national sin to redress and atone for. we are verily guilty concerning our brother, in that we saw the anguish of his soul when he besought us and we would not hear. nay, our guilt is deeper still. we have not merely looked on and passed by on the other side, but we have given our active help to the oppressors of our brothers. we have "upheld" the foulest fabric of wrong that earth ever saw, because it was deemed that the interests of england were involved in upholding the wrong and trampling down the right. * * * * "our national crime is that we have upheld the turk for our own supposed interests. for these we have doomed the struggling nations to abide in their bondage. we have doomed them to stay under a rule under which the life and property of the christian, the honor of his wife, the honor of his children of both sexes alike are at every moment at the mercy of the savages whom our august and cherished ally honors and promotes in proportion to the blackness of their deeds. we have for our own interests upheld the power which has done its foul and bloody work in chios, at damascus and in bulgaria, which is still doing the same foul and bloody work wherever a victim may be found. we uphold the power whose daily work is massacre and worse than massacre. it matters not whether ten thousand or twenty thousand perish. we are still to uphold the slaughterer, for it is to our interest that he should not be shorn of his power of slaughtering. "now if there be any such thing as right and wrong in public affairs, if moral considerations are ever to come in to determine the actions of nations, it is hard to see how there can be deeper national guilt than this. unjust wars, aggressions and conquests are bad enough, but they are hardly so bad as the calm, unblushing upholding of wrong for our own interests. * * * * we look on, we count the cost, we see how the wrong-doer deals with his victim and we determine to uphold the wrong-doer because we think that to uphold him will suit some interest of our own. there is no question of national glory, no question of national honor; nothing which can stir up even a false enthusiasm. it is a calm mercantile calculation that the wrongs of millions of men will pay. "the revenue returns of egypt for were over $ , , . if we knew how large a part of this went to bondholders in london, we would know something about england's interest in egypt. if we knew how large a portion of the turkish debt of above $ , , , is held in london, we would know something about the interest the british government has in maintaining the integrity of turkey. "england wouldn't care if that turkey were carved to-morrow if only she could hold constantinople and administer on the dead sultan's estate until all the obligations she holds should be paid off. she would rather like to occupy stamboul on those conditions--armenia, kurds, circassians and all." but to return from our digression which was meant to show something of the nature of the interest england had in bringing bulgaria again under turkish rule and taxation, we remark that with this cypress convention already a deed accomplished what other european powers would care a fig about seeing to the execution of possible reforms in armenia. what happened is notorious. a few ineffectual attempts to agree upon reforms and when agreed upon many excuses for not carrying them out and there the whole matter of reform was practically dropped; but cypress was retained as counsel fees possibly for securing such a favorable revision of the terms of the san stefano treaty in the interests of turkey--of the moslem not of the christian. for the sake of retaining influence with the sublime porte and to outwit the possible plans and intrigues of the russian ambassador, scared by visions in the night of some muscovite move towards constantinople. england for fifteen years connived at a state of things which was decimating and impoverishing the provinces of armenia, and costing more lives and causing more suffering in the aggregate than the massacres of sassoun. often the question was asked, "where is england's guarantee to armenian and macedonian christians now?" the russian press was not slow to give prominence to these reports of continually increasing oppressions and pillage, of outrage and murder. but nothing pierced the political-commercial conscience of england until tidings of the most horrible massacres committed three months before began to creep over the mountains of armenia and find their way to england and america. when for very shame they could shut their ears to the clamor no longer the british government demanded a commission--it's great on commissions. the british ambassador intimated to the porte that if steps were not taken to satisfy her majesty's government that the sultan's promise (respecting the commission) would be fulfilled, "they might find it necessary to inquire into the treatment of the armenians, and that they might also be forced to publish the consular reports from the asiatic provinces which had been so long withheld!" what fires of shame should burn on cheek and forehead of the english government that nothing had been done to stop those outrages till indifference and inactivity had given the impression that nobody cared what became of the armenians. at last the heart of england flamed out in pity and her conscience fired the brain to hot and earnest and even vehement utterance, and hundreds of public meetings were held. instinctively all eyes turned to gladstone to voice the sorrow, the pity or the indignation of a christian people who felt themselves in some measure responsible for the deliverance of armenia from further horrors. gladstone on armenia's fate. at a meeting held in the town hall, chester, england, a great many members of parliament being present, the duke of westminster presiding, mr. gladstone spoke (in part) as follows: "my lord duke, my lord and ladies and gentlemen: "it is perfectly true that the government whose deeds we have to impeach is a mohammedan government, and it is perfectly true that the sufferers under those outrages, under those afflictions, are christian sufferers. the mohammedan subjects of turkey suffer a great deal, but what they suffer is only in the way of the ordinary excesses and defects of an intolerably bad government--perhaps the worst on the face of the earth. (hear, hear.) i will take the liberty of reading a resolution which has been placed in my hands and which seems to me to express with firmness, but with moderation, the opinions which i am very confident this meeting will entertain, and this meeting, in entertaining such opinions, is but the representative of the country at large. (cheers.) "allow me to go further and to say that the country at large in entertaining these ideas is only a representative of civilized humanity, and i will presume to speak on the ground, in part, of personal knowledge, of the opinions and sympathies that are entertained among our own transatlantic brethren of the united states. if possible, the sentiment in america entertained on the subject of these recent occurrences is even more vivid and even stronger, if it can be, than that which beats in the hearts of the people of this country. "the terms of the resolution are as follows: "'that this meeting expresses its conviction that her majesty's government will have the cordial support of the entire nation, without distinction of party, in any measures which it may adopt for securing to the people of turkish armenia such reforms in the administration of that province as shall provide effective guarantees for the safety of life, honor, religion, and property, and that no reforms can be effective which are not placed under the continuous control of the great powers of europe.' (cheers.) "that means, without doubt, the great powers of europe, all who choose to combine, and those great powers which happily have combined and have already, in my judgment, pledged their honor as well as their power to the attainment of the object we have in view. (cheers.) "now, it was my fate, i think six or more months ago, to address a very limited number, not a public assembly, but a limited number of armenian gentlemen, and gentlemen interested in armenia on this subject. there was no authoritative and impartial declaration before the world at that period on the subject of what is known as the sassoun massacre; that massacre to which the noble duke has alluded and with respect to which, horrible as that massacre was, one of the most important witnesses in this case declares that it is thrown into the shade and has become pale and ineffective by the side of the unspeakable horrors which are being enacted from month to month, from week to week, and day to day in the different provinces of armenia. (hear, hear.) it was a duty to avoid premature judgment, and i think it was avoided. but though it is a duty to avoid exaggeration, a most sacred duty, it is a duty that has little or no place in the case before us, because it is too well known that the powers of language hardly suffice to describe what has been and is being done, and that exaggeration, if we were ever so much disposed to it, is in such a case really beyond our power. (cheers.) those are dreadful words to speak. it is a painful office to perform, and nothing but a strong sense of duty could gather us together between these walls or could induce a man of my age and a man who is not wholly without other difficulties to contend with to resign for the moment that repose and quietude which is the last of many great earthly blessings remaining to him in order to invite you to enter into a consideration of this question. what witnesses ought we to call before us? i should be disposed to say that it matters very little what witness you call. so far as the character of the testimony you will receive is concerned the witnesses are all agreed. at the time that i have just spoken of, six or eight months ago, they were private witnesses. since that time, although we have not seen the detailed documents of public authority, yet we know that all the broader statements which had been made up to that time and which have made the blood of this nation run cold have been confirmed and verified. they have not been overstated, not withdrawn, not qualified, not reduced, but confirmed in all their breadth, in all that horrible substance, in all their sickening details. (hear, hear.) "i will refer to the last of these witnesses, one whom i must say i am disposed to name with honor, it is dr. dillon, a man who, as the special commissioner of the daily telegraph newspaper, some months ago with care and labor, and with the hazard of his life (hear, hear), went into turkey, laudably making use of a disguise for the purpose, and went into armenia, so that he might make himself thoroughly master of the facts. (cheers.) he published his results before any public authority had given utterance to its judgments and those results which he, i rather think, was the first to give to the world in a connected shape--at any rate he was very early in the field--those results have been completely confirmed and established by the inquiries of the delegates appointed by the three powers--england, france and russia. (cheers.) i say he has, at the risk of his life, acquired a title to be believed, and (in the contemporary review) he gives us an account which bears upon it all the marks of truth, but which, at the same time that we must believe it to be true, you would say is hardly credible. unhappily some of those matters which are not credible do, in this strange and wayward world of ours, turn out to be true; and here it is hardly credible that there can dwell in the human form a spirit of such intense and diabolical wickedness as is unhappily displayed in some of the narratives dr. dillon has laid before the world. i shall not quote from them in detail though i mean to make a single citation, which will be a citation, if i may say so, rather of principle than of detail. i shall not quote the details, but i will say to you that when you begin to read them you will see the truth of what i just now said--namely that we are not dealing at all with a common and ordinary question of abuses of government or the defects of them. we are dealing with something that goes far deeper, far wider, and that imposes upon us and upon you far heavier obligations. "the whole substance of this remarkable article may be summed up in four awful words--plunder, murder, rape and torture. ('shame.') every incident turns upon one or upon several of those awful words. plunder and murder you would think are bad enough, but plunder and murder are almost venial by the side of the work of the ravisher and the work of the torturer, as it is described in these pages, and as it is now fully and authentically known to be going on. i will keep my word, and i will not be tempted by--what shall i say?--the dramatic interests attached to such exaggeration of human action as we find here to travel into the details of the facts. they are fitter for private perusal than they are for public discussion. in all ordinary cases when we have before us instances of crime, perhaps of very horrible crime--we at once assume that in all countries, unfortunately, there are malefactors, there are plunderers whose deeds we are going to consider. here, my lord duke, it is nothing of the kind; we have nothing to do here with what are called the dangerous classes of the community; it is not their proceedings which you are asked to consider; it is the proceedings of the government of constantinople and its agents. (cheers.) "there is not one of these misdeeds for which the government at constantinople is not morally responsible. (cheers.) now, who are these agents? let me tell you very briefly. they fall into three classes. the first have been mentioned by the noble duke--namely the savage kurds, who are, unhappily, the neighbors of the armenians, the armenians being the representatives of one of the oldest civilized christian races, and being beyond all doubt one of the most pacific, one of the most industrious, and one of the most intelligent races in the world. (cheers.) these kurds are by them; they are wild, savage clans, organized as bands of robbers. these the sultan and the government at constantinople have enrolled, though in a nominal fashion, not with a military discipline, into pretended cavalry regiments and then set them loose with the authority of soldiers of the sultan to harry and destroy the people of armenia. (cheers.) well, these kurds are the first of the agents in this horrible business; the next are the turkish soldiers, who are in no sense behind the kurds in their performances; the third are the peace officers, the police and the tax gatherers of the turkish government; and there seems to be a deadly competition among all these classes which shall most prove itself an adept in the horrible and infernal work that is before them, but above them and more guilty than they, are the higher officers of the turkish government. "i think there are certain matters, such as those which have been discussed to-day and discussed in many other forms, on which it is perfectly possible to make up our minds. and what i should say is, that the whole position may be summed up in three brief propositions. i do not know to which of these propositions to assign the less or the greater importance. it appears to me that they are probably each and every one of them absolutely indispensable. the first proposition is this, you ought to moderate your demands. you ought to ask for nothing but that which is strictly necessary, and that possibly according to all that we know of the proposals before us, the rule has been rigidly complied with. i do not hesitate to say, ladies and gentlemen, that the cleanest and clearest method of dealing with this subject, if we should have done it, would have been to tell the turk to march out of armenia. (loud cheers.) he has no right to remain there, and it would have been an excellent settlement of the question. but it is by no means certain that europe or even the three powers would have been unanimous in seeking after that end. therefore, let us part with everything except what is known to be indispensable. then i come to the other two rules, and of these the first is that you should accept no turkish promises. (hear, hear.) they are absolutely and entirely worthless. they are worse than worthless, because they may serve to delude a few persons who, without information or experience, naturally would suppose, when promises are given, that there is something like an intentional fulfilment. recollect that no scheme is worth having unless it be supported by efficient guarantees entirely outside the promises of the turkish government. (applause.) there is another word which i must speak, and it is this: don't be too much afraid if you hear introduced into this discussion a word that i admit, in ordinary cases, ought to be excluded from all diplomatic proceeding, namely, the word coercion. coercion is a word perfectly well understood in constantinople, and it is a word highly appreciated in constantinople. it is a drastic dose--(laughter)--which never fails of its aim when it is administered in that quarter. (laughter.) gentlemen, i would not use these words if i had not myself personally had large and close experience of the proceedings of the turkish government. i say, first make your case good, and when your case is made good, determine that it shall prevail. (cheers.) grammar has something to do with this case. recollect that while the word 'ought' sounded in constantinople, passes in thin air, and has no force or solidity whatever attaching to it; on the contrary, the brother or sister monosyllable, the word 'must' is perfectly understood--(cheers)--and it is a known fact supported by positive experience, which can be verified upon the map of europe, that a timely and judicious use of the word never fails for its effect. (cheers.) gentlemen, i must point out to you that we have reached a very critical position indeed. how are three great governments in europe, ruling a population of more than two hundred million souls, with perhaps eight or ten times the population of turkey, with twenty times the wealth of turkey, with fifty times the influence and power of turkey, who have committed themselves in this matter before the world, i put it to you that if they recede before an irrational resistance--and remember that i have in the first instance postulated that our demands should be reasonable--if they recede before the irrational resistance of the sultan and the ottoman government they are disgraced in the face of the world. every motive of duty coincides with every motive of self respect, and, my lord duke, yourself let drop a word which is a frightful word, unhappily not wholly out of place, the word 'extermination.' there has gone abroad, i don't say that i feel myself competent to judge the matter, i don't think i do, but there has gone abroad and there is widely entertained a belief that the recent proceedings of the turkish government in armenia particularly, but not in armenia exclusively, are founded upon deliberate determination to exterminate the christians in that empire. i hope it is not true, but at the same time i must say that there are evidences tending to support it--(hear, hear)--and the grand evidence which tends to support it is this: the perfect infatuation of the turkish government. the turkish government is evidently in such a state of infatuation that it is fain to believe it may, under certain circumstances, be infatuated enough to scheme the extermination of the christian population. well, this is a sad and terrible story, and i have been a very long time in telling it, but a very small part of it, but i hope that, having heard the terms of the resolution that will be submitted to you, you will agree that a case is made out. (cheers.) i for one, for the sake of avoiding other complications, would rejoice if the government of turkey would come to its senses. that is, in my opinion, what we ought all to desire, and though it would be more agreeable to clear turkey than to find her guilty of these terrible charges, yet if we have the smallest regard to humanity, if we are sensible at all of what is due to our own honor after the steps which have been taken within the last twelve or eighteen months, we must interfere. we must be careful to demand no more than what is just--but at least as much as is necessary--and we must be determined that, with the help of god that which is necessary, and that which is just shall be done, whether there will be a response or whether there be none." (loud cheers.) in a letter written late in march, to the duke of argyle, chairman of the armenian relief committee, mr. gladstone said, "that he hopes that nobody will suppose that deplorable and ignominious failure of europe to do her duty in armenia will in any way diminish the force of the present appeal (for aid) to christian pity." but what about this deplorable and ignominious failure of europe to do her duty? lord salisbury has gravely assured the nation that england is utterly powerless to alleviate the lot of the armenians in turkey. if this be true and the porte should choose to finish his work of extermination, must all the world stand by and see it done and no arm be raised to defend the helpless? if so, woe to the world when the lord god of hosts shall arise to avenge the blood of a slaughtered race. when the first rumors of a massacre at sassoun was confirmed in all essential details, the government had to act quickly and somewhat decidedly, to avoid a swelling storm of indignation, that might break with serious effect upon their heads. two courses of action were open to england, either to use all her power of persuasion, with some strong language, by way of emphasis, to induce the porte to bring the officials to justice and obtain a guarantee that no such massacres should be permitted in the future, or sound an alarm and call on all the powers of europe for an armed intervention, in which case she must be ready to cast in her heaviest weight of men and metal. as the responsibility for the terrible state of affairs in armenia was due to england's neglect, in not enforcing reforms, essential to prevent such awful scenes, she should have secured from the powers their consent to let her thrash the turks in constantinople and anatolia, while the fleets anchored in the bosphorus to protect the "balance of power" when the deed was done. a guarantee from the powers, that england would not be permitted to occupy constantinople, might have satisfied russia, or have prevented any interference in the carrying out the purpose of delivering the armenians from further outrages and massacres. in that case the dissolution of "the sick man" might have been the solution of the eastern question. at least unless england knew that the powers would stand by her the threat of using force was stupid folly. a conference of the powers was a necessity and the pledge of concurrence or armed neutrality should have been given before she began to bait the sultan. it has been known for years that the sultan is the last man to be controlled by mere sentiment. he only yields to necessity, to force actually present, to guns trained upon him. he was never scared by all the letters and the threats of the english government. he knew the powers were not agreed to use force. sir philip currie telegraphed to lord kimberley: "i impressed upon his excellency (said pasha) as forcibly as i could that the only safe course for the turkish government was to authorize the commission to make a fair and impartial inquiry; that failing this they would be held responsible for the cruelties perpetrated on the armenians by the local authorities, and that the feeling aroused in europe was such that if these cruelties were not punished, active interference from without must be looked for." this was an earnest, urgent, emphatic, even threatening appeal: but where was there any warrant for the last threat? there was no ultimatum ready. no nation was going to take up arms against turkey, england least of all. there was no agreement among them to let england take up the task alone. if there had been, one battleship before constantinople would have brought the massacres to a speedy close and could have compelled the punishment of the governors in every vilayet where the horrors of sassoun had been repeated with increased torment and misery. but the fact remains, and the fact is the thing emphasized, that england and all the signatory powers sat in masterly inactivity though with steam up at salonica and let the deadly work go on. there is only time to notice one question, "why did not russia agree to the forcing the dardanelles and coercing the turks? the blame for the fiasco must fall upon russia." how so? could you reasonably expect russia to assist england in performing her promises to protect armenia when you remember the humiliation of the berlin treaty? if england entered into engagements she was powerless to make good, whose fault was that? and when the implicit appeal was to her christian sympathy the russians replied in their press: "where were all these glorious virtues of englishmen when lord beaconsfield handed back the christian subjects of the sultan to the dismal fate which has only now begun to excite their pity, when an improvement would suit their policy and further their designs? if england continued to be both humane and christian while suppressing those noble impulses eighteen years ago, it is hard to understand why we can not remain both, while holding them in control to-day." to those who deny to russia any disinterested motives of christian sympathy in her war with turkey to deliver bulgaria from the horrible misrule of the sultan, this refusal will furnish only another illustration of her being what they consider her, viz: a half-civilized nation. but for england to look to a power she considers her mortal enemy as regards the occupation of constantinople, for help to rescue the armenians from kurd and circassian and turkish regulars, set upon them by the porte, is the sublimity of political innocence, or the confession of utter weakness. the russian bear smiled at the innocence, and with grim satisfaction, perhaps, allowed the turk to wave back the fleets of the allied powers from the straits of the dardanelles and continue his fiendish massacres. weigh each for himself the responsibility of each of the great powers in any scales he may choose, distribute the guilt by a different judgment, and yet the failure of these christian nations to unite for the deliverance of christian armenia from the barbarous and cruel, most lustful and brutal outrages under which they were suffering, will be stamped by history as the most awful crime against humanity upon which the sun ever gazed during all the passing years of the nineteenth century, and only to be paralleled by the apathy of western europe, when alone in constantinople fought her last battle for the cross and fell under the sword and power of islam. chapter xviii. america's duty and privilege. our self-imposed task to voice as clearly and strongly as we could the history and horrors of armenia under the curse of islam is nearly finished. for many weeks the fires have burned hot within us, and the daily news from the land of sorrows has only made our heart beat more rapidly and our pen fly the faster that our appeal might reach your ears while yet there was time to save from utter destruction a remnant of this most ancient christian people of whom two hundred thousand now look to england and america for daily bread. "the armenians are the representatives of one of the oldest civilized christian races, being beyond all doubt one of the most pacific, one of the most industrious, and one of the most intelligent races in the world." --gladstone. in all the history of the roman empire, from nero down to the days of constantine, there is no chapter so cruel, so terrible as the atrocious crimes of the present turkish empire. these massacres have been committed at the command of the sultan, and with flourish of trumpets, as at zilleh, when at noon november , , the trumpet was blown and the turks began to assault the christians with the cry, "down with armenians. this is the sultan's order." this is the curse of islam that it makes it the religious duty of every follower of the prophet, from the sultan down to the howling dervishes, to hate the christians, to kill and plunder, rob, outrage and torture every one who will not accept the faith of mohammed. the evident intention of the sultan is to utterly destroy and exterminate the christian people in armenia. it is reserved for the dawning of the twentieth century to see all the horrors of the conquests of tamerlane repeated, and to realize for itself what these christian races have suffered since the fateful year , when constantinople, the glory of eastern europe, fell a prey to hordes of the ottoman turks. it is because he has outdone the cruelties of all the ages that caused the foremost of living english poets to stigmatize the reigning sultan as "abdul, the damned." in our helplessness we can only take refuge, perhaps, under the arms of the almighty. justice and judgment are the habitations of his throne and a sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of his kingdom. "vengeance is mine, i will repay, saith the lord." when christendom repeats that phrase "thy kingdom come" in the universal prayer it means the downfall of islam, the overthrow of every throne of iniquity, and of all kingdoms whose foundations are laid in blood. the kingdom of christ is a kingdom of righteousness and between it and the cruel, lustful barbarism of islam there can be no peace. it affords an outlet for one's outraged feelings as the cries of smitten armenia fill our ears, to read the woes once denounced by the prophets of jehovah against the gigantic wickedness of empires founded in blood. the cry of the bittern is heard in the pools of chaldea, and the howling of jackals amid the ruins of nineveh. the lions roam among the deserted palaces of babylon and it shall be desolate forever. when the judgments of the lord are visited upon the earth the nations will learn righteousness. the ultimate issue can not be doubtful, but still the cry is, "how long, o lord? how long?" there are three kingdoms which are chiefly concerned in this eastern question:--turkey, england and russia; and while they are debating and manoeuvring, poor armenia is being ground between the upper and nether millstones of their mutual jealousies and ambitions and the coming of the kingdom of righteousness is delayed. these three nations have stood facing each other for more than a century. russia on the one side resisting the invasions, conquests and atrocities of the turk, england on the other his right hand of strength in time of pressure. throughout the entire history of the tartar invasions with all their bloody victories and cruel conquests you see russia rising again and again across his path like a stone wall. but england, in spite of all professions to the contrary and in spite of the earnest and solemn protests of her people against the atrocities of the sultan's reign--and never more hot or indignant words have been uttered throughout england than during the last few months--england has always stepped in just in time to save the empire from destruction and prolong its barbarous rule. is it not written large on the page of history that in , when napoleon invaded egypt, england came to the rescue and fought france to save the turk? in , it joined france and fought russia, when the czar attempted to protect the greek christians in turkey: and by the treaty of paris restored to the sultan the command of the lower danube, shut out the czar from his protectorate over the danubian provinces and closed the black sea against all ships of war. worst of all the treaty adopted the porte into the family of european nations. mr. james boyce, in a century article on the armenian question, says: "the other nations of europe now treat the turks as if they were a civilized state and even talk of respecting their susceptibilities." but they have no title to be so treated and ought never to have been admitted into the rank of civilized nations. mr. freeman describes them as "merely a band of robbers encamped in a country whose inhabitants they despoil." and the passionate words of edmund burke are quoted as he exclaimed, "what have these worse than savages to do with the powers of europe but to spread destruction and pestilence among them. the ministers and the policy which shall give these people any weight in europe will deserve all the bans and curses of posterity." brave and noble words, but this is just what england forced on russia and europe by the treaty of paris. and again at the close of the russo-turkish war, when the porte was pleading for life and had gladly accepted the san stefano treaty, the wily beaconsfield and the present premier stepped in and, by the berlin treaty, handed back to the tender mercies of the turk more than forty thousand square miles of territory and three million bulgarian christians. but what do we see in ? england afraid in the critical moment to send her despatch boat through the dardanelles to insist that the promised reforms in armenia should be executed and that the massacres of christians should be stopped. yet for this purpose had she secured the cession of the island of cyprus. by declining at the last moment to give her consent to the forcing of the dardanelles, russia most shrewdly outwitted england and humiliated her before the world. england lost her prestige and the glory of her power was tarnished when she failed, through fear of russia, to execute what before the world she had pledged herself to do. we are not called upon to defend russia's internal policy--her argus-eyed espionage, the cruelties attending the exiling of criminals to siberia and deporting many suspects without even a form of trial. but when russia is called semi-civilized, or half-barbarous, and is scarcely allowed to rank among the christian nations of europe--we merely remark that she has no opium war laid to her charge, she never blew mutinous sepoys from the mouths of shotted guns. she has never taken possession of any turkish territory under pretext of reforming the internal administration of the sublime porte. if now, by shrewd diplomacy, the czar rules at constantinople, while the sultan reigns but is in reality only his vassal, there is a decided checkmate on the political chessboard of european politics since the last move at berlin. if it be true then the bosphorus is free to russia, and the czar is at liberty to march russian troops at any time into armenia. indeed the rumor was that the excessive massacres ceased immediately when the czar said "enough." england was brought into this humiliating situation by her own hesitation to do the right when all europe except russia was a unit with her in insisting that the sultan must be brought to terms even if they should be obliged to force the dardanelles. it is remembered that mr. terrell openly expressed the opinion that if european pressure for reforms repulsive to the turk, which were to admit to the army a subject race should be successful, a general massacre was sure to result unless concerted and armed coöperation among the powers prevented it. there was no such coöperation, and accordingly on the very day that these reforms were announced, mr. terrell demanded immediate military protection for all missionaries, saying that if a single hair on the head of one of our missionaries was injured the sultan must answer for it: and the protection was granted. on december , , the president transmitted to congress a communication from secretary olney on the armenian outrages, in response to the resolution of the senate. secretary olney stated that the number of citizens of the united states resident in the turkish empire is not accurately known, but there are one hundred and seventy-two american missionaries and dependents scattered over asia minor. there are also a number of american citizens engaged in business in the turkish dominions, and others originally turkish subjects, but now naturalized citizens of the united states. the bulk of this american element is to be found remote from our few consular establishments. he bore testimony to the energy and promptness displayed by our minister, mr. terrell, in taking measures for their protection which had received the moral support of naval vessels of the united states. he added that while the physical safety of the united states citizens seemed to be assured, their property had been destroyed at harpoot and marash, in the former case to the extent of $ , . the turkish government had been notified that it would "be held responsible for the immediate and full satisfaction of all injuries on that score." the loss of american property at marash had not been ascertained, but a like demand for adequate indemnity would be made as soon as the facts were known. of the incidents contained in the correspondence in which the rights and power of the united states to demand protection for its citizens whether missionaries from this country or naturalized armenians returning to their native country, one is given that it may be seen that the demands of our government for justice will always be met when backed by a warship. the case of dr. christie. "on the night of the th of august last the premises of dr. christie, principal of st. paul's institute, at tarsus, who was spending the summer months at the neighboring village of namroun, were invaded by an armed mob, obviously collected in pursuance of a preconcerted plan, and an outrageous attack made on a defenceless native servant of dr. christie and some students of the institute who were then at namroun. the authors of this brutal attack were abundantly identified, and through the prompt intervention of the united states consul at beirut and the consular agent at mersine--the nearest port--a number of arrests were made. notwithstanding the peremptory demands of the united states minister for simple justice the assailants, when taken before the local judge of tarsus, were released. "so grave did this miscarriage of justice appear that an early occasion was taken to send the 'marblehead' to mersine to investigate the incident and lend all proper moral aid to consular representatives of the united states in pressing for due redress. their efforts to this end were most cordially seconded by the mutessarif (prefect) of mersine and on october last the accused, to the number of eight, were brought to trial at tarsus, and convicted upon the evidence, subsequently confessing their guilt. "having established his rights, and in view of the dismissal of the tarsus judge who had conducted the preliminary inquest, and a promise to degrade the incompetent mudir of namroun, dr. christie interceded with the court for clemency to the individual culprits, upon whom light sentences of imprisonment were passed. the signal rebuke administered in high places where responsibility really existed and was abused, coupled with the establishment of the important principle that american domicile in turkey may not be violated with impunity, renders the conclusion of this incident satisfactory." the correspondence closed with the statement by secretary olney that a telegram just received from minister terrell, under date of the th, expressed the gravest apprehensions concerning the ultimate fate of american citizens in the disturbed region unless the appalling massacres can be stopped by the united efforts of the christian powers. he saw no hope, however, of a european conceit to that end. he said that if the missionaries wished to leave turkey he could procure their transportation to christian ports; if the men wished to remain he could get escorts for all to the seacoast, whereupon the men could return; but he added that the women and children should quit turkey. heroism of missionaries. the missionaries of the american board throughout anatolia declined to follow the advice of minister terrell and seek a place of safety, feeling it to be their duty to care for the property of the boards, to preserve the schools from being scattered and destroyed, and by their presence restrain the impulses of fanatical moslems and make safer the conditions of native christians. "if we fall martyrs to our desire to prevent horrible massacres so be it. god has plenty of workers to take our places." nobly did they stand in their places protecting lives and property as far as possible. at oorfa there were but two lady teachers miss shattuck and miss mellinger. they were four days' journey from any other american missionaries. but when the massacre began they threw open the mission premises and through all that reign of horror they preserved two hundred and forty-six women and children from assault and death. more than three thousand men, women and children, who had fled to the armenian church suffered most horrible cruelties before the church was set on fire: most of them were burned alive. some sixty or a hundred escaped by secret stairs. this large stone church, now purified, is used as a hospital for some eight hundred armenians and these two women have sole care of them. what heroism! but more than that the sublime porte had learned the temper of our government and knew that damages would have to be paid for all mission property destroyed, hence the governor of the city sent a double guard of soldiers to protect the premises from fire or assault. the mob was never so desperate as not to realize that they must obey orders. this fact makes the responsibility of the powers the more fearful as the pressure of an ultimatum at constantinople backed by a war fleet would have been instantly felt to the extremity of the remotest vilayet. at harpoot the bullets fell thick around the missionaries, but they were divinely protected, and saved the lives of many of their scholars; at marash, the lady missionaries stood bravely in front of their students in the college, ready to die, if the call came; but they were unharmed. "i thought our time had come," wrote one worthy missionary, afterward, and he added, "and if we were to lay down our lives there, we felt that we would not have chosen it otherwise." but they were preserved for still further duty in the lord's vineyard, and it is largely due to their humane efforts to-day that any relief work is being done in armenia at all. not one of the american missionaries deserted his post, not even one of the women missionaries. never has there been a time in the history of turkey when a brave and faithful missionary counted for so much, and never has the power of the united states counted for as much. the presence of these christian men and women has been a comfort and protection to thousands of those afflicted, frightened and smitten people. many a martyr has been strengthened to bear the awful agonies of torture by their devotion in the midst of most terrible scenes. alone has some noble american woman dragged from the hands of a mob a young girl screaming for life. mr. wingate and miss burrage were alone in the city of cæsarea on that fearful th of november and nobly did they defend the persecuted, saving many lives. mr. wingate took a policeman, went to a turkish house and demanded a bride and a daughter, who had been carried off and got them both. the people in all that region are ready to kiss his feet. but time would fail to tell you of the noble deeds wrought by brave, devoted women at sivas, hadjin, adana, oorfa and among the villages of mesopotamia. only the recording angels at the last day can fully recite their deeds of heroism. at the great crisis in their life's work, nobly did they fulfill their highest, holiest duty. duty of the powers. action of the united states senate--a protest against european apathy in not compelling turkey to observe the berlin treaty: on january , , mr. cullom, from the senate committee on foreign relations, reported a resolution in the senate relative to the armenian troubles. it recited the provision of the treaty of berlin as to religious freedom and resolved that it is the imperative duty of the united states to express the hope that the european powers will bring about the carrying out of the treaty, and requested the president to transmit this resolution to the powers. cullom's armenian resolution. mr. cullom (rep., ill.) reported from the senate committee on foreign relations the following armenian resolution: "whereas, the supplementary treaty of berlin of july , , between the ottoman empire and great britain, germany, austria, france, italy, and russia contains the following provisions: "'lxi.--the sublime porte undertakes to carry out without further delay the ameliorations and reforms demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by the armenians and to guarantee their security against the circassians and kurds. it will periodically make known the steps taken to this effect, to the powers, and will superintend their application.' "'lxii.--the sublime porte having expressed the wish to maintain the principle of religious liberty, to give it the widest scope, the contracting parties take note of this spontaneous declaration. in no part of the ottoman empire shall difference of religion be alleged against an individual as a ground for exclusion or incapacity as regards the discharge of civil and political rights, admission to the police service, functions and honors, and the exercise of the different professions and industries. all persons shall be admitted without distinction of religion to give evidence before the tribunals. liberty and outward exercise of all forms of worship are assured to all, and no hindrance shall be offered either to hierarchial organization of the various communions or to their relations with their spiritual chiefs. the right of official protection by the diplomatic and consular agents of the powers in turkey is recognized both as regards the above mentioned persons and their religious, charitable, and other establishments in the holy places;' and, "whereas, the extent and object of the above cited provisions of said treaty are to place the christian subjects of the porte under the protection of the other signatories thereto, and to secure to such christian subjects full liberty of religious worship and belief, the equal benefit of the laws, and all the privileges and immunities belonging to any subject of the turkish empire; and, "whereas, by said treaty the christian powers parties thereto, having established under the consent of turkey their right to accomplish and secure the above recited objects; and, "whereas, the american people, in common with all christian people everywhere, have beheld with horror the recent appalling outrages and massacres of which the christian population of turkey have been made the victims, "resolved, by the senate of the united states, the house of representatives concurring, that it is an imperative duty in the interests of humanity to express the earnest hope that the european concert brought about by the treaty referred to may speedily be given its just effects in such decisive measures as shall stay the hand of fanaticism and lawless violence and as shall secure to the unoffending christians of the turkish empire all the rights belonging to them, both as men and as christians and as beneficiaries of the explicit provisions of the treaty above recited. "resolved, that the president be requested to communicate these resolutions to the governments of great britain, germany, austria, france, italy, and russia. "resolved, further, that the senate of the united states, the house of representatives concurring, will support the president in the most vigorous action he may take for the protection and security of american citizens in turkey, and to obtain redress for injuries committed on the persons or property of such citizens." mr. cullom said the resolution was reported by the unanimous vote of the committee, and he desired immediate action. mr. gray (dem., del.) said he did not anticipate any objection to the resolution, but it was of such importance that there should be time for consideration of the terms of the resolution. mr. cullom acceded to this suggestion, giving notice that he would ask for action to-morrow. on the th, the resolutions were brought up and senator cullom took the floor and spoke of the serious conditions prevailing in turkey. he said that he was appalled by the carnival of blood prevailing. a massacre of innocence, unparalleled for ages, had been perpetrated. the evidence of the bloody enormities was given by all classes and nationalities until it was beyond the slightest doubt. a turkish army had bayonetted, robbed, murdered and flayed alive the people of armenia. there was no war, but a pitiless, merciless tornado of ruin, bloodshed and death. the demon of fanaticism had been let loose. there was a responsibility somewhere. it did not rest with the slavish ruler of turkey, the sultan. back of this were the disputes of the countries of the european alliance, seeking their territorial advantages. these countries were responsible. the sultan was but a puppet in their hands. it was a matter of regret and embarrassment, continued mr. cullom, that the policy of the united states was such as to prevent the sending of a fleet to turkish waters to put a stop to the bloody rule prevailing. but europe had assumed the obligation of protection to armenia. the people of the united states were intensely interested in seeing the obligation executed and the purpose of these resolutions was to plead with the greatest earnestness for the protection of armenia. it was amazing to people of the united states to witness this appalling slaughter and at the same time to see the indifference of the christian powers. there was a double obligation upon england and yet nothing had been done to stay the hand of the sultan, except by fruitless diplomatic correspondence. no event of the centuries called so loudly to the civilized world as this slaughter in turkey, the greatest, the senator believed, in the history of the world. then senator frye, of maine, arose and addressing the chair began an address that electrified an audience which constantly grew until the galleries were crowded. in the midst of his speech with intensely dramatic earnestness and thrilling effect senator frye cried aloud: "i would gladly have this congress send a memorial to russia, saying, 'take armenia under your protection, and the united states will stand by you with all its power and resources.'" the words are strong but the manner and emphasis of the orator cannot be described. every senator upon the floor gave expression of approval. many of them clapped their hands. the people in the galleries broke forth in prolonged applause, which the voice of the vice president found difficulty in checking. the scene was one of the most dramatic ever witnessed in the senate. again and again senator frye gave expression to aggressive views of a similar character, and from beginning to close of his address he received the closest attention and frequent applause. he declared that great britain is no friend of this country, nor of any country. great britain should have taken part in the suppression of the slaughters in armenia, but she has not done so. the other countries of europe are equally derelict. mr. frye declared the united states had never given its assent to the agreement of the european powers closing the dardanelles, and proceeded with much vigor and earnestness to say that if necessary in order to protect american citizens he would order the american ships to sail up the dardanelles, regardless of the european alliance, and when in front of constantinople demand the protection of our people within the sultan's dominions. the resolutions were adopted with great applause without a dissenting vote. the action of our government has been energetic and effective in preserving the lives of the american missionaries in anatolia. it has been conclusively shown that the sultan has a considerate regard to an emphatic demand when backed by a battleship. it is a serious question whether the time has not come for the united states to rise to the higher question of privilege, and demand in the name of common humanity that the massacres shall cease and the christian populations be protected according to the provisions of the berlin treaty, and the former promises of the sublime porte, "that no one shall be compelled to change his religion." the latest reports from constantinople asserted that there have been many thousands of forced conversions to islam and that scores of armenians who had accepted islam but did not live up to all its requirements with sufficient zeal to please the turks have been put to death since the wholesale massacres have ceased. how much longer can human nature stand the strain? what greater--greater outrages can be conceived of to rouse the christian conscience, than have filled our ears for months? it was published in london as very important news that sir philip currie was the first ambassador invited this year to take "iftar" at the palace. the audience lasted half an hour and was very cordial. "it is understood that the sultan renewed his assurances regarding the execution of reforms." thereupon the english government washes its hands in pilate's basin and rids itself of all responsibility. if we haven't any treaty rights in this matter in god's name let us assert the higher law of human rights--the right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. let us declare through congress our judgment to the porte that the hour has come for armed interference in the cause of outraged humanity. mr. chauncey m. depew having been invited to deliver an address in detroit, mich., in the interest of armenia, not being able to attend, wrote a letter to gen. alger, the chairman of the meeting, from which we quote as follows: "the air is full just now of wars and rumors of wars. the fighting blood of all the peoples of all civilized countries seems to be warmed to the battle point. but, while there is a great and dangerous excitement over a boundary line in venezuela and a filibustering expedition in south africa, the peoples of europe and of the united states remain unmoved and undisturbed by the burnings, sackings, slaughter and every form of savage murder and lust perpetrated upon the christians of armenia simply because of their adherence to the faith of christendom. i have seen congregations weep at the presentation of the tortures and massacres of christian martyrs under nero and diocletian two thousand years ago. where are the tears for christian men tortured and killed, christian women outraged and slain, christian children tossed upon the bayonets of a savage soldiery yesterday, last week and last month, with the frightful assurance that they will continue to be slaughtered and outraged and tortured and tossed upon bayonets to-morrow, the day after and next month and for months to come? "much as i believe in peace and its blessings, much as i detest war and its horrors, much as i feel that great provocations and the most imminent dangers to the liberty or the existence of the territories or the safety of the citizens of the country will justify an appeal to the arbitrament of arms, nevertheless i do feel that by a concert of action of christian nations, of which the united states should be one, such a presentation should be made to the sultan and his advisers as would stop these horrors and save our christian brethren." the case of rev. mr. knapp, of bitlis, who is to be sent to constantinople for trial on the charge of sedition, will afford a splendid occasion for a naval display. let the question be opened up whether these treaty obligations of the porte mean anything outside the reach of a warship. how can we maintain our traditions as the friend of the oppressed and downtrodden of earth if we let the brutal fanatical sultan riot still in plunder, lust and blood? did we care for the poor manacled negro undergoing the horrors of the middle passage? did we have any interest in healing "the open sore of the world?" did we once have spirit enough to demand of the bey of algiers the release of all christian slaves, the abandonment of the piracy he had practiced for years, and compel him to forego the tribute exacted from all nations? and have we no voice, no heart, no sympathy, no power to demand that the sultan shall stop his awful carnage of blood and prove before the bar of all christendom by what right he any longer shall reign? we can do this because the eastern question does not exist for us. higher questions of humanity demand the first consideration. we can interfere in defence of the lives and property of christians in turkey without violating the monroe doctrine and would merit the gratitude of europe and the world, if the final decision should be that the sultan had forfeited by the slaughter of one hundred thousand men, women and children with the fiendish accompaniments of outrage, violation, torture, all right to be treated as anything else than an enemy of humanity, and a wild beast to be caged and gazed upon with execration and horror. are not the lives and happiness of a half million armenians left homeless and penniless and who still tremble with fear and terror at the sight of their relentless foes of more consequence than the boundary line of venezuela? and yet for the location of an imaginary line the president's message came perilously near being a threat of war. had the president written as strong a message as that to the sultan in november or december, , and sent it with an escort of three battleships under the stars and stripes (stars for heroes, stripes for tyrants) demanding that the massacres cease at once or yildiz palace would be bombarded, the telegraph wires might have melted under the hot haste with which every governor had been ordered to call off the hounds of hell from their battening on human blood. (i beg pardon of the hounds, hyenas, tigers and all other wild beasts for using their names in simile or metaphor to describe the swiftness, eagerness or ferocity of kurd or turk. it is only the poverty of language that makes such use allowable.) but there is another thing we can do and england has shown us how to do it, scores of times, if not hundreds of times, in her own history. the american board has suffered the loss of hundreds of thousands of dollars in the destruction of missionary property; american citizens have suffered great money losses and their work has been broken up in many quarters; many churches in all parts of anatolia, built wholly or in part with contributions from america, have been laid in ruins; they have gone down in ashes and pillage under the trampling hordes of islam; the cost of relief has been enormous and the extra cost to all the missionaries has been very great, to say nothing of all the indignities to which they have been subjected (and in british estimation outrage upon the dignity of an englishman is placed at very high figures.) now let these damages be tabulated at full value and the bill presented to the sublime porte payable on demand and let us land a few marines at stamboul and open out a few port holes upon the palace and wake mr. sultan to the fact that it is quite as serious an affair to pluck the feathers of the american eagle as it is to twist the tail of the british lion. as mr. talmage has said in his own inimitable style: "when the english lion and the russian bear put their paws on that turkey, the american eagle ought to put in its bill." seriously this demand ought to be made with such energy, decision and despatch with such a demand for adequate protection and guarantee of inviolability of domicile both as to churches, colleges, schools and private residences of missionaries with a demand for necessary papers for all the consuls we may choose to send into anatolia, that the sultan would have very little time for the next few weeks to talk to his three hundred and sixty-five wives, or lay out any new plans for reforming the armenians out of existence. another thing is possible, and possible only to america, viz: the calling of an international conference--say on the island of cyprus, which england holds as a pledge that she will see that necessary reforms shall be executed--to discuss the further existence of the power of the porte. after the battle of waterloo the powers of europe dealt with napoleon as an enemy of the human race, of the peace and prosperity of every realm and not liking to take him off suddenly, they took him off to the island of st. helena, where english ships and soldiers guarded him from all danger till the angel of death, black or white, called him before a higher tribunal. there would be some grim justice in the retribution if the sultan should be exiled to the island of cyprus where he could be supported without cost to europe according to article iii. of the annex to the cyprus convention. it is understood "that england will pay to the porte whatever is the present excess of revenue over expenditure in the island." one gunboat could guard the island, and abdul-hamid ii., after whom there should be no iii., could dwell in peaceful security, unless through his seared islamic conscience some dreams of blood should come, or shrieks of outraged womanhood be heard above the waves of the resounding sea. it has been said that if the contents of the blue book on armenia were known lord salisbury would be mobbed in the streets of london. the christian herald, of new york, has also stated that a number of official documents has come into its possession which form such an indictment against the turk as has never yet been framed in the saxon tongue. "it may never be necessary to drag this shameful exhibit to the light, nor will it ever be done save as a last resort in the interest of justice and mercy." as nothing which has yet been told has touched the springs of power in europe or america, save to start a few rills of generosity for pity's sake and a few tears which a dainty lace handkerchief could wipe away, it would seem as if justice to the turk and mercy to the armenians demanded that these official documents, whether in england or america, should be given to the light, if perchance at last the nations of christendom might be roused to action before the country shall be utterly laid waste and the only service left us shall be to lay a cross upon the grave of bleeding armenia. armenia has stood the only christian race and nation in asia, for more than a thousand years, despite the oft repeated threat, islam or death. at any hour, in any age its glorious roll of martyrs would have been filled up and its blood would have ceased to flow, if it had been willing to deny the christ and swear allegiance to the false prophet. the history of this martyr nation that has been written in tears and blood as thus rehearsed to you will, i trust, not have been told in vain. may the voice of an outraged humanity be heard above the din of all conflicting political alliances demanding mercy and justice for the perishing. i believe our indignation would burst into fiercest flame if these awful atrocities could but be realized; and to noble, free and christian america might be the honor of leading in a glorious crusade for the deliverance of crushed, desolated and bleeding armenia from the accursed rule of islam. the end. appendix. description of the illustrations. massacre of armenians by police, softas and kurds.--frontispiece. sept. th, , and the following days will long be remembered as a reign of terror in constantinople. scarcely an armenian family but mourns the loss of some of its members. the mahommedans seemed worked to such a pitch of fury, that mere death was too mild a punishment to inflict on their victims. they battered the heads of the armenians with bludgeons, mutilated the unhappy creatures in every possible way, and left them lying about the streets in ghastly heaps. many lived thus for hours in horrible agonies, no one daring to succor them. great and little ararat from the north-east.--page . the village of aralykh, from which the view of the mountain is taken, is merely a row of wooden barracks, neatly painted, with a smith's and carpenter's shop, cottages for the soldiers scattered about it, and a few trees for shade and shelter. the situation is striking. the mountain seems quite close, but in reality its true base is fully twelve miles distant. as you look up into the great black chasm you can see the cornice of ice, or feet in thickness, lying at a height of about , feet, and above it a steep slope of snow, pierced here and there by rocks, running up to the summit. about seven miles to the south from great mountain, rises the singularly elegant peak of little ararat, which in the autumn is free from snow. armenian types and costumes.--page . the costumes of the better class of armenian women, before these terrible days, were very picturesque and some quite costly. they are fond of personal adornment, and wear silver coins about the head and neck; sometimes the ornaments are of gold, very handsome and expensive. the costume of the men varies considerably according to the province and occupation. many of the merchant class have adopted the european dress almost entirely. monastic rock-chambers at gueremeh.--page . the mountains in this neighborhood of kaiserieh are remarkable for the numerous rock-chambers and caves, which were filled with hermits in the early days of christianity. in one valley, about one mile in length and one thousand feet across, a gorge opens out about five hundred feet deep. the cliffs fall steeply away, sometimes with a sheer descent; sometimes in a succession of terraces, and from them rise up pyramids and pinnacles of rock; the wonders of the valley. on both the face of the cliffs, and in these detached masses there are caves and niches, all the work of human hands. at one time the whole valley was the abode of a vast monastic community. the sultan in the park of the yildiz palace.--page . the sultan rises at six o'clock, and labors with clerks and secretaries until noon, when he breakfasts. then he goes for a drive, or a row on the lake in the palace park, and returning gives audience until eight. at that hour he dines as a rule, alone. the sultan's food is prepared by chosen persons, cooked in sealed vessels, within locked rooms, and tasted before it is served to him. the water he drinks is brought from a distance in sealed barrels. sometimes the sultan, who is fond of light operatic music, plays duets on the piano with his younger children. for other recreations, he studies odd machines and novelties of inventions. he never sleeps two successive nights in the same room, and when the fear of death is strongest upon him, he goes to a chamber reached by a ladder, which he draws up after him. types of softas.--page . at cairo, in egypt, are the most famous universities of islam. to these schools, students flock from all quarters of the mahommedan world. these softas are the most fanatical of the moslems; their entire training is one of bitter intolerance and hatred of christianity; they have been the inciters to riots in many cities in the turkish empire, notably in that of constantinople, in september, . the number of softas in the empire, is said to be about , -- , of them being in stamboul. his majesty has at times sought to have some of them return to their native provinces, but to this, great opposition has been shown, so that he was obliged to abandon his first plan and get rid of them quietly. from time to time numbers of them have been put on board of transports for unknown destinations. "the turks are upon us." a panic in stamboul.--page . while the photograph, from which this illustration is reproduced, was taken in stamboul, it would answer equally well for the panic that prevailed among armenian merchants, everywhere, whenever the cry was raised that the feared and hated turk was coming. costly merchandise was quickly thrust behind doors, that were as quickly barred against the common foe, and children were hastily summoned from the streets. that such scenes have their ludicrous side, is evidenced by the upsetting of the young man who, in his haste to gain a place of safety, has trodden upon the trailing end of one of the rugs which the venerable dealer in such merchandise, is in equal haste to place beyond the reach of the marauders. the new grand vizier on his way to the sublime porte.--page . the renowned office of grand vizier, in the realms of the ottoman turk, is a very precarious and dangerous post. rifaat pasha, the latest appointee, is the nominal head of whatever government may be supposed to exist at the porte. he has been many years in the civil service, and has been governor, successively, of the former danubian provinces, of salonica, of smyrna, and of monastir, and latterly minister of the interior. explaining the inflammatory placards.--page . there is a cry for reform in the system of government in turkey, and revolutionary placards are posted up almost daily in the streets of stamboul. the police specially patrol the streets at night with the object of tearing down these seditious utterances. the illustration shows a man of education, explaining to some of his more ignorant fellow-citizens, the meaning of one of these placards, that has escaped the notice of the police. taking armenian prisoners to the grand zaptieh prison.--page . over the portal of the grand zaptieh prison, stamboul, might well be inscribed "all hope abandon, ye who enter here." the engraving gives a forcible illustration of the brutality exhibited by the turkish soldiers and police towards their prisoners, whom, in many instances, they literally dragged to their place of confinement. british cabinet debating the armenian question.--page . the councils of the english government are more important to the welfare of the world than the decision of any other european power. but british interests--interest on turkish bonds held in london--have been paramount to all questions of righteousness and humanity; and bleeding armenia cries in vain for deliverance from the accursed rule of the turk. the british mediterranean fleet.--page . when the squadrons of the great powers began to assemble in eastern waters, it seemed for awhile as if the day of reckoning for turkey had surely come. the british fleet is seen in the harbor of salonica, ready for action. at this time the french ironclads were in the piraeus, the german warships off smyrna, the italian and austro-hungarian squadrons had started for the east, and russia's fleet was close at hand in the black sea. a single warship in front of constantinople would have restored order in armenia; none were sent. types and costumes of kurdish gentlemen.--page . the kurdish costumes are picturesque and nearly all the tribesmen are magnificent horsemen. they are always formidably armed. they are very cruel; fierce in battle; merciless in torture and outrage of their victims. they have neither books nor schools; not one in ten thousand can read. a common scene in the streets of erzeroum.--page . a camel caravan from persia passing through to trebizond. some of these caravans consist of as many as eight hundred camels--estimating the value of a camel at $ , which is moderate, we have the sum of $ , as the worth of the caravan, without counting the vast stores of merchandise. this immense trade is for the time destroyed and the inhabitants of erzeroum reduced to great extremities. armenian women weaving turkish carpets.--page . in the reign of edward vi. we read that before communion-tables were placed, "carpets full gay, that wrought were in the orient." the greater part of the real turkey carpets are manufactured in the province of aidin. no large manufactory exists; the carpets are the work of families and households. the illustration shows armenian women engaged at their primitive looms. armenian peasants fleeing to russia.--page . fortunate indeed is the family that could escape into russia and save their lives. yet, across the borders there is no peace and prosperity. thousands are on the mountains, or out on the plains escaping from the sword and bayonet and spear of the turk and kurd. their misery, as they wander in rags, or creep about the ruins of their villages, is appalling. armenian women, province of van.--page . besides trade and agriculture, the inhabitants of this province are engaged in a few industries, such as the making of coarse cotton chintz, a highly prized water-proof fabric of goat hair and a thick woolen cloth called shayah. the women assist in all the labors of the men, particularly in the field, where entire families may be seen. armenian mountaineer of shadokh.--page . this illustration gives a good idea of the sturdy manliness of these people, who, if permitted to bear arms and defend themselves, would soon deliver their villages from plunder, and their wives and children from outrage and misery. grand mosque and interior at urfah.--page . urfah is the present name for edessa, once the capital of armenia--the ur of the chaldees. there was a christian church at edessa as early as a. d., and it was famous for its schools of learning, which were large and flourishing. a great tower is still standing, from which, five times a-day, the muezzin calls mahommedans to prayer, marks the site of the great christian seminary of the fourth century. the turks pay thousands of dollars to the mosque for the privilege of being buried in this place. passage boat on the arras.--page . ferriage and transportation by water in asia minor is still carried on in primitive fashion. the illustration shows an unwieldy craft, propelled by long and heavy oars. the usual shape of the boats is much like that of a coffin. the submerged portion is coated within and without with hot bitumen. frequently, when the craft arrives at her destination, she is broken up, and the bitumen, with which she is coated, is sold, as well as the cargo. arresting the murderers of armenians.--page . these arrests have only been a matter of form, and only because some foreign consuls may have demanded it. turkish justice, outside the centers of european influence, rarely ever punishes either kurd or turk for outrage, plunder or murder, if only the armenians are the sufferers. sketches of armenia and kurdestan.--page . a group of views showing the interior of a kurdish tent, in which three chiefs are partaking of coffee; a soldier, in picturesque dress, standing on guard, or, to salute his superior officer; a valley of surpassing beauty, with snow-capped mountains in the distance; a kurdish encampment, with houses in the background, and a view of sinna, the capital of persian-kurdestan. refugees and cavasses at an armenian church.--page . after the first riots in constantinople, the various armenian churches were filled with refugees who could hardly be persuaded to leave their sanctuary. after repeated assurances of protection by the dragomans of the six european embassies, the refugees returned to their homes. as they left each church, they were drawn up in line and searched for arms. a prayer for revenge.--page . the heart-rending agonies of the martyr have died out, and his soul has gone up in anguish before the throne. the aged father and brother have been favored in being able to secure the body for burial. but how can they pray? the turkish soldiers cried out as they tortured the dying man, "where is your god, now? why doesn't he deliver you?" and filled his ears with awful blasphemies in his last moments. massacre of armenians at erzeroum.--page . the massacre at erzeroum began october , , in the serai, the chief government building in which the vali and his chief officials reside. the massacre started by the shooting of the priest of tevrick by turkish soldiers when he and other armenians were at the serai trying to gain audience of the vali. burying the bodies after the massacre at erzeroum.--page . this illustration was reproduced from a photograph taken in the armenian cemetery, two days after the massacre. two rows of dead, thirty-five deep, had already been laid down and partially covered with earth by laborers, when the photograph was taken. four men had just deposited another corpse, and so started a third row. the open spaces between the bodies were filled up with skulls, thigh-bones, and other human remains disturbed by digging this grave, which was fifty-three feet square, for the reception of the slaughtered armenians. a grim corner of the cemetery, erzeroum.--page . about , armenians were inhumanly butchered in the massacre of october , . the illustration shows how their corpses were laid out in the cemetery, waiting until one large common grave could be dug for their reception. principal street and bazaar of erzeroum.--page . erzeroum is a town of great antiquity. in , the time of its capture by the seejuks, , of its inhabitants were said to have been lost. recent estimates of the population are from , to , , of which, probably, two-thirds are armenians. the circular-towers, shown in the illustration, with their conical tops, add a certain picturesqueness to the view, and are popularly reputed to be the tombs of holy men who died in the fourteenth century. the prison at erzeroum.--page . to describe the sufferings of a turkish prison is impossible. it combines the stifling air of the black-hole of calcutta, the stench of an open sewer, the poison of a yellow fever ward, the pangs of starvation, besides the horrors of the inferno when moslem criminals are shut in with christian prisoners. "it is a living grave, a visible hell, a world without god." men are suffering in nakedness and rags, and dying of hunger and disease, but there is no one to pity. trebizond.--page . this city, the principal seaport for the armenians, is on the southern coast of the black sea, and has a population of about forty-five thousand. the old walls are now ruinous, but the engraving shows how formidable they must have been originally. many armenians were massacred at trebizond in the autumn of . town and citadel of van.--page . van, the capital of the province of the same name, lies in an extremely fertile plain--one of the gardens of the east. its low, flat-roofed houses are enclosed within a double line of walls and ditches on the three sides not protected by the rock which rises feet sheer above the plain, and is crowned by the citadel. in this rock are numerous galleries and crypts which probably date back to the ninth century. the city of van is one mile from the shore of the lake to which it gives its name. armenian refugees at the labor bureau at van.--page . at this point dr. grace n. kimball has, so far, been able to employ over , representing , souls, keeping them from starvation by her efforts. thousands of famished, almost naked creatures have toiled barefoot to the city. her factory has also been a school of honesty to those employed, and the work is a shining example of clean, upright, business methods and yankee executive ability. notes [ ] the above description is taken literally from a report of the british vice-consul of erzeroum. copies are in possession of the diplomatic representatives of the powers at constantinople. the scene occurred in the village of semal before the massacres, during the normal condition of things. [ ] the koords are divided into torens or nobles, who lead in war time, and possess and enjoy in peace; and rayahs, who sacrifice their lives for their lords in all raids and feuds, and are wholly dependent on them at all times. a rayah's life may be taken by a toren with almost the same impunity as a christian's. martyred armenia by fÀ'iz el-ghusein bedouin notable of damascus translated from the original arabic all rights of translation reserved new york george h. doran company mcmxviii foreword i am a bedouin, a son of one of the heads of the tribe of el-sulût, who dwell in el-lejât, in the haurân territory. like other sons of tribal chiefs, i entered the tribal school at constantinople, and subsequently the royal college. on the completion of my education, i was attached to the staff of the vali of syria (or damascus), on which i remained for a long while. i was then kaimakâm of mamouret-el-azîz (kharpout), holding this post for three and a half years, after which i practised as a lawyer at damascus, my partners being shukri bey el-asli and abdul-wahhâb bey el-inglîzi. i next became a member of the general assembly at that place, representing haurân, and later a member of the committee of that assembly. on the outbreak of the war, i was ordered to resume my previous career, that is, the duties of kaimakâm, but i did not comply, as i found the practice of the law more advantageous in many ways and more tranquil. i was denounced by an informer as being a delegate of a society constituted in the lebanon with the object of achieving the independence of the arab people, under the protection of england and france, and of inciting the tribes against the turkish government. on receipt of this denunciation, i was arrested by the government, thrown into prison, and subsequently sent in chains, with a company of police and gendarmes, to aalîya, where persons accused of political offences were tried. i was acquitted, but as the government disregarded the decisions given in such cases, and was resolved on the removal and destruction of all enlightened arabs--whatever the circumstances might be--it was thought necessary that i should be despatched to erzeroum, and jemâl pasha sent me thither with an officer and five of the regular troops. when i reached diarbekir, hasan kaleh, at erzeroum, was being pressed by the russians, and the vali of diarbekir was ordered to detain me at that place. after twenty-two days' confinement in prison for no reason, i was released; i hired a house and remained at diarbekir for six and a half months, seeing and hearing from the most reliable sources all that took place in regard to the armenians, the majority of my informants being superior officers and officials, or notables of diarbekir and its dependencies, as well as others from van, bitlis, mamouret-el-azîz, aleppo and erzeroum. the people of van had been in diarbekir since the occupation of their territory by the russians, whilst the people and officials of bitlis had recently emigrated thither. many of the erzeroum officers came to diarbekir on military or private business, whilst mamouret-el-azîz was near by, and many people came to us from thence. as i had formerly been a kaimakâm in that vilayet, i had a large acquaintance there and heard all the news. more especially, the time which i passed in prison with the heads of the tribes in diarbekir enabled me to study the movement in its smallest details. the war must needs come to an end after a while, and it will then be plain to readers of this book that all i have written is the truth, and that it contains only a small part of the atrocities committed by the turks against the hapless armenian people. after passing this time at diarbekir i fled, both to escape from captivity and from fear induced by what had befallen me from some of the fanatical turks. after great sufferings, during which i was often exposed to death and slaughter, i reached basra, and conceived the idea of publishing this book, as a service to the cause of truth and of a people oppressed by the turks, and also, as i have stated at the close, to defend the faith of islam against the charge of fanaticism which will be brought against it by europeans. may god guide us in the right way. _i have written this preface at bombay, on the st of september, ._ fÀ'iz el-ghusein. martyred armenia the narrative outline of armenian history.--in past ages the armenian race was, like other nations, not possessed of an autonomous government, until god bestowed upon them a man, named haig, a bold leader, who united the armenians and formed them into an independent state. this took place before the christian era. the nation preserved their independence for a considerable time, reaching the highest point of their glory and prosperity under their king dikrân, who constituted the city of dikrânokerta--diarbekir--the capital of his government. armenia remained independent in the time of the romans, extending her rule over a part of asia minor and syria, and a portion of persia, but, in consequence of the protection afforded by the armenians to certain kings who were hostile to rome, the romans declared war against her, their troops entered her capital, and from that time armenian independence was lost. the country remained tossing on the waves of despotism, now independent, now subjected to foreign rule, until its conquest by the arabs and subsequently by the ottoman power. the armenian population.--the number of the armenians in ottoman territory does not exceed , , souls. i have borrowed this figure from a book by a turkish writer, who states that it is the official computation made by the government previous to the balkan war; he estimates the armenians residing in roumelia at , , those in ottoman asia at , , . the armenians in russia and persia are said not to exceed , , , thus bringing the total number of armenians in the world to over four and a half millions. the vilayets inhabited by armenians.--the vilayets inhabited by armenians are diarbekir, van, bitlis, erzeroum, mamouret-el-azîz, sivas, adana, aleppo, trebizond, broussa, and constantinople. the numbers in van, bitlis, adana, diarbekir, erzeroum, and kharpout were greater than those in the other vilayets, but in all cases they were fewer than the turks and kurds, with the exception of van and bitlis, where they were equal or superior in number. in the province of moush (vilayet of bitlis) they were more numerous than the kurds; all industry and commerce in those parts was in armenian hands; their agriculture was more prosperous; they were much more advanced than the turks and kurds in those vilayets; and the large number of their schools, contrasted with the few schools of their alien fellow countrymen, is a proof of their progress and of the decline of the other races. armenian societies.--the armenians possess learned and political societies, the most important of which are the "tashnagtziân" and the "hunchak." the programme of these two societies is to make every effort and adopt every means to attain that end from which no armenian ever swerves, namely, administrative independence under the supervision of the great powers of europe. i have enquired of many armenians whom i have met, but i have not found one who said that he desired political independence, the reason being that in most of the vilayets which they inhabit the armenians are less numerous than the kurds, and if they became independent the advantage to the kurds would be greater than to themselves. hitherto, the kurds have been in a very degraded state of ignorance; disorder is supreme in their territory, and the cities are in ruins. the armenians, therefore, prefer to remain under turkish rule, on condition that the administration is carried on under the supervision of the great european powers, as they place no confidence in the promises of the turks, who take back to-day what they bestowed yesterday. these two societies thus earnestly labour for the propagation of this view amongst the armenians, and for the attainment of their object by every means. i have been told by an armenian officer that one of these societies proposes to attain its end by means of internal revolts, but the policy of the second is to do so by peaceful means only. the above is a brief summary of the policy of these societies. it is said, however, that the programme of one of them aims at armenian political independence. any who desire further details as to armenian history or societies should refer to their historical books. the armenian massacres.--history does not record that the kurds, fellow-countrymen of the armenians in the vilayets inhabited by both peoples, rose in conflict with the latter, or that the kurds plundered the property of the armenians, or outraged their women, until the year , when they rose by order of the turkish government and slaughtered armenians in van, kharpout, erzeroum, and moush. again, in the time of abdul-hamîd ii., in , when the armenians rose and entered the ottoman bank at constantinople, with the object of frightening the sultan and compelling him to proclaim the constitution, he ordered a massacre at constantinople and in the vilayets. but hitherto there has been no instance of the people of turkey proceeding to the slaughter of armenians on a general scale unless incited and constrained to do so by the government. in the massacre of , , were killed in constantinople itself, and , in the vilayets. armenians were also killed in the vilayet of adana, some months after the proclamation of the constitution, but this slaughter did not extend beyond the two vilayets of adana and aleppo, where the influence of abdul-hamîd was paramount till the year . i do not, however, find any detailed account of this massacre, or any information as to the numbers killed. the goods and cattle of the armenians were plundered, and their houses wrecked, more especially in the slaughter of , but many of their countrymen[a] protected them and concealed them in their houses from the officials of the government. the government consistently inflamed the moslem kurds and turks against them, making use of the faith of islam as a means to attain their object in view of the ignorance of the mohammedans as to the true laws of their religion. [footnote a: presumably amongst the turks and kurds.--translator.] declaration of the ottoman government.--"inasmuch as the armenians are committing acts opposed to the laws and taking advantage of all occasions to disturb the government; as they have been found in possession of prohibited arms, bombs, and explosive materials, prepared with the object of internal revolt; as they have killed moslems in van, and have aided the russian armies at a time when the government is in a state of war with england, france, and russia; and in the apprehension that the armenians may, as is their habit, lend themselves to seditious tumult and revolt; the government have decreed that all the armenians shall be collected and despatched to the vilayets of mosul, syria, and deir-el-zûr, their persons, goods and honour being safeguarded. the necessary orders have been given for ensuring their comfort, and for their residence in those territories until the termination of the war." such is the official declaration of the ottoman government in regard to the armenians. but the secret resolution was that companies of militia should be formed to assist the gendarmes in the slaughter of the armenians, that these should be killed to the last man, and that the work of murder and destruction should take place under the supervision of trusty agents of the unionists, who were known for their brutality. reshîd bey was appointed to the vilayet of diarbekir and invested with extensive powers, having at his disposal a gang of notorious murderers, such as ahmed bey el-serzi, rushdi bey, khalîl bey, and others of this description. the reason for this decision, as it was alleged, was that the armenians residing in europe and in egypt had sent twenty of their devoted partisans to kill talaat, enver, and others of the unionist leaders; the attempt had failed, as a certain armenian, a traitor to his nation and a friend of bedri bey, the chief of the public security at constantinople (or according to others, azmi bey), divulged the matter and indicated the armenian agents, who had arrived at constantinople. the latter were arrested and executed, but secretly, in order that it might not be said that there were men attempting to kill the heads of the unionist society. another alleged reason also was that certain armenians, whom the government had collected from the vilayets of aleppo and adrianople and had sent off to complete their military service, fled, with their arms, to zeitoun, where they assembled, to the number of sixty young men, and commenced to resist the government and to attack wayfarers. the government despatched a military force under fakhry pasha, who proceeded to the spot, destroyed a part of zeitoun, and killed men, women and children, without encountering opposition on the part of the armenians. he collected the men and women and sent them off with parties of troops, who killed many of the men, whilst as for the women, do not ask what was their fate. they were delivered over to the ottoman soldiery; the children died of hunger and thirst; not a man or woman reached syria except the halt and blind, who were unable to keep themselves alive; the young men were all slaughtered; and the good-looking women fell into the hands of the turkish youths. emigrants from roumelia were conveyed to zeitoun and established there, the name of that place being changed to "reshadîya," so that nothing should remain to remind the turks of the armenian name. during our journey from hamah we saw many armenian men and women, sitting under small tents which they had constructed from sheets, rugs, etc. their condition was most pitiable, and how could it be otherwise? many of these had been used to sit only on easy chairs [lit., rocking-chairs], amid luxurious furniture, in houses built in the best style, well arranged and splendidly furnished. i saw, as others saw also, many armenian men and women in goods-wagons on the railway between aleppo and hamah, herded together in a way which moved compassion. after my arrival at aleppo, and two days' stay there, we took the train to a place called ser-arab-pounâri. i was accompanied by five armenians, closely guarded, and despatched to diarbekir. we walked on our feet thence to serûj, where we stopped at a _khân_ [rest-house] filled with armenian women and children, with a few sick men. these women were in a deplorable state, as they had done the journey from erzeroum on foot, taking a long while to arrive at serûj. i talked with them in turkish, and they told me that the gendarmes with them had brought them to places where there was no water, refusing to tell them where water was to be found until they had received money as the price. some of them, who were pregnant, had given birth on the way, and had abandoned their infants in the uninhabited wastes. most of these women had left their children behind, either in despair, or owing to illness or weakness which made them unable to carry them, so they threw them on the ground; some from natural affection could not do this and so perished in the desert, not parted from their infants. they told me that there were some among them who had not been used to walk for a single hour, having been brought up in luxury, with men to wait on them and women to attend them. these had fallen into the hands of the kurds, who recognize no divine law, and who live on lofty mountains and in dense forests like beasts of prey; their honour was outraged and they died by brutal violence, many of them killing themselves rather than sacrifice their virtue to these ravening wolves. we then proceeded in carts from serûj to el-raha (urfa). on the way i saw crowds going on foot, whom from a distance i took for troops marching to the field of battle. on approaching, i found they were armenian women, walking barefoot and weary, placed in ranks like the gendarmes who preceded and followed them. whenever one of them lagged behind, a gendarme would beat her with the butt of his rifle, throwing her on her face, till she rose terrified and rejoined her companions. but if one lagged from sickness, she was either abandoned, alone in the wilderness, without help or comfort, to be a prey to wild beasts, or a gendarme ended her life by a bullet. on arrival at urfa, we learned that the government had sent a force of gendarmes and police to the armenian quarters of the town to collect their arms, subsequently dealing with these people as with others. as they were aware of what had happened to their kinsmen--the _khâns_ at urfa being full of women and children--they did not give up their arms, but showed armed resistance, killing one man of the police and three gendarmes. the authorities of urfa applied for a force from aleppo, and by order of jemâl pasha--the executioner of syria--fakhry pasha came with cannon. he turned the armenian quarters into a waste place, killing the men and the children, and great numbers of the women, except such as yielded themselves to share the fate of their sisters--expulsion on foot to deir-el-zûr, after the pasha and his officers had selected the prettiest amongst them. disease was raging among them; they were outraged by the turks and kurds; and hunger and thirst completed their extermination. after leaving urfa, we again saw throngs of women, exhausted by fatigue and misery, dying of hunger and thirst, and we saw the bodies of the dead lying by the roadside. on our arrival at a place near a village called kara jevren, about six hours distant from urfa, we stopped at a spring to breakfast and drink. i went a little apart, towards the source, and came upon a most appalling spectacle. a woman, partly unclothed, was lying prone, her chemise disordered and red with blood, with four bullet-wounds in her breast. i could not restrain myself, but wept bitterly. as i drew out a handkerchief to wipe away my tears, and looked round to see whether any of my companions had observed me, i saw a child not more than eight years old, lying on his face, his head cloven by an axe. this made my grief the more vehement, but my companions cut short my lamentations, for i heard the officer, aarif effendi, calling to the priest isaac, and saying, "come here at once," and i knew that he had seen something which had startled him. i went towards him, and what did i behold? three children lying in the water, in terror of their lives from the kurds, who had stripped them of their clothes and tortured them in various ways, their mother near by, moaning with pain and hunger. she told us her story, saying that she was from erzeroum, and had been brought by the troops to this place with many other women after a journey of many days. after they had been plundered of money and clothing, and the prettiest women had been picked out and handed over to the kurds, they reached this place, where kurdish men and women collected and robbed them of all the clothes that remained on them. she herself had stayed here, as she was sick and her children would not leave her. the kurds came upon them again and left them naked. the children had lain in the water in their terror, and she was at the point of death. the priest collected some articles of clothing and gave them to the woman and the children; the officer sent a man to the post of gendarmes which was near by, and ordered the gendarme whom the man brought with him to send on the woman and children to urfa, and to bury the bodies which were near the guardhouse. the sick woman told me that the dead woman refused to yield herself to outrage, so they killed her and she died nobly, chaste and pure from defilement; to induce her to yield they killed her son beside her, but she was firm in her resolve and died heart-broken. in the afternoon we went on towards kara jevren, and one of the drivers pointed out to us some high mounds, surrounded by stones and rocks, saying that here zohrâb and vartakis had been killed, they having been leading notables among the armenians, and their deputies. krikÔr zohrÂb and vartakis.--no one is ignorant of who and what was zohrâb, the armenian deputy for constantinople, his name and repute being celebrated after the institution of the chamber. he used to speak with learning and reflection, refuting objections by powerful arguments and convincing proofs. his speeches in the chamber were mostly conclusive. he was learned in all subjects, but especially in the science of law, as he was a graduate of universities and had practised at the bar for many years. he was endowed with eloquence and great powers of exposition; he was courageous, not to be turned from his purpose or intimidated from pursuing his national aims. when the unionists realised that they were deficient in knowledge, understanding nothing about polity or administration, and not aware of the meaning of liberty or constitutional government, they resolved to return to the system of their tartar forefathers, the devastation of cities and the slaughter of innocent men, as it was in that direction that their powers lay. they sent zohrâb and his colleague vartakis away from constantinople, with orders that they should be killed on the way, and it was announced that they had been murdered by a band of brigands. they killed them in order that it might not be said that armenians were more powerful, more learned, and more intelligent than turks. why should such bands murder none but armenians? the falsity of the statement is obvious. zohrâb and vartakis fell victims to their own courage and firmness of purpose; they were killed out of envy of their learning and their love for their own people, and for their tenacity in pursuing their own path. they were killed by that villain, ahmed el-serzi, one of the sworn men of the unionists, he who murdered zeki bey; his story in the ottoman upheaval is well known, and how the unionists saved him from his fitting punishment and even from prison. a kurd told me that vartakis was one of the boldest and most courageous men who ever lived; he was chief of the armenian bands in the time of abdul-hamîd; he was wounded in the foot by a cannon-ball whilst the turkish troops were pursuing these bands, and was imprisoned either at erzeroum or at maaden, in the vilayet of diarbekir. the sultan abdul-hamîd, through his officials, charged him to modify his attitude and acknowledge that he had been in error, when he should be pardoned and appointed to any post he might choose. he rejected this offer, saying, "i will not sell my conscience for a post, or say that the government of abdul-hamîd is just, whilst i see its tyranny with my eyes and touch it with my hand." it is said that the unionists ordered that all the armenian deputies should be put to death, and the greater number of them were thus dealt with. it is reported also that dikrân gilikiân, the well-known writer, who was an adherent of the committee of union and progress, was killed in return for his learning, capacity, and devotion to their cause. such was the recompense of his services to the unionists. in the evening we arrived at kara jevren, and slept there till morning. at sunrise we went on towards sivrek, and half-way on the road we saw a terrible spectacle. the corpses of the killed were lying in great numbers on both sides of the road; here we saw a woman outstretched on the ground, her body half veiled by her long hair; there, women lying on their faces, the dried blood blackening their delicate forms; there again, the corpses of men, parched to the semblance of charcoal by the heat of the sun. as we approached sivrek, the corpses became more numerous, the bodies of children being in a great majority. as we arrived at sivrek and left our carts, we saw one of the servants of the _khân_ carrying a little infant with hair as yellow as gold, whom he threw behind the house. we asked him about it, and he said that there were three sick armenian women in the house, who had lagged behind their companions, that one of them had given birth to this infant, but could not nourish it, owing to her illness. so it had died and been thrown out, as one might throw out a mouse. demand for ransom.--whilst we were at sivrek, aarif effendi told me--after he had been at the government offices--that the commandant of gendarmerie and the chief of police of that place had requested him to hand over to them the five armenians who were with him, and that on his refusal they had insisted, saying that, if they were to reach diarbekir in safety, they must pay a ransom of fifty liras for themselves. we went to the _khân_, where the officer summoned the priest isaac and told him how matters stood. after speaking to his companions, the priest replied that they could pay only ten liras altogether, as they had no more in their possession. when convinced by his words, the officer took the ten liras and undertook to satisfy the others. this officer had a dispute with the commandant of gendarmerie at aleppo, the latter desiring to take these five men on the grounds that they had been sent with a gendarme for delivery to his office. ahmed bey, the chief of the irregular band at urfa, also desired to take them, but the officer refused to give them up to him--he being a member of the committee of union and progress--and brought them in safety to diarbekir. after passing the night at sivrek we left early in the morning. as we approached diarbekir the corpses became more numerous, and on our route we met companies of women going to sivrek under guard of gendarmes, weary and wretched, the traces of tears and misery plain on their faces--a plight to bring tears of blood from stones, and move the compassion of beasts of prey. what, in god's name, had these women done? had they made war on the turks, or killed even one of them? what was the crime of these hapless creatures, whose sole offence was that they were armenians, skilled in the management of their homes and the training of their children, with no thought beyond the comfort of their husbands and sons, and the fulfilment of their duties towards them. i ask you, o moslems--is this to be counted as a crime? think for a moment. what was the fault of these poor women? was it in their being superior to the turkish women in every respect? even assuming that their men had merited such treatment, is it right that these women should be dealt with in a manner from which wild beasts would recoil? god has said in the koran: "do not load one with another's burthens," that is, let not one be punished for another. what had these weak women done, and what had their infants done? can the men of the turkish government bring forward even a feeble proof to justify their action and to convince the people of islam, who hold that action for unlawful and reject it? no; they can find no word to say before a people whose usages are founded on justice, and their laws on wisdom and reason. is it right that these imposters, who pretend to be the supports of islam and the _khilâfat_, the protectors of the moslems, should transgress the command of god, transgress the koran, the traditions of the prophet, and humanity? truly, they have committed an act at which islam is revolted, as well as all moslems and all the peoples of the earth, be they moslems, christians, jews, or idolators. as god lives, it is a shameful deed, the like of which has not been done by any people counting themselves as civilised. the infant in the waste.--after we had gone a considerable distance we saw a child of not more than four years old, with a fair complexion, blue eyes, and golden hair, with all the indications of luxury and pampering, standing in the sun, motionless and speechless. the officer told the driver to stop the cart, got out alone, and questioned the child, who made no reply, and did not utter a word. the officer said: "if we take this child with us to diarbekir, the authorities will take him from us, and he will share the fate of his people in being killed. it is best that we leave him. perhaps god will move one of the kurds to compassion, that he take him and bring him up." none of us could say anything to him; he entered the cart and we drove on, leaving the child as we found him, without speech, tears, or movement. who knows of what rich man or notable of the armenians he was the son? he had hardly seen the light when he was orphaned by the slaughter of his parents and kinsmen. those who should have carried him were weary of him--for the women were unable to carry even themselves--so they had abandoned him in the waste, far from human habitation. man, who shows kindness to beasts, and forms societies for their protection, can be merciless to his own kind, more especially to infants who can utter no complaint; he leaves them under the heat of the sun, thirsty and famishing, to be devoured by wild creatures. leaving the boy, our hearts burning within us, and full of grief and anguish, we arrived before sunset at a _khân_ some hours distant from diarbekir. there we passed the night, and in the morning we went on amid the mangled forms of the slain. the same sight met our view on every side; a man lying, his breast pierced by a bullet; a woman torn open by lead; a child sleeping his last sleep beside his mother; a girl in the flower of her age, in a posture which told its own story. such was our journey until we arrived at a canal, called kara pounâr, near diarbekir, and here we found a change in the method of murder and savagery. we saw here bodies burned to ashes. god, from whom no secrets are hid, knows how many young men and fair girls, who should have led happy lives together, had been consumed by fire in this ill-omened place. we had expected not to find corpses of the killed near to the walls of diarbekir, but we were mistaken, for we journeyed among the bodies until we entered the city gate. as i was informed by some europeans who returned from armenia after the massacres, the government ordered the burial of all the bodies from the roadside when the matter had become the subject of comment in european newspapers. in prison.--on our arrival at diarbekir the officer handed us over to the authorities and we were thrown into prison, where i remained for twenty-two days. during this time i obtained full information about the movement from one of the prisoners, who was a moslem of diarbekir, and who related to me what had happened to the armenians there. i asked him what was the reason of the affair, why the government had treated them in this way, and whether they had committed any act calling for their complete extermination. he said that, after the declaration of war, the armenians, especially the younger men, had failed to comply with the orders of the government, that most of them had evaded military service by flight, and had formed companies which they called "roof companies." these took money from the wealthy armenians for the purchase of arms, which they did not deliver to the authorities, but sent to their companies, until the leading armenians and notables assembled, went to the government offices, and requested that these men should be punished as they were displeased at their proceedings. i asked whether the armenians had killed any government official, or any turks or kurds in diarbekir. he replied that they had killed no one, but that a few days after the arrival of the vali, reshîd bey, and the commandant of gendarmerie, rushdi bey, prohibited arms had been found in some armenian houses, and also in the church. on the discovery of these arms, the government summoned some of the principal armenians and flung them into prison; the spiritual authorities made repeated representations, asking for the release of these men, but the government, far from complying with the request, imprisoned the ecclesiastics also, the number of notables thus imprisoned amounting to nearly seven hundred. one day the commandant of gendarmerie came and informed them that an imperial order had been issued for their banishment to mosul, where they were to remain until the end of the war. they were rejoiced at this, procured all they required in the way of money, clothes, and furniture, and embarked on the _keleks_ (wooden rafts resting on inflated skins, used by the inhabitants of that region for travelling on the euphrates and tigris) to proceed to mosul. after a while it was understood that they had all been drowned in the tigris, and that none of them had reached mosul. the authorities continued to send off and kill the armenians, family by family, men, women and children, the first families sent from diarbekir being those of kazaziân, tirpanjiân, minassiân, and kechijiân, who were the wealthiest families in the place. among the individuals was a bishop named--as far as i recollect--homandriâs; he was the armenian catholic bishop, a venerable and learned old man of about eighty; they showed no respect to his white beard, but drowned him in the tigris. megerditch, the bishop-delegate of diarbekir, was also among the imprisoned. when he saw what was happening to his people he could not endure the disgrace and shame of prison, so he poured petroleum over himself and set it on fire. a moslem, who was imprisoned for having written a letter to this bishop three years before the events, told me that he was a man of great courage and learning, devoted to his people, with no fear of death, but unable to submit to oppression and humiliation. some of the imprisoned kurds attacked the armenians in the gaol itself, and killed two or three of them out of greed for their money and clothing, but nothing was done to bring them to account. the government left only a very small number of armenians in diarbekir, these being such as were skilled in making boots and similar articles for the army. nineteen individuals had remained in the prison, where i saw and talked with them; these, according to the pretence of the authorities, were armenian bravoes. the last family deported from diarbekir was that of dunjiân, about november, . this family was protected by certain notables of the place, from desire for their money, or the beauty of some of their women. dikrÂn.--this man was a member of the central committee of the tashnagtziân society in diarbekir. an official of that place, who belonged to the society of union and progress, told me that the authorities seized dikrân and demanded from him the names of his associates. he refused, and said that he could not give the names until the committee had met and decided whether or not it was proper to furnish this information to the government. he was subjected to varieties of torture, such as putting his feet in irons till they swelled and he could not walk, plucking out his nails and eyelashes with a cruel instrument, etc., but he would not say a word, nor give the name of one of his associates. he was deported with the others and died nobly out of love for his nation, preferring death to the betrayal of the secrets of his brave people to the government. aghÔb kaitanjiÂn.--aghôb kaitanjiân was one of the armenians imprisoned on the charge of being bravoes of the armenian society in diarbekir, and in whose possession explosive material had been found. i often talked to him, and i asked him to tell me his story. he said that one day, whilst he was sitting in his house, a police agent knocked at the door and told him that the chief of police wished to see him at his office. he went there, and some of the police asked him about the armenian society and its bravoes. he replied that he knew nothing of either societies or bravoes. he was then bastinadoed and tortured in various ways for several days till he despaired of life, preferring death to a continuance of degradation. he had a knife with him, and when they aggravated the torture so that he could endure it no longer, he asked them to let him go to the latrine and on his return he would tell them all he knew about the armenian matter. with the help of the police he went, and cut the arteries of his wrists[b] ... with the object of committing suicide. the blood gushed out freely; he got to the door of the police-office and there fainted. they poured water on his face and he recovered consciousness; he was brought before the officer and the interrogatory was renewed.[b] ... the chief of police was confounded at this proceeding and sent him to the hospital until he was cured. i saw the wounds on his hands, and they were completely healed. this was the story as he told it to me himself. he desired me to publish it in an armenian newspaper called _häyrenîk_ (fatherland), which appears in america, in order that it may be read by his brother garabet, now in that country, who had been convinced that the government would leave none of them alive. i associated freely with the young armenians who were imprisoned, and we talked much of these acts, the like of which, as happening to a nation such as theirs, have never been heard of, nor recorded in the history of past ages. these youths were sent for trial by the court-martial at kharpout, and i heard that they arrived there safely and asked permission to embrace the moslem faith. this was to escape from contemptuous treatment by the kurds, and not from the fear of death, as their conversion would not save them from the penalty if they were shown to deserve it. before their departure they asked me what i had heard about them, and whether the authorities purposed to kill them on the way or not. after enquiring about this, and ascertaining that they would not be killed in this way, i informed them accordingly; they were rejoiced, saying that all they desired was to remain alive to see the results of the war. they said that the armenians deserved the treatment which they had received, as they would never see the necessity for taking precautions against the turks, believing that the constitutional turkish government would never proceed to measures of this kind without valid reason. the government has perpetrated these deeds although no official, kurd, turk, or moslem, has been killed by an armenian, and we know not what the weighty reasons may have been which impelled them to so unprecedented a measure. and if the armenians should not be reproached with a negligence for which they have paid dearly, yet a people who do not take full precautions are liable to be taxed justly with blameworthy carelessness. [footnote b: episodes in the original are here omitted.--translator.] my travelling-companions.--from time to time i visited the men who had been in my company during the journey, but after my release the director of the prison would not permit me to go to them. i used, therefore, to ask for one of them and talk with him outside the prison in which the armenians were confined. after a while i enquired for them and was told that they had been sent to execution, like others before them, and at this i cried out in dismay. one day i saw a gendarme who had been imprisoned with us for a short time on the charge of having stolen articles from the effects of dead armenians, and as he knew my companions i asked him about them. he said that he had killed the priest isaac with his own hand, and that the gendarmes had laid wagers in firing at his clerical headdress. "i made the best shooting, hit the hat and knocked it off his head, finishing him with a second ball." my answer was silence. the man firmly believed that these murders were necessary, the sultan having so ordered. the sale of letters.--when the government first commenced the deportation of the men, the officials were instructed to prepare letters, signed with the names of the former, and to send them to the families of the banished individuals in order to mislead them, as it was feared that the armenians might take some action which would defeat the plan and divulge the secret to the other armenians, thus rendering their extermination impracticable. the unhappy families gave large sums to those who brought them letters from their head. the government appointed a kurd, a noted brigand, as officer of the militia, ordering him to slaughter the armenians and deliver the letters at their destination. when the government was secure as to the armenians, a man was despatched to kill the kurd, whose name was aami hassi, or hassi aami. slaughter of the protestant, chaldean, and syriac communities.--the slaughter was general throughout these communities, not a single protestant remaining in diarbekir. eighty families of the syriac community were exterminated, with a part of the chaldeans, in diarbekir, and in its dependencies, none escaped save those in madiât and mardîn. when latterly orders were given that only armenians were to be killed, and that those belonging to other communities should not be touched, the government held their hand from the destruction of the latter. the syriacs.--but the syriacs in the province of madiât were brave men, braver than all the other tribes in these regions. when they heard what had fallen upon their brethren at diarbekir and the vicinity they assembled, fortified themselves in three villages near madiât, and made a heroic resistance, showing a courage beyond description. the government sent against them two companies of regulars, besides a company of gendarmes which had been despatched thither previously; the kurdish tribes assembled against them, but without result, and thus they protected their lives, honour, and possessions from the tyranny of this oppressive government. an imperial irâdeh was issued, granting them pardon, but they placed no reliance on it and did not surrender, for past experience had shown them that this is the most false government on the face of the earth, taking back to-day what it gave yesterday, and punishing to-day with most cruel penalties him whom it had previously pardoned. conversation between a postal contractor from bitlis and a friend of mine, as we were sitting at a café in diarbekir: contractor: i see many armenians in diarbekir. how comes it that they are still here? my friend: these are not armenians, but syriacs and chaldeans. contractor: the government of bitlis has not left a single christian in that vilayet, nor in the district of moush. if a doctor told a sick man that the remedy for his disease was the heart of a christian he would not find one though he searched through the whole vilayet. protection afforded by kurds to armenians on payment.--the armenians were confined in the main ward of the prison at diarbekir, and from time to time i visited them. one day, on waking from sleep, i went to see them in their ward and found them collecting rice, flour and moneys. i asked them the reason of this, and they said: "what are we to do? if we do not collect a quantity every week and give it to the kurds, they insult and beat us, so we give these things to some of them so that they may protect us from the outrages of their fellows." i exclaimed, "there is no power nor might but in god," and went back grieving over their lot. despatch of the armenians to the slaughter.--this was a most shocking proceeding, appalling in its atrocity. one of the gendarmes in diarbekir related to me how it was done. he said that, when orders were given for the removal and destruction of a family, an official went to the house, counted the members of the family, and delivered them to the commandant of militia or one of the officers of gendarmerie. men were posted to keep guard over the house and its occupants during the night until o'clock, thereby giving notice to the wretched family that they must prepare for death. the women shrieked and wailed, anguish and despair showed on the faces of all, and they died even before death came upon them.[c] ... after o'clock waggons arrived and conveyed the families to a place near by, where they were killed by rifle fire, or massacred like sheep with knives, daggers, and axes. [footnote c: a few sentences of immaterial description are here omitted.--translator.] sale of armenian effects, and removal of crosses from the churches.--after the armenians had been destroyed, all the furniture of their houses, their linen, effects, and implements of all kinds, as well as all the contents of their shops and storehouses, were collected in the churches or other large buildings. the authorities appointed committees for the sale of these goods, which were disposed of at the lowest price, as might be the case with the effects of those who died a natural death, but with this difference, that the money realised went to the treasury of the turkish government, instead of to the heirs of the deceased. you might see a carpet, worth thirty pounds, sold for five, a man's costume, worth four pounds, sold for two medjidies, and so on with the rest of the articles, this being especially the case with musical instruments, such as pianos, etc., which had no value at all. all money and valuables were collected by the commandant of gendarmerie and the vali, reshîd bey, the latter taking them with him when he went to constantinople, and delivering them to talaat bey.[d] ... the mind is confounded by the reflection that this people of armenia, this brave race who astonished the world by their courage, resolution, progress and knowledge, who yesterday were the most powerful and most highly cultivated of the ottoman peoples, have become merely a memory, as though they had never flourished. their learned books are waste paper, used to wrap up cheese or dates, and i was told that one high official had bought thirty volumes of french literature for piastres. their schools are closed, after being thronged with pupils. such is the evil end of the armenian race: let it be a warning to those peoples who are striving for freedom, and let them understand that freedom is not to be achieved but by the shedding of blood, and that words are the stock-in-trade of the weak alone. i observed that the crosses had been removed from the lofty steeples of the churches, which are used as storehouses and markets for the keeping and sale of the effects of the dead. [footnote d: some remarks in this connection are omitted.--translator.] methods of slaughter.--these were of various kinds. an officer told me that in the vilayet of bitlis the authorities collected the armenians in barns full of straw (or chaff), piling up straw in front of the door and setting it on fire, so that the armenians inside perished in the smoke. he said that sometimes hundreds were put together in one barn. other modes of killing were also employed (at bitlis). he told me, to my deep sorrow, how he had seen a girl hold her lover in her embrace, and so enter the barn to meet her death without a tremor. at moush, a part were killed in straw-barns, but the greater number by shooting or stabbing with knives, the government hiring butchers, who received a turkish pound each day as wages. a doctor, named azîz bey, told me that when he was at marzifûn, in the vilayet of sivas, he heard that a caravan of armenians was being sent to execution. he went to the kaimakâm and said to him: "you know i am a doctor, and there is no difference between doctors and butchers, as doctors are mostly occupied in cutting up mankind. and as the duties of a kaimakâm at this time are also like our own--cutting up human bodies--i beg you to let me see this surgical operation myself." permission was given, and the doctor went. he found four butchers, each with a long knife; the gendarmes divided the armenians into parties of ten, and sent them up to the butchers one by one. the butcher told the armenian to stretch out his neck; he did so, and was slaughtered like a sheep. the doctor was amazed at their steadfastness in presence of death, not saying a word, or showing any sign of fear. the gendarmes used also to bind the women and children and throw them down from a very lofty eminence, so that they reached the ground shattered to pieces. this place is said to be between diarbekir and mardîn, and the bones of the slain are there in heaps to this day. another informant told me that the diarbekir authorities had killed the armenians either by shooting, by the butchers, or at times by putting numbers of them in wells and caves, which were blocked up so that they perished. also they threw them into the tigris and the euphrates, and the bodies caused an epidemic of typhus fever. two thousand armenians were slaughtered at a place outside the walls of diarbekir, between the castle of sultan murad and the tigris, and at not more than half an hour's distance from the city. brutality of the gendarmes and kurdish tribes.--there is no doubt that what is related as to the proceedings of the gendarmes and the kurdish tribes actually took place. on receiving a caravan of armenians the gendarmes searched them one by one, men and women, taking any money they might find, and stripping them of the better portions of their clothing. when they were satisfied that there remained no money, good clothes, or other things of value, they sold the armenians in thousands to the kurds, on the stipulation that none should be left alive. the price was in accordance with the number of the party; i was told by a reliable informant of cases where the price had varied between , and liras. after purchasing the caravans, the kurds stripped all the armenians, men and women, of their clothes, so that they remained entirely naked. they then shot them down, every one, after which they cut open their stomachs to search for money amongst the entrails, also cutting up the clothing, boots, etc., with the same object. such were the dealings of the official gendarmerie and the kurds with their fellow-creatures. the reason of the sale of the parties by the gendarmes was to save themselves trouble, and to obtain delivery of further parties to plunder of their money. woe to him who had teeth of gold, or gold-plated. the gendarmes and kurds used to violently draw out his teeth before arriving at the place of execution, thus inflicting tortures before actual death. a kurdish agha slaughters , armenians.--a kurd told me that the authorities of kharpout handed over to one of the kurdish aghas in that vilayet, in three batches, more than , armenians from erzeroum, trebizond, sivas, and constantinople, with orders to kill them and to divide with themselves the property which he might take from them. he killed them all and took from them their money and other belongings. he hired mules for the women, to convey them to urfa, at the rate of three liras a head. after receiving the price, he collected mules belonging to his tribe, mounted the women on them, and brought them to a place between malatîya and urfa, where he killed them in the most barbarous way, taking all their money, clothes, and valuables. the violation of women before or after death.--[e] ... [footnote e: i refrain from particulars. the gendarmes and kurds are stated to have been the perpetrators of these acts.--translator.] incident of the sheikh and the girl.--i said above that the armenian women were sent off in batches under guard of gendarmes. whenever they passed by a village the inhabitants would come and choose any they desired, taking them away and giving a small sum to the gendarmes. at one place a kurd of over picked out a beautiful girl of . she refused to have anything to do with him, but said she was ready to embrace islam and marry a youth of her own age. this the kurds would not allow, but gave her the choice between death and the sheikh; she still refused, and was killed. barsoum agha.--whilst i was kaimakâm of the district of kiakhta, in the vilayet of kharpout, i was acquainted with an armenian notable of that place, named barsoum agha. he was a worthy and courageous man, dealing well with kurds, turks, and armenians, without distinction; he also showed much kindness to officials who were dismissed from their posts in the district. all the kurdish aghas thereabouts kept close watch over him, hating him because he was their rival in the supremacy of the place. when, after my banishment, i arrived at sivrek and heard what had befallen the armenians, i enquired about him and his family. i was told that when the government disposed of the armenians of kiakhta he was summoned and ordered to produce the records of moneys owing to him (kurds and armenians in that district owed him a sum of , liras); he replied that he had torn up the records and released his debtors from their obligations. he was taken away with the other armenians, and on arrival at the euphrates he asked permission to drown himself. this was granted, and he endeavoured to do so, but failed, as he could not master himself. so he said to the gendarmes, "life is dear and i cannot kill myself, so do as you have been ordered," whereupon one of them shot him and then killed the rest of the family. narrative of a young turk.--this youth, who had come to diarbekir as a schoolmaster, told me that the government had informed the armenians of broussa that their deportation had been decided, and that they were to leave for mosul, syria, or el-deir three days after receiving the order. after selling what they could, they hired carts and carriages for the transport of their goods and themselves and started--as they thought--for their destination. on their arrival at a very rugged and barren place, far distant from any villages, the drivers, in conformity with their instructions, broke up the conveyances and left the people in the waste, returning in the night to plunder them. many died there of hunger and terror; a great part were killed on the road; and only a few reached syria or el-deir. children perishing of hunger and thirst.--an arab of el-jezîra, who accompanied me on my flight from diarbekir, told me that he had gone with a sheikh of his tribe, men and camels, to buy grain from the sons of ibrahim pasha el-mellili. on their way they saw children, the eldest not more than years old, dying of hunger and thirst. the arab said: "we had with us a small water-skin and a little food. when the sheikh saw them he wept with pity, and gave them food and water with his own hands; but what good could this small supply do to them? we reflected that if we took them with us to the pasha, they would be killed, as the kurds were killing all armenians by order of the authorities; and our arabs were at five days' distance from the place. so we had no choice but to leave them to the mercy of god, and on our return, a week later, we found them all dead." narrative of a provincial governor.--we were talking of the courage and good qualities of the armenians, and the governor of the place, who was with us, told us a singular story. he said: "according to orders, i collected all the remaining armenians, consisting of women and some children, amongst whom was a child of years old, diseased, who had never been able to walk. when the butchers began slaughtering the women and the turn of the child's mother came, he rose up on his feet and ran for a space, then falling down. we were astonished at this, and at his understanding that his mother was to be killed. a gendarme went and took hold of him, and laid him dead on his dead mother." he also said that he had seen one of these women eating a piece of bread as she went up to the butcher, another smoking a cigarette, and that it was as though they cared nothing for death. narrative of shevket bey.--shevket bey, one of the officials charged with the extermination of the armenians, told me, in company with others, the following story: "i was proceeding with a party, and when we had arrived outside the walls of diarbekir and were beginning to shoot down the armenians, a kurd came up to me, kissed my hand, and begged me to give him a girl of about ten years old. i stopped the firing and sent a gendarme to bring the girl to me. when she came i pointed out a spot to her and said, 'sit there. i have given you to this man, and you will be saved from death.' after a while, i saw that she had thrown herself amongst the dead armenians, so i ordered the gendarmes to cease firing and bring her up. i said to her, 'i have had pity on you and brought you out from among the others to spare your life. why do you throw yourself with them? go with this man and he will bring you up like a daughter.' she said: 'i am the daughter of an armenian; my parents and kinsfolk are killed among these; i will have no others in their place, and i do not wish to live any longer without them.' then she cried and lamented; i tried hard to persuade her, but she would not listen, so i let her go her way. she left me joyfully, put herself between her father and mother, who were at the last gasp, and she was killed there." and he added: "if such was the behaviour of the children, what was that of their elders?" price of armenian women.--a reliable informant from deir-el-zûr told me that one of the officials of that place had bought from the gendarmes three girls for a quarter of a medjidie dollar each. another man told me that he had bought a very beautiful girl for one lira, and i heard that among the tribes armenian women were sold like pieces of old furniture, at low prices, varying from one to ten liras, or from one to five sheep.[f] ... [footnote f: an unimportant anecdote omitted.--translator.] the mutesarrif and the armenian girl.--on the arrival of a batch of armenians at deir-el-zûr from ras-el-ain, the mutesarrif desired to choose a servant-girl from amongst the women. his eye fell on a handsome girl, and he went up to her, but on his approach she turned white and was about to fall. he told her not to be afraid, and ordered his servant to take her to his house. on returning thither he asked the reason for her terror of him, and she told him that she and her mother had been sent from ras-el-ain in charge of a circassian gendarme, many other armenian women being with them. on the way, the gendarme called her mother, and told her to give him her money, or he would kill her; she said she had none, so he tortured her till she gave him six liras.[g] ... he said to her: "you liar! you [armenians] never cease lying. you have seen what has befallen, and will befall, all armenians, but you will not take warning, so i shall make you an example to all who see you." then he cut off her hands with his dagger, one after the other, then both her feet, all in sight of her daughter, whom he then took aside and violated, whilst her mother, in a dying state, witnessed the act. "and when i saw you approach me, i remembered my mother's fate and dreaded you, thinking that you would treat me as the gendarme treated my mother and myself, before each other's eyes."[h] ... [footnote g: unfit for reproduction.--translator.] [footnote h: unimportant anecdote omitted.--translator.] "the reward of hard labour."--the turks had collected all those of military age and dispersed amongst the battalions to perform their army service. when the government determined on the deportation and destruction of the armenians--as stated in their official declaration--orders were given for the formation of separate battalions of armenians, to be employed on roads and municipal works. the battalions were formed and sent to the roads and other kinds of hard labour. they were employed in this manner for eight months, when the severity of winter set in. the government, being then unable to make further use of them, despatched them to diarbekir. before their arrival, the officers telegraphed that the armenian troops were on their way, and the authorities sent gendarmes, well furnished with cartridges, to meet the poor wretches. the gendarmes received them with rifle-fire, and men perished in this manner, shot close to the city of diarbekir. a caravan of women.--[i] ... [footnote i: unimportant. the writer describes the inhabitants of diarbekir, on the arrival of a party, as hastening to select women. two doctors pick out twenty of them to serve as hospital attendants.--translator.] a night's shelter for fifty pounds.--the man who showed the greatest capacity for exterminating armenians was reshîd bey, the vali of diarbekir. i have already stated how many were killed in his vilayet. when news of his removal arrived, the remaining armenians, and the christians generally rejoiced, and shortly after the report was current some armenians, who had hidden themselves, came out from their concealment and walked about the city. the vali, who was anxious to keep his removal secret and to inspire terror, began deporting armenians with still greater energy, and those who had come out returned to their hiding-places. one of the principal men of diarbekir stated that one armenian had paid fifty turkish pounds to an inhabitant for shelter in his house during the night before the vali's departure, and another told me that a man had received an offer of three pounds for each night until the same event, but had refused from fear of the authorities. chastity of the armenian women.--[j] ... an arab of the akidât told me that he was going along the bank of the euphrates when he saw some of the town rabble stripping two women of their clothes. he expostulated and told them to restore the clothes, but they paid no attention. the women begged for mercy, and finding it unavailing they threw themselves into the river, preferring death to dishonour. he told me also of another woman who had a suckling child, and begged food from the passers-by, who were in too great fear of the authorities to help her. on the third day of starvation, finding no relief, she left the baby in the market of el-deir and drowned herself in the euphrates. in this way do they show high qualities, honour, and courage such as many men do not possess. [footnote j: an official relates how he wanted to choose a servant from a boatload of victims, who said they were willing to come as servants, but as nothing else. he took one, and on coming home one night drunk he tried to offer her violence; she reproved him in suitable terms and he conducted himself well thenceforward.--translator.] women-servants in diarbekir.--you cannot enter a house in diarbekir without finding from one to five armenian maid-servants, even the humblest shopkeepers having one, who probably in the lifetime of her parents would not have condescended to speak a word to the master whom she now has to serve in order to save her life. it is stated that the number of such women and girls in the city is over , , mostly from erzeroum, kharpout and other vilayets. narrative of shahÎn bey.--shahîn bey, a man of diarbekir, who was in prison with me, told me that a number of armenian men and women were delivered to him for slaughter, he being a soldier. he said: "whilst we were on the way, i saw an armenian girl whom i knew, and who was very beautiful. i called her by name, and said 'come, i will save you, and you shall marry a young man of your country, a turk or a kurd.' she refused, and said: 'if you wish to do me a kindness i will ask one thing which you may do for me.' i told her i would do whatever she wished, and she said: 'i have a brother, younger than myself, here amongst these people. i pray you to kill him before you kill me, so that in dying i may not be anxious in mind about him.' she pointed him out and i called him. when he came, she said to him, 'my brother, farewell. i kiss you for the last time, but we shall meet, if it be god's will, in the next world, and he will soon avenge us for what we have suffered.' they kissed each other, and the boy delivered himself to me. i must needs obey my orders, so i struck him one blow with an axe, split his skull, and he fell dead. then she said: 'i thank you with all my heart, and shall ask you one more favour'; she put her hands over her eyes and said: 'strike as you struck my brother, one blow, and do not torture me.' so i struck one blow and killed her, and to this day i grieve over her beauty and youth, and her wonderful courage." photographs of armenians lying in the road, dressed in turbans, for despatch to constantinople. the turkish government thought that european nations might get to hear of the destruction of the armenians and publish the news abroad so as to excite prejudice against the turks. so after the gendarmes had killed a number of armenian men, they put on them turbans and brought kurdish women to weep and lament over them, saying that the armenians had killed their men. they also brought a photographer to photograph the bodies and the weeping women, so that at a future time they might be able to convince europe that it was the armenians who had attacked the kurds and killed them, that the kurdish tribes had risen against them in revenge, and that the turkish government had had no part in the matter. but the secret of these proceedings was not hidden from men of intelligence, and after all this had been done, the truth became known and was spread abroad in diarbekir. conversion of armenian women to islam.--when the government undertook the extermination of the armenians some of the women went to the mufti and the kadi, and declared their desire to embrace the mohammedan faith. these authorities accepted their conversion, and they were married to men of diarbekir, either turks or kurds. after a while, the government began to collect these women, so the mufti and the kadi went to the vali and said that the women in question were no longer armenians, having become mussulmans, and that by the sacred law the killing of mussulman women was not permissible. the vali replied: "these women are vipers, who will bite us in time to come; do not oppose the government in this matter, for politics have no religion, and the government know what they are about." the mufti and the kadi went back as they had come, and the women were sent to death. after the removal of the vali--in consequence, as it was said, of abuses in connection with the sale of effects left in armenian houses and shops--orders arrived that the conversion of any who desired to enter islam should be accepted, be they men or women. many of the armenians who remained, of both sexes, hastened to embrace the faith in the hope of saving their lives, but after a time they were despatched likewise and their islamism did not save them. the germans and the armenians.--whenever the talk fell on the armenians i used to blame the turks for their proceedings, but one day when we were discussing the question, an official of diarbekir, who was one of the fanatical young turk nationalists, said: "the turks are not to blame in this matter, for the germans were the first to apply this treatment to the poles, who were under their rule. and the germans have compelled the turks to take this course, saying that if they did not kill the armenians there would be no alliance with them, and thus turkey had no choice." this is what the turk said, word for word. and it was confirmed by what i heard from a turk who was imprisoned with me at aalîya, on the charge of corresponding with abdul-kerîm el-khalîl. he said that when passing through damascus he had visited the german vice-consul there, who had told him confidentially that oppenheim had come on a special mission, which was to incite jemâl pasha to persecute the arabs, with a view to causing hatred between the two races, by which the germans might profit in future if differences arose between them and the turks. this was a short time previous to the execution of abdul-kerîm. the killing of the two kaimakÂms.--when the government at diarbekir gave orders to the officials to kill the armenians, a native of baghdad was kaimakâm of el-beshîri, in that vilayet, and an albanian was kaimakâm of lîjeh. these two telegraphed to the vilayet that their consciences would not permit them to do such work, and that they resigned their posts. their resignations were accepted, but they were both secretly assassinated. i investigated this matter carefully, and ascertained that the name of the baghdad arab was sabat bey el-sueidi, but i could not learn that of the albanian, which i much regret, as they performed a noble act for which they should be commemorated in history....[k] [footnote k: the writer here describes how a turkish judge (kâdi), to whom the office of kaimakâm was entrusted after the murder of sabat bey, boasted in conversation that he had killed four armenians with his own hand. "they were brave men," he said, "having no fear of death."--translator.] an armenian betrays his nation.--[l] ... [footnote l: the author tells the story of an armenian of diarbekir who gave information to the police against his own people, disclosing their hiding places. he saw him walking about the streets with an insolent demeanor, giving himself the airs of a person of great importance. he considers that such a traitor to his nation deserves the worst form of death.--translator.] the sultan's order.--whilst i was in prison, a turkish commissioner of police used to come to see a friend of his, who was also imprisoned. one day when i and this friend were together, the commissioner came, and, in the course of conversation about the armenians and their fate, he described to us how he had slaughtered them, and how a number had taken refuge in a cave outside the city, and he had brought them out and killed two of them himself. his friend said to him: "have you no fear of god? whence have you the right to take life in defiance of god's law?" he replied: "it was the sultan's order; the sultan's order is the order of god, and its fulfilment is a duty." armenian death statistics.--at the end of august, , i was visited in prison by one of my diarbekir colleagues, who was an intimate friend of one of those charged with the conduct of the armenian massacres. we spoke of the armenian question, and he told me that, in diarbekir alone, , had been destroyed, these being people from other vilayets as well as those belonging to diarbekir itself. if to this we add those killed in the following months, amounting to about , ; and those in the vilayets of bitlis and van and the province of moush, approximately , ; and those who perished in erzeroum, kharpout, sivas, stamboul, trebizond, adana, broussa, urfa, zeitoun, and aintab--estimated at upwards of , --we arrive at a total of armenians killed, or dead from disease, hunger, or thirst, of , , . there remain , armenians in the vilayet of aleppo, in syria, and deir-el-zûr (those deported thither), and in america and egypt and elsewhere; and , in roumelian territory, held by the balkan states, thus making a grand total of , , . the above is what i was able to learn as to the statistics of the slaughtered armenians, and i would quote an extract from _el-mokattam_, dealing with this subject: "the basle correspondent of the _temps_ states that, according to official reports received from aleppo in the beginning of , there were , deported armenians in the districts of mosul, diarbekir, aleppo, damascus, and deir-el-zûr. the turkish minister of the interior, talaat bey, estimates the number of deportees at , , and states that , of these have been removed or have died in the last few months. "another calculation gives the number of deported armenians as , , souls, and states that at least , have been killed or have died in banishment" (_el-mokattam_, may th, ). the armenians and the arab tribes.--as i approached diarbekir, i passed through many arab tribes, with whom i saw a number of armenians, men and women, who were being well treated, although the government had let the tribes know that the killing of armenians was a bounden duty. i did not hear of a single instance of an armenian being murdered or outraged by a tribesman, but i heard that some arabs, passing by a well into which men and women had been thrown, drew them out when at the last extremity, took them with them, and tended them till they were recovered. the arab and the armenian beggar woman.--[m] ... [footnote m: the narrative concludes with the relation of an instance of courageous charity on the part of a baghdad soldier to an armenian woman begging in the streets of diarbekir.--translator.] conclusion if the turkish government were asked the reasons for which the armenian men, women, and children were killed, and their honour and property placed at any man's mercy, they would reply that this people have murdered moslems in the vilayet of van, and that there have been found in their possession prohibited arms, explosive bombs, and indications of steps towards the formation of an armenian state, such as flags and the like, all pointing to the fact that this race has not turned from its evil ways, but on the first opportunity will kill the moslems, rise in revolt, and invoke the help of russia, the enemy of turkey, against its rulers. that is what the turkish government would say. i have followed the matter from its source. i have enquired from inhabitants and officials of van, who were in diarbekir, whether any moslem had been killed by armenians in the town of van, or in the districts of the vilayet. they answered in the negative, saying that the government had ordered the population to quit the town before the arrival of the russians and before anyone was killed; but that the armenians had been summoned to give up their arms and had not done so, dreading an attack by the kurds, and dreading the government also; the government had further demanded that the principal notables and leading men should be given up to them as hostages, but the armenians had not complied. all this took place during the approach of the russians towards the city of van. as to the adjacent districts, the authorities collected the armenians and drove them into the interior, where they were all slaughtered, no government official or private man, turk or kurd, having been killed. as regards diarbekir, you have read the whole story in this book, and no insignificant event took place there, let alone murders or breaches of the peace, which could lead the turkish government to deal with the armenians in this atrocious manner. at constantinople, we hear of no murder or other unlawful act committed by the armenians, except the unauthenticated story about the twenty bravoes, to which i have already referred. they have not done the least wrong in the vilayets of kharpout, trebizond, sivas, adana, or bitlis, nor in the province of moush. i have related the episode at zeitoun, which was unimportant, and that at urfa, where they acted in self-defence, seeing what had befallen their people, and preferring death to surrender. as to their preparations, the flags, bombs and the like, even assuming there to be some truth in the statement, it does not justify the annihilation of the whole people, men and women, old men and children, in a way which revolts all humanity and more especially islam and the whole body of moslems, as those unacquainted with the true facts might impute these deeds to mohammedan fanaticism. to such as assert this it will suffice to point out the murders and oppressive acts committed by the young turks against islam in syria and mesopotamia. in syria they have hanged the leading men of enlightenment, without fault on their part, such as shukri bey el-asli, abdul-wahhâb bey el-inglîzi, selîm bey el-jezairi, emir omar el-husseini, abdul-ghani el-arîsi, shefîk bey el-moweyyad, rushdi bey el-shamaa, abdul-hamîd el-zahrâwi, abdul-kerîm el-khalîl, emir aarif el-shehâbi, sheikh ahmed hasan tabâra, and more than thirty leading men of this class. i have published this pamphlet in order to refute beforehand inventions and slanders against the faith of islam and against moslems generally, and i affirm that what the armenians have suffered is to be attributed to the committee of union and progress, who deal with the empire as they please; it has been due to their nationalist fanaticism and their jealousy of the armenians, and to these alone; the faith of islam is guiltless of their deeds. from the foregoing we know that the armenians have committed no acts justifying the turks in inflicting on them this horrible retribution, unprecedented even in the dark ages. what, then, was the reason which impelled the turkish government to kill off a whole people, of whom they used to say that they were their brothers in patriotism, the principal factor in bringing about the downfall of the despotic rule of abdul-hamîd and the introduction of the constitution, loyal to the empire, and fighting side by side with the turks in the balkan war? the turks sanctioned and approved the institution of armenian political societies, which they did not do in the case of other nationalities. what is the reason of this sudden change of attitude? it is that, previous to the proclamation of the constitution, the unionists hated despotic rule; they preached equality, and inspired the people with hatred of the despotism of abdul-hamîd. but as soon as they had themselves seized the reins of authority, and tasted the sweets of power, they found that despotism was the best means to confirm themselves in ease and prosperity, and to limit to the turks alone the rule over the ottoman peoples. on considering these peoples, they found that the armenian race was the only one which would resent their despotism, and fight against it as they previously fought against abdul-hamîd. they perceived also that the armenians excelled all the other races in arts and industries, that they were more advanced in learning and societies, and that after a while the greater part of the officers of the army would be armenians. they were confounded at this, and dreaded what might ensue, for they knew their own weakness and that they could not rival the armenians in the way of learning and progress. annihilation seemed to them to be the sole means of deliverance; they found their opportunity in a time of war, and they proceeded to this atrocious deed, which they carried out with every circumstance of brutality--a deed which is contrary to the law of islam, as is shown by many precepts and historical instances.[n] ... in view of this, how can the turkish government be justified at the present time in killing off an entire people, who have always paid their dues of every kind to the ottoman state, and have never rebelled against it? even if we suppose the armenian men to have been deserving of death, what was the offence of the women and children? and what will be the punishment of those who killed them wrongfully and consumed the innocent with fire? i am of opinion that the mohammedan peoples are now under the necessity of defending themselves, for unless europeans are made acquainted with the true facts they will regard this deed as a black stain on the history of islam, which ages will not efface. from the verses, traditions, and historical instances, it is abundantly clear that the action of the turkish government has been in complete contradiction to the principles of the faith of islam; a government which professes to be the protector of islam, and claims to hold the _khilâfat_, cannot act in opposition to moslem law; and a government which does so act is not an islamic government, and has no rightful pretension to be such. it is incumbent on the moslems to declare themselves guiltless of such a government, and not to render obedience to those who trample under foot the verses of the koran and the traditions of the prophet, and shed the innocent blood of women, old men and infants, who have done no wrong. otherwise they make themselves accomplices in this crime, which stands unequalled in history. in conclusion, i would address myself to the powers of europe, and say that it is they themselves who have encouraged the turkish government to this deed, for they were aware of the evil administration of that government, and its barbarous proceedings on many occasions in the past, but did not check it. _completed at bombay on the rd september, ._ fÀ'iz el-ghusein. 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