(this file was made using scans of public domain works from the university of michigan digital libraries.) [transcriber's note: the accentuation and spelling of the original has been retained. this may at times seem variable: e.g., manati and manatí. greek transliterations appear between + signs. this symbol: [=o], which appears once to represent the letter o with a line above it. italics are indicated by under-scores, as in this example: _new york:_. the illustrations are viewable in the xhtml version.] [illustration: palms on the middle amazon.] the andes and the amazon: or, across the continent of south america. by james orton, m.a. professor of natural history in vassar college, poughkeepsie, n.y., and corresponding member of the academy of natural sciences, philadelphia. _with a new map of equatorial america and numerous illustrations._ _new york:_ harper & brothers, publishers, franklin square . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by harper & brothers, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the southern district of new york. * * * * * to charles darwin, m.a., f.r.s., f.l.s., f.g.s., whose profound researches have thrown so much light upon every department of science, and whose charming "voyage of the beagle" has so pleasantly associated his name with our southern continent, these sketches of the andes and the amazon are, by permission, most respectfully dedicated. * * * * * "among the scenes which are deeply impressed on my mind, none exceed in sublimity the primeval forests undefaced by the hand of man; whether those of brazil, where the powers of life are predominant, or those of terra del fuego, where death and decay prevail. both are temples filled with the varied productions of the god of nature: no one can stand in these solitudes unmoved, and not feel that there is more in man than the mere breath of his body."--darwin's _journal_, p. . preface. this volume is one result of a scientific expedition to the equatorial andes and the river amazon. the expedition was made under the auspices of the smithsonian institution, and consisted of the following gentlemen besides the writer: colonel staunton, of ingham university, leroy, n.y.; f.s. williams, esq., of albany, n.y.; and messrs. p.v. myers and a. bushnell, of williams college. we sailed from new york july , ; and, after crossing the isthmus of panama and touching at paita, peru, our general route was from guayaquil to quito, over the eastern cordillera; thence over the western cordillera, and through the forest on foot to napo; down the rio napo by canoe to pebas, on the marañon; and thence by steamer to pará.[ ] [footnote : another division, consisting of messrs. h.m. myers, r.h. forbes, and w. gilbert, of williams college, proceeded to venezuela, and after exploring the vicinity of lake valencia, the two former traversed the ilanos to pao, descended the apuré and ascended the orinoco to yavita, crossed the portage of pimichin (a low, level tract, nine miles wide, separating the waters of the orinoco from those of the amazon), and descended the negro to manáos, making a voyage by canoe of over miles through a little-known but deeply-interesting region. a narrative of this expedition will soon be given to the public.] nearly the entire region traversed by the expedition is strangely misrepresented by the most recent geographical works. on the andes of ecuador we have little besides the travels of humboldt; on the napo, nothing; while the marañon is less known to north americans than the nile. many of the following pages first appeared in the new york _evening post_. the author has also published "physical observations on the andes and the amazon" and "geological notes on the ecuadorian andes" in the _american journal of science_, an article on the great earthquake of in the rochester _democrat_, and a paper _on the valley of the amazon_ read before the american association at salem. these papers have been revised and extended, though the popular form has been retained. it has been the effort of the writer to present a condensed but faithful picture of the physical aspect, the resources, and the inhabitants of this vast country, which is destined to become an important field for commercial enterprise. for detailed descriptions of the collections in natural history, the scientific reader is referred to the various reports of the following gentlemen, to whom the specimens were committed by the smithsonian institution: volcanic rocks dr. t. sterry hunt, f.r.s., montreal. plants dr. asa gray, cambridge. land and fresh-water shells. m. crosse, paris, and thomas bland, esq., new york. marine shells rev. dr. e.r. beadle, philadelphia. fossil shells w.m. gabb, esq., philadelphia. hemiptera prof. p.r. uhler, baltimore. orthoptera s.h. scudder, esq., boston. hymenoptera and nocturnal lepidoptera dr. a.s. packard, jr., salem. diurnal lepidoptera tryon reakirt, esq., philadelphia. coleoptera george d. smith, esq., boston. phalangia and pedipalpi dr. h.c. wood, jr., philadelphia. fishes dr. theodore gill, washington. reptiles prof. e.d. cope, philadelphia. birds john cassin, esq.,[ ] philadelphia. bats dr. h. allen, philadelphia. mammalian fossils dr. joseph leidy, philadelphia. [footnote : this eminent ornithologist died in the midst of his examination. mr. george n. lawrence, of new york, has identified the remainder, including all the hummers.] many of the type specimens are deposited in the museums of the smithsonian institution, the philadelphia academy of natural science, the boston society of natural history, the peabody academy of science, and vassar college; but the bulk of the collection was purchased by ingham university, leroy, new york. the map of equatorial america was drawn with great care after original observations and the surveys of humboldt and wisse on the andes, and of azevedo, castlenau, and bates on the amazon.[ ] the names of indian tribes are in small capitals. most of the illustrations are after photographs or drawings made on the ground, and can be relied upon. the portrait of humboldt, which is for the first time presented to the public, was photographed from the original painting in the possession of sr. aguirre, quito. unlike the usual portrait--an old man, in berlin--this presents him as a young man in prussian uniform, traveling on the andes. [footnote : we have retained the common orthography of this word, though _amazons_, used by bates, is doubtless more correct, as more akin to the brazilian name _amazonas_.] we desire to express our grateful acknowledgments to the smithsonian institution, hon. william h. seward, and hon. james a. garfield, of washington; to cyrus w. field, esq., and william pitt palmer, esq., of new york; to c.p. williams, esq., of albany; to rev. j.c. fletcher, now united states consul at oporto; to chaplain jones, of philadelphia; to dr. william jameson, of the university of quito; to j.f. reeve, esq., and captain lee, of guayaquil; to the pacific mail steamship, panama railroad, and south pacific steam navigation companies; to the officers of the peruvian and brazilian steamers on the amazon; and to the eminent naturalists who have examined the results of the expedition. note.--osculati has alone preceded us, so far as we can learn, in obtaining a vocabulary of záparo words; but, as his work is not to be found in this country, we have not had the pleasure of making a comparison. introduction by rev. j.c. fletcher, author of "brazil and brazilians." in this day of many voyages, in the old world and the new, it is refreshing to find an untrodden path. central africa has been more fully explored than that region of equatorial america which lies in the midst of the western andes and upon the slopes of these mountain monarchs which look toward the atlantic. in this century one can almost count upon his hand the travelers who have written of their journeys in this unknown region. our own herndon and gibbon descended--the one the peruvian and the other the bolivian waters--the affluents of the amazon, beginning their voyage where the streams were mere channels for canoes, and finishing it where the great river appears a fresh-water ocean. mr. church, the artist, made the sketches for his famous "heart of the andes" where the headwaters of the amazon are rivulets. but no one whose language is the english has journeyed down and described the voyage from the _plateaux_ of ecuador to the atlantic ocean until professor orton and his party accomplished this feat in . yet it was over this very route that the king of waters (as the amazon is called by the aborigines) was originally discovered. the _auri sacra fames_, which in urged the adventurous gonzalo pizarro to hunt for the fabled city of _el dorado_ in the depths of the south american forests, led to the descent of the great river by orellana, a knight of truxillo. the fabled women-warriors were said to have been seen in this notable voyage, and hence the name of the river _amazon_, a name which in spanish and portuguese is in the plural. it was not until nearly one hundred years after orellana was in his grave that a voyage of discovery ascended the river. in pedro teixeira started from pará with an expedition of nearly two thousand (all but seventy of whom were natives), and with varied experiences, by water and by land, the explorer in eight months reached the city of quito, where he was received with distinguished honor. two hundred years ago the result of this expedition was published. the amazon was from that time, at rare intervals, the highway of spanish and portuguese priests and friars, who thus went to their distant charges among the indians. in the french academician de la condamine descended from quito to pará, and gave the most accurate idea of the great valley which we had until the first quarter of this century. the narrow policy of spain and portugal was most unfruitful in its results to south america. a jealous eye guarded that great region, of which it can be so well said there are "realms unknown and blooming wilds, and fruitful deserts, worlds of solitude, where the sun smiles and seasons teem in vain." now, the making known to the world of any portion of these "fruitful deserts" is performing a service for the world. this professor orton has done. his interesting and valuable volume hardly needs any introduction or commendation, for its intrinsic merit will exact the approbation of every reader. scientific men, and tourists who seek for new routes of travel, will appreciate it at once; and i trust that the time is near at hand when our mercantile men, by the perusal of such a work, will see how wide a field lies before them for future commercial enterprise. this portion of the tropics abounds in natural resources which only need the stimulus of capital to draw them forth to the light; to create among the natives a desire for articles of civilization in exchange for the crude productions of the forest; and to stimulate emigration to a healthy region of perpetual summer. it seems as if providence were opening the way for a great change in the valley of the amazon. that immense region drained by the great river is as large as all the united states east of the states of california and oregon and the territory of washington, and yet it has been so secluded, mainly by the old monopolistic policy of portugal, that that vast space has not a population equal to the single city of rio de janeiro or of brooklyn. two million five hundred thousand square miles are drained by the amazon. three fourths of brazil, one half of bolivia, two thirds of peru, three fourths of ecuador, and a portion of venezuela are watered by this river. riches, mineral and vegetable, of inexhaustible supply have been here locked up for centuries. brazil held the key, but it was not until under the rule of their present constitutional monarch, don pedro ii., that the brazilians awoke to the necessity of opening this glorious region. steamers were introduced in , subsidized by the government. but it is to a young brazilian statesman, sr. a.c. tavares bastos, that belongs the credit of having agitated, in the press and in the national parliament, the opening of the amazon, until public opinion, thus acted upon, produced the desired result. on another occasion, in may, , i gave several indices of a more enlightened policy in brazil, and stated that the opening of the amazon, which occurred on the th of september, , and by which the great river is free to the flags of all nations, from the atlantic to peru, and the abrogation of the monopoly of the coast-trade from the amazon to the rio grande do sul, whereby miles of brazilian sea-coast are open to the vessels of every country, can not fail not only to develop the resources of brazil, but will prove of great benefit to the bordering hispano-american republics and to the maritime nations of the earth. the opening of the amazon is the most significant indication that the leaven of the narrow monopolistic portuguese conservatism has at last worked out. portugal would not allow humboldt to enter the amazon valley in brazil. the result of the new policy is beyond the most sanguine expectation. the exports and imports for pará for october and november, , were double those of . this is but the beginning. soon it will be found that it is cheaper for bolivia, peru, ecuador, and new granada, east of the andes, to receive their goods from, and to export their india-rubber, cinchona, etc., to the united states and europe, _via_ the great water highway which discharges into the atlantic, than by the long, circuitous route of cape horn or the trans-isthmian route of panama. contents. chapter i. guayaquil.--first and last impressions.--climate.--commerce.--the malecon.--glimpse of the andes.--scenes on the guayas.--bodegas.--mounted for quito.--la mena.--a tropical forest......page chapter ii. our tambo.--ascending the andes.--camino real.--magnificent views. --guaranda.--cinchona.--the summit.--chimborazo.--over the andes.--chuquipoyo the wretched.--ambato.--a stupid city.--cotopaxi.--the vale of machachi.--arrival at quito...... chapter iii. early history of quito.--its splendor under the incas.--crushed by spain. --dying now.--situation.--altitude.--streets.--buildings...... chapter iv. population of quito.--dress.--manners.--character.--commerce.--agriculture. --manufactures.--arts.--education.--amusements.--quito ladies...... chapter v. ecuador.--extent.--government.--religion.--a protestant cemetery in quito.--climate.--regularity of tropical nature. --diseases on the highlands...... chapter vi. astronomic virtues of quito.--flora and fauna of the valley of quito. --primeval inhabitants of the andes.--quichua indians...... chapter vii. geological history of south america.--rise of the andes.--creation of the amazon.--characteristic features of the continent.--andean chain.--the equatorial volcanoes...... chapter viii. the volcanoes of ecuador.--western cordillera.--chimborazo.--iliniza. --corazon.--pichincha.--descent into its crater. page chapter ix. the volcanoes of ecuador.--eastern cordillera.--imbabura.--cayambi.--antisana. --cotopaxi.--llanganati.--tunguragua.--altar.--saugai...... chapter x. the valley of quito.--riobamba.--a bed of "fossil giants."--chillo hacienda. --otovalo and ibarra.--the great earthquake of ...... chapter xi. "the province of the orient," or the wild napo country.--the napos, zaparos, and jívaros indians.--preparations to cross the continent...... chapter xii. departure from quito.--itulcachi.--a night in a bread-tray.--crossing the cordillera.--guamani.--papallacta.--domiciled at the governor's.--an indian aristides.--our peon train.--in the wilderness...... chapter xiii. baeza.--the forest.--crossing the cosanga.--curi-urcu.--archidona.--appearance, customs, and belief of the natives.--napo and napo river...... chapter xiv. afloat on the napo.--down the rapids.--santa rosa and its mulish alcalde. --pratt on discipline.--forest music.--coca.--our craft and crew.--storm on the napo...... chapter xv. sea-cows and turtles' eggs.--the forest.--peccaries.--indian tribes on the lower napo.--anacondas and howling monkeys.--insect pests.--battle with ants.--barometric anomaly.--first view of the amazon.--pebas...... chapter xvi. down the amazon.--steam on the great river.--loreto.--san antonio.--tabatinga. --brazilian steamers.--scenery on the amazon.--tocantíns.--fonte boa.--ega.--rio negro.--manáos...... chapter xvii. down the amazon.--serpa.--villa nova.--obidos.--santarem.--a colony of southerners.--monte alégre.--porto do moz.--leaving the amazon. --breves.--pará river.--the city of pará.--legislation and currency. --religion and education.--nonpareil climate. page chapter xviii. the river amazon.--its source and magnitude.--tributaries and tints.--volume and current.--rise and fall.--navigation.--expeditions on the great river...... chapter xix. the valley of the amazon.--its physical geography.--geology.--climate. --vegetation...... chapter xx. life within the great river.--fishes.--alligators.--turtles.--porpoises and manatís...... chapter xxi. life around the great river.--insects.--reptiles.--birds.--mammals...... chapter xxii. life around the great river.--origin of the red man.--general characteristics of the amazonian indians.--their languages, costumes, and habitations. --principal tribes.--mixed breeds.--brazilians and brazil...... chapter xxiii. how to travel in south america.--routes.--expenses.--outfit.--precautions. --dangers...... chapter xxiv. in memoriam...... appendices appendix a barometrical measurements across south america page appendix b vocabularies from the quichua, záparo, yágua, and cámpas languages appendix c commerce of the amazon addenda index illustrations palms on the middle amazon _frontispiece_ cathedral of guayaquil page equipped for the andes ascending the andes quito from the north water-carriers street in quito capitol at quito indian dwellings washerwomen ecclesiastics profiles of ecuadorian volcanoes crater of pichincha humboldt in ibarra napo peon autograph of an indian papaya-tree trapiche, or sugar-mill our craft on the napo hunting turtle-eggs a howler kitchen on the amazon natives on the middle amazon a siesta santarem pará fruit-peddlers igarapé, or canoe-path coca-plant iguana toucans brazilian hummers page capybara jaguar native comb colonel staunton _to face page_ map of equatorial america _end._ the andes and the amazon. chapter i. guayaquil.--first and last impressions.--climate.--commerce.--the malecon.--glimpse of the andes.--scenes on the guayas.--bodegas.--mounted for quito.--la mona.--a tropical forest. late in the evening of the th of july, , the steamer "favorita" dropped anchor in front of the city of guayaquil. the first view awakened visions of oriental splendor. before us was the malecon, stretching along the river, two miles in length--at once the most beautiful and the most busy street in the emporium of ecuador. in the centre rose the government house, with its quaint old tower, bearing aloft the city clock. on either hand were long rows of massive, apparently marble, three-storied buildings, each occupying an entire square, and as elegant as they were massive. each story was blessed with a balcony, the upper one hung with canvas curtains now rolled up, the other protruding over the sidewalk to form a lengthened arcade like that of the rue de rivoli in imperial paris. in this lower story were the gay shops of guayaquil, filled with the prints, and silks, and fancy articles of england and france. as this is the promenade street as well as the broadway of commerce, crowds of ecuadorians, who never do business in the evening, leisurely paced the magnificent arcade; hatless ladies sparkling with fire-flies[ ] instead of diamonds, and far more brilliant than koh-i-noors, swept the pavement with their long trains; martial music floated on the gentle breeze from the barracks or some festive hall, and a thousand gas-lights along the levee and in the city, doubling their number by reflection from the river, betokened wealth and civilization. [footnote : the _pyrophorus noctilucus_, or "cucujo," found also in mexico and the west indies. it resembles our large spring-beetle. the light proceeds from two eye-like spots on the thorax and from the segments underneath. it feeds on the sugar-cane. on the upper amazon we found the _p. clarus_, _p. pellucens_, and _p. tuberculatus_. at bahia, on the opposite coast, darwin found _p. luminosus_, the most common luminous insect.] we landed in the morning to find our vision a dissolving view in the light of the rising sun. the princely mansions turned out to be hollow squares of wood-work, plastered within and without, and roofed with red tiles. even the "squares" were only distant approximations; not a right angle could we find in our hotel. all the edifices are built (very properly in this climate) to admit air instead of excluding it, and the architects have wonderfully succeeded; but with the air is wafted many an odor not so pleasing as the spicy breezes from ceylon's isle. the cathedral is of elegant design. its photograph is more imposing than notre dame, and a latin inscription tells us that it is the gate of heaven. but a near approach reveals a shabby structure, and the pewless interior is made hideous by paintings and images which certainly must be caricatures. a few genuine works of art imported from italy alone relieve the mind of the visitor. excepting a few houses on the malecon, and not excepting the cathedral, the majority of the buildings have a tumble-down appearance, which is not altogether due to the frequent earthquakes which have troubled this city; while the habitations in the outskirts are exceedingly primitive, floored and walled with split cane and thatched with leaves, the first story occupied by domestic animals and the second by their owners. the city is quite regularly laid out, the main streets running parallel to the river. a few streets are rudely paved, many are shockingly filthy, and all of them yield grass to the delight of stray donkeys and goats. a number of mule-carts, half a dozen carriages, one omnibus, and a hand-car on the malecon, sum up the wheeled vehicles of guayaquil. the population is twenty-two thousand, the same for thirty years past. of these, about twenty are from the united states, and perhaps twenty-five can command $ , . no foreigner has had reason to complain that guayaquilians lacked the virtues of politeness and hospitality. the ladies dress in excellent taste, and are proverbial for their beauty. spanish, indian, and negro blood mingle in the lower classes. the city supports two small papers, _los andes_ and _la patria_, but they are usually issued about ten days behind date. the hourly cry of the night-watchman is quite as musical as that of the muezzin in constantinople. at eleven o'clock, for example, they sing "_ave maria purissima! los once han dedo, noche clara y serena. viva la patria!_" [illustration: cathedral of guayaquil.] the full name of the city is santiago de guayaquil.[ ] it is so called, first, because the conquest of the province was finished on the th of july (the day of st. james), ; and, secondly, after guayas, a feudatory cacique of atahuallpa. it was created a city by charles v., october , . it has suffered much in its subsequent history by fires and earthquakes, pirates and pestilence. it is situated on the right bank of the river guayas, sixty miles from the ocean, and but a few feet above its level. though the most western city in south america, it is only two degrees west of the longitude of washington, and it is the same distance below the equator--orion sailing directly overhead, and the southern cross taking the place of the great dipper. the mean annual temperature, according to our observations, is °. there are two seasons, the wet, or _invierno_, and the dry, or _verano_. the _verano_ is called the summer, although astronomically it is winter; it begins in june and terminates in november.[ ] the heavy rains come on about christmas. march is the rainiest month in the year, and july the coldest. it is at the close of the _invierno_ (may) that fevers most abound. the climate of guayaquil during the dry season is nearly perfect. at daybreak there is a cool easterly breeze; at sunrise a brief lull, and then a gentle variable wind; at p.m. a southwest wind, at first in gusts, then in a sustained current; at sunset the same softened down to a gentle breeze, increasing about _ _ p.m., and dying away about a.m. notwithstanding heaps of filth and green-mantled pools, sufficient to start a pestilence if transported to new york, the city is usually healthy, due in great part, no doubt, to countless flocks of buzzards which greedily wait upon decay. these carrion-hawks enjoy the protection of law, a heavy fine being imposed for wantonly killing one.[ ] it is during the rainy season that this port earns the reputation of being one of the most pestiferous spots on the globe. the air is then hot and oppressive, reminding the geologist of the steaming atmosphere in the carboniferous period; the surrounding plains are flooded with water, and the roads, even some of the streets of the city, become impassable; intolerable musquitoes, huge cockroaches, disgusting centipedes, venomous scorpions, and still more deadly serpents, keep the human species circumspect, and fevers and dysenteries do the work of death. [footnote : the ancient name was _culenta_.] [footnote : the continuity of the dry season is broken by a rainy fit commencing a few days after the autumnal equinox, and called _el cordonazo de san francisco_. "throughout south america (observes mr. spruce) the periodical alternations of dry and rainy weather are laid to the account of those saints whose 'days' coincide nearly with the epochs of change. but if the weather be rainy when it ought to be fair, or if the rains of winter be heavier than ordinary, the blame is invariably laid on the moon."] [footnote : the turkey-buzzard, the "john crow" of the west indies, is not a social bird, though a score are often seen together: each comes and goes by himself.] the guayas is the largest river on the pacific coast; and guayaquil monopolizes the commerce of ecuador, for it is the only port. esmeraldas and peylon are not to be mentioned. through its custom-house passes nearly every import and export. the green banks of the guayas, covered with an exuberant growth, are in strong contrast with the sterile coast of peru, and the possession of guayaquil has been a coveted prize since the days of pizarro. few spots between the tropics can vie with this lowland in richness and vigor of vegetation. immense quantities of cacao--second only to that of caracas--are produced, though but a fraction is gathered, owing to the scarcity of laborers, so many ecuadorians have been exiled or killed in senseless revolutions. twenty million pounds are annually exported, chiefly to spain; and two million pounds of excellent coffee, which often finds its way into new york under the name of "pure java." there are three or four kinds of indigenous cacao on this coast, all richly deserving the generic title _theobroma_, or "food for the gods." the best grows in esmeraldas, as it contains the largest amount of oil and has the most pleasant flavor. but very little of it is exported, because it rots in about six months. the _cacao de arriba_, from up the river guayas, is the best to export, as it keeps two years without damage. next in order is the _cacao de abajo_, from down the river, as machala, santa rosa, balao, and manabi, below guayaquil. a still richer nut is the mountain cacao, but it is never cultivated. it is small and white, and almost pure oil. this oil, called cacao-butter, is used by the natives for burns, sores, and many cutaneous diseases. cacao contributes more to the commerce of the republic than any other production of its soil. the flowers and fruit grow directly out of the trunk and branches. "a more striking example (says humboldt) of the expansive powers of life could hardly be met with in organic nature." the fruit is yellowish-red, and of oblong shape, and the seeds (from which chocolate is prepared) are enveloped in a mass of white pulp. the tree resembles our lilac in size and shape, and yields three crops a year--in march, june, and september. spain is the largest consumer of cacao. the mexican _chocolalt_ is the origin of our word chocolate. tucker gives the following comparative analysis of unshelled beans from guayaquil and caracas: guayaquil. caracas. theobromine . . cacao-red . . cacao-butter . . gluten . . starch . . gum . . extractive matter . . humic acid . . cellulose . . ash . . water . . ----- ----- . . the coffee-tree is about eight feet high, and has dark green leaves, white blossoms, and green, red, and purple berries at the same time. each tree yields on an average two pounds annually. the other chief articles of exportation are hides, cotton, "panama hats," manufactured at indian villages on the coast, cinchona bark, caucho, tobacco, orchilla weed, sarsaparilla, and tamarinds.[ ] the hats are usually made of the "toquilla" (_carludovica palmata_), an arborescent plant about five feet high, resembling the palm. the leaf, which is a yard long, is plaited like a fan, and is borne on a three-cornered stalk. it is cut while young, the stiff parallel veins removed, then slit into shreds by whipping it, and immersed in boiling water, and finally bleached in the sun. the same "straw" is used in the interior. the "mocora," which grows like a cocoa-nut tree, with a very smooth, hard, thorny bark, is rarely used, as it is difficult to work. the leaves are from eight to twelve feet in length, so that the "straws" will finish a hat without splicing. such hats require two or three months, and bring sometimes $ ; but they will last a lifetime. they can be packed away in a vest pocket, and they can be turned inside out and worn, the inside surface being as smooth and well finished as the outside. "toquilla" hats are whiter than the "mocora." [footnote : in there were exported to europe of cacao, , quintals; cotton, , do.; caucho, do.; sarsaparilla, do.; orchilla, , packages; quinine, do.; tobacco, do.; coffee, do.; tamarinds, bbls.; sides of leather, , ; hats, .] the exports from guayaquil bear no proportion to the capabilities of the country; ecuador has no excuse for being bankrupt. most of the imports are of english origin; lard comes from the united states, and flour from chile. the malecon and river present a lively scene all the year round; the rest of the city appears deserted in comparison. the british steamers from panama and payta arrive weekly; yankee steam-boats make regular trips up and down the guayas and its tributaries; half a dozen sailing vessels, principally french, are usually lying in the stream, which is here six fathoms deep; and hundreds of canoes are gliding to and fro. but the _balsas_ are the most original, and, therefore, the most attractive sight. these are rafts made of light balsa wood, so buoyant as to be used in coasting voyages. they were invented by the old peruvians, and are the homes of a literally floating population. by these and the smaller craft are brought to the mole of the malecon, besides articles for exportation, a boundless variety of fruits--pine-apples (whose quality has made guayaquil famous), oranges, lemons, limes, plantains, bananas, cocoa-nuts, alligator pears, papayas, mangos, guavas, melons, etc.; many an undescribed species of fish known only to the epicure, and barrels or jars of water from a distant point up the river, out of the reach of the tide and the city sewers. ice is frequently brought from chimborazo, and sold for $ per pound. a flag hoisted at a favorite café announces that snow has arrived from the mountains, and that ice-cream can be had. the market, held every morning by the river side, is an animated scene. the strife of the half-naked fishmongers, the cry of the swarthy fruit-dealers--"pinas!" "naranjas!" etc., and the song of the itinerant dulce-peddler--"tamales!" mingled with the bray of the water-bearing donkeys as they trot through the town, never fail to arrest the attention of every traveler. but there is another sight more attractive still--one worth a long voyage, for nature nowhere else repeats the picture. from the balconies of guayaquil can be seen on a clear day the long, towering range of the andes. we may forget all the incidents in our subsequent journey, but the impression produced by that glorious view is unfading. the sun had nearly touched the pacific when the clouds, which for days had wrapped the cordilleras[ ] in misty robes, suddenly rose like a curtain. there stood, in inconceivable grandeur, one of the stupendous products of the last great revolution of the earth's crust, as a geologist would say, but, in the language of history, the lofty home of the incas, made illustrious by the sword of pizarro and the pen of prescott. on the right a sea of hills rose higher and higher, till they culminated in the purple mountains of assuay. far to the left, one hundred miles northeasterly, the peerless chimborazo lifted its untrodden and unapproachable summit above its fellows--an imposing background to lesser mountains and stately forests. the great dome reflected dazzlingly the last blushes of the west, its crown of snow fringed with black lines, which were the steep and sharp edges of precipitous rocks. it was interesting to watch the mellowing tints on the summit as the shadows crept upward: gold, vermilion, violet, purple, were followed by a momentary "glory;" then darkness covered the earth, and a host of stars, "trembling with excess of light," burst suddenly into view over the peaks of the andes. [footnote : _cordillera_ (pronounced cor-de-yér-ra), literally a long ridge, is usually applied to a longitudinal subdivision of the andes, as the east and west cordilleras inclosing the valley of quito; _sierra_ (from the spanish for saw or arabic _sehrah_, an uncultivated tract) is a jagged spur of the andes; _cerro_, "a hog-backed hill." _paramo_ (a desert) is the treeless, uninhabited, uncultivated rolling steppes just below the snow-limit.] bidding "adios" to our guayaquilian friends, we took passage in one of captain lee's little steamers to bodegas, seventy miles up the river. the ecuadorian government, strange to say, does not patronize these steamers, but carries the quito mail in a canoe. the guayas is a sluggish stream, its turbid waters starting from the slope of the andes, and flowing through a low, level tract, covered with varied forms of vegetable life. forests of the broad-leaved plantain and banana line the banks. the fruit is the most common article of food in equatorial america, and is eaten raw, roasted, baked, boiled, and fried. it grows on a succulent stem formed of sheath-like leaf-stalks rolled over one another, and terminating in enormous light green, glossy blades nearly ten feet long by two feet wide, so delicate that the slightest wind will tear them transversely. each tree (vulgarly called "the tree of paradise") produces fruit but once, and then dies. a single bunch often weighs or pounds; and humboldt calculated that pounds of wheat and pounds of potatoes require the same space of ground as will produce pounds of bananas. they really save more labor than steam, giving the greatest amount of food from a given piece of ground with the least labor. they are always found where the palm is; but their original home is the foot of the himalayas. the banana (by some botanists considered a different species from the plantain) is about four inches long, and cylindrical, and is eaten raw. the plantain is twice as large and prismatic, and uncooked is unhealthy. there is another variety, _platanos de otaheite_, which resembles the banana in size and quality, but is prismatic. a belt of jungle and impenetrable brushwood intervenes, and then cacao and coffee plantations, vast in extent, arrest the eye. passing these, the steamer brings you alongside of broad fields covered with the low, prickly pine-apple plant; the air is fragrant with a rich perfume wafted from a neighboring grove of oranges and lemons; the mango spreads its dense, splendid foliage, and bears a golden fruit, which, though praised by many, tastes to us like a mixture of tow and turpentine; the exotic bread-tree waves its fig-like leaves and pendent fruit; while high over all the beautiful cocoa-palm lifts its crown of glory.[ ] animal life does not compare with this luxuriant growth. the steamer-bound traveler may see a few monkeys, a group of _gallinazos_, and many brilliant, though songless birds; but the chief representative is the lazy, ugly alligator. large numbers of these monsters may be seen on the mud-bank basking in the hot sun, or asleep with their mouths wide open. [footnote : the mango of asia is superior in size and flavor to that of america. it is eaten largely in brazil by negroes and cattle. the cocoa-palm is also of asiatic origin, and is most abundant in ceylon. it has a swollen stem when young, but becomes straight and tall when mature. the flowers burst into a long plume of soft, cream-colored blossoms. it is worthy of remembrance that the most beautiful forms of vegetation in the tropics are at the same time most useful to man.] eight hours after leaving the malecon we arrived at bodegas, a little village of two thousand souls, rejoicing in the synonym of babahoyo. this has been a place of deposit for the interior from the earliest times. in the rainy season the whole site is flooded, and only the upper stories are habitable. cock-fighting seems to be the chief amusement. we breakfasted with the governor, a portly gentleman who kept a little dry-goods store. his excellency, without waiting for a formal introduction, and with a cordiality and courtesy almost confined to the latin nations, received us into his own house, and honored us with a seat at his private table, spread with the choicest viands of his kingdom, serving them himself with a grace to which we can not do justice. much as we find to condemn in tropical society, we can not forget the kindness of these simple-hearted people. though we may portray, in the coming pages, many faults and failings according to a new york standard, we wish it to be understood that there is another side to the picture; that there are virtues on the andes to which the north is well-nigh a stranger. "how many times (says an american resident of ten years) i have arrived at a miserable hut in the heart of the mountains, tired and hungry, after traveling all day without any other companion than the arriero, to receive a warm-hearted welcome, the best, perhaps the only chair or hammock offered to me, the fattest chicken in the yard killed on my account, and more than once they have compelled me by force to take the only good bed, because i must be tired, and should have a good night's rest. a man may travel from one end of the andes to the other, depending altogether on the good people he meets." at bodegas travelers take to mules or horses for the mountains, hiring one set for guaranda and another at that village for quito; muleteers seldom allow their animals to pass from one altitude to the other. these _arrieros_, or muleteers, form a very important class in ecuador. their little caravans are the only baggage and express trains in the republic; there is not a single regularly established public conveyance in the land. the _arrieros_ and their servants (_peons_) are indians or half-breeds. they wear a straw or felt hat, a poncho striped like an arab's blanket, and cotton breeches ending at the knees. for food they carry a bag of parched corn, another bag of roasted barley-meal (_mashka_), and a few red peppers. the beasts are thin, decrepit jades, which threaten to give out the first day; yet they must carry you halfway up the andes. the distance to the capital is nearly two hundred miles. the time required is usually eight or nine days; but officials often travel it in four. [illustration: equipped for the andes.] we left bodegas at noon. it was impossible to start the muleteer a moment earlier, though he had promised to be ready at seven. patience is a necessary qualification in a south american traveler. in our company were a jesuit priest, with three attendants, going to riobamba, and a young quito merchant, with his mother--the mother of only twenty-five children. this merchant had traveled in the united states, and could not help contrasting the thrift and enterprise of our country with the beggary and laziness of his own, adding, with a show of sincerity, "i am sorry i have spanish blood in my veins." the suburbs of bodegas reminded us of the outskirts of cairo; but the road soon entered a broad savannah instead of a sandy desert. at p.m. we passed through la mona, a village of twenty-five bamboo huts, all on stilts, for in the rainy season the whole town is under water. signs of indolence and neglect were every where visible. idle men, with an uncertain mixture of european, negro, and indian blood; sad-looking quichua women, carrying a naked infant or a red water-jar on the back; black hogs and lean poultry wandering at will into the houses--such is the picture of the motley life in the inland villages. strange was the contrast between human poverty and natural wealth. we were on the borders of a virgin forest, and the overpowering beauty of the vegetation soon erased all memory of the squalor and lifelessness of la mona. our road--a mere path, suddenly entered this seemingly impenetrable forest, where the branches crossed overhead, producing a delightful shade. the curious forms of tropical life were all attractive to one who had recently rambled over the comparatively bleak hills of new england. delight is a weak term to express the feelings of a naturalist who for the first time wanders in a south american forest. the superb banana, the great charm of equatorial vegetation, tossed out luxuriantly its glossy green leaves, eight feet in length; the slender but graceful bamboo shot heavenward, straight as an arrow; and many species of palm bore aloft their feathery heads, inexpressibly light and elegant. on the branches of the independent trees sat tufts of parasites, many of them orchids, which are here epiphytal; and countless creeping plants, whose long flexible stems entwined snake-like around the trunks, or formed gigantic loops and coils among the limbs. beneath this world of foliage above, thick beds of mimosæ covered the ground, and a boundless variety of ferns attracted the eye by their beautiful patterns.[ ] it is easy to specify the individual objects of admiration in these grand scenes, but it is not possible to give an adequate idea of the higher feelings of wonder, astonishment, and devotion which fill and elevate the mind. this road to the andes is a paradise to the contemplative man. "there is something in a tropical forest (says bates) akin to the ocean in its effects on the mind. man feels so completely his insignificance, and the vastness of nature." the german traveler burmeister observes that "the contemplation of a brazilian forest produced on him a painful impression, on account of the vegetation displaying a spirit of restless selfishness, eager emulation, and craftiness." he thought the softness, earnestness, and repose of european woodland scenery were far more pleasing, and that these formed one of the causes of the superior moral character of european nations. live and let live is certainly not the maxim taught in these tropical forests, and it is equally clear that selfishness is not wanting among the people. here, in view of so much competition among organized beings, is the spot to study darwin's "origin of species." we have thought that the vegetation under the equator was a fitter emblem of the human world than the forests of our temperate zone. there is here no set time for decay and death, but we stand amid the living and the dead; flowers and leaves are falling, while fresh ones are budding into life. then, too, the numerous parasitic plants, making use of their neighbors as instruments for their own advancement, not inaptly represent a certain human class. [footnote : ferns constitute one sixth of the flora of south america; spruce counted species within the space of three square miles. their limits of growth are and feet above the sea.] chapter ii. our tambo.--ascending the andes.--camino real.--magnificent views.--guaranda.--cinchona.--the summit.--chimborazo.--over the andes.--chuquipoyo the wretched.--ambato.--a stupid city.--cotopaxi.--the vale of machachi.--arrival at quito. we reached savaneta at p.m. this little village of hardly twenty houses becomes the bodegas, or place of deposit for the mountains six months in the year, for in the _invierno_ the roads are flooded, and canoes take the place of mules from savaneta to babahoyo. even in the dry season the dampness of this wilderness is so great that the traveler's sugar and chocolate are melted into one, and envelopes seal themselves. we put up at a _tambo_, or wayside inn, a simple two-storied bamboo hovel, thatched with plantain leaves without and plastered with cobwebs within, yet a palace compared with what sheltered us afterward. the only habitable part was the second story, which was reached by a couple of notched bamboo sticks. a hammock, two earthen kettles, two plates, and a few calabashes constituted the household furniture. the dormitory was well ventilated, for two sides were open. our lodging, however, cost us nothing; travelers only pay for _yerba_ for their beasts. though this has been the royal road to quito for three centuries, there is but one _posada_ between guayaquil and ambato, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles; travelers must carry their own bedding and provisions. [illustration: ascending the andes.] leaving savaneta at dawn, and breakfasting at a wayside hut owned by an old negro, we struck about noon the rio charriguajaco, dashing down the mountains in hot haste for the guayas. it was refreshing to look upon living waters for the first time since leaving the hills of our native country. fording this stream we know not how many times, and winding through the dense forest in narrow paths often blockaded by laden donkeys that doggedly disputed the passage, we soon found ourselves slowly creeping up the andes. we frequently met mountaineers on their way to bodegas with loads of potatoes, peas, barley, fowls, eggs, etc. they are generally accompanied by their wives or daughters, who ride like the men, but with the knees tucked up higher. on the slippery tracks which traverse this western slope, bulls are often used as beasts of burden, the cloven hoofs enabling them to descend with great security. but mules are better than horses or asses. "that a hybrid (muses darwin) should possess more reason, memory, obstinacy, social affection, powers of muscular endurance, and length of life than either of its parents, seems to indicate that art has here outdone nature." toward evening the ascent became rapid and the road horrible beyond conception, growing narrower and rougher as we advanced. indeed, our way had long since ceased to be a road. in the dense forest, where sunshine never comes, rocks, mud, and fallen trees in rapid alternation macadamize the path, save where it turns up the bed of a babbling brook. in the comparatively level tracts, the equable step of the beasts has worn the soil into deep transverse ridges, called _camellones_, from their resemblance to the humps on a camel's back. in the precipitous parts the road is only a gully worn by the transit of men and beasts for ages, aided by torrents of water in the rainy season. as we ascend, this changes to a rocky staircase, so strait that one must throw up his legs to save them from being crushed, and so steep that horse and rider run the risk of turning a somersault. it is fearful to meet in a narrow defile, or where the road winds around the edge of a precipice, a drove of reckless donkeys and mules descending the mountain, urged on by the cries and lashes of the muleteers behind. yet this has been the highway of ecuadorian commerce for three hundred years. in vain we tried to reach the little village of camino real on the crest of the ridge; but the night was advancing rapidly, and crawling up such a road by starlight was not a little dangerous. so we put up at a miserable tambo, pogyos by name. it was a mud hut of the rudest kind, windowless and unfloored; very clean, if it had been left to nature, but man and beast had rendered it intolerably filthy. our hostess, a quichua woman, with tattered garments, and hair disheveled and standing up as if electrified, set a kettle on three stones, and, making a fire under it, prepared for us a calabash of chicken and _locro_. _locro_, the national dish in the mountains, is in plain english simply potato soup. sitting on the ground, we partook of this refreshment by the aid of fingers and wooden spoons, enticing our appetites by the reflection that potato soup would support life. the unkempt indian by our side, grinning in conscious pride over her successful cookery, did not aid us in this matter. fire is used in ecuador solely for culinary purposes, not for warmth. it is made at no particular spot on the mud floor, and there is no particular orifice for the exit of the smoke save the chinks in the wall. there is not a chimney in the whole republic. as the spare room in the establishment belonged to the women, we gentlemen slept on the ground outside, or on beds made of round poles. the night was piercingly cold. the wished-for morning came at last, and long before the sun looked over the mountains we were on our march. it was the same terrible road, running zigzag, or "quingo" fashion, up to camino real, where it was suddenly converted into a royal highway. we were now fairly out of the swamps of the lowlands, and, though under the equator, out of the tropics too. the fresh mountain breeze and the chilly mists announced a change of climate.[ ] fevers and dysenteries, snakes and musquitoes, the plantain and the palm, we had left behind. camino real is a huddle of eight or ten dwellings perched on the summit of a sierra a thousand feet higher than the top of mount washington. the views from this stand-point compensate for all past troubles. the wild chaos of mountains on every side, broken by profound ravines, the heaps of ruins piled up during the lapse of geologic ages, the intense azure of the sky, and the kingly condor majestically wheeling around the still higher pinnacles, make up a picture rarely to be seen. westward, the mountains tumble down into hills and spread out into plains, which, in the far distant horizon, dip into the great pacific. the setting sun turns the ocean into a sheet of liquid fire. long columns of purple light shoot up to the zenith, and as the last point of the sun sinks beneath the horizon, the stars rush out in full splendor; for at the equator day gives place to night with only an hour and twenty minutes of twilight. the mountains are alpine, yet grander than the alps; not so ragged as the granite peaks of switzerland, but with rounder heads. the prospect down this occidental slope is diversified by deep valleys, lands-lides, and flowering trees. magnificent are the views eastward, "where andes, giant of the western star, looks from his throne of clouds o'er half the world." [footnote : the altitude of feet is the usual limit of the rain-line on the west slope of the andes. the condensation which produces rain takes place at the equator two or three times higher than in our latitude.] the majestic dome of chimborazo was entirely uncovered of clouds, and presented a most splendid spectacle. there it stood, its snow-white summit, unsullied by the foot of man, towering up twice as high as etna. for many years it received the homage of the world as the highest point in america; but now the aconcagua of chile claims the palm. still, what a panorama from the top of chimborazo, could one reach it, for the eye would command ten thousand square miles! our road gently winds down the sierra, giving us at every turn sublime ideas of what nature can do in tossing up the thin crust of our globe. but sublimity is at a discount here--there is too much of it. suddenly we are looking down into the enchanting valley of chimbo. this romantic and secluded spot is one of those forgotten corners of the earth which, barricaded against the march of civilization by almost impassable mountains, and inhabited by a thriftless race, has been left far behind in the progress of mankind. distance lends enchantment to the view. we are reminded of the pastoral vales of new england. wheat takes the place of the sugar-cane, barley of cacao, potatoes of plantains, and turnips of oranges. bamboo sheds have given way to neatly whitewashed villages, and the fields are fenced with rows of aloe. but, drawing nearer, we find the habitations are in reality miserable mud hovels, without windows, and tenanted by vermin and ragged poverty. there are herds of cattle and fields of grain; yet we shall not find a quart of milk or a loaf of bread for sale. the descent into the valley is very precipitous, and, after a rain, alarmingly slippery. mules, drawing their legs together, slide down with startling velocity, and follow the windings with marvelous dexterity. we arrived at guaranda at p.m. on the third day after leaving bodegas. this is a desolate town of two thousand souls, dwelling in low dilapidated huts made of the most common building material in the andes--_adobe_, or sun-dried blocks of mud mingled with straw.[ ] [footnote : from _adoub_, an egyptian word still used by the copts; carried by the moors to spain, thence to america; and from america the word has gone to the sandwich islands.] the streets are rudely paved, and pitch to the centre, to form an aqueduct, like the streets of old sychar. the inhabitants are in happy ignorance of the outside world. they pass the day without a thought of work, standing on the plaza, or in front of some public office, staring vacantly into space, or gossiping. a cockfight will soonest rouse them from their lethargy. they seem to have no purpose in life but to keep warm under their ponchos and to eat when they are hungry. guaranda is a healthy locality, lying in a deep valley on the west bank of the chimbo, at an elevation, according to our barometer, of feet, and having a mean temperature slightly less than that of quito. it is a place of importance, inasmuch as it is the resting-place before ascending or after descending the still loftier ranges, and much more because it is the capital of the region which yields the invaluable _cinchona_, or peruvian bark.[ ] this tree is indigenous to the andes, where it is found on the western slope between the altitudes of two thousand and nine thousand feet, the species richest in alkaloids occupying the higher elevations, where the air is moist. dr. weddell enumerates twenty-one species, seven of which are now found in ecuador, but the only one of value is the the _c. succirubra_ (the _calisaya_ has run out), and this is now nearly extinct, as the trees have been destroyed to obtain the bark. this species is a beautiful tree, having large, broadly oval, deep green, shining leaves, white, fragrant flowers, and red bark, and sometimes, though rarely, attains the height of sixty feet. a tree five feet in circumference will yield fifteen hundred pounds of green bark, or eight hundred of the dry. the roots contain the most alkaloid, though the branches are usually barked for commerce. the true cinchona barks, containing quinine, quinidine, and cinchonine, are distinguished from the false by their splintery-fibrous texture, the latter being pre-eminently corky. the cascarilleros begin to hunt for bark in august. dr. taylor, of riobamba, found one tree which gave $ worth of quinine. the general yield is from three to five pounds to a quintal of bark. the tree has been successfully transplanted to the united states, and particularly to india, where there are now over a million of plants. it was introduced into india by markham in . the bark is said to be stronger than that from ecuador, yielding twice as much alkaloid, or eleven per cent. the quinine of commerce will doubtless come hereafter from the slopes of the himalayas instead of the andes. in only five thousand pounds of bark were exported from guayaquil. the indians use the bark of another tree, the _maravilla_, which is said to yield a much stronger alkaloid than cinchona. it grows near pallatanga. [footnote : this celebrated febrifuge was first taken to europe about the middle of the seventeenth century, and was named after the countess of chinchon, who had been cured of intermittent fever at lima. afterward, when cardinal de lugo spread the knowledge of the remedy through france, and recommended it to cardinal mazarin, it received the name of _jesuits' bark_. the french chemists, pelletier and caverton, discovered quinine in .] we left guaranda at a.m. by the light of venus and orion, having exchanged our horses for the sure-footed mule. it was a romantic ride. from a neighboring stand-point church took one of his celebrated views of "the heart of the andes." but the road, as aforetime, was a mere furrow, made and kept by the tread of beasts. for a long distance the track runs over the projecting and jagged edges of steeply-inclined strata of slate, which nobody has had the energy to smooth down. at many places on the road side were human skulls, set in niches in the bank, telling tales of suffering in their ghastly silence; while here and there a narrow passage was blocked up by the skeleton or carcass of a beast that had borne its last burden. at nine o'clock we came out on a narrow, grassy ridge called the ensillada, or saddleback, where there were three straw huts, with roofs resting on the ground, and there we breakfasted on _locro_. during our stay the indians killed a pig, and before the creature was fairly dead dry grass was heaped upon it and set on fire. this is the ordinary method of removing the bristles. still ascending, we lose sight of the valley of the chimbo, and find ourselves in a wilderness of crags and treeless mountains clothed with the long, dreary-looking paramo grass called _paja_. but we are face to face with "the monarch of the andes," and we shall have its company the rest of the day. the snowy dome is flooded with the golden light of heaven; delicate clouds of softest hues float around its breast; while, far below, its feet are wrapped in the baser mists of earth. we attained the summit of the pass at a.m. all travelers strive to reach it early in the morning, for in the afternoon it is swept by violent winds which render it uncomfortable, if not dangerous. this part of the road is called the "arenal," from the sand and gravel which cover it. it is about a league in length, and crosses the side of chimborazo at an elevation of more than fourteen thousand feet. chimborazo stands on the left of the traveler. how tantalizing its summit! it appears so easy of access; and yet many a valiant philosopher, from humboldt down, has panted for the glory and failed. the depth of the snow and numerous precipices are the chief obstacles; but the excessively rarefied air is another hinderance. even in crossing the arenal, a native of the lowlands complains of violent headache, a propensity to vomit, and a difficulty of breathing. the arenal is often swept by snow-storms; and history has it that some of the spanish conquerors were here frozen to death. the pale yellow gravel is considered by some geologists as the moraine of a glacier. it is spread out like a broad gravel walk, so that, without exaggeration, one of the best roads in ecuador has been made by nature's hand on the crest of the andes. it was interesting to trace the different hypsometrical zones by the change of vegetation from bodegas to this lofty spot. the laws of the decrease of heat are plainly written on the rapid slopes of the cordilleras. on the hot, steaming lowlands of the coast reign bananas and palms. as these thin out, tree-ferns take their place. losing these, we found the cinchona bedewed by the cool clouds of guaranda; and last of all, among the trees, the polylepis. the twisted, gnarled trunk of this tree, as well as its size and silvery foliage, reminded us of the olive, but the bark resembles that of the birch. it reaches the greatest elevation of any tree on the globe. then followed shrubby fuchsia, calceolaria, eupatoria, and red and purple gentians; around and on the arenal, a uniform mantle of monocotyledonous plants, with scattered tufts of valeriana, viola, and geranium, all with rigid leaves in the characteristic rosettes of super-alpine vegetation; and on the porphyritic and trachytic sides of chimborazo, lichens alone. snow then covers the last effort of vegetable life.[ ] the change in the architecture of the houses indicated, likewise, a change of altitude. the open bamboo huts, shingled with banana leaves, were followed by warmer _adobe_ houses, and these, in turn, by the straw hovels of the mountain-top, made entirely of the long, wiry grass of the paramos. [footnote : according to sir j. hooker, among the flowers which adorn the slopes of the himalayas, rhododendrons occupy the most prominent place, and primroses next. there are no orchids, neither red gentians, but blue. organic life ceases feet lower than on the andes; yet it is affirmed that flowering plants occur at the height of , feet, which is equivalent to the summit of chimborazo in point of temperature! the polylepis (_p. racemosa_) is one of the _sanguisorbaceæ_; in quichua it is _sachaquinoa_.] leaving the arenal, we rapidly descended by the usual style of road--stone stairs. but down we went, as all the goods for quito, "the grand capital," have done since the spanish conquest. the old road from beirût to damascus is royal in comparison. the general aspect of the eastern slope is that of a gray, barren waste, overgrown with _paja_; but now and then we crossed deep gulleys, whose sides were lined with mosses and sprinkled with calceolarias, lupines, etc. in our descent we had before us the magnificent valley of quito, and beyond it the eastern cordillera. below us was riobamba, and far away to the right the deep gorge of the pastassa. nevertheless, this is one of the loneliest rides earth can furnish. not a tree nor human habitation is in sight. icy rivulets and mule-trains are the only moving objects on this melancholy heath. even "drake's plantation bitters," painted on the volcanic cliffs of chimborazo, would be a relief. at last we reached our rude accommodations for the night. it was a solitary mud tambo, glorying in the euphonious name of chuquipoyo. the court-yard was a sea of mud and manure, for this is the halting-place for all the caravans between quito and the coast. our room was a horrid hole, dark, dirty, damp, and cold, without a window or a fire. there was one old rickety bedstead, but as that belonged to the lady in our party, the rest betook themselves to benches, table, and floor. we filled our stomachs with an unpalatable potato soup containing cheese and eggs, and laid down--to wait for the morning. grass is the only fuel here; but this is not the chief reason why it is so difficult to make good tea or cook potatoes at this wretched tambo. water boils at °, or before it is fairly hot: it is well the potatoes are small. the muleteers slept with their beasts outside, though the night was fearfully cold, for chuquipoyo lies on the frigid side of chimborazo, at an elevation of over twelve thousand feet above the sea. as johnson said to boswell, "this is a dolorous place." gladly we left this cheerless tambo, though a cold, heavy mist was falling as we rode northward, over the seemingly endless paramo of sanancajas. here, as throughout the highlands of ecuador, ditches are used for fences; so that, should the traveler wander from the path, he finds himself stopped by an impassable gulf. in two hours and a half we reached mocha, a lifeless pueblo under the shadow of carguairazo. slowly descending from our high altitude, we gradually entered a more congenial climate--the zone of wheat and barley, till, finally, signs of an eternal spring were all around us--ripening corn on one side, and blossoming peas on the other. late in the afternoon the road led us through a sandy, sterile tract, till suddenly we came in sight of ambato, beautifully situated in a deep ravine, eight thousand five hundred and fifty feet above the pacific. the city ranks next to quito in beauty. it is certainly an oasis, the green foliage of its numerous shade-trees and orchards contrasting with the barren hills around. it is two degrees warmer than quito, and is famous for its fruit and fine climate. it is the lynn of ecuador, the chief articles of manufacture being boots and shoes--cheap, but of poor quality. it was destroyed by an earthquake in . the houses are built of sun-dried brick, and whitewashed. the streets, with gutters in the centre, are at right angles, and paved, and adorned with numerous cypress-looking trees, called _sauce_, a species of willow. the plaza, which contains a useful if not ornamental fountain, presents a lively scene on sunday, the great market-day. the inn is a fair specimen of a public house in spanish america. around the court-yard, where the beasts are fed, are three or four rooms to let. they are ventilated only when opened for travelers. the floor is of brick, but alive with fleas; the walls are plastered, but veiled with cobwebs. the furniture, of primitive make and covered with dust, consists of a chair or two, a table, and a bed of boards covered with a thin straw mat. there is not a hotel in ecuador where sheets and towels are furnished. the landlords are seldom seen; the entire management of the concern is left to a slovenly indian boy, who is both cook and hostler. no amount of bribery will secure a meal in less than two hours. ten years ago there was not a posada in the country; now there is entertainment for man and beast at guayaquil, guaranda, mocha, ambato, tacunga, machachi, and quito. riobamba has a billiard saloon, but no inn. leaving ambato, we breakfasted at cunchebamba, an indian village of half a dozen straw huts. thence the road for a long distance winds through vast deposits of volcanic _débris_, the only sign of vegetation being hedges of aloe and cactus. arid hills and dreary plains, covered with plutonic rocks and pumice dust, tell us we are approaching the most terrible volcano on the earth. crossing the sources of the pastassa, we entered latacunga,[ ] situated on a beautiful plain at the foot of cotopaxi, seven hundred feet higher than ambato. its average temperature is °. the population, chiefly indians, numbers about fifteen thousand. it is the dullest city in ecuador, without the show of enterprise or business. not even grass grows in the streets--the usual sign of life in the spanish towns. it is also one of the filthiest; and though it has been many times thoroughly shaken by earthquakes, and buried under showers of volcanic dust, it is still the paradise of fleas, which have survived every revolution. ida pfeiffer says that, after a night's rest in latacunga, she awoke with her skin marked all over with red spots, as if from an eruptive disease. we can certify that we have been tattoed without the night's rest. the town has a most stupid and forlorn aspect. half of it is in ruins. it was four times destroyed between and . in the jesuit church was thrown down, though its walls were five feet thick. the houses are of one story, and built of pumice, widely different from the palaces and temples which are said to have stood here in the palmy days of the incas. cotopaxi stands threateningly near, and its rumbling thunder is the source of constant alarm. [footnote : this is shortened in parlance to tacunga. the full name, according to la condamine, is _llacta-cunga_, _llacta_ meaning country, and _cunga_, neck.] from latacunga to quito there is a very fine carriage road, the result of one man's administration--señor g. garcia moreno. for many miles it passes over an uncultivated plateau, strewn with volcanic fragments. the farms are confined to the slopes of the cordilleras, and, as every where else, the tumbling haciendas indicate the increasing poverty of the owner. superstition and indolence go hand in hand. on a great rock rising out of the sandy plain they show a print of the foot of st. bartholomew, who alighted here on a visit--surely to the volcanoes, as it was long before the red man had found this valley. abreast of cotopaxi the road cuts through high hills of fine pumice inter-stratified with black earth, and rapidly ascends till it reaches tiupullo, eleven thousand five hundred feet above the sea. this high ridge,[ ] stretching across the valley from cotopaxi to iliniza, is a part of the great water-shed of the continent--the waters on the southern slope flowing through the pastassa and amazon to the atlantic, those on the north finding their way to the pacific by the rio esmeraldas. at this bleak place we breakfasted on punch and guinea-pig. [footnote : sometimes called _chisinche_.] as soon as we began to descend, the glittering cone of cotopaxi, and the gloomy plain it has so often devastated, passed out of view, and before us was a green valley exceedingly rich and well cultivated, girt by a wall of mountains, the towers of which were the peaks of corazon and rumiñagui. loathsome lepers by the wayside alone disturbed the pleasing impression. three hours more of travel brought us to the straggling village of machachi, standing in the centre of the beautiful plain, at an altitude of nine thousand nine hundred feet. nature designed this spot for a home of plenty and comfort, but the habitations of the wretched proprietors are windowless adobe hovels, thatched with dried grass, and notorious for their filth. we must needs make one more ascent, for the ridge of tambillo hides the goal of our journey. the moment we reached the summit, views unparalleled in the andes or any where else met our astonished vision whithersoever we looked. far away to the south stretched the two cordilleras, till they were lost in the mist which enshrouded chimborazo and tunguragua. turning to the north, we beheld the city of quito at our feet, and pichincha and antisana standing like gallant sentinels on either side of the proud capital. beautiful were the towering mountains, and almost as delightful now are the memories of that hour. a broad, well-traveled road, gentlemen on horseback clad in rich ponchos, droves of indians bowed under their heavy burdens, and long lines of laden donkeys hurrying to and fro, indicate our approach to a great city. winding with the road through green pastures and fields of ripening grain, and crossing the machángara by an elegant bridge, we enter the city of the incas. chapter iii. early history of quito.--its splendor under the incas.--crushed by spain.--dying now.--situation.--altitude.--streets.--buildings. quito is better known than ecuador. its primeval history, however, is lost in obscurity. in the language of prescott, "the mists of fable have settled as darkly round its history as round that of any nation, ancient or modern, in the old world." founded, nobody knows when, by the kings of the quitus, it was conquered about the year by a more civilized race, the cara nation, who added to it by conquest and alliance. the fame of the region excited the cupidity of the incas of peru, and during the reign of cacha ( ), huayna-capac the great moved his army from cuzco, and by the celebrated battle of hatuntaqui, in which cacha was killed, quito was added to the realm of the incas. huayna-capac made quito his residence, and reigned there thirty-eight years--the most brilliant epoch in the annals of the city. at his death his kingdom was divided, one son, atahuallpa,[ ] reigning in quito, and huascar at cuzco. civil war ensued, in which the latter was defeated, and atahuallpa was chosen inca of the whole empire, . during this war pizarro arrived at tumbez. every body knows what followed. strangled at caxamarca, the body of atahuallpa was carried to quito, the city of his birth, in compliance with his dying wish, and buried there with imposing obsequies. refounded by benalcazar in , quito was created an imperial city by charles v. seven years later. it formed part of peru till ; then of santa fé till ; and again of peru till its independence. the power of spain in south america was destroyed at the battle of ayacucho, dec. , . in venezuela separated from colombia, and ecuador followed the same year. the first congress was held in riobamba; but quito has ever since been the political focus. the first president was general flores. [footnote : the son of his quito love. the name was first written _atauhuallpa_, meaning fortunate in war; after the fratricide, he was called _atahuallpa_, or game-cock. he was the boabdil of this occidental granada. he is called traitor by peruvian writers, and is not admitted by them into the list of their incas.] under the diadem of the incas, quito assumed a magnificence which it never saw before and has not displayed since. it was the worthy metropolis of a vast empire stretching from the equator to the desert of atacama, and walled in by the grandest group of mountains in the world. on this lofty site, which amid the alps would be buried in an avalanche of snow, but within the tropics enjoys an eternal spring, palaces more beautiful than the alhambra were erected, glittering with the gold and emerald of the andes. but all this splendor passed away with the sceptre of atahuallpa. where the pavilion of the inca stood is now a gloomy convent, and a wheat-field takes the place of the temple of the sun. the colonial history of this favored spot is as lifeless as the history of sahara. not a single event occurred of which even spain can be proud; not a monument was raised which reflects any credit upon the mother country. every thing was prescribed by law, and all law emanated from a tribunal five thousand miles distant. there was no relation of private life with which the government did not interfere: what the colonist should plant and what trade he should follow; where he should buy and where he should sell; how much he should import and export; and where and when he should marry, were regulated by the "council of the indies" and the inquisition. in the words of a native writer, "the great majority of the people knew nothing of sciences, events, or men. their religion consisted of outward observances, and an imperfect knowledge of the papal bulls; their morality, in asceticism and devotion to their king; their philosophy, in the subtleties of aristotle; their history, in the history of the mother country; their geography, in the maps of spanish america and of spain; their press, in what sufficed to print bill-heads and blank forms; their commerce, in an insignificant coasting trade; their ambition and highest aspirations, in titles of nobility; their amusements, in bull-fights. the arrival of a mail was an event of great moment, and with ringing of bells was received the _cajon de españa_ which announced the health of the sovereigns. thus, while europe was passing through the stormy times of louis xiv.; while the philosophical writings of the illustrious men of those times found their way into the remotest corners of the globe; while the english colonies of north america conquered their independence; while the old world was drenched in blood to propagate the ideas which the french revolution had proclaimed, the presidency of quito, walled in by its immense cordilleras and the ocean, and ruled by monkish ignorance and bigotry, knew as little of men and events as we now know of men and events in the moon."[ ] [footnote : _geografia de la república del ecuador, por dr. villavicencio._ this work abounds with erroneous and exaggerated statements, but it is nevertheless a valuable contribution to ecuadorian literature.] from an iron despotism which existed for three centuries, quito passed to a state of unbridled licentiousness. without any political experience whatever, the people attempted to lay the foundation of a new system of government and society. with head and hearts perverted by monkish superstition and spanish tyranny, yet set on fire by the french revolution, what did they know of liberty! endless civil wars have followed independence. "political ambition," says a late united states minister, "personal jealousies, impracticable theories, official venality, reckless disregard of individual rights and legal obligations, foolish meddling and empirical legislation, and an absolute want of political morality, form the principal features of their republican history."[ ] to-day they tread on the dust of an ancient race whose government was in every respect a most complete contrast to their own. [footnote : _four years among spanish americans, by hon. f. hassaurek_: a truthful work, to which we refer the reader for details, especially concerning ecuadorian life and manners.] at the foot of volcanic pichincha, only five hours' travel from its smoking crater, lies "the city above the clouds," "the navel of the world," "magnificent quito." on the north is the plain of rumibamba, the battle-field where gonzalo pizarro routed the first viceroy of peru, and the scene, two centuries later, of the nobler achievements of la condamine, which made it the classic ground of astronomy. on the southern edge of the city rises panecillo, reminding one of mount tabor by its symmetrical form, and over-looking the beautiful and well-watered plain of turubamba. on the east flows the rio machángara, and just beyond it stand the puengasi hills hiding the chillo valley, while the weary sun goes early to rest behind the towering peaks of pichincha. so encircled is this sequestered spot, the traveler, approaching by the guayaquil road, sees only a part of it, and is disappointed; and even when standing on panecillo, with the entire city spread out before him, he is not wholly satisfied. buried between treeless, sombre sierras, and isolated from the rest of the world by impassable roads and gigantic cordilleras, quito appears to us of the commercial nineteenth century as useless as the old feudal towns perched on the mountains of middle europe. not a chimney rises above the red-tiled roofs, telling of homely hearths beneath. no busy hum greets the ear; there are bugles instead of spindles, and jingling church bells in place of rattling carriages. the wandering eye does not look for a railroad or a telegraph, for even the highways, such as they are, seem deserted, and, save the music made for soldiers and saints, all is silent. the very mountains, too, with their snow-mantled heads, and their sides scarred by volcanic eruptions and ruptured by earthquake shocks, have a melancholy look. in the words of a great artist, "they look like a world from which not only the human, but the spiritual presences had perished, and the last of the archangels, building the great andes for their monuments, had laid themselves down to eternal rest, each in his snow-white shroud." but let us enter. passing the ruined chapel "del señor del buen pasaje," and crossing by a substantial stone bridge the little machángara hastening to pay tribute to the pacific, we leave behind us the dirty, dilapidated suburbs of the capital. soon we cross another bridge--the bridge of buzzards--spanning a deep ravine, and gallop through the plaza de santo domingo. very different are the sights and sounds from the stir and style of central park. the scene has a semi-oriental cast--half indian, half egyptian, as if this were the confluence of the marañon and nile. groups of men--not crowds, for there is plenty of elbow-room in ecuador--in gay ponchos stand chatting in front of little shops, or lean against the wall to enjoy the sunshine; beggars in rags or sackcloth stretch forth their leprous hands for charity; monks in white, and canons in black, walk in the shade of immense hats; shoeless soldiers saunter to and fro; indians from the mountains in every variety of costume cluster around heaps of vegetables for sale; women in red, brown, and blue frocks are peddling oranges and alligator pears, or bearing huge burdens on their heads; children, guiltless of clothing, and obtuse donkeys, wander whithersoever they will; and water-carriers, filling their jars at the fountain, start off on a dog-trot. [illustration: quito, from the north.] we cross the plaza diagonally, pass down the calle de san fernando, up the calle del algodon, and through the busy calle del correo, till we reach the _casa frances_, opposite the mansion of the late general flores. this is our hotel--owned by a frenchman, but kept by an indian. we ride under the low archway, bowing with ill grace, like all republicans unaccustomed to royalty, tie our beasts in the court-yard, ascend to our spacious quarters on the second floor, and, ordering coffee, seat ourselves in the beautiful balcony to talk of quito and quitonians. [illustration: water-carriers.] quito, though not the highest city on the globe, is two thousand feet higher than the hospice of great st. bernard on the alps, which is the only permanent place of abode in europe above six thousand five hundred feet. when mr. hassaurek was appointed united states minister to ecuador, he thanked mr. lincoln for conferring upon him the _highest_ gift in his power. the mean result of our numerous observations with green's standard barometer places the grand plaza nine thousand five hundred and twenty feet above the sea, or fifty feet lower than the calculation of humboldt. water boils at °. . cuzco and potosi may surpass it in altitude, but there is not a city in the world which can show at once such a genial climate, such magnificent views, and such a checkered history. it is unique likewise in its latitude, lying only fifteen miles below the equator; no other capital comes within three hundred miles of the equinoctial line. [illustration: street in quito.] whatever may have been the plan of quito in the days of huayna-capac, it is evident that the spanish founders were guided more by the spurs of pichincha than by astronomy. the streets make an angle of forty-five degrees with the meridian, so that not a single public building faces any one of the four cardinal points of the compass. two deep ravines come down the mountain, and traverse the city from west to east. they are mostly covered by arches, on which the houses rest; but where they are open, they disclose as fit representatives of the place of torment as the valley of hinnom. the outline of the city is as irregular as its surface. it incloses one square mile. twenty streets, all of them straiter than the apostolic one in damascus, cross one another very nearly at right angles. none of them are too wide, and the walks are painfully narrow; but, thanks to garcia moreno, they are well paved. the inequality of the site, and its elevation above the machángara, render the drainage perfect.[ ] the streets are dimly lighted by tallow candles, every householder being obliged to hang out a lantern at p.m., unless there is moonshine. the candles, however, usually expire about ten o'clock. there are three "squares"--plaza mayor, plaza de san francisco, and plaza de santo domingo. the first is three hundred feet square, and adorned with trees and flowers; the others are dusty and unpaved, being used as market-places, where indians and donkeys most do congregate. all the plazas have fountains fed with pure water from pichincha. [footnote : the following quotation, however, is true to the letter, and will apply equally well to guayaquil and to madrid--the mother of them both: "there is another want still more embarrassing in quito than the want of hotels--it is the want of water-closets and privies, which are not considered as necessary fixtures of private residences. men, women, and children, of all ages and colors, may be seen in the middle of the street, in broad daylight, making privies of the most public thoroughfares; and while thus engaged, they will stare into the faces of passers-by with a shamelessness that beggars description."--_hassaurek_.] few buildings can boast of architectural beauty, yet quito looks palatial to the traveler who has just emerged from the dense forest on the coast, "crossing bridgeless rivers, floundering over bottomless roads, and ascending and descending immense mountains." he is astonished to find such elegant edifices and such a proud aristocracy in this lofty lap of the andes. the indian habitations which girdle the city have no more architectural pretensions than an arab dwelling. they are low mud hovels, the scene within and without of dirt and disorder. as we approach the grand plaza, the centre of the city, the buildings increase in size, style, and finish. the ordinary material is adobe, not only because it is cheap, but also because it best resists earthquake shocks. fear of a _terremoto_ has likewise led to a massiveness in construction which is slightly ludicrous when we see the poverty which it protects; the walls are often two or three feet thick. the ground floor is occupied by servants, whose rooms--small enough to be called niches--surround the paved court-yard, which is entered from the street by a broad doorway. within this court is sometimes a fountain or flower-plot. around it are arches or pillars supporting a gallery, which is the passage-way to the apartments of the second story. all the rooms are floored with large square bricks. with few exceptions, the only windows are folding glass doors leading to balconies overhanging the pavement. the tiled roofs project far over into the street, and from these project still farther uncouth water-spouts, such as used to be seen in rio janeiro, but have now been banished to the antiquarian museum. only three or four private residences rise above two stories. the shops are small affairs--akin to the cupboards of damascene merchants; half a dozen modern ladies can keep out any more customers. the door serves as entrance, exit, window, and show-case. the finest structures cluster around the plazas. here are the public buildings, some of them dating back to the times of philip ii. they are modeled after the old spanish style; there is scarcely a fragment of gothic architecture. they are built of large brick, or a dark volcanic stone from pichincha. [illustration: palacio de gobierno--capitol.] the government house, which serves at once as "white house" and capitol, is an imposing edifice fronting the grand plaza, and adorned with a fine colonnade. on its right rises the cathedral; on the left stands the unpretending palace of the nuncio. the former would be called beautiful were it kept in repair; it has a splendid marble porch, and a terrace with carved stone balustrade. the view above was taken from this terrace. the finest façade is presented by the old jesuit church, which has an elaborate front of porphyry. the church of san francisco, built by the treasures of atahuallpa, discovered by an indian named catuna, is the richest. it is surmounted by two lofty towers, and the interior is a perfect blaze of gilding. the monastery attached to it is one of the largest in the world, but the greater part of it is in ruins, and one of the wings is used as a barrack. those unsightly, unadorned convents, which cling to every church save the cathedral, have neutralized nearly all architectural effect. chapter iv. population of quito.--dress.--manners.--character.--commerce.--agriculture. --manufactures.--arts.--education.--amusements.--quito ladies. quitonians claim for their capital eighty thousand inhabitants; but when we consider that one fourth of the city is covered with ecclesiastical buildings, and that the dwelling-houses are but two stories high, we see that there is not room for more than half that number. from thirty thousand to forty thousand is the estimate of the venerable dr. jameson, who has resided here for a generation.[ ] census taking is as difficult as in constantinople; the people hide themselves to escape taxation. the women far outnumber the men. the white population--a stiff aristocracy of eight thousand souls--is of spanish descent, but not more than half a dozen can boast of pure blood. the coarse black hair, prominent cheek-bones, and low foreheads, reveal an indian alliance. this is the governing class; from its ranks come those uneasy politicians who make laws for other people to obey, and hatch revolutions when a rival party is in power. they are blessed with fair mental capacity, quick perception, and uncommon civility; but they lack education and industry, energy and perseverance. their wealth, which is not great, consists mainly in _haciendas_, yielding grain, cotton, and cattle. the aguirre family is one of the noblest and wealthiest in the city; their mansion is on the grand plaza, facing the capitol. the pure indians of quito number perhaps , ; not all those seen in the city are citizens, as many _serranos_, or mountaineers, come in to sell produce. they are the serfs that do the drudgery of the republic; they are the tillers of the soil, and beasts of burden. many sell themselves for money in advance, and then are ever kept in debt. excepting a few zambos (the children of indians and negroes), and a very few foreigners and negroes, the remainder, constituting the bulk of the population, are cholos--the offspring of whites and indians. they are not strictly half-breeds, for the indian element stands out most prominent. though a mixed race, they are far superior to their progenitors in enterprise and intelligence. they are the soldiers, artisans, and tradesmen who keep up the only signs of life in quito. "i know not the reason," says darwin, "but men of such origin seldom have a good expression of countenance." this may be true on the pampas, but quito, where there is every imaginable mixture of indian and spaniard, is wonderfully free from ugly features. it may be owing to the more peaceful and civilized history of this mountain city. [footnote : spanish rhetoric is given to exaggeration. "all their geese are swans." a peruvian assured us that cuzco contained , souls. it is, in fact, about as large as quito; gibbon says , .] as to dress, black is the color of etiquette, but is not so national as in madrid. the upper class follow _la mode de paris_, gentlemen adding the classic cloak of old spain. this modern toga fits an ecuadorian admirably; it favors habits of inactivity, preventing the arms from doing any thing, and covers a multitude of sins, especially pride and poverty. the _poncho_, so peculiar to the west coast and to the gauchos of buenos ayres, is a piece of cloth of divers colors, with a slit in the centre, through which the head is passed. it is the only variable article of the wardrobe. it is an excellent riding habit, and is made of heavy woolen for mountain travel, and of silk or cotton for warmer altitudes. no gentleman will be seen walking in the streets of quito under a poncho. hence citizens are divided into men with ponchos, and gentlemen with cloaks. the pañuelon is the most essential article of female gear. it answers to the mantilla of the mother country, though it is not worn so gracefully as on the banks of the tagus. andean ladies are not troubled with the distressing fluctuations in the style of hats; a bonnet in quito is as much out of place as a turban in new york. when the daughter of our late minister resident appeared in the cathedral with one, the innovation was the subject of severe remark. the spanish hair is the glory of the sex. it is thick and black (red, being a rarity, is considered a beauty), and is braided in two long tresses. a silk dress, satin shoes, and fancy jewelry complete the visible attire of the belles of quito. the ordinary costume of the indians and cholos consists of a coarse cotton shirt and drawers, and silk, cotton, or woolen poncho of native manufacture, the females adding a short petticoat, generally of a light blue or "butter-nut" color, belted around the waist with a figured woolen belt woven by themselves. the head, arms, legs, and feet are often bare, but, by those who can afford it, the head is covered with a straw or white felt broad-brim, and the feet protected by sandals, called _alpargates_, made of the fibres of the aloe. they are very fond of bracelets and necklaces. infants are usually swathed from neck to feet with a broad strip of cloth, so that they look like live mummies. quitonians put us to shame by their unequaled courtesy, cordiality, and good-nature, and are not far below the grave and decorous castilian in dignified politeness.[ ] [footnote : "i must express my admiration at the natural politeness of almost every chileno. we met, near mendoza, a little and very fat negress, riding astride on a mule. she had a _goître_ so enormous that it was scarcely possible to avoid gazing at her for a moment; but my two companions almost instantly, by way of apology, made the common salute of the country by taking off their hats. where would one of the lower or higher classes in europe have shown such feeling politeness to a poor and miserable object of a degraded race?"--_darwin's naturalist's voyage._] rudeness, which some northerners fancy is a proof of equality and independence, we never met with, and duels and street quarrels are almost unknown. we detected none of the touchy sensitiveness of the punctilious spanish _hidalgos_. their compliments and promises are without end; and, made in the magnificent and ceremonious language of spain,[ ] are overwhelming to a stranger. thus a fair quitonian sends by her servant the following message to another lady: "go to the señorita fulana de tal, and tell her that she is my heart and the dear little friend of my soul; tell her that i am dying for not having seen her, and ask her why she does not come to see me; tell her that i have been waiting for her more than a week, and that i send her my best respects and considerations; and ask her how she is, and how her husband is, and how her children are, and whether they are all well in the family; and tell her she is my little love, and ask her whether she will be kind enough to send me that pattern which she promised me the other day."[ ] this highly important message the servant delivers like a parrot, not omitting a single compliment, but rather adding thereto. [footnote : the spanish tongue is the manly son of the latin, as the italian is the fair daughter; a language in which, as charles v. said, "god ought alone to be addressed in prayer." it is spoken in america with an andalusian rather than toledan pronunciation.] [footnote : we are indebted to mr. hassaurek for this capital illustration. every lady, married or unmarried, is addressed _señorita_, or miss.] a newly-arrived foreigner is covered with promises: houses, horses, servants, yea, every thing is at his disposal. but, alas! the traveler soon finds that this ceremony of words does not extend to deeds. he is never expected to call for the services so pompously proffered. so long as he stays in quito he will not lose sight of the contrast between big promise and beggarly performance. this outward civility, however, is not hypocritical; it is mere mechanical prattle; the speaker does not expect to be taken at his word. the love of superlatives and the want of good faith may be considered as prominent characteristics. "the readiness with which they break a promise or an agreement (wrote colonel hall forty years ago) can only be equaled by the sophistical ingenuity with which they defend themselves for having done so." the quitonians, who are sensible of their shortcomings, have this standing apology: "our vices we owe to spain; our virtues to ourselves."[ ] [footnote : "when speaking of these countries, the manner in which they have been brought up by their unnatural parent, spain, should always be borne in mind. on the whole, perhaps, more credit is due for what has been done, than blame for that which may be deficient."--_darwin's journal of researches_, p. .] such is the mutual distrust, partnerships are almost unknown; we do not remember a single commercial firm, save a few made up of brothers, or father and son. with this moral debility is joined the procrastinating spirit of the oriental. _mañana_ (to-morrow), like the _boukra_ of the arabs, is the universal winding up of promises. and very often, if one promises a thing to-morrow, he means the day after that. it is impossible to start a man into prompt compliance; he will not commence a piece of work when you wish nor when he promises. no amount of cajolery, bribery, or threats will induce a quitonian to do any thing or be any where in season. if there were a railroad in ecuador, every body would be too late for the first train. there are only one or two watch-tinkers in the great city, and, as may be inferred, very few watches are in running order. as a consequence, the people have very little idea of time. but this is not the sole reason for their dilatoriness; they are indifferent. nobody seems to want to make money (though all are in sad need of it); nobody is in a hurry; nobody is busy save the tailors, who manifest a commendable diligence. contempt for labor, a spanish inheritance, and lack of energy, are traits which stand out in _alto relievo_. one can form his own judgment of the spiritless people from the single statement which we have from dr. jameson, that during the last forty years not ten quitonians have visited the grand crater of pichincha, though it is possible to ride horseback to its very edge. plenty of gentlemen by profession walk the streets and cathedral terrace, proud as a roman senator under his toga, yet not ashamed to beg a cup of coffee at the door of a more fortunate fellow-citizen. society is in a constant struggle between ostentation and want. nature has done more for ecuador than for ecuadorians. she laid out this beautiful valley for an elysian field; "de quito al cielo" (from quito to heaven) is not an empty adage; and it is painful to look upon tottering walls and impassable roads, upon neglected fields and an idle population--poor as poverty in the lap of boundless natural wealth. the only really live man in the republic is the president, señor g. garcia moreno, a man of wide views and great energy, standing in these respects head and shoulders above his fellow-citizens. quito and quito valley owe nearly all their improvements to this one man. it is easy to say what would be the industry of a people who spend much of their time repeating traditions of treasures buried by the incas, and stories of gold deposits in the mountains. of commerce there is scarcely enough to deserve the name. quito is an ecclesiastical city, and is nearly supported by guayaquil. without capital, without energy, without business habits, quitonians never embark in grand commercial schemes and industrial enterprises. there is not a highway for commerce in any direction, only a natural path (called by the innocent natives a road), which rises to the altitude of fourteen thousand feet, by which the beasts of burden pick their way over the cordillera. and this is open only six months in the year. should a box designed for quito arrive at guayaquil at the beginning of the rainy season, it must tarry half a year till _nature_ makes the road passable. the unstable condition of the country does not encourage great undertakings; all business is periodically paralyzed by revolution. merchants generally buy their goods in lima, to which city and guayaquil the fabrics of england and france are brought by foreigners in foreign ships. the shops of quito, as we have remarked, are very small, without windows, and with only one wooden door. the door is double, and is fastened by a ponderous padlock. they are open from a.m. till sunset, excepting between nine and ten and between three and four, when the stores are closed for breakfast and dinner; the merchants never trusting their clerks, even when they have any, which is not usually the case. they have no fixed price, but get what they can. the majority know nothing of wholesale, and refuse to sell by the quantity, fearing a cheat. an indian woman will sell you a real's worth of oranges any number of times, but she would object to parting with a dollar's worth--her arithmetic can not comprehend it. in the _portals_ or arcades of the aguirre mansion and the nuncio's palace are the stalls of the haberdashers. articles are not wrapped in paper; customers must get them home the best way they can. ladies of the higher class seldom go out shopping, but send for samples. it is considered disgraceful to either sex to be seen carrying any thing through the streets of quito. the common people buy only for immediate wants--a dose of medicine, or a handful of potatoes at a time. nearly all liquids, kerosene as well as wine, are sold by the bottle. there was no bank in quito in , but an attempt has just been made to establish one. the paper money of guayaquil is often at nine per cent. discount in the capital. the currency is silver adulterated with one third of copper. the smallest coin, the calé, is worth about two and a half cents. above that are medios (five cents), reals (ten cents), two, four, and eight reals. eight reals make a soft dollar ($ ); ten reals, a hard dollar ($ ). there is no copper coin--oranges and loaves of bread are sometimes used to make change; and nearly all the gold in circulation are new granada _condors_ and peruvian _onzas_. many of the silver pieces have large holes cut in the centre, so that they resemble rings. government set the example (and the people followed) on the plea that it would prevent the exportation of coin. the plan has succeeded, for it does not pass out of the valley. nearly the only sign of progress is the late introduction of the grape and silk-worm; and these give so much promise of success that the threadbare nobility have already begun to count their coming fortunes. husbandry is more pastoral than agricultural. thousands of cattle are raised on the paramos, but almost wholly for beef. "a dislike to milk (observes humboldt), or at least the absence of its use before the arrival of europeans, was, generally speaking, a feature common to all nations of the new continent, as likewise to the inhabitants of china." some cheese (mostly unpressed curd) and a little butter are made, but in the patriarchal style. only one american churn is in operation; the people insist upon first boiling the milk and then stirring with a spoon. custom is omnipotent here, and its effects hereditary. milking is done at any hour of the day, or whenever milk is wanted. the operation is a formidable one to these bull-fighting people. stopping at a hacienda near peliléo for a drink of milk, we were eye-witness of a comical sight. a mild-looking cow was driven up to the door; the woman, evidently the bravest member of the household, seized the beast by the horns; a boy tied the hind legs with a long rope, and held on to one end of it at a respectful distance; while the father, with outstretched arms, milked into a calabash. agricultural machinery is not in use. the first threshing-machine quito ever saw was made in by some california miners, but it remained unsold when we last saw it. the spade is not known; the nearest approach to it is a crowbar flattened at one end. hoes are clumsy and awkward. yankee plows are bought more as curiosities than for use. many a crooked stick is seen scratching the land, as in egypt, which the cattle drag by their horns. sometimes a number of sharp-nosed hogs are tied together and let into a field, and driven from place to place till the whole is rooted up. corn is planted by making holes in the ground with a stick, and dropping in the seed. the soil and climate of ecuador, so infinitely varied, offer a home to almost every useful plant. the productions of either india could be naturalized on the lowlands, while the highlands would welcome the grains and fruits of europe. but intertropical people do not subdue nature like the civilized men of the north; they only pick up a livelihood. spanish americans, like castilians on the banks of the tagus, have a singular antipathy to trees. when garcia moreno made a park of the dusty plaza mayor, he was ridiculed, even threatened. to plant a fruit or shade tree (a thing of foresight and forethought for others) in a land where people live for self, and from hand to mouth, is considered downright folly in theory and practice. a large portion of the valley, left treeless, is becoming less favorable for cultivation. yet, as it is, the traveler is charmed by the emerald verdure of the coast, and by "evergreen quito"--more beautiful than the hanging gardens of babylon--suspended far above the ordinary elevation of the clouds. in the san francisco market we find wheat, barley, maize, beans, peas, potatoes, cabbages, beets, salads, pine-apples, chirimoyas, guavas, oranges, lemons, pears, quinces, peaches, apricots, melons, and strawberries--the last all the year round. most of these are exotics; the early discoverers found not a cereal grain of the old world, not an orange or apple, no sugar-cane or strawberries.[ ] [footnote : the vase is still shown in which father rixi brought the first wheat from europe. it was sown in what is now the san francisco plaza, the chief market-place of the city.] there is but little manufacturing industry in the interior of ecuador, but much more than on the coast. the chief articles manufactured are straw hats, shoes, baskets, carpets, embroidery, tape, thread, ponchos, coarse woolen and cotton cloth, saddles, sandals, soap, sugar, cigars, aguardiente, powder, sweetmeats, carved images, paints, and pottery. wines, crockery, glassware, cutlery, silks, and fine cloth are imported. there are three cotton mills in the country; one in chillo (established by señors aguirre in ), another in otovalo (built by señor parija in ), and a third in cuenca ( ). the machinery of the chillo factory came from england; that of otovalo from patterson, n.j. the latter was utterly destroyed in the late great earthquake, and the proprietor killed. the cotton is inferior to that of new orleans; it is not "fat," as mechanics say; the seeds yield only two per cent. of oil. but it is whiter than american cotton, though coarse, and can be used only for very ordinary fabrics. the average length is five eighths of an inch. one pod will produce on an average three pennyweights. the mills of chillo and otovalo consume , pounds annually. the first sugar-mill was erected by the aguirres in at nanegal. [illustration: indian dwellings.] quito is more than a century behind this age of steam and lightning. to form an adequate idea of the mechanic and fine arts in that "city of the kings," we must transport ourselves to the saxon period of european civilization. both the material and the construction of the houses would craze sir christopher wren. with fine quarries close at hand, they must build with mud mixed with stones, or plastered on wattles, like the druses of mount lebanon. living on the equatorial line and on the meridian so accurately measured by the highest mathematics of france and spain, quitonians must needs leave out every right angle or straight line in the walls, and every square beam and rafter. except on the grand road from quito to ambato, commenced by president moreno, there is not a wheel-barrow to be seen; paving-stones, lime, brick, and dirt, are usually carried on human backs. saint crispin never had the fortitude to do penance in the shoes of quito, and the huge nails which enter into the hoofs of the quadrupedants remind one of the cyclops. there are not six carts in quito. if you wish to move, you must coax a dozen indians, who care little for your money or your threats. horse-hire, peonage, and most mechanical work must be paid for in advance. carriages--antique vehicles, of which there are two or three in the city--are drawn by mules. the first was introduced by señor aguirre so late as , and he was fined by the police for the privilege of riding in it. quitonians are not a traveling people, and they are painfully ignorant of their own country. the most enterprising merchant ignores every thing but quito and the road to guayaquil. we can not praise the musical talent of spanish americans; their intonation is too nasal, while in their jumpings and chirpings they take after the grasshopper. a resident englishman, who has traveled in many countries, and sings the songs of nearly every nation, told us he could not remember one of ecuador. pianos they have brought over the mountains at great expense; but they are more at home with the guitar. the embroidery and lace, wood carving and portrait painting of quito, are commendable; but the grandeur of the andes, like the beauty of the alps, was never sketched by a native. ecuador boasts of one university and eleven colleges; yet the people are not educated. literature, science, philosophy, law, medicine, are only names. nearly all young gentlemen are doctors of something; but their education is strangely dwarfed, defective, and distorted; and their knowledge, such as they have, is without power, as it is without practice. the university of quito has two hundred and eighty-five students, of whom thirty-five are pursuing law, and eighteen medicine. there are eleven professors. they receive no fees from the students, but an annual salary of $ . the library contains eleven thousand volumes, nearly all old latin, spanish, and french works. the cabinet is a bushel of stones cast into one corner of a lumber-room, covered with dust, and crying out in vain for a man in the university to name them. the college of tacunga has forty-five students; a fine chemical and philosophical apparatus, but no one to handle it; and a set of rocks from europe, but only a handful from ecuador. the college of riobamba has four professors, and one hundred and twenty students. in the common schools, the pupils study in concert aloud, arab fashion. there are four papers in the republic; two in guayaquil, one in cuenca, and one in quito. _el nacional_, of the capital, is an official organ, not a newspaper; it contains fourteen duodecimo pages, and is published occasionally by the minister of the interior. like the _gazeta_ of madrid, it is one of the greatest satires ever deliberately published by any people on itself. there is likewise but one paper in cuzco, _el triumfo del pueblo_. the amusements of quito are few, and not very amusing. indo-castilian blood runs too slowly for merry-making. there are no operas or concerts, no theatres or lectures, no museums or menageries. for dramas they have revolutions; for menageries, bull-baitings. a bull-bait is not a bull-fight. there is no coliseum or amphitheatre; no _matador_ gives the scientific death-wound. unlike their fraternity in the ring of seville, where they are doomed to die, the animals are only doomed to be pothered; they are "scotched, not killed." they are teased and tormented by yelling crowds, barking dogs, brass bands, red ponchos, tail-pulling, fire-crackers, wooden lances, and such like. the plaza de toros is the plaza de san francisco. this sport is reserved for the most notable days in the calendar: christmas, new year's, inauguration-day, and independence-day--the th of august. cock-fights come next in popularity, and are _bona fide_ fights. often the roosters are so heroic that both leave their blood in the arena, and never crow again. little knives are fastened to the natural spurs, with which the fowls cut each other up frightfully. the interesting scene takes place on sundays and thursdays, near the church of santa catalina, and is regulated by a municipal tribunal. the admission fee of five cents, and the tax of two per cent. on bets, yield the city a monthly revenue of $ . other pastimes are carnivals and masquerades. carnival is observed by pelting one another with eggs and sprinkling with water. whoever invented this prelude to lent should be canonized. masquerades occur during the holidays, when all classes, in disguise or fancy dress, get up a little fun at each other's expense. the monotony of social life is more frequently disturbed by fashionable funerals than by these amusements; and, as the principal families are inter-related, the rules of condolence keep the best part of society in mourning, and the best pianos and guitars silent for at least six months in the year. a word about the ladies of quito. we concur in the remark of our minister, mr. hassaurek, that "their natural dignity, gracefulness, and politeness, their entire self-possession, their elegant but unaffected bearing, and the choiceness of their language, would enable them to make a creditable appearance in any foreign drawing-room." their natural talents are of a high order; but we must add that the señoras are uneducated, and are incapable of either great vices or great virtues. their minds, like the soil of their native country, are fertile, but uncultivated; and their hearts, like the climate, are of a mean temperature. prayer-books and french novels (imported, as wanted, for there is not a book-store in the city) are the alpha and the omega of their literature; paris is considered the centre of civilization. they are comely, but not beautiful; venus has given her girdle of fascination to few. sensible of this, they paint. holinski gives his impressions by contrasting the fair quitonians with the fairer guayaquilians: "les yeux vifs et ardent, le pied fine et mignon, les teintes chaudes et dorées" distinguish the latter. in the ladies of the high capital there is nothing of this: "les yeux ne lancent pas de flammes, le pied est sans gentillesse, l'epiderme ne reflète pas les rayons du soleil." the ladies on the coast take all possible pains to preserve the small size of the foot; a large foot is held in horror. von tschudi once overheard some ladies extolling in high terms the beauty of an english lady; all their praise, however, ending with this exclamation, "but what a foot! good heavens! it is like a great boat!" gibbon is continually talking of beautiful señoras and señoritas on the andes; surely the lieutenant is in sport.[ ] [footnote : "the young ladies of cuzco are, in general, very beautiful, with regular features, fresh olive complexions, bright eyes full of intelligence, furnished with long lashes, and masses of black hair plaited in two tails."--_markham_.] the ladies of quito give few entertainments for lack of ready money. they spend much of their time in needle-work and gossip, sitting like turkish sultanas on divans or the floor. they do not rise at your entrance or departure. they converse in a very loud, unmusical voice. we never detected bashfulness in the street or parlor. they go to mass every morning, and make visits of etiquette on sundays. they take more interest in political than in domestic affairs. dust and cobwebs are unmistakable signs of indifference. brooms are rarities; such as exist are besoms made of split stick. since our return, we have sent to a quitonian gentleman, by request, a package of broom-corn seed, which, we trust, will be the forerunner of a harvest of brooms and cleaner floors in the high city. not only the lords, but also the ladies, are inveterate smokers. little mats are used for spittoons. [illustration: washerwomen.] perhaps quitonian ladies have too many indian servants about them to keep tidy; seven or eight is the average number for a family. these are married, and occupy the ground floor, which swarms with nude children. they are cheap, thievish, lazy, and filthy. no class, pure-blood or half-breed, is given to ablution, though there are two public baths in the city. washerwomen repair to the machángara, where they beat the dirty linen of quito over the smooth rocks. we remember but two or three table-cloths which entirely covered the table, and only one which was clean. there are but two daily meals; one does not feel the need of more; they are partaken at nine and three, or an hour earlier than in guayaquil. when two unwashed, uncombed cooks bend over a charcoal fire, which is fanned by a third unkempt individual, and all three blinded by smoke (for there is no chimney), so that it is not their fault if capillaries and something worse are mingled with the stew, with onions to right of them, onions to left of them, onions in front of them, and _achote_ already in the pot in spite of your repeated anathemas and expostulations--_achote_, the same red coloring matter which the wild indians use for painting their bodies and dyeing their cloth--and with several aboriginal wee ones romping about the kitchen, keen must be the appetite that will take hold with alacrity as the dishes are brought on by the most slovenly waiter imagination can body forth.[ ] the aim of ecuadorian cookery is to eradicate all natural flavor; you wouldn't know you were eating chicken except by the bones. even coffee and chocolate somehow lose their fine guayaquilian aroma in this high altitude, and the very pies are stuffed with onions. but the beef, minus the garlic, is most excellent, and the _dulce_ unapproachable. [footnote : we noticed at riobamba a custom which formerly prevailed also at quito. as soon as the guests have finished, and before they have risen, the indian waiter kneels devoutly down beside the table, and offers thanks in a very solemn, touching tone.] chapter v. ecuador.--extent.--government.--religion.--a protestant cemetery in quito.--climate.--regularity of tropical nature.--diseases on the highlands. the republic of ecuador looks like a wedge driven into the continent between the marañon and the putumayo. it has miles of pacific coast, and an area of about two hundred thousand square miles, including the galápagos islands. peru, however, claims the oriental half, drawing her northern boundary from tumbez through canélos and archidona; and she is entitled to much of it, for she has established a regular line of steamers on the marañon, while the quito government has not developed an acre east of the andes. ecuador is hung between and upon two cordilleras, which naturally divide it into three parts: the western slope, the quitonian valley, and the napo region. the fluvial system is mainly made up of the napo, pastassa, and santiago, tributaries of the marañon, and the mira, esmeraldas, and guayaquil, flowing westward into the pacific. there are no lakes proper, but the natives enumerate fifty-five lagunes, the largest of which, capucuy, is not over five miles long. villavicencio tells the world that his country has a total population of , , . but dr. jameson believes it does not exceed , . the government is based on the constitution of , amended in . the president is chosen by a plurality of votes, holds his office for four years, and has a salary of $ , . he can not be re-elected,[ ] nor can he exercise his functions more than twenty-five miles from the capital. but the law is often set aside by those in power. during the administration of garcia moreno, prominent citizens were shot or banished by his order, without trial by jury. to every plea for mercy the stern president replied, that as he could not save the country according to the constitution, he should govern it according to his own views of public necessity. [footnote : since this was written, garcia moreno has been re-elected to the presidency and the constitution revised.] congress assembles on the th of september every other year, and consists of eighteen senators and thirty representatives. the chambers are small, and literally barren of ornament. the members sit in two rows facing each other, have no desks, and give an affirmative vote by a silent bow. politics has less to do with principles and parties than with personalities. often it has a financial aspect; and the natural expression on learning of a revolution is, "somebody is out of money." the party in feathers its nest as fast as possible; there is scarcely a public officer who is not open to bribery. the party out plots a premature resurrection to power by the ladders of corruption, slander, and revolution.[ ] revolution has so rapidly followed revolution that history has ceased to count them; and it may be said of them what milton wrote of the wars of the saxon heptarchy, "that they are not more worthy of being recorded than the skirmishes of crows and kites." the grand plaza, the heart where all the great arteries of circulation meet and diverge, is where the high tides of quito affairs ebb and flow. [footnote : government has more than once paid its debts by repudiation. congress lately voted to pay only seven per cent. of the claims against the state which are dated prior to a certain year. among the sufferers is the venerable dr. jameson, a distinguished foreigner, who has served this country faithfully for forty years, first as assayer, then as director of the mint, and always by his scientific position.] the supreme court consists of five judges. criminal cases only are tried by jury; and an attorney is not permitted to question a witness. there are no penitentiaries: second-class criminals are made to work for the public, while political offenders are banished to the banks of the napo, or to peru. here, as in no other country, every man's house is his castle. no search-warrants are allowed; a policeman can be shot dead on the threshold. the person and property of a foreigner are safe; and no native in the employ of a foreigner can be taken by the government for military purposes. all, except pure indians, can vote if over twenty-one, and can read and write. a man's signature is without value if it lacks his flourish--a custom of spanish origin. the permanent army consists of two regiments. the soldiers are mostly half-breeds, and are generally followed by their wives. they are poorly paid; and as they are impressed into the service, they carry out the principle by helping themselves wherever they go. in marching, they have a quicker step than northern soldiers. the chief expenditure of the republic is for the army, about $ , ; the next is for the payment of the national debt, $ , . the foreign debt is £ , , . ecuadorians claim a revenue of a million and a half, of which one half is from the custom-house, and one fiftieth from the post-office. one would suppose that the people who breathe this high atmosphere, and enjoy this delightful climate, and are surrounded by all that is truly grand and beautiful, would have some corresponding virtues. but we find that nature, here as every where, has mingled base and noble elements. the lofty mountains, bearing in their steadfastness the seal of their appointed symbol--"god's righteousness is like the great mountains"--look down upon one of the lowest and most corrupt forms of republican government on earth;[ ] their snowy summits preach sermons on purity to quitonian society, but in vain; and the great thoughts of god written all over the andes are unable to lift this proud capital out of the mud and mire of mediæval ignorance and superstition. the established religion is the narrowest and most intolerant form of romanism. mountains usually have a more elevating, religious influence than monotonous plains. the olympian mythology of the greek was far superior to the beastly worship on the banks of the nile. and yet at the very feet of glorious chimborazo and pichincha we see a nation bowing down to little images of the rudest sculpture with a devotion that reminds us of the middle ages. [footnote : asking the late chilian minister for his view of the rank of the different south american states, he gave us this order: chile, brazil, argentine republic, venezuela, new granada, central america, mexico, peru, bolivia, ecuador.] [illustration: ecclesiastics.] the belief is called _la fe_, or the only true one. the oath of a protestant is not regarded in courts of law. one fourth of quito is covered by convents and churches. the convents alone number fifty-seven, and are very extensive, sometimes spreading over eight or nine acres. the church revenue amounts to $ , . there are more than four hundred priests, monks, and nuns in the capital. the native ecclesiastics are notorious for their ignorance and immorality. "it is a very common thing (says dr. terry) for a curate to have a whole flock of orphan nephews and nieces, the children of an imaginary brother." there is one ex-president who has the reputation of tying a spur on the leg of a game-cock better even than a curate. the imported jesuits are the most intelligent and influential clergy. they control the universities and colleges, and education generally. active and intellectual, though not learned, they have infused new life into the fat indolence of the spanish system. men of this world rather than the next, they have adopted a purely mundane policy, abjured the gloomy cowl, raised gorgeous temples, and say, "he that cometh unto us shall in no wise lose heaven." their chief merit, however, is the discovery of the turkey and quinine. the protestant in quito is annoyed by an everlasting jingling of bells and blowing of bugles night and day. the latter are blown every third hour. the bells are struck by boys, not rung. a bishop, returning from a visit to london, was asked if there were any good bells in england. "very fine," he replied, "but there is not a man there who knows how to ring them." foreign machinery is sprinkled with holy water to neutralize the inherent heresy; but a miller, for example, will charge more for his flour after the baptism. lotteries are countenanced by both church and state, and in turn help support them; we saw one "grand scheme" carried out on the cathedral terrace and defended by bayonets. at half past nine in the morning all quito is on its knees, as the great bell of the cathedral announces the elevation of the host. the effect is astonishing. riders stop their horses; foot-passengers drop down on the pavement; the cook lets go her dishes and the writer his pen; the merchant lays aside his measure and the artisan his tool; the half-uttered oath (_carájo_!) dies on the lips of the cholo; the arm of the cruel zambo, unmercifully beating his donkey, is paralyzed; and the smart repartee of the lively donna is cut short. the solemn stillness lasts for a minute, when the bell tolls again, and all rise to work or play. holidays are frequent. processions led by a crucifix or wooden image are attractive sights in this dull city, simply because little else is going on. occasionally a girl richly dressed to represent the humble mother of god is drawn about in a carriage, and once a year the figures of the virgin belonging to different churches are borne with much pomp to the plaza, where they bow to each other like automatons. "this is a bad country to live in, and a worse one to die in," said dr. jameson. but times have changed, even in fossil quito. through the efforts of our late minister, hon. w.t. coggeshall, the bigoted government has at last consented to inclose a quarter of an acre outside the city for the subterranean burial of heretics. the cemetery is on the edge of the beautiful plain of iñaquito, and on the right of the road leading to guápolo. "what a shame," said a quitonian lady of position, "that there should be a place to throw protestant dogs!" on st. nathaniel's day died colonel phineas staunton, vice-chancellor of ingham university, new york. an artist by profession, and one of very high order, colonel staunton joined our expedition to sketch the glories of the andes, but he fell a victim to the scourge of the lowlands one week after his arrival in quito. we buried him at noon-day[ ] in the new cemetery, "wherein was never man laid," and by the act consecrated the ground. peace to his ashes; honor to his memory. that th of september, , was a new day in the annals of quito. on that day the imperial city beheld, for the first time in three centuries, the decent burial of a protestant in a protestant cemetery. somewhere, mingled with the ashes of pichincha, is the dust of atahuallpa, who was buried in his beloved quito at his own request after his murder in caxamarca. but dearer to us is that solitary grave; the earth is yet fresh that covers the remains of one of nature's noblemen. [footnote : this was a new thing under the sun. quitonians "bury at dead of night, with lanterns dimly burning." the dirges sung as the procession winds through the streets are extremely plaintive, and are the most touching specimens of ecuadorian music. the corpse, especially of a child, is often carried in a chair in a sitting posture. the wealthy class wall up their dead in niches on the side of pichincha, hypothetically till the resurrection, but really for two years, when, unless an additional payment is made, the bones are thrown into a common pit and the coffin burnt. to prevent this, a few who can afford it embalm the deceased. one of the most distinguished citizens of quito keeps his mummified father at his hacienda, and annually dresses him up in a new suit of clothes!] turn we now to a more delightful topic than the politics and religion of quito. the climate is perfect. fair italy, with her classic prestige and ready access, will long be the land of promise to travelers expatriated in search of health. but if ever the ancients had reached this andean valley, they would have located here the elysian fields, or the seat of "the blessed, the happy, and long-lived" of anacreon.[ ] no torrid heat enervates the inhabitant of this favored spot; no icy breezes send him shivering to the fire. nobody is sun-struck; nobody's buds are nipped by the frost. stoves and chimneys, starvation and epidemics, are unknown. it is never either spring, summer, or autumn, but each day is a combination of all three. the mean annual temperature of quito is °. , the same as madrid, or as the month of may in paris. the average range in twenty-four hours is about °. the coldest hour is a.m.; the warmest between and p.m. the extremes in a year are ° and °; those of moscow are- ° and °. it is a prevalent opinion that since the great earthquake of the temperature has been lower. "it was suddenly reduced (says the _encycl. metropolitana_) from ° or ° to ° or °"--a manifest error. the natives say that since the _terremote_ of the seasons have not commenced so regularly, nor are they so well defined; there are more rainy days in summer than before. it remains to be seen whether the late convulsion has affected the climate. [footnote : in the mountain-town of caxamarca, farther south, there were living in seven persons aged , , , , , , and . one of them, when he died, left behind him eight hundred living descendants to mourn his loss. we confess, however, that we saw very few old persons in quito. foreigners outlive the natives, because they live a more regular and temperate life.] the mean diurnal variation of the barometer is only . . so regular is the oscillation, as likewise the variations of the magnetic needle, that the hour may be known within fifteen minutes by the barometer or compass. such is the clock-like order of nature under the equator, that even the rains, the most irregular of all meteorological phenomena in temperate zones, tell approximately the hour of the day. the winds, too, have an orderly march--the ebb and flow of an aerial ocean. no wonder watch-tinkers can not live where all the forces in nature keep time. nobody talks about the weather; conversation begins with benedictions or compliments. the greatest variations of the thermometer occur in autumn, and the greatest quantity of rain falls in april.[ ] while on the western side of the andes, south of the equator, the dry season extends from june to january, on the eastern side of the cordillera the seasons are reversed, the rain lasting from march to november. the climate of the central valley is modified by this opposition of seasons on either side of it, as also by the proximity of snowy peaks. nine such peaks stand around quito within a circle of thirty miles. the prevailing winds in summer are from the northeast; in the winter the southwest predominate. [footnote : the mean annual fall of rain at quito is inches. " " " " charleston is . inches. " " " " new york is . " " " " " albany is . " " " " " montreal is " " " " " madrid is . " ] there are only three small drug-stores in the great city of quito. the serpent is used as the badge of apothecary art. physicians have no offices, nor do they, as a general rule, call upon their patients. when an invalid is not able to go to the doctor, he is expected to die. yellow fever, cholera, and consumption are unknown; while intermittent fevers, dysentery, and liver complaints, so prevalent on the coast, are uncommon. the ordinary diseases are catarrhal affections and typhoid fever. cases of inflammation of the lungs are rare; more coughing may be heard during a sunday service in a new england meeting-house than in six months in quito. the diseases to which the monks of st. bernard are liable are pulmonary, and the greater number become asthmatic. asthma is also common in quito, while phthisis increases as we descend to the sea. individuals are often seen with a handkerchief about the jaws, or bits of plaster on the temples; these are afflicted with headache or toothache, resulting from a gratified passion for sweetmeats, common to all ages and classes. digestive disorders are somewhat frequent (contrary to the theory in europe), but they spring from improper food and sedentary habits. the _cuisine_ of the country does not tempt the stomach to repletion, and the climate is decidedly peptic. so the typhoid fever of quito is due to filth, poor diet, and want of ventilation. corpulency, especially among the men, is astonishingly rare. according to dr. lombard, mountain districts favor the development of diseases of the heart; and contagious diseases are not arrested by the atmosphere of lofty regions. this is true in quito. but while nervous diseases are rare in the inhabited highlands of europe, in quito they are common. sleep is said to be more tranquil and refreshing, and the circulation more regular at high altitudes; but our experience does not sustain this. goître is quite common among the mountains. it is a sign of constitutional weakness, for the children of goîtred parents are usually deaf and dumb, and the succeeding generation idiots. boussingault thinks it is owing to the lack of atmospheric air in the water; but why is it nearly confined to the women? in the southern provinces about cuenca, cutaneous affections are quite frequent. in the highlands generally, scrofulous diseases are more common than in the plains. there are three hospitals for lepers; one at cuenca with two hundred patients, one at quito with one hundred and twelve patients, and one at ambato. near riobamba is a community of dwarfs. d'orbigny made a _post-mortem_ examination of some indians from the highest regions, and found the lungs of extraordinary dimensions, the cells larger and more in number. hence the unnatural proportion of the trunk, which is plainly out of harmony with the extremities. the expanded chest of the mountaineers is evidently the result of larger inspirations to secure the requisite amount of oxygen, which is much less in a given space at quito than on the coast. this is an instance, observes prichard, of long-continued habit, and the result of external agencies modifying the structure of the body, and with it the state of the most important functions of life. we tried the experiment of burning a candle one hour at guayaquil, and another part of the same candle for the same period at quito. temperature at guayaquil, °; at quito, °. the loss at guayaquil was grains; at quito, , or grains less at the elevation of feet. acoustics will also illustrate the thinness of the air. m. godin found ( ) that a nine-pounder could not be heard at the distance of , feet; and that an eight-pounder at paris, at the distance of , feet, was louder than a nine-pounder at quito at the distance of , feet. according to dr. archibald smith, the power of muscular exertion in a native of the coast is greatly increased by living at the height of , feet. but it is also asserted by observing travelers that dogs and bulls lose their combativeness at , feet, and that hence there can never be a good bull-fight or dog-fight on the sierras. this is literally true: the dogs seem to partake of the tameness of their masters. cats do not flourish at all in high altitudes; and probably the lion, transplanted from the low jungle to the table-lands, would lose much of his ferocity. still, cock-fights seem to prosper; and the battle of pichincha was fought on an elevation of nearly , feet. bolivar and the spaniards, also, fought like tigers on the high plain of junin.[ ] [footnote : gibbon states that the temperature of the blood of a young bull in cuzco was °; air, °. at the base of the andes a similar experiment resulted in ° for the blood, air °. the lieutenant jocosely adds: "the spaniards have forced the hog so high up on the andes that he suffers every time he raises his bristles, and dies out of place."--puna has been attributed to the presence of arsenical vapor.] the sickness felt by some travelers at great elevations--violent headache and disposition to vomit--is called _veta_; and the difficulty of breathing from the rarity of the air is termed _puna_. gerard complained of severe headache and depression of spirits at the height of , feet on the himalayas; dr. barry, in ascending mont blanc ( , feet), speaks of great thirst, great dryness and constriction of skin, loss of appetite, difficult breathing, tendency to syncope, and utter indifference. baron müller, in his ascent of orizava ( , feet), found great difficulty in breathing, and experienced the sensation of a red-hot iron searing his lungs, and agonizing pains in the chest, followed by fainting-fits and torrents of blood from his mouth; humboldt, in scaling chimborazo, suffered from nausea akin to sea-sickness, and a flow of blood from the nose and lips; while herndon, on the slope of puy-puy ( , feet), said he thought his heart would break from his breast with its violent agitation. though ascending the andes to the height of , feet, and running up the last few rods, we experienced nothing of this except a temporary difficulty in respiration. we were exhilarated rather than depressed. the experience of darwin on the portillo ridge ( , feet) was only "a slight tightness across the head and chest." "there was some imagination even in this (he adds); for, upon finding fossil shells on the highest ridge, i entirely forgot the puna in my delight." de saussure says truly: "the strength is repaired as speedily as it has been exhausted. merely a cessation of movement for three or four minutes, without even seating one's self, seems to restore the strength so perfectly that, on resuming progress, one feels able to climb at a single stretch to the very peak of the mountain." chapter vi. astronomic virtues of quito.--flora and fauna of the valley of quito.--primeval inhabitants of the andes.--quichua indians. quito, with a position unparalleled for astronomical purposes, has no observatory. the largest telescope in the city is about five feet long, but the astute professor of natural philosophy in the jesuit college who has charge of it had not the most distant idea that an eclipse of the sun would occur on the th of august, and an eclipse of the moon fifteen days later. in ancient days this "holy city" had within it the pillar of the sun, which cast no shadow at noon, and a temple was built for the god of light. the title of the sovereign inca was the child of the sun; but there was very little knowledge of astronomy, for, being the national religion, it was beyond the reach of scientific speculation. the atmosphere of quito is of transparent clearness. humboldt saw the poncho of a horseman with the naked eye at a horizontal distance of ninety thousand feet. the sky is of a dark indigo color; the azure is less blended with white because of the extreme dryness of the air. the stars stand out with uncommon brilliancy, and the dark openings between them the great german compared to "tubes through which we look into the remotest depths of space." it is true at quito, as humboldt noticed at cumana, that the stars do not twinkle when they are more than fifteen degrees high; "the soft planetary light" of the stars overhead is not mere rhetoric. living under the equatorial line, quitonians enjoy the peculiar privilege of beholding the stars of both hemispheres, the guiding stars of ursa major as well as the magellanic clouds and southern cross, not omitting that black spot near the latter, "the unappropriated region in the skies reserved by manager bingham for deposed american presidents." the zodiacal light here appears in all its glory. this strange phenomenon has long puzzled philosophers, and they are still divided. it is generally considered to be produced by a continuous zone of infinitesimal asteroids. the majority place this zone beyond the orbit of the earth, and concentric with the sun. but rev. george jones, of philadelphia, who has spent several years in observing this light, including eight months in quito, considers it geocentric, and possibly situated between the earth and its satellite. at new york only a short pyramidal light, and this only at certain seasons, is to be seen; but here, an arch twenty degrees wide, and of considerable intensity, shoots up to the zenith, and mr. jones affirms that a complete arch is visible at midnight when the ecliptic is at right angles to the spectator's horizon. we have not been so fortunate as to see it pass the zenith; and professor barnard contends that it never does pass. we may remark that the main part of the zodiacal light shifts to the south side of the celestial equator as we cross the line. to us the most magnificent sight in the tropical heavens is the "milky way," especially near sobieski's shield, where it is very luminous. we observed that this starry tract divided at [greek: a] centauri, as herschel says, and not at [greek: b], as many maps and globes have it. the brightest stars in the southern hemisphere follow the direction of a great circle passing through [greek: e] orionis and [greek: a] crucis. another thing which arrests the attention of the traveler is the comparatively well-defined boundary-line between day and night. the twilight at quito lasts only an hour and a half; on the coast it is still shorter. nor is there any "harvest moon," the satellite rising with nearly equal intervals of forty-eight minutes. from the stars we step down to the floral kingdom on the andes, using as our ladder of descent the following sentence from humboldt, at the age of seventy-five: "if i might be allowed to abandon myself to the recollections of my own distant travels, i would instance among the most striking scenes of nature the calm sublimity of a tropical night, when the stars--not sparkling, as in our northern skies--shed their soft and planetary light over the gently heaving ocean; or i would recall the deep valleys of the cordilleras, where the tall and slender palms pierce the leafy veil around them, and wave on high their feathery and arrow-like branches." father velasco praises ecuador as "the noblest portion of the new world." nature has doubtless gifted it with capabilities unsurpassed by those of any other country. situated on the equinoctial line, and embracing within its limits some of the highest as well as lowest dry land on the globe, it presents every grade of climate, from the perpetual summer on the coast and in the orient to the everlasting winter of the andean summits, while the high plateau between the cordilleras enjoys an eternal spring. the vegetable productions are consequently most varied and prolific. tropical, temperate, and arctic fruits and flowers are here found in profusion, or could be successfully cultivated. as the ecuadorian sees all the constellations of the firmament, so nature surrounds him with representatives of every family of plants. there are places where the eye may embrace an entire zone, for it may look up to a barley-field and potato-patch, and down to the sugar-cane and pine-apple. confining our attention to the quito valley, we remark that the whole region from pichincha to chimborazo is as treeless as palestine. the densest forest is near baños. the most common tree is the "aliso" (_betula acuminata_). walnut is the best timber. there are no pines or oaks.[ ] the slopes of the mountains, between twelve and fifteen thousand feet, are clothed with a shrub peculiar to the high altitudes of the andes, called _chuquiragua_. this is a very valuable shrub; the twigs are used for fuel, and the yellow buds as a febrifuge. the castor-oil-tree grows naturally by the road side, sometimes to the height of twelve feet. [footnote : on the himalayas are oaks, birches, pines, chestnuts, maples, junipers, and willows; no tree-ferns, bamboos, or palms.] a very useful as well as the most ordinary plant in the valley is the american aloe, or "century plant."[ ] it is the largest of all herbs. not naturally social, it imparts a melancholy character to the landscape as it rises solitary out of the arid plain. most of the roads are fenced with aloe hedges. while the majority of tropical trees have naked stems with a crown of leaves on the top, the aloe reverses this, and looks like a great chandelier as its tall peduncle, bearing greenish-yellow flowers, rises out of a graceful cluster of long, thick, fleshy leaves. when cultivated, the aloe flowers in much less time than a century; but, exhausted by the efflorescence, it soon dies. nearly every part serves some purpose; the broad leaves are used by the poorer class instead of paper in writing, or for thatching their huts; sirup flows out of the leaves when tapped, and, as they contain much alkali, a soap (which lathers with salt water as well as fresh) is also manufactured from them; the flowers make excellent pickles; the flower-stalk is used in building; the pith of the stem is used by barbers for sharpening razors; the fibres of the leaves and the roots are woven into sandals and sacks; and the sharp spines are used as needles. a species of yucca, resembling the aloe, but with more slender leaves and of a lighter green, yields the hemp of ecuador. [footnote : the _agava americana_ of botanists, _cabulla_ of ecuadorians, _maguey_ of venezuelans, and _metl_ of mexicans. it is an interesting fact, brought to light by the researches of carl neuman, that the chinese in the fifth century passed over to america by way of the aleutian islands, and penetrated as far south as mexico, which they called the land of _fusung_, that being the celestial name of the aloe. terzozomoc, the high-priest of the ancient mexicans, gave aloe leaves, inscribed with sacred characters, to persons who had to journey among the volcanoes, to protect them from injury.] the "crack fruit" of quito, and, in fact, of south america, is the chirimoya.[ ] its taste is a happy mixture of sweetness and acidity. hanke calls it "a masterwork of nature," and markham pronounces it "a spiritualized strawberry." it grows on a tree about fifteen feet high, having a broad, flat top, and very fragrant flowers. the ripe fruit, often attaining in peru the weight of sixteen pounds, has a thick green skin, and a snow-white pulp containing about seventy black seeds. other pomological productions are alligator pears, guavas, guayavas, granadillas, cherries (a small black variety), peaches (very poor), pears (equally bad), plums, quinces, lemons, oranges (not native), blackberries, and strawberries (large, but flavorless).[ ] the cultivation of the grape has just commenced. of vegetables there are onions (in cookery, "the first, and last, and midst, and without end"), beets, carrots, asparagus, lettuce, cabbages, turnips, tomatoes (indigenous, but inferior to ours), potatoes (also indigenous, but much smaller than their descendants),[ ] red peppers, peas (always picked ripe, while green ones are imported from france!), beans, melons, squashes, and mushrooms. the last are eaten to a limited extent; terra del fuego, says darwin, is the only country in the world where a cryptogamic plant affords a staple article of food. [footnote : bollaert derives the name from _chiri_ (cold) and _muhu_ (seed).] [footnote : dr. jameson has found the following species of _rubus_ in the valley of quito: _macrocarpus_, _stipularis_, _glabratus_, _compactus_, _glaucus_, _rosæflorus_, _loxensis_, _urticæfolius_, _floribundus_, and _nubigenus_. the common strawberry, _fragaria vesca_, grows in the valley, as also the _chilensis_.] [footnote : lieutenant gilliss praises the potatoes of peru, but we saw no specimens in ecuador worthy of note. the "irish potato" is a native of the andes. it was unknown to the early mexicans. it grows as far south on this continent as lat. °. the spaniards carried the potato to europe from quito early in the sixteenth century. from spain it traveled to italy, belgium, and germany. sir walter raleigh imported some from virginia in , and planted them on his estate near cork, ireland. it is raised in asiatic countries only where europeans have settled, and for their consumption. it is successfully grown in australia and new zealand, where there is no native esculent farinaceous root. von tschudi says there is no word in quichua for potato. it is called _papa_ by the napos.] the most important grains are barley, red wheat, and corn, with short ears, and elongated kernels of divers colors. near the coast three crops of corn a year are obtained; at quito it is of slower growth, but fuller. the sugar-cane is grown sparingly in the valley, but chiefly on the pacific coast. its home is polynesia. quito consumes about one hundred and fifty barrels of flour daily. the best sells for four dollars a quintal. the common fodder for cattle is alfalfa, an imported lucerne. there is no clover except a wild, worthless, three-leaved species (_trifolium amabile_). nearly all in the above list are cultivated for home consumption only, and many valuable fruits and vegetables which would grow well are unknown to quitonians. as bates says of the brazilians, the incorrigible nonchalance and laziness of the people alone prevent them from surrounding themselves with all the luxuries of a temperate as well as tropical country. it would be an endless task to speak of the flowers. it must suffice to state that a _synopsis plantarum Æquatoriensium_, the life-work of the venerable professor jameson, of the university of quito, has just been published by the tardy government. botanists will find in these two small volumes many new species unknown to american science, and others more correctly described by one who has dwelt forty years among the andes. the last zone of vegetation nearest the snow-line consists chiefly of yellow-flowering _compositæ_. in fact, this family includes one fourth of the plants in the immediate vicinity of quito. the next most numerous family is the _labiatæ_, and then follow _leguminosæ_ and _gentians_. although the _rosaceæ_ is represented, there is not one species of the genus _rosa_ not even in the whole southern hemisphere. the magnificent _befaria_, found in the lower part of the valley, is called "the rose of the andes." fuchsias may be considered characteristic of south america, since they are so numerous; only one or two kinds occur in any other part of the world. flowers are found in quito all the year round, but the most favorable months are december and may. yellow is the predominating color. the higher the altitude, the brighter the hues of any given species. thus the _gentiana sedifolia_ is a small, light blue flower in the lowlands, but on the assuay it has bright blue petals three times as large and sensitive. this accords with herschel's statement: "the chemical rays of the spectrum are powerfully absorbed in passing through the atmosphere, and the effect of their greater abundance aloft is shown in the superior brilliancy of color in the flowers of alpine regions." america is plainly the continent of vegetation; and wherever the vegetable element predominates, the animal is subordinated. we must not look, therefore, for a large amount or variety of animal life in the ecuadorian forests. time was when colossal megatheroids, mastodons, and glyptodons browsed on the foliage of the andes and the amazon; but now the terrestrial mammals of this tropical region are few and diminutive. they are likewise old-fashioned, inferior in type as well as bulk to those of the eastern hemisphere, for america was a finished continent long before europe. "it seems most probable (says darwin) that the north american elephants, mastodons, horse, and hollow-horned ruminants migrated, on land since submerged near behring's straits, from siberia into north america, and thence, on land since submerged in the west indies, into south america, where for a time they mingled with the forms characteristic of that southern continent, and have since become extinct."[ ] the rise of the mexican table-land split up the new world into two well-defined zoological provinces. a few species, as the puma, peccari, and opossum, have crossed the barrier; but south america is characterized by possessing a family of monkeys, the llama, tapir, many peculiar rodents, and several genera of edentates. [footnote : _journal of researches_, p. .] the tapir, the largest native quadruped, is sometimes found on the mountains, but never descends into the quito valley. a link between the elephant and hog, its true home is in the lowlands. the tapir and peccari (also found on the andean slopes) are the only indigenous pachyderms in south america, while the llama[ ] and deer (both abounding in the valley) are the only native ruminants; there is not one native hollow-horned ruminant on the continent. the llama is the only native domesticated animal; indeed, south america never furnished any other animal serviceable to man: the horse, ox, hog, and sheep (two, four, and six-horned), are importations. of these animals, which rendered such important aid in the early civilization of asia and europe, the genera even were unknown in south america four centuries ago; and to-day pure indians with difficulty acquire a taste for beef, mutton, and pork. the llama is still used as a beast of burden; but it seldom carries a quintal more than twelve miles a day. the black bear of the andes ascends as high as mont blanc, and is rarely found below three thousand five hundred feet. the puma, or maneless american lion, has an immense range, both in latitude and altitude, being found from oregon to the straits of magellan, and nearly up to the limit of eternal snow. it is as cowardly as the jaguar of the lowlands is ferocious. it is a very silent animal, uttering no cry even when wounded. its flesh, which is very white, and remarkably like veal in taste, is eaten in patagonia. squirrels, hares, bats (a small species), opossums, and a large guinea-pig (_cuye del monte_), are found in the neighborhood of quito. [footnote : the llama, or "mountain-camel" is a beautiful animal, with long, slender neck and fine legs, a graceful carriage, pointed ears, soft, restless eyes, and quivering lips. it has a gentle disposition; but when angry it will spit, and when hurt will shed tears. we have seen specimens entirely white; but it is generally dark brown, with patches of white. it requires very little food and drink. since the introduction of horses, asses, and mules, the rearing of llamas has decreased. they are more common in peru. the llama, guánaco, alpaca, and vicuña were "the four sheep of the incas:" the first clothing the common people, the second the nobles, the third the royal governors, the fourth the incas. the price of sheep's wool in quito was formerly four cents a pound; it is now twelve.] as only about sixty species of birds are common to north and south america, the traveler from the united states recognizes few ornithic forms in the valley of quito. save the hummers, beautiful plumage is rare, as well as fine songsters. but the moment we descend the eastern cordillera into the interior of the continent, we find the feathered race in robes of richest colors. the exact cause of this brilliant coloring in the tropics is still a problem. it can not be owing to greater light and heat, for the birds of the galápagos islands, directly under the equator, are dull.[ ] [footnote : mr. gould, however, holds that the difference of coloration is due to the different degrees of exposure to the sun's rays, the brilliantly-colored species being inhabitants of the edges of the forest. birds from ucayali, in the centre of the continent, are far more splendid than those which represent them in countries nearer the sea, owing to the clearer atmosphere inland. but it is a fact, at least exceptional to this theory, that the "cock of the rock" (rupicola) on the western side of the andes (esmeraldas) is of a richer, deeper color than the same species on the eastern slope (napo). in keeping with mr. gould's theory is the statement by mr. bates, that the most gaudy butterflies (the males) flutter in the sunshine.] the males, both of birds and butterflies, are the most gaudily dressed. in the highlands the most prominent birds are the condor and the humming-bird. these two extremes in size are found side by side on the summit of pichincha. the condor appears in its glory among the mountains of quito. its ordinary haunt is at the height of etna. no other living creature can remove at pleasure to so great a distance from the earth; and it seems to fly and respire as easily under the low barometric pressure of thirteen inches as at the sea-shore. it can dart in an instant from the dome of chimborazo to the sultry coast of the pacific. it has not the kingly port of the eagle, and is a cowardly robber: a true vulture, it prefers the relish of putrescence and the flavor of death. it makes no nest, but lays two eggs on a jutting ledge of some precipice, and fiercely defends them. the usual spread of wings is nine feet. it does not live in pairs like the eagle, but feeds in flocks like its loathsome relative, the buzzard. it is said to live forty days without food in captivity, but at liberty it is very voracious. the usual method of capture is to kill an old mare (better than horse, the natives say), and allow the bird to gorge himself, when he becomes so sluggish as to be easily lassoed. it is such a heavy sleeper, it is possible to take it from its roost. the evidences in favor of and against its acute smelling powers are singularly balanced. for reasons unknown, the condor does not range north of darien, though it extends its empire through clouds and storms to the straits of magellan. in the inca language it was called _cuntur_, and was anciently an object of worship. the condor, gallinazo, turkey-buzzard, and caracara eagle (says darwin) "in their habits well supply the place of our carrion crows, magpies, and ravens--a tribe of birds widely distributed over the rest of the world, but entirely absent in south america." the condor appears on the gold coins of new granada and chile. of _trochilidæ_ there are hosts. the valley swarms with these "winged jewels" of varied hues, from the emerald green of pichincha to the white of chimborazo. they build long, purse-like nests by weaving together fine vegetable fibres and lichens, and thickly lining them with silk-cotton. in this delicate cradle, suspended from a branch, the female lays two eggs, which are hatched in about twelve days. the eggs are invariably white, with one exception, those of a species on the upper amazon, which are spotted. the young have much shorter bills than their parents. the humming-bird is exclusively american: the nearest form in the old world is the nectarinia, or sunbird. other birds most commonly seen in the valley are: _cyanocitta turcosa_ (jay), _poecilothraupis atrierissa_, _pheuticus chrysogaster_, _chlorospingus superciliaris_, _buthraupis chloronata_, _tanagra darwini_, _dubusia selysia_, _buarremon latinuchus_, and _b. assimilis_. the only geese in the valley are a few imported from europe by señor aguirre, of chillo, and these refuse to propagate. reptiles are so rare in the highlands the class can hardly be said to be represented. during a residence of nearly three months in the quito valley we saw but one snake.[ ] nevertheless, we find the following sentence in such a respectable book as bohn's hand-book of modern geography: "the inhabitants of quito are dreadfully tormented by reptiles, which it is scarcely possible to keep out of the beds!" of frogs there are not enough to get up a choir, and of fishes there is but one solitary species, about a finger long.[ ] the entomology of quito is also brief, much to the satisfaction of travelers from the insectiferous coast. musquitoes and bedbugs do not seem to enjoy life at such an altitude, and jiggers[ ] and flies are rare. fleas, however, have the hardihood to exist and bite in the summer months, and if you attend an indian fair you will be likely to feel something "gently o'er you creeping." but fleas and lice are the only blood-thirsty animals, so that the great valley of quito is an almost painless paradise. of beetles and butterflies there are a few species, the latter belonging for the most part to the familiar north american genera _pyrameis_ and _colias_. at vinces, on the coast, we found the pretty brown butterfly, _anartia jatrophæ_, which ranges from texas to brazil. a light-colored coleopter is eaten roasted by the inhabitants. the cochineal is raised in the southern part of the valley, particularly in guananda, at the foot of tunguragua, where the small, flat-leaved cactus (_opuntia tuna_), on which, the insect feeds, is extensively cultivated. the male is winged, but the female is stationary, fixed to the cactus, and is of a dark brown color. it takes seventy thousand to make a pound, which is sold in the valley for from sixty cents to $ . the best cochineal comes from teneriffe, where it was introduced from honduras in . the silk-worm is destined to work a revolution in the finances of ecuador; quito silk gained a gold medal at the paris exhibition. no bees are hived in the republic; the people seem to be content with treacle. the italian species would undoubtedly thrive here. the bees of ecuador, like all the bees of the new world, are inferior to those of the old world. their cells are not perfectly hexagonal, and their stings are undeveloped. they are seldom seen feeding on flowers. mollusca in the quito valley are not great in number or variety. they belong principally to the genera _bulimus_, _cyclostoma_, and _helix_. the first is as characteristic of the southern continent as _helix_ of the north and _achatina_ of africa. [footnote : _herpetodryas carinatus_, which we observed also at guayaquil and on the marañon. we procured two or three species from the natives, and several new forms from pallatanga, on the west slope.] [footnote : _antelopus lævis_ at ambato, and _a. longirostris_, a new species from antisana hacienda, were the only frogs noticed. the little fish is _pimelodes cyclopum_ (preñadilla of the spaniards, _imba_ of the indians), the same that was thrown out in the eruptions of imbabura and caraguairazo.] [footnote : the jigger, chigoe, or nigua (_pulex penetrans_ of science) is a microscopic flea, that buries itself under the skin and lays a myriad eggs; the result is a painful tumor. jiggers are almost confined to sandy places.] from the animal creation we mount by a short step to the imbruted indian. when and by whom the andes were first peopled is a period of darkness that lies beyond the domain of history. but geology and archæology are combining to prove that sorata and chimborazo have looked down upon a civilization far more ancient than that of the incas, and perhaps coeval with the flint-flakes of cornwall, and the shell-mounds of denmark. on the shores of lake titicaca are extensive ruins which antedate the advent of manco capac, and may be as venerable as the lake-dwellings of geneva. wilson has traced six terraces in going up from the sea through the province of esmeraldas toward quito; and underneath the living forest, which is older than the spanish invasion, many gold, copper, and stone vestiges of a lost population were found. in all cases these relics are situated below high-tide mark, in a bed of marine sediment, from which he infers that this part of the country formerly stood higher above the sea. if this be true, vast must be the antiquity of these remains, for the upheaval and subsidence of the coast is exceedingly slow. philology can aid us little in determining the relations of the primeval quitonians, for their language is nearly obscured by changes introduced by the caras, and afterward by the incas, who decreed that the quichua, the language of elegance and fashion three hundred years ago, should be the universal tongue throughout the empire.[ ] quichua is to-day spoken from the equator to ° s. (except by the aymará people), or by nearly a million and a half. we found it used, corrupted, however, by spanish, at the month of the napo. there are five dialects, of which the purest is spoken in cuzco, and the most impure in quito. the indians of the northern valley are descendants of the ancient quitus, modified by cara and peruvian blood. they have changed little since the invasion of pizarro. they remember their glory under the incas, and when they steal any thing from a white man, they say they are not guilty of theft, as they are only taking what originally belonged to them. some see in their sacred care of incarial relics a lingering hope to regain their political life. we noticed that the pure mountaineers, without a trace of spanish adulteration, wore a black poncho underneath, and we were informed by one well acquainted with their customs that this was in mourning for the inca. we attended an indian masquerade dance at machachi, which seemed to have an historical meaning. it was performed in full view of that romantic mountain which bears the name of the last captain of atahuallpa. there is a tradition that after the death of his chief, rumiñagui burned the capital, and, retiring with his followers to this cordillera, threw himself from the precipice. the masquerade at machachi was evidently intended to keep alive the memory of the incas. three indians, fantastically adorned with embroidered garments, plumed head-dresses, and gold and silver tinsel, representing atahuallpa and his generals, danced to music of the rudest kind, one individual pounding on a drum and blowing on a pipe at the same time. before them went three clowns, or _diablos_, with masks, fit caricatures of the spaniards. like all other indian feasts, this ended in getting gradually and completely drunk. during the ceremony a troop of horsemen, gayly dressed, and headed by one in regimentals with a cocked hat, galloped twice around the plaza, throwing oranges at the people; after which there was a bull-bait. [footnote : "history (says prescott) furnishes few examples of more absolute authority than such a revolution in the language of an empire at the bidding of a master." the pronunciation of quichua requires a harsh, explosive utterance. gibbon says the sound of it to him resembled welsh or irish; that of aymará, english. the letters _b_, _d_, _f_, _g_, and _o_ are wanting in the ancient tongue of quito; _p_ was afterward changed to _b_, _t_ to _d_, _v_ to _f_, _c_ to _g_, and _u_ to _o_: thus chim-pu-razu is now chimborazo. a few words bear a striking analogy to corresponding sanscrit words; as _ynti_, the inca for sun, and _indra_, the hindoo god of the heavens.] the features of the quichuans have a peculiar cast, which resembles, in d'orbigny's opinion, no other american but the mexican, and some ethnologists trace a striking similarity to the natives of van diemen's land. they have an oblong head (longitudinally), somewhat compressed at the sides and occiput; short and very slightly arched forehead; prominent, long, aquiline nose, with large nostrils; large mouth, but not thick lips; beautiful enduring teeth; short chin, but not receding; cheek-bones not prominent; eyes horizontal, and never large; eyebrows long; thick, straight, coarse, yet soft jet black hair; little or no beard; a long, broad, deep, highly-arched chest; small hands and feet; short stature, seldom reaching five feet, and the women still shorter; a mulatto color (olive-brown says d'orbigny, bronze says humboldt), and a sad, serious expression. their broad chests and square shoulders remind one of the gorilla; but we find that, unlike the anthropoid ape, they have very weak arms; their strength lies in their backs and legs. they have shrewdness and penetration, but lack independence and force. we never heard one sing.[ ] always submissive to your face, taking off his hat as he passes, and muttering, "blessed be the altar of god," he is nevertheless very slow to perform. soured by long ill treatment, he will hardly do any thing unless he is compelled. and he will do nothing well unless he is treated as a slave. treat him kindly, and you make him a thief; whip him, and he will rise up to thank you and he your humble servant. a certain curate could never trust his indian to carry important letters until he had given him twenty-five lashes. servile and timid, superstitious and indolent, the quichuans have not half the spirit of our north american indians. it has passed into a proverb that "the indian lives without shame, eats without repugnance, and dies without fear." abject as they are, however, they are not wholly without wit. by a secret telegraph system, they will communicate between quito and riobamba in one hour. when there was a battle in pasto, the indians of riobamba knew of it two hours after, though eighty leagues distant. [footnote : their favorite musical instrument is the _rondador_, a number of reeds of different lengths tied in a row. the "plaintive national songs" which markham heard at cuzco are not sung in ecuador.] the civilization of south america three centuries ago was nearly confined to this andean family, though they had attained only to the bronze period. in the milder character of their ancient religion and gentleness of disposition they are strongly distinguished from the nations that encircled the vale of anahuac, the centre of civilization on the northern continent. but little of this former glory is now apparent. the incas reached an astronomical knowledge which astonished the spaniards, but the quichuans of to-day count vaguely by moons and rains. great is the contrast between the architecture of this century and that in the days of huayna-capac. there are few incarial relics, however, in the valley of quito, for the incas ruled there only half a century. the chief monuments are the tolas or mounds (mostly at cuenca), containing earthen vessels and bronze hatchets and earrings; the _inga-pirrca_, or oval fortress, and the _intihuaicu_, or temple of the sun, near cañar; the _inga-chungana_, a massive stone resembling a sofa, where the inca reposed to enjoy the delightful prospect over the valley of gulán; and remnants of causeways and roads. chapter vii. geological history of south america.--rise of the andes.--creation of the amazon.--characteristic features of the continent.--andean chain.--the equatorial volcanoes. three cycles ago an island rose from the sea where now expands the vast continent of south america. it was the culminating point of the highlands of guiana. for ages this granite peak was the solo representative of dry land in our hemisphere south of the canada hills. in process of time, a cluster of islands rose above the thermal waters. they were the small beginnings of the future mountains of brazil, holding in their laps the diamonds which now sparkle in the crown of dom pedro ii. long protracted eons elapsed without adding a page to the geology of south america. the creator seems to have been busy elsewhere. decorating the north with the gorgeous flora of the carboniferous period, till, in the language of hugh miller, "to distant planets our earth must have shone with a green and delicate ray," he rubbed the picture out, and ushered in the hideous reptilian age, when monstrous saurians, footed, paddled, and winged, were the lords of this lower world. all the great mountain chains were at this time slumbering beneath the ocean. the city of new york was sure of its site; but huge dinotheria wallowed in the mire where now stand the palaces of paris, london, and vienna. at length the morning breaks upon the last day of creation, and the fiat goes forth that the proud waves of the pacific, which have so long washed the table-lands of guiana and brazil, shall be stayed. far away toward the setting sun the white surf beats in long lines of foam against a low, winding archipelago--the western outline of the coming continent. fierce is the fight for the mastery between sea and land, between the denuding power of the waves and the volcanic forces underneath. but slowly--very slowly, yet surely--rises the long chain of islands by a double process; the submarine crust of the earth is cooling, and the rocks are folded up as it shrivels, while the molten material within, pressed out through the crevices, overflows and helps to build up the sea-defiant wall. a man's life would be too short to count even the centuries consumed in this operation. the coast of peru has risen eighty feet since it felt the tread of pizarro: supposing the andes to have risen at this rate uniformly and without interruption, seventy thousand years must have elapsed before they reached their present altitude. but when we consider that, in fact, it was an intermittent movement--alternate upheaval and subsidence--we must add an unknown number of millennia. three times the andes sank hundreds of feet beneath the ocean level, and again were slowly brought up to their present height. the suns of uncounted ages have risen and set upon these sculptured forms, though geologically recent, casting the same line of shadows century after century. a long succession of brute races roamed over the mountains and plains of south america, and died out ages ere man was created. in those pre-adamite times, long before the incas ruled, the mastodon and megatherium, the horse and the tapir, dwelt in the high valley of quito; yet all these passed away before the arrival of the aborigines: the wild horses now feeding on the pampas of buenos ayres were imported from europe three hundred and thirty-three years ago.[ ] [footnote : at paita, the most western point of south america, there is a raised beach three hundred feet high. the basal slate and sandstone rocks, dipping s. of e., are covered by conglomerate, sand, and a gypseous formation, containing shells of living species. additional to those described by d'orbigny we found here _cerithium læviuscula_, _ostrea gallus_, and _ampullina ortoni_, as determined by w.m. gabb, esq., of philadelphia. darwin found shells in chile feet above the sea, covered with marine mud. president loomis, of lewisburg university, pa., informs the writer, that in , after nearly a day's ride from iquique, he came to a former sea-beach. "it furnished abundant specimens of _patellæ_ and other shells, still perfect, and identical with others that i had that morning obtained at iquique with the living animal inhabiting them." this beach is elevated feet above the pacific. the same observer says that near potosi there is one uninterrupted mass of lava, having a columnar structure, not less than one hundred miles in length, fifty miles wide, and eight hundred feet thick. it overlies a bed of saliferous sandstone which has been worked for salt. fifty feet within a mine, and in the undisturbed rock which forms its roof, the doctor found fragments of dicotyledonous trees with the bark on, undecomposed, uncharred, and fibrous.] and now the andes[ ] stand complete in their present gigantic proportions, one of the grandest and most symmetrical mountain chains in the world. starting from the land of fire, it stretches northward and mounts upward until it enters the isthmus of panama, where it bows gracefully to either ocean, but soon resumes, under another name, its former majesty, and loses its magnificence only where the trappers chase the fur-bearing animals over the arctic plains. nowhere else does nature present such a continuous and lofty chain of mountains, unbroken for eight thousand miles, save where it is rent asunder by the magellanic straits, and proudly tossing up a thousand pinnacles into the region of eternal snow. nowhere in the old world do we see a single well-defined mountain chain, only a broad belt of mountainous country traversing the heart of the continent. [footnote : the name andes is often derived from _anta_, an old peruvian word signifying metal. but humboldt says: "there are no means of interpreting it by connecting it with any signification or idea; if such connection exist, it is buried in the obscurity of the past." according to col. tod, the northern hindoos apply the name andes to the himalayan mountains.] the moment the andes arose, the great continental valley of the amazon was sketched out and moulded in its lap. the tidal waves of the atlantic were dashing against the cordilleras, and a legion of rivulets were busily plowing up the sides into deep ravines; the sediment produced by this incessant wear and tear was carried eastward, and spread out stratum by stratum, till the shallow sea between the andes and the islands of guiana and brazil was filled up with sand and clay. huge glaciers (thinks agassiz), afterward descending, moved over the inclined plane, and ground the loose rock to powder.[ ] eddies and currents, throwing up sand-banks as they do now, gradually defined the limits of the tributary streams, and directed them into one main trunk, which worked for itself a wide, deep bed, capable of containing its accumulated flood. then and thus was created the amazon. [footnote : on this point see chapter xvii.] in south america nature has framed her works on a gigantic scale. where else combined do we see such a series of towering mountains, such a volume of river-water, and such wide-spreading plains? we have no proper conception of andine grandeur till we learn that the top of the tallest mountain in north america is nearly a mile beneath the untrodden dome of chimborazo; nor any just view of the vast dimensions of the amazonian valley till we find that all the united states could be packed in it without touching its boundaries; nor any adequate idea of the amazon itself till we ascertain that it drains a million square miles more than the mississippi. south america is a triangular continent, with its axis, the andes, not central, as in europe, but lying on its extreme western edge, and in harmony with the well-known law that the highest mountains and the grandest volcanoes face the broadest ocean. the highlands of brazil and guiana have neither volcanic nor snow-clad peaks.[ ] like all the dry land which first appeared, these primitive mountains on the atlantic border trend east and west. the result of this position is a triple river system--the orinoco, amazon, and la plata, draining three immense plains--the llanos of venezuela, the sylvas of brazil, and the pampas of the argentine republic. the continuity and extent of these vast depressions are more remarkable even than the height and length of the mountain chains.[ ] [footnote : "the interior plateau of brazil (says dr. lund) is composed of horizontal strata of the transition period, which are nowhere covered with the secondary or tertiary formations." the highest point in brazil is feet. darwin speaks of "some ancient submarine volcanic rocks (in the province of la plata) worth mentioning, from their rarity on this eastern side of the continent." with the exception of the coast of venezuela, the eastern system is little exposed to earthquakes.] [footnote : these three plains constitute four fifths of all south america east of the andes. the west slope of the ecuadorian andes is about feet per mile; on the east it is feet.] such are the characteristic features of south america; they are not repeated in any other continent.[ ] not one feature could be changed without destroying those peculiarities of soil and climate which so remarkably distinguish south america. its position on the equator places it in the path of the vapory trade winds, which continually sweep over it westward till they strike the andes, which, like a great condenser, roll a thousand streams eastward again to feed the mighty amazon. so effectual is that barrier, not a drop of moisture passes it, and the trade wind is not felt again on the pacific till you are one hundred and fifty miles from the coast. were the andes on the atlantic side, south america would be turned into a vast sahara. as it is, the interest which attaches to this continent, save a few relics of the incas, is exclusively that of pure nature. nowhere does nature affect us more deeply with the feeling of her grandeur; nowhere does she exhibit wilder freaks or more startling contrasts; nowhere do we find such a theatre for the free development of vegetable and animal life. [footnote : there is, however, a striking coincidence between the mountain and river systems of the northern and southern continents of this hemisphere. thus, the andes represent the rocky mountains, " highland of guiana represent the canadian mountains. " " brazil " appalachian " " amazon " saskatchewan. " la plata " mississippi. " orinoco " mackenzie. ] the long and lofty chain of the andes is certainly one of the grandest results of the plications and uplifts of the earth's crust. while the waves of the pacific, from panama to patagonia, submissively kiss the feet of the andes, and the showers that swell the amazon fall within sight of the mariner on that peaceful ocean, the rocky mountains are situated five hundred miles from the sea. the space west of the andes does not contain , square leagues, while the country east of it equals , . while the compact andes have an average width of only sixty miles,[ ] the straggling mountain system beyond the mississippi has the breadth of the empire state; but the mean elevation of the latter would scarcely reach the bottom of the quito valley. the mountains of asia may surpass the cordilleras in height, but, situated beyond the tropics, and destitute of volcanoes, they do not present that inexhaustible variety of phenomena which characterizes the latter. the outbursts of porphyry and trachytic domes, so characteristic of the high crests of the cordilleras, impart a physiognomy quite distinct from that presented by the mountains of europe. the andes offer, in the least space, the greatest possible variety of impressions.[ ] there is near huanca, peru, a coal-bed lifted up to the enormous height of , feet, and on the side of chimborazo there is a salt spring , feet above the sea. marine shells have not been found in europe above the summit of the pyrenees, or , feet; but the andes can show some a thousand feet higher. a strange sight, to see shells once crawling on the bottom of the ocean now resting at an elevation twice the height of mount washington! [footnote : the width of the chain south of the equator varies with that of the continent.] [footnote : "no mountains which i have seen in hungary, saxony, or the pyrenees are as irregular as the andes, or broken into such alternate substances, manifesting such prodigious revolutions of nature."--_helms_. "more sublime than the alps by their _ensemble_, the andes lack those curious and charming details of which nature has been so lavish in the old continent."--_holinski_.] beneath the southern cross, out of a sea perpetually swept by fearful gales, rise the rocky hills of terra del fuego. it is the starting-point of that granite chain which winds around the earth in a majestic curve, first northwesterly to the arctic sea, thence by the aleutian and japanese isles to asia, crossing the old world southwesterly from china to south africa. skirting the bleak shores of patagonia in a single narrow sierra, the andes enter chile, rising higher and higher till they culminate in the gigantic porphyritic peak of aconcagua. at the boundary-line of bolivia, the chain, which has so far followed a precise meridional direction, turns to the northwest, and, at the same time, separates into two cordilleras, inclosing the great table-land of desaguadero. this wonderful valley, the thibet of the new world, has four times the area of new york state, and five times the elevation of the catskill mountain house. at one end of the valley, perched above the clouds, is silvery potosi, the highest city in the world; at the other stands the once golden capital of cuzco. between them is lake titicaca[ ] (probably an ancient crater), within which is an island celebrated as the cradle of the strange empire of peru, which, though crushed by pizarro in its budding civilization, ranks as the most extraordinary and extensive empire in the annals of american history. the cordillera, of which sahama, sorata, and illimani are the pinnacles, so completely inclose this high valley that not a drop of water can escape except by evaporation. at the silver mines of pasco the andes throw off a third cordillera, and with this triple arrangement and a lower altitude, enter the republic of ecuador. there they resume the double line, and surpass their former magnificence. twenty volcanoes, presided over by the princely chimborazo and cotopaxi, rise out of a sublime congregation of mountains surrounding the famous valley of quito. in new granada there is a final and unique display of andine grandeur: the cordilleras combine just above the equator into one dizzy ridge, and then spread out like a fan, or, rather, like the graceful branches of the palm. one sierra bends to the east, holding in its lap the city of bogota, and, rolling off a thousand streams to swell the orinoco, terminates in the beautiful mountains of caracas; the central range culminates in the volcanic tolima,[ ] but is soon lost in the caribbean sea; the western chain turns to the left, humbling itself as it threads the narrow isthmus, and expands into the level table-land of mexico. you may cross mexico from ocean to ocean in a carriage, but no wheeled vehicle ever crossed south america. [footnote : this lake is the largest fresh-water accumulation in south america. it has diminished within the historic period. its surface is , feet above the pacific, or higher than the highest peaks of the pyrenees.] [footnote : this is the loftiest summit of the andes in the northern hemisphere, being , feet. it is also remarkable for being situated farther from the sea ( miles) than any other active volcano.] [illustration: profiles of ecuadorian volcanoes , ft. chimborazo. , ft. cotopaxi. , ft. caraguairazo. , ft. pichincha. ] we will now speak more particularly of the andes of the equator. the mountain chain is built up of granite, gneissoid, and schistose rocks, often in vertical position, and capped with trachyte and porphyry.[ ] large masses of _solid_ rock are rarely seen; every thing is cracked, calcined, or triturated. while in bolivia the eastern cordillera shows a succession of sharp, ragged peaks, in contrast with the conical summits of the cordillera of the coast, there is no such distinction in the andes of the equator.[ ] the eastern cordillera has a greater mean height, and it displays more volcanic activity. twenty volcanic mountains surround the valley, of which twelve are in the oriental chain. three of the twenty are now active (cotopaxi, sangai, and pichincha), and five others are known to have erupted since the conquest (chiles, imbabura, guamani, tunguragua, and quirotoa). the truncated cone of cotopaxi, the jagged, alpine crest of ruined altar, and the dome of chimborazo, are the representative forms of the volcanic summits. the extinct volcanoes usually have double domes or peaks, while the active peaks are slender cones. antisana and cayambi are fashioned after chimborazo, though the latter is table-topped rather than convex; caraguairazo, quirotoa, iliniza, sincholagua, rumiñagui, and corazon, resemble altar; tunguragua, sangai, llanganati, cotocachí, chiles, and imbabura, imitate cotopaxi; pichincha, atacatzo, and guamani are irregular. the ecuadorian volcanoes have rarely ejected liquid lava, but chiefly water, mud, ashes, and fragments of trachyte and porphyry. cotopaxi alone produces pure, foam-like pumice, and glossy, translucent obsidian.[ ] the paucity of quartz, and the absence of basalt, are remarkable. some of the porphyroids are conglomerate, but the majority are true porphyries, having a homogeneous base. dr. t. sterry hunt calls them porphyroid trachytes. they have a black, rarely reddish, vitreous, or impalpable base, approaching obsidian, with a specific gravity of . in pure specimens, and holding crystals or crystalline grains of glassy feldspar, and sometimes of pyroxene and hematite. they differ from the old world porphyries in containing no quartz, and seldom mica.[ ] d'orbigny considers the porphyries of the andes to have been ejected at the close of the cretaceous period, and formed the first relief of the cordillera. the prevalence of trachyte shows that the products have cooled under feeble pressure. [footnote : "as a general rule, whenever the mass of mountains rises much above the limit of perpetual snow, the primitive rocks disappear, and the summits are trachyte or trappean porphyry."--_humboldt_. in general, "the great cordilleras are formed of innumerable varieties of granites, gneiss, schists, hornblende, chloritic slates, porphyries, etc., and these rocks alternate with each other in meridional bands, which in the ridges frequently present the appearance of a radiated or fan-shaped structure, and under the plains are more or less vertical."--_evan hopkins, f.g.s_.] [footnote : von tschudi makes the incorrect statement that "throughout the whole extent of south america there is not a single instance of the western cordillera being intersected by a river." witness the esmeraldas.] [footnote : it is a singular fact that true trachyte, pumice, and obsidian are wanting in the volcanic galápagos islands, only miles west of pichincha.] [footnote : as many of the crystals are partly fused, or have round angles, the porphyries were probably formed by the melting of a crystalline rock, the base becoming fused into a homogeneous material, while the less fusible crystals remain imbedded.--_dr. hunt_.] from the deluges of water lately thrown out have resulted deep furrows in the sides; and from the prevalence of the east wind, which is always met by the traveler on the crest of either cordillera, there is a greater accumulation of ashes, and less snow on the west slope. cotopaxi is a fine example of this. in pichincha, altar, and rumiñagua, however, the western wall is lowest, apparently broken down.[ ] there is no synchronism in the eruptions of cotopaxi and pichincha. these volcanoes must have independent reservoirs, for the former is feet higher than the latter, and only thirty miles distant. the reputed eruptions of pichincha are dated , , , , , and ; that of resting on the assertions of checa, garcilazo, and herrera, indorsed by humboldt. excepting the traditional eruption in , which probably is confounded with that of pichincha, cotopaxi did not open till ; then followed the eruptions of , , , , , , , and . we must mention, however, that, since the recent awakening of pichincha, cotopaxi has been unusually silent. there is also a remarkable coincidence (which may not be wholly accidental) in the renewed activity of pichincha, and the great eruption of mauna loa, both occurring in march, . it is generally believed by the natives that cotopaxi and tunguragua are sympathetic. [footnote : in the galápagos volcanoes the south wall is lowest, while the craters in mexico and sandwich islands are lowest on the northeast.] there are fifty-one volcanoes in the andean chain. of these, twenty girdle the valley of quito, three active, five dormant, and twelve extinct.[ ] besides these are numerous mountain peaks not properly volcanic. nowhere on the face of the earth is there such a grand assemblage of mountains. twenty-two summits are covered with perpetual snow, and fifty are over ten thousand feet high.[ ] [footnote : the altitudes of the most important ecuadorian volcanoes are: western chain. _chimborazo_, , feet (humboldt). _caraguairazo_, , feet (humboldt). it is variously estimated from , feet to , feet; , feet is not far from the truth. _iliniza_, , feet (wisse); , (hall). _cotocachí_, , feet (humboldt); , (wisse). _pichincha_, , feet (humboldt); , (orton). eastern chain. _cayambi_, , feet (humboldt); , (wisse). _antisana_, , feet (humboldt); , (wisse). _cotopaxi_, , feet (humboldt); , (wisse). _altar_, , feet. _sangai_, , feet (wisse). _tunguragua_, , feet (humboldt). _sincholagua_, , feet (humboldt). ] [footnote : the snow limit at the equator is , feet. no living creature, save the condor, passes this limit; naked rocks, fogs, and eternal snows mark the reign of uninterrupted solitude. the following is the approximate limit of perpetual snow in different latitudes: ° , feet. ° , " ° , " ° , feet. ° , " ° , " the limit appears to descend more rapidly going south of the equator than in going north.] all of these would be visible from a single stand-point--the summit of cotopaxi. the lofty peaks shoot up with so much method as almost to provoke the theory that the incas, in the zenith of their power, planted them as signal monuments along the royal road to cuzco. the eastern series is called the _cordillera real_, because along its flank are the remnants of the splendid highway which once connected quito and the peruvian capital.[ ] it can also boast of such tremendous volcanoes as cotopaxi and sangai. the western cordillera contains but one active volcano; but then it can point to peerless chimborazo and the deep crater of pichincha. these twenty volcanic mountains rise within a space only two hundred miles long and thirty miles wide. it makes one tremble to think of the awful crevice over which they are placed.[ ] [footnote : we traveled over a portion of this ancient road in going from riobamba to cajabamba. it is well paved with cut blocks of dark porphyry. it is not graded, but partakes of the irregularity of the country. designed, not for carriages, but for troops and llamas, there are steps when the ascent is steep.] [footnote : grand as the andes are, how insignificant in a general view! how slightly they cause our globe to differ from a perfect sphere! cotopaxi constitutes only / of the earth's radius; and on a globe six feet in diameter, chimborazo would be represented by a grain of sand less than / of an inch in thickness.] chapter viii. the volcanoes of ecuador.--western cordillera.--chimborazo.--iliniza.--corazon.--pichincha.--descent into its crater. coming up from peru through the cinchona forests of loja, and over the barren hills of assuay, the traveler reaches riobamba, seated on the threshold of magnificence--like damascus, an oasis in a sandy plain, but, unlike the queen of the east, surrounded with a splendid retinue of snowy peaks that look like icebergs floating in a sea of clouds. on our left is the most sublime spectacle in the new world. it is a majestic pile of snow, its clear outline on the deep blue sky describing the profile of a lion in repose. at noon the vertical sun, and the profusion of light reflected from the glittering surface, will not allow a shadow to be cast on any part, so that you can easily fancy the figure is cut out of a mountain of spotless marble. this is chimborazo--yet not the whole of it--you see but a third of the great giant. his feet are as eternally green as his head is everlastingly white; but they are far away beneath the bananas and cocoa-palms of the pacific coast. rousseau was disappointed when he first saw the sea; and the first glimpse of niagara often fails to meet one's expectations. but chimborazo is sure of a worshiper the moment its overwhelming grandeur breaks upon the traveler. you feel that you are in the presence-chamber of the monarch of the andes. there is sublimity in his kingly look, of which the ocean might be proud. "all that expands the spirit, yet appals, gathers around this summit, as if to show how earth may pierce to heaven, yet leave vain man below." well do we remember our disappointment as we stood before that wonder of the world--st. peter's. we mounted the pyramid of steps and looked up, but were not overcome by the magnificence. we read in our guide-book that the edifice covers eight acres, and to the tip-top of the cross is almost five hundred feet; that it took three hundred and fifty years and twelve successive artists to finish it, and an expenditure of $ , , , and now costs $ , per annum to keep it in repair; still we did not appreciate its greatness. we pushed aside the curtain and walked in--walked a day's journey across the transept and up and down the everlasting nave, and yet continued heterodox. we tried hard to believe it was very vast and sublime, and knew we ought to feel its grandeur, but somehow we did not. then we sat down by the holy of holies, and there we were startled into a better judgment by the astounding fact that the cathedral of st. paul--the largest edifice in great britain--could stand upright, spire, dome, body, and all, inside of st. peter's! that the letters of the inscription which run around the _base_ of the dome, though apparently but an inch, are in reality six feet high! then, for the first time, the scales fell from our eyes; the giant building began to grow; higher and higher still it rose, longer and deeper it expanded, yet in perfect proportions; the colossal structure, now a living temple, put on its beautiful garments and the robe of majesty. and that dome! the longer we looked at it the vaster it grew, till finally it seemed to be a temple not made with hands; the spacious canopy became the firmament; the mosaic figures of cherubim and seraphim were endowed with life; and as we fixed our eyes on the zenith where the almighty is represented in glory, we thought we had the vision of stephen. long we gazed upward into this heaven of man's creation, and gazed again till we were lost in wonder. but the traveler needs no such steps to lift him up to the grand conception of the divine architect as he beholds the great white dome of chimborazo. it looks lofty from the very first. now and then an expanse of thin, sky-like vapor would cut the mountain in twain, and the dome, islanded in the deep blue of the upper regions, seemed to belong more to heaven than to earth. we knew that chimborazo was more than twice the altitude of etna. we could almost see the great humboldt struggling up the mountain's side till he looked like a black speck moving over the mighty white, but giving up in despair four thousand feet below the summit. we see the intrepid bolivar mounting still higher; but the hero of spanish-american independence returns a defeated man. last of all comes the philosophic boussingault, and attains the prodigious elevation of nineteen thousand six hundred feet--the highest point reached by man without the aid of a balloon; but the dome remains unsullied by his foot. yet none of these facts increase our admiration. the mountain has a tongue which speaks louder than all mathematical calculations. there must be something singularly sublime about chimborazo, for the spectator at riobamba is already nine thousand feet high, and the mountain is not so elevated above him as mont blanc above the vale of chamounî, when, in reality, that culminating point of europe would not reach up even to the snow-limit of chimborazo by two thousand feet.[ ] it is only while sailing on the pacific that one sees chimborazo in its complete proportions. its very magnitude diminishes the impression of awe and wonder, for the andes on which it rests are heaved to such a vast altitude above the sea, that the relative elevation of its summit becomes reduced by comparison with the surrounding mountains. its altitude is , feet, or forty-five times the height of strasburg cathedral; or, to state it otherwise, the fall of one pound from the top of chimborazo would raise the temperature of water °. one fourth of this is perpetually covered with snow, so that its ancient name, chimpurazu--the mountain of snow--is very appropriate.[ ] it is a stirring thought that this mountain, now mantled with snow, once gleamed with volcanic fires. there is a hot spring on the north side, and an immense amount of débris covers the slope below the snow-limit, consisting chiefly of fine-grained, iron-stained trachyte and coarse porphyroid gray trachyte; very rarely a dark vitreous trachyte. chimborazo is very likely not a solid mountain: trachytic volcanoes are supposed to be full of cavities. bouguer found it made the plumb-line deviate " or ". [footnote : but chimborazo is steeper than the alp-king; and steepness is a quality more quickly appreciated than mere massiveness. "mont blanc (says a writer in _frazer's magazine_) is scarcely admired, because he is built with a certain regard to stability; but the apparently reckless architecture of the matterhorn brings the traveler fairly on his knees, with a respect akin to that felt for the leaning tower of pisa, or the soaring pinnacles of antwerp."] [footnote : "white mountain" is the natural and almost uniform name of the highest mountains in all countries: thus himalaya, mont blanc, hocmus, sierra nevada, ben nevis, snowdon, lebanon, white mountains of united states, chimborazo, and illimani.] the valleys which furrow the flank of chimborazo are in keeping with its colossal size. narrower, but deeper than those of the alps, the mind swoons and sinks in the effort to comprehend their grim majesty. the mountain appears to have been broken to pieces like so much thin crust, and the strata thrown on their vertical edges, revealing deep, dark chasms, that seem to lead to the confines of the lower world. the deepest valley in europe, that of the ordesa in the pyrenees, is feet deep; but here are rents in the side of chimborazo in which vesuvius could be put away out of sight. as you look down into the fathomless fissure, you see a white fleck rising out of the gulf, and expanding as it mounts, till the wings of the condor, fifteen feet in spread, glitter in the sun as the proud bird fearlessly wheels over the dizzy chasm, and then, ascending above your head, sails over the dome of chimborazo.[ ] could the condor speak, what a glowing description could he give of the landscape beneath him when his horizon is a thousand miles in diameter. if "twelve fair counties saw the blaze from malvern's lonely height," what must be the panorama from a height fifteen times higher! [footnote : humboldt's statement that the condor flies higher than chimborazo has been questioned; but we have seen numbers hovering at least a thousand feet above the summit of pichincha. baron müller, in his ascent of orizaba, saw two falcons flying at the height of full , feet; dr. hooker found crows and ravens on the himalayas at , feet; and flocks of wild geese are said to fly over the peak of kintschinghow, , feet.] chimborazo was long supposed to be the tallest mountain on the globe, but its supremacy has been supplanted by mount everest in asia, and aconcagua in chile.[ ] in mountain gloom and glory, however, it still stands unrivaled. the alps have the avalanche, "the thunderbolt of snow," and the glaciers, those icy niagaras so beautiful and grand. here they are wanting.[ ] the monarch of the andes sits motionless in calm serenity and unbroken silence. the silence is absolute and actually oppressive. the road from guayaquil to quito crosses chimborazo at the elevation of fourteen thousand feet. save the rush of the trade wind in the afternoon, as it sweeps over the andes, not a sound is audible; not the hum of an insect, nor the chirp of a bird, nor the roar of the puma, nor the music of running waters. mid-ocean is never so silent. you can almost hear the globe turning on its axis. there was a time when the monarch deigned to speak, and spoke with a voice of thunder, for the lava on its sides is an evidence of volcanic activity. but ever since the morning stars sang together over man's creation, chimbo has sat in sullen silence, satisfied to look "from his throne of clouds o'er half the world." there is something very suggestive in this silence of chimborazo. it was once full of noise and fury; it is now a _completed_ mountain, and thunders no more. how silent was jesus, a completed character! the reason we are so noisy is that we are so full of wants; we are _unfinished_ characters. had we perfect fullness of all things, the beatitude of being without a want, we should lapse into the eternal silence of god. [footnote : mount everest is , feet, and aconcagua , . schlagintweit enumerates thirteen himalayan summits over , feet, and forty-six above , . we have little confidence in the estimates of the bolivian mountains. chimborazo has nearly the same latitude and altitude as the loftiest peak in africa, kilima njaro.] [footnote : humboldt ascribes the absence of glaciers in the andes to the extreme steepness of the sides, and the excessive dryness of the air. dr. loomis, above quoted, mentions indications of glacial action--moraines, and polished and striated rocks--on the crest of the cordillera, between peru and bolivia, lat. ° s.] chimborazo is a leader of a long train of ambitious crags and peaks; but as he who comes after the king must not expect to be noticed, we will only take a glimpse of these lesser lights as we pass up the western cordillera, and then down the eastern. the first after leaving the monarch is caraguairazo. the indians call it "the wife of chimborazo." they are separated only by a very narrow valley. one hundred and seventy years ago the top of this mountain fell in, and torrents of mud flowed out containing multitudes of fishes. it is now over seventeen thousand feet high, and is one of the most alpine of the quitonian volcanoes, having sharp pinnacles instead of the smooth trachytic domes--usually double domes--so characteristic of the andean summits. and now we pass in rapid succession numerous picturesque mountains, some of them extinct volcanoes, as iliniza, presenting two pyramidal peaks, the highest seventeen thousand feet above the sea, and corazon, so named from its heart-shaped summit, till we reach pichincha, whose smoking crater is only five miles distant in a straight line from the city of quito, or eleven by the traveled route. the crown of this mountain presents three groups of rocky peaks. the most westerly one is called rucu-pichincha, and alone manifests activity. to the northeast of rucu is guagua-pichincha, a ruined flue of the same fiery furnace; and between the two is cundur-guachana.[ ] pichincha is the only volcano in ecuador which has not a true cone-crater. some violent eruption beyond the reach of history or tradition has formed an enormous funnel-shaped basin feet deep,[ ] in diameter at the bottom, and expanding upward to a width of three fourths of a mile. it is the _deepest_ crater on the globe. that of kilauea is feet; orizaba, ; etna, ; hecla, . vesuvius is a portable furnace in comparison. the abyss is girt with a ragged wall of dark trachyte, which rises on the inside at various angles between ° and perpendicularity. as we know of but one american besides the members of our expedition (mr. farrand, a photographer) who has succeeded in entering the crater of this interesting volcano, we will give a brief sketch of our visit. [footnote : pichincha, in the inca language, signifies "the boiling mountain;" rucu means old; guagua, young; and cundur-guachana, the condor's nest.] [footnote : more accurately, feet; wisse and moreno made it .] [illustration: crater of pichincha.] leaving quito in the afternoon by the old arched gateway at the foot of panecillo, and crossing a spur of the mountain, we stopped for the night at the jesuit hacienda, situated in the beautiful valley of lloa, but nearly ruined by the earthquake of . on the damp walls of this monastery, perched , feet above the ocean, we found several old paintings, among them a copy of the _visitation_ by rubens. the sunset views in this heart of the andes were surpassingly beautiful. mounting our horses at break of day, and taking an indian guide, we ascended rapidly, by a narrow and difficult path, through the forest that belts the volcano, up to the height of , feet, emerging gradually into a thicket of stunted bushes, and then entered the dreary paramo. splendid was the view of the eastern cordillera. at least six dazzling white volcanoes were in sight just across the valley of quito, among them table-topped cayambi, majestic antisana, and princely cotopaxi, whose tapering summit is a mile above the clouds. toiling upward, we reached the base of the cone, where vegetation ceased entirely; and, tying our horses to some huge rocks that had fallen from the mural cliff above, started off on hands and feet for the crater. the cone is deeply covered with sand and cinders for about two hundred feet, and the sides are inclined at an angle of about °. at ten o'clock we reached the brim of the crater, and the great gulf burst suddenly into view. we can never forget the impression made upon us by the sight. we speak of many things here below as awful, but that word has its full meaning when carried to the top of pichincha. there you see a frightful opening in the earth's crust nearly a mile in width and half a mile deep, and from the dark abyss comes rolling up a cloud of sulphurous vapors. monte somma in the time of strabo was a miniature; but this crater is on the top of a mountain four times the height of the italian volcano. imagination finds it difficult to conceive a spectacle of more fearful grandeur or such solemn magnificence. it well accords with milton's picture of the bottomless pit. the united effect of the silence and solitude of the place, the great depth of the cavity, the dark precipitous sides, and the column of smoke standing over an unseen crevice, was to us more impressive than thundering cotopaxi or fiery vesuvius. humboldt, after standing on this same brink, exclaimed, "i have never beheld a grander or more remarkable picture than that presented by this volcano;" and la condamine compared it to "the chaos of the poets." below us are the smouldering fires which may any moment spring forth into a conflagration; around us are black, ragged cliffs--fit boundary for this gateway to the infernal regions. they look as if they had just been dragged up from the central furnace of the earth. life seems to have fled in terror from the vicinity; even lichens, the children of the bare rocks, refuse to clothe the scathed and beetling crags. for some moments, made mute by the dreadful sight, we stood like statues on the rim of the mighty caldron, with our eyes riveted on the abyss below, lost in contemplating that which can not be described. the panorama from this lofty summit is more pleasing, but equally sublime. toward the rising sun is the long range of the eastern cordillera, hiding from our view the great valley of the amazon. to right and left are the peaks of another procession of august mountains from cotocachí to chimborazo. we are surrounded by the great patriarchs of the andes, and their speaker, cotopaxi, ever and anon sends his muttering voice over the land. the view westward is like looking down from a balloon. those parallel ridges of the mountain chain, dropping one behind the other, are the gigantic staircase by which the ice-crowned chimborazo steps down to the sea. a white sea of clouds covers the peaceful pacific and the lower parts of the coast. but the vapory ocean, curling into the ravines, beautifully represents little coves and bays, leaving islands and promontories like a true ocean on a broken shore. we seem raised above the earth, which lies like an opened map below us; we can look down on the upper surface of the clouds, and, were it night, down too upon the lightnings. the crater of pichincha has a sharp, serrated edge, which, happily for quito, is broken down on the west side, so that in the next eruption the volcano will doubtless pour its contents into the wilds of esmeraldas. the highest pinnacle is , feet; so that the mountain just enters the region of perpetual winter. water boils at °. the summit is generally bare, though snow is always found in the clefts of the rocks. it is not compact or crystalline, but resembles a conglomerate of little hailstones.[ ] out of the mingled snow and pumice-dust rise a few delicate flowers, particularly the violet _sida pichinchensis_, the same which we had observed on the side of chimborazo. think of gay flowers a thousand feet higher than the top of mont blanc! [footnote : the snow on the top of mont blanc is like dry dust; in lapland, in open places, it consists of hexagonal crystals, and is called by the inhabitants "sand-snow." the french and spanish mathematicians, bouguer, la condamine, and ulloa, in their story of ascending pichincha, give a long and dreadful account of their sufferings from cold and rarefied air: "whilst eating, every one was obliged to keep his plate over a chafing-dish of coals, to prevent his food from freezing." the traveler nowadays finds only a chilling wind. this rise of temperature, coupled with the fact that la condamine ( ), humboldt ( ), boussingault ( ), and wisse ( ) give to quito a decreasing altitude, inclines us to believe, with boussingault, that the andes are sinking. since the activity of the volcano in , the summit has been so warm that the snow has totally disappeared. ice-cream has in consequence risen in price in quito, as snow must be brought from sincholagua, four days' journey.] the first to reach the brink of the crater were the french academicians in . sixty years after, humboldt stood on the summit. but it was not till that any one dared to enter the crater. this was accomplished by garcia moreno, now president of ecuador, and sebastian wisse, a french engineer. humboldt pronounced the bottom of the crater "inaccessible, from its great depth and precipitous descent." we found it accessible, but exceedingly perilous. the moment we prepared to descend our guide ran away. we went on without him, but when halfway down were stopped by a precipice. on the d of october, , we returned to pichincha with another guide, and entered the crater by a different route. manuel, our indian, led us to the south side, and over the brink we went. we were not long in realizing the danger of the undertaking. here the snow concealed an ugly fissure or covered a treacherous rock (for nearly all the rocks are crumbling); there we must cross a mass of loose sand moving like a glacier down the almost vertical side of the crater; and on every hand rocks were giving way, and, gathering momentum at each revolution, went thundering down, leaping over precipices, and jostling other rocks, which joined in the race, till they all struck the bottom with a deep rumbling sound, shivered like so many bombshells into a thousand pieces, and telling us what would be our fate it we made a single misstep. we followed our indian in single file, keeping close together, that the stones set free by those in the rear might not dash those below from their feet; feeling our way with the greatest caution, clinging with our hands to snow, sand, rock, tufts of grass, or any thing that would hold for a moment; now leaping over a chasm, now letting ourselves down from rock to rock; at times paralyzed with fear, and always with death staring us in the face; thus we scrambled for two hours and a half, till we reached the bottom of the crater. here we found a deeply-furrowed plain, strewn with ragged rocks, and containing a few patches of vegetation, with half a dozen species of flowers. in the centre is an irregular heap of stones, two hundred and sixty feet high by eight hundred in diameter. this is the cone of eruption--its sides and summit covered with an imposing group of vents, seventy in number, all lined with sulphur and exhaling steam, black smoke, and sulphurous gas. the temperature of the vapor just within the fumarole is °, water boiling beside it at °. the central vent, or chimney, gives forth a sound like the violent bubbling of boiling water. as we sat on this fiery mount, surrounded by a circular rampart of rocks, and looked up at the immense towers of dark dolerite which ran up almost vertically to the height of twenty-five hundred feet above us, musing over the tremendous force which fashioned this awful amphitheatre--spacious enough for all the gods of tartarus to hold high carnival--the clouds which hung in the thin air around the crest of the crater pealed forth thunder after thunder, which, reverberating from precipice to precipice, were answered by the crash of rocks let loose by the storm, till the whole mountain seemed to tremble like a leaf. such acoustics, mingled with the flash of lightning and the smell of brimstone, made us believe that we had fairly got into the realm of pluto. it is the spot where dante's _inferno_ ought to be read. finishing our observations, and warming our dinner over the steaming crevices, we prepared to ascend. the escape from this horrid hole was more perilous than the entrance, and on reaching the top we sang, with grateful hearts, to the tune of "old hundred," "praise god, from whom all blessings flow." we doubt whether that famous tune and glorious doxology were ever sung so near to heaven. the second line, "praise him all creatures here below," had a strange meaning fifteen thousand feet high. there have been five eruptions of pichincha since the conquest. the last was in ; that of covered quito three feet deep with ashes and stones, while boiling water and bitumen descended in torrents. in the column of smoke did not rise above the crest of the crater, but the volcano has lately been showing signs of activity, such as it has not exhibited since the last grand eruption two centuries ago. on the th of march, , detonations were audible at quito, and three days after there were more thunderings, with a great column of vapor visible from chillo, twelve miles to the east. these phenomena were accompanied by an unusual fall of rain. since the great earthquake of august th, pichincha has continued to send forth dense columns of black smoke, and so much fine sand that it is not possible to reach the crater. the solid products of pichincha since the conquest have been chiefly pumice, coarse-grained and granular trachyte, and reddish porphyroid trachyte. the roads leading to quito cut through hills of pumice-dust. on the plain of iñaquito and in the valley of esmeraldas are vast erratic blocks of trachyte, some containing twenty-five cubic yards, having sharp angles, and in some cases a polished, unstriated surface. m. wisse does not consider them to have been thrown out of pichincha, as la condamine and others have judged. it is true, as he says, that they could not have come out of the present cone at a less angle than °, for they would have hit the sides of the high rocky rampart and rolled back again; and at a higher angle they would not have reached their present location. but we see no reason why they could not be the upper portion of the solid trachyte cone blown into the air at the great eruption which cleared out this enormous crater. there is a _rumipamba_, or "field of stones," around each of the quitonian volcanoes. leaving pichincha, we travel northward along the battlemented andes, passing by the conical mountains of yana-urcu and cotocachí. yana-urcu, or "black mountain," is a mass of calcined rocks. cotocachí (from _cota_? and _cachí_, salt) is always snow-clad. on its side is cuycocha, one of the highest lakes in the world ( , feet), and formed by the subsidence of a part of the volcano. chapter ix. the volcanoes of ecuador.--eastern cordillera.--imbabura.--cayambi.--antisana.--cotopaxi.--llanganati. --tunguragua.--altar.--sangai. near the once busy city of otovalo, utterly destroyed in the late earthquake, the two cordilleras join, and, turning to the right, we go down the eastern range. the first in order is imbabura,[ ] which poured forth a large quantity of mud, with thousands of fishes, seven years before the similar eruption of caraguairazo. at its feet is the beautiful lake of san pablo, five miles in circumference, and very deep. it contains the little black fish (_pimelodes cyclopum_) already referred to as the only species in the valley, and the same that was cast out by imbabura and caraguairazo. next comes the square-topped cayambi--the loftiest mountain in this cordillera, being nineteen thousand five hundred feet. it stands exactly on the equator, a colossal monument placed by the hand of nature to mark the grand division of the globe. it is the only snowy spot, says humboldt, which is crossed by the equator. beautiful is the view of cayambi from quito, as its enormous mass of snow and ice glows with crimson splendor in the farewell rays of the setting sun. no painter's brush could do justice to the prismatic tints which hover around the higher peaks. but this flood of glory is soon followed by the pure whiteness of death. "like a gigantic ghost shrouded in sepulchral sheets, the mountain now hovers in the background of the landscape, towering ghastly through the twilight until darkness closes upon the scene." [footnote : from _imba_ (fish), and _bura_, to produce. its name can not be older than , unless the mountain made similar eruptions before. it has frequently ejected water.] ten miles farther south is the bare-headed guamani range, over which passes the road to the wild napo country.[ ] the view from the crest is magnificent; but, like every grand panorama, eludes description. as we look eastward over the beginnings of the mighty forest which stretches unbroken to the atlantic, the vast ridges, trending north and south, and decreasing in height as they increase in distance, seem like the waves of a great ocean rolling toward the mountains. [footnote : the culminating point of guamani is _sara-urcu_, a volcano which threw out a vast quantity of ashes in and .] near by stands antisana in his snowy robe. this volcano ranks next to chimborazo in dignity. it has a double dome, and an elevation of , feet. snow of dian purity covers it for over feet; but, judging from the enormous streams of lava on its sides, it must have been a fierce volcano in ages past. the lava streams are worthy of the great mountain from which they flowed. one of them (called "volcan d'ansango") is ten miles long and five hundred feet deep, with an average slope of °. it is a magnificent sight, as seen from the surrounding paramo--a stream of dark, ragged rocks coming down out of the clouds and snows which cover the summit. the representative products of antisana are a black, cellular, vitreous trachyte, a fine-grained, tough porphyroid trachyte, and a coarse reddish porphyroid trachyte. an eruption, as late as , is recorded in _johnston's phys. atlas_. humboldt saw smoke issuing from several openings in march, . we ascended this volcano to the height of sixteen thousand feet. on its side is the celebrated hacienda of antisana, which, more than sixty years ago, sheltered the great humboldt from the sleet and rain and blast of this lofty region. it was a welcome refuge to us, for we had well nigh perished with cold on the dreary paramo. it is one of the highest human habitations in the world, being thirteen thousand three hundred feet above the sea, or a thousand feet higher than the peak of teneriffe.[ ] the mean temperature is the same as that of quebec, so that thirteen thousand feet in elevation at the equator is equal to ° in latitude.[ ] here is an extensive corral, inclosing thousands of cattle, owned by a rheumatic old gentleman, señor valdevieso, who supplies the beef-market of quito.[ ] a desire for beef has alone brought man and his beast to this chilly altitude. it is difficult to get a quart of milk, and impossible to find a pound of butter at this hacienda. the predominant colors of the cattle are red and black. they feed on the wild paramo grass, and the beef is not only remarkably cheap, but superior in quality. the lasso is used in catching the animals, but not so skillfully as by the gauchos of rio plata. it is a singular fact that cattle have followed men over the whole earth, from the coast of africa to the highlands of antisana. the same species is attacked by crocodiles and condors. [footnote : m. d'abbadie professes to have visited a village in abyssinia (arquiage) which is , feet above the sea. potosi stands , feet.] [footnote : this agrees with humboldt's calculation that a difference of elevation of feet produces the same effect on the annual temperature as a change of one degree of latitude. according to the experiments of captain pullen, the minimum temperature of the great depths of the ocean °, and it commences soon after passing , feet.] [footnote : the great dépôts of cattle in ecuador are at the two extremes of elevation, the lowlands of st. elena and the highlands of antisana. on the slope of cayambi is another extensive cattle estate.] the atmospheric pressure is here so small that they frequently bleed at the nose and mouth when hunted. we have already given our experience in ascending high altitudes. we may add that while the pulse of boussingault beat pulsations at the height of , feet on chimborazo, ours was at , feet on antisana. de saussure says that a draught of liquor which would inebriate in the lowlands no longer has that effect on mont blanc. this appears to be true on the andes; indeed, there is very little drunkenness in quito. so the higher we perch our inebriate asylums, the better for the patients. near the hacienda is a little lake called mica, on which we found a species of grebe, with wings so short it could not fly. its legs, also, seem fitted only for paddling, and it goes ashore only to lay its eggs. it peeps like a gosling. associated with them were penguins (in appearance); they were so shy we could not secure one. the query is, how came they there? was this a centre of creation, or were the fowls upheaved with the andes? they could not have flown or walked to this lofty lake, and there are no water-courses leading to it; it is surrounded with a dry, rolling waste, where only the condor lives. we turn to darwin for an answer.[ ] [footnote : the grebe is considered by messrs. cassin and lawrence to be the _podiceps occipitalis_, lisson (_p. calipareus et chilensis_ of garnot), which occurs in large flocks on the coast of chile and in the straits of magellan. it is quite different from the _p. micropterus_ of lake titicaca. at morococha, peru, , feet above the sea, herndon found snipes and ducks.] the ragged sincholagua[ ] and romantic rumiñagui follow antisana, and then we find ourselves looking up at the most beautiful and most terrible of volcanoes. this is the far-famed cotopaxi, or more properly cutu-pacsi, meaning "a brilliant mass." humboldt calls it the most regular and most picturesque of volcanic cones. it looks like a huge truncated cone rising out of the valley of quito, its sides deeply furrowed by the rivers of mud and water which have so often flowed out. the cone itself is about six thousand feet high. the east side is covered with snow, but the west is nearly bare, owing to the trade winds, which, sweeping across the continent, carry the ashes westward. cotopaxi is the loftiest of active volcanoes, though its grand eruptions are a century apart, according to the general rule that the higher a volcano the less frequent its eruptions, but all the more terrible when they do occur. imagine vesuvius on the summit of mont blanc, and you have the altitude of cotopaxi. [footnote : in brigham's _notes on the volcanic phenomena of the hawaiian islands_, this volcano is put down as active, but there has been no eruption in the memory of man. its lithology is represented in our collection by porous, gray, granular trachyte, fine-grained, compact trachyte, and dark porphyroid trachyte. the derivation of sincholagua is unknown, rumiñagui means the face of a rock, cotopaxi, sincholagua, and rumiñagui, and cotopaxi, pichincha, and guamani, form equilateral triangles.] the top just reaches the middle point of density in the atmosphere, for at the height of three miles and a half the air below will balance that above. the crater has never been seen by man; the steepness of the sides and the depth of the ashes covering them render it inaccessible. the valiant col. hall tried it with scaling ladders, only to fail. the telescope reveals a parapet of scoria on the brim, as on teneriffe. humboldt's sketch of the volcano, so universally copied, is overdrawn. it makes the slope about °, while in truth it is nearer °. the apical angle is ° '.[ ] [footnote : mm. zurcher and margalli make the slope °! and guzman, ° '!! the slope of mauna loa is ° '; of etna, °; of teneriffe, ° '; of vesuvius, °. while cinder-cones may have an angle of °, lava-cones seldom exceed °.] cotopaxi is slumbering now; or, as mr. coan says of hilo, it is "in a state of solemn and thoughtful suspense." the only signs of life are the deep rumbling thunders and a cloud of smoke lazily issuing from the crater.[ ] sometimes at night the smoke looks like a pillar of fire, and fine ashes and sand often fall around the base, to the great annoyance of the farmers. on the south side is a huge rock of porphyry, called the inca's head. tradition has it that this was the original summit of the volcano, torn off and hurled down by an eruption on the very day atahuallpa was murdered by pizarro. the last great eruption occurred in , though so late as it tossed out stones, water, and sand. heaps of ruins, piled up during the lapse of ages, are scattered for miles around the mountain, among them great boulders twenty feet square. in one place (quinchevar) the accumulation is feet deep. between cotopaxi and sincholagua are numerous conical hills covering the paramo, reminding one of the mud volcanoes of jorullo. [footnote : even this has now (august, ) ceased, save an occasional grumble, and the tacungans are trembling with fear of another eruption.] pumice and trachyte are the most common rocks around this mountain, and these are augitic or porphyroid. obsidian also occurs, though not on the immediate flank, but farther down near chillo. in plowing, thousands of pieces as large as "flints" are turned up. the natives know nothing about their origin or use; the large specimens were anciently polished and used for mirror. but cotopaxi is the great pumice-producing volcano. the new road up the valley cuts through a lofty hill formed by the successive eruptions; the section, presenting alternate layers of mud, ashes, and pumice, is a written history of the volcano.[ ] the cone itself is evidently composed of similar beds super-imposed, and holding fragments of porphyry and trachyte. what is vesuvius, four thousand feet high, to cotopaxi, belching forth fire from a crater fifteen thousand feet higher, and shooting its contents three thousand feet above its snow-bound summit, with a voice of thunder heard six hundred miles! [footnote : compare the following sections: cotopaxi (near tiupullo). soil ft. in. fine yellow pumice " " compact black ashes, with seams of pumice " " fine yellow pumice " " compact black ashes " " fine yellow pumice " " compact black ashes, with seams of pumice. vesuvius (at pompeii). soil ft. in. brown incoherent tuff " " small scoriæ and white lapilli " " brown earthy tuff " " whitish lapilli " " gray solid tuff " " pumice and white lapilli " " ] leaving this terrible "safety-valve" to the imprisoned fires under our feet, we travel along the wooded flanks and savage valleys of the llanganati mountains, whose lofty blue ridge is here and there pointed with snow.[ ] it is universally believed that the incas buried an immense quantity of gold in an artificial lake on the sides of this mountain during the spanish invasion, and many an adventurous expedition has been made for it. the inhabitants will tell you of one valverde, a spaniard, who, from being very poor, had suddenly become very rich, which was attributed to his having married an indian girl whose father showed him where the treasure was hidden, and accompanied him on various occasions to bring away portions of it; and that valverde returned to spain, and on his death-bed bequeathed the secret of his riches to the king. but since padre longo suddenly disappeared while leading an expedition, the timid ecuadorians have been content with their poverty.[ ] [footnote : immediately south of cotopaxi, the cordillera consists of paramos sown with lakes and morasses, and is rarely covered with snow. llanganati is probably from _llánga_, to touch: they touch the sources of nearly all the ecuadorian rivers.] [footnote : the story is doubtless due to the fact that the eastern streams, which issue from the foot of this cordillera, are auriferous.] and now we have reached the perfect cone of tunguragua, the rival of cotopaxi in symmetry and beauty.[ ] it stands , feet above the pacific, its upper part covered with a splendid robe of snow, while the sugar-cane grows in the romantic town of baños, , feet below the summit. a cataract, feet high, comes down at three bounds from the edge of the snow to the warm valley beneath; and at baños a hot ferruginous spring and a stream of ice-water flow out of the volcano side by side. here, too, the fierce youth of the pastassa, born on the pumice slopes of cotopaxi, dashes through a deep tortuous chasm and down a precipice in hot haste, as if conscious of the long distance before it ere it reaches the amazon and the ocean. tunguragua was once a formidable mountain, for we discovered a great stream of lava reaching from the clouds around the summit to the orange-groves in the valley, and blocking up the rivers which tumble over it in beautiful cascades. it has been silent since ; but it can afford to rest, for then its activity lasted seven years.[ ] [footnote : from tungúri, the ankle-joint, alluding to its apical angle. it is a little steeper than cotopaxi, having a slope of °.] [footnote : spruce asserts that he saw smoke issuing from the western edge in ; and dr. terry says that in smoke ascended almost always from the summit. dr. taylor, of riobamba, informs the writer that smoke is now almost constantly visible. the characteristic rock is a black vitreous trachyte resembling pitchstone, but anhydrous.] close by rises beautiful altar, a thousand feet higher. the indians call it capac-urcu, or the "chief." they say it once overtopped chimborazo; but, after a violent eruption, which continued eight years, the walls fell in. its craggy crest is still more alpine than caraguairazo; eight snowy peaks shoot up like needles into the sky, and surround an altar to whose elevated purity no mortal offering will ever attain. the trachyte which once formed the summit of this mountain is now spread in fragments over the plain of riobamba. leaving this broken-down volcano, but still the most picturesque in the andes, we travel over the rough and rugged range of cubillin, till our attention is arrested by terrific explosions like a naval broadside, and a column of smoke that seems to come from the furnace of the cyclops. it is sangai, the most active volcano on the globe. from its unapproachable crater, three miles high, it sends forth a constant stream of fire, water, mud, and ashes.[ ] [footnote : la condamine ( ) adds "sulphur and bitumen."] no intermission has been noticed since the spaniards first saw it three hundred years ago. stromboli is the only volcano that will compare with it. its ashes are almost always falling on the city of guayaquil, one hundred miles distant, and its explosions, generally occurring every hour or two, are sometimes heard in that city. wisse, in , counted explosions in one hour. we have now completed the series. what an array of snow-clad peaks wall in the narrow valley of quito--nature's gothic spires to this her glorious temple! if ever there was a time when all these volcanoes were active in concert, this secluded vale must have witnessed the most splendid pyrotechnics conceivable. imagine fifty mountains as high as etna, three of them with smoking craters, standing along the road between new york and washington, and you will have some idea of the ride down this gigantic colonnade from quito to riobamba. if, as ruskin says, the elements of beauty are in proportion to the increase of mountainous character, ecuador is artistically beautiful to a high degree. here, amid these plutonic peaks, are the energies of volcanic action best studied. the constancy of the volcanic fires is a striking fact. first we have the deluges of submarine lavas, which were poured out long before the andes lifted their heads above the waters; then alternate porphyritic strata, feldspathic streams, and gypseous exhalations; then, at a later day, floods of basaltic lava; next the old tertiary eruptions; and, lastly, the vast accumulations of boulders, gravel, ashes, pumice, and mud of the present day, spread over the valley of quito and the west slope of the cordilleras to an unknown depth beneath the sea. the incessant eruptions of sangai, and the frequent earthquakes, show that the subterranean energy which heaved the andes is not yet expended. chapter x. the valley of quito.--riobamba.--a bed of "fossil giants."--chillo hacienda.--otovalo and ibarra.--the great earthquake of . the valley of quito has about the same size and shape as the basin of salt lake, but it is five thousand feet higher.[ ] the two cordilleras inclosing it are tied by the mountain-knots of assuay and chisinchi, so that the valley is subdivided into three basins, those of cuenca, ambato, and quito proper, which increase in beauty and altitude as we travel north. there are several subordinate transversal dikes and some longitudinal ridges, but all the basins lie parallel to the axes of the cordilleras--a characteristic feature of the andes. the deep valleys on the outside flanks are evidently valleys of erosion, but the basins between the cordilleras were created with them. [footnote : compare the table-lands in the old world: thibet , feet. south africa , " mysore (india) , " spain , " bavaria , " ] the first is fifty miles long. it contains the cities of loja and cuenca,[ ] the former distinguished for its cinchona forests, the latter for inca graves and mines of precious metals. the middle basin ( miles in length) is covered with vast quantities of volcanic débris, the outpourings of cotopaxi, tunguragua, and altar, on one side, and of chimborazo and caraguairazo on the other. nothing relieves the barrenness of the landscape but hedges of century plant, cactus, and wild heliotrope, which border the roads. whirlwinds of sand are often seen moving over the plain. the mean temperature is °. . here exist, we can not say thrive, the cities of riobamba, ambato, and tacunga, already noticed. riobamba,[ ] properly rayobamba, the plain of lightning, was founded at the beginning of this century, or shortly after the destruction of the old city. excepting the ecclesiastical buildings, the houses are of one story, built of stone plastered with mud, sometimes of adobe or bamboo, and the windows are grated like those of a prison. as in all spanish-american towns, the main church fronts the great plaza where the weekly fairs are held. save on fair-day, the city is lifeless. nothing is exported to the coast except a few eggs and fowls, lard and potatoes. such is the power of habit, an indian will take a hen to bodegas and sell it for four reals ( cents) when he could get three for it in riobamba, and six on the road. another instance of this dogged adherence to custom was related to us by dr. taylor: the indians were accustomed to bring the curate of a certain village a bundle of alfalfa every day. a new curate, having no use for so much, ordered them not to bring any more. he was besieged by five hundred of his wild parishioners, and had he not been a powerful man, they would have killed him. they told him they were accustomed to bring the curate that much of alfalfa, and should continue. [footnote : the altitude of loja is feet; of cuenca, feet.] [footnote : according to villavicencio, _rio_ (or _rie_) is quichua for road; _bamba_ is plain.] old riobamba (cajabamba) is situated twelve miles to the west. this has been the scene of some of the most terrible paroxysms that over shook the andes. in a part of mount cicalfa was thrown down, crushing the city at its foot; hills arose where valleys existed; rivers disappeared, and others took their places; and the very site of the city was rent asunder. the surviving inhabitants could not tell where their houses had stood, and property was so mingled that litigation followed the earthquake. judging from the numerous sculptured columns lying broken and prostrate throughout the valley, the city must have had a magnificence now unknown in ecuador. around a coat of arms (evidently spanish) we read these words: _malo mori quam fedari_, "i would rather die than be disgraced." in the spring of another convulsion caused a lake to disappear and a mountain to take its place. near punín, seven miles southwest of riobamba, we discovered in a deep ravine numerous fossil bones, belonging chiefly to the mastodon, and extinct species of the horse, deer, and llama. they were imbedded in the middle of an unstratified cliff, four hundred feet high, of very compact silt or trachytic clay, free from stones, and resting on a hard quartzoze sandstone. in the bed of the stream which runs through the ravine (charged with nitrate of soda) are some igneous rocks. the bones were drifted to this spot and deposited (many of them in a broken state) in horizontal layers along with recent shells. we have, then, this remarkable fact, that this high valley was tenanted by elephantine quadrupeds, all of which passed away before the arrival of the human species, and yet while the land, and probably the sea also, were peopled with their present molluscan inhabitants. this confirms the statement of mr. lyell, that the longevity of mammalian species is much inferior to that of the testacea. it is interesting to speculate on the probable climate and the character of the vegetation in this high valley when these extinct mammifers lived. the great pachyderm would have no difficulty in thriving at the present day at quito, on the score of temperature or altitude. the mammoth once flourished in siberia; and gibbon met an elephant on the high table-lands of bolivia that had walked over the cordillera at the pass of antarangua, sixteen thousand feet above the sea. darwin thinks that the climate of the cordilleras has changed since the pleistocene period. "it is a marvelous fact in the history of mammalia (says this naturalist) that in south america a native horse should have lived and disappeared, to be succeeded in after ages by the countless herds descended from the few introduced with the spanish colonists." the high ridge of chisinchi, stretching across the great plateau from cotopaxi to iliniza, separates the evergreen valley of quito from the arid and melancholy valleys of cuenca and ambato. it rolls out like a rich carpet of emerald verdure between the towering mountains of pichincha and antisana, cotacachi and cayambi. this was the centre of the most ancient native civilization after that of titicaca. here, while the darkness of the middle ages was settling over europe, dwelt the quitus, whose origin is lost in the mists of fable. then, while peter the hermit was leading his fanatic host against the saracens, the cara nation waged a more successful crusade, and supplanted the quitus. here, too, in the bloody days of pizarro, reigned, and was buried, the last of the incas, ill-fated atahuallpa. to him, indeed, it was a more delightful spot than the vale of vilcamayu--the paradise of peru. the puengasi hills, running through the valley from north to south, partially divide the capital and its vicinity from the charming valley of chillo, spread out at the foot of antisana. here is the venerable hacienda of chillo, where humboldt and bonpland resided for some time. it is owned by the aguirres, who are grand-nephews of don carlos montufar, the companion of the famous travelers. the hacienda contains two valuable paintings--an original "crucifixion" by titian, and a portrait of the great german from life, as he appeared in . this latter relic interested us exceedingly, and, through the kindness of sr. aguirre, we were allowed to photograph it. it represents humboldt in his prime, a traveler on the andes, dressed after the court-fashion of berlin; very different from the usual portrait--an old man in his library, his head, thinly covered with gray hair, resting on his bosom. [illustration: humboldt in .] thirty miles north of quito, near the volcanic imbabura, is the ruined city of otovalo, a thousand feet lower than the capital. it was well built, and contained inhabitants. quichua was the prevailing language. its chief trade was in saddles, ponchos, straw hats, and fruit. here was the cotton factory, or _quinta_, of sr. pareja. three miles from otovalo was the enterprising indian village of cotocachí, at the mountain of the same name. it was noted for its hand-loom products. a heap of ruins now marks the locality. it is a doomed spot, suffering more than any other town in . four miles northwest of otovalo was the city of ibarra, picturesquely seated on a plain feet lower than quito, and surrounded with orchards and gardens. it numbered nearly , souls. it was not a commercial place, but the residence of landed proprietors. the neighborhood produced cotton, sugar, and fruit. a league distant was carranqui, the birthplace of atahuallpa. and, finally, the great valley fitly terminates in the plain of atuntaqui,[ ] where the decisive battle was fought which ushered in the reign of the incas. [illustration: ibarra.] [footnote : atuntaqui received its name from the big drum which was kept here in the days of huayna-capac, to give the war-signal.] this northern province of imbabura was the focus of the late terrible earthquake. at half past one on sunday morning, august , , with scarcely a premonitory sign (save a slight trembling at p.m. the previous day), there was an upheaving of the ground, and then one tremendous shock and rocking of the earth, lasting one minute. in that brief moment the rich and flourishing province became a wilderness, and "misericordia!" went up, like tho sound of many waters, from ten villages and cities. otovalo, ibarra, cotocachí, and atantaqui are heaps of ruins. at otovalo perished. after the first shock, not a wall a yard high remained. houses, in some instances, seemed to have been cut from their foundation, and thrown ten feet distant. the large stone fountain in the plaza was thrown many yards. the cotton factory, which was built on the edge of a ravine, was by one stroke reduced to fragments. such was the force of the concussion, the looms smashed each other, the carding-machines were thrown on their sides, and the roof, with part of the machinery, was found in the river below. the proprietor was killed. throughout this whole region roads were broken up, and vast chasms created crossing the country in all directions. one is yards long, yards broad, and yards deep. large fissures were opened on the sides of cotocachí and imbabura, from which issued immense torrents of water, mud, and bituminous substances, carrying away and drowning hundreds of cattle. a caravan of mules going to chillo with cotton-bales was found four days after grazing on a narrow strip of land, on each side of which was a fearful chasm, while the muleteers were killed. at quito comparatively little damage was done. fifteen lives were lost, and the churches, convents, and many private houses are in a state of dilapidation. domes and arches, which are much used because of the scarcity of timber, were first to fall. in the fierceness of the shock, and the extent of the territory shaken, the earthquake of august, , is without a parallel in the new world. the destruction of life ( , officially reported in ecuador alone) has not been equaled in any other earthquake during this century. the tremor was felt over four republics, and from the andes to the sandwich islands. the water-wave was felt on the coast of new zealand sixteen hours after it had set a united states gunboat, on the sand-hills of arica. in some respects it is surpassed only by the lisbon earthquake, which reached from sweden to the west indies, and from barbary to scotland. the loss of property seems to have been greatest in peru, and the loss of life greatest in ecuador. the commotion seemed to be most violent along the western cordillera, though it was felt even on the napo. there are few places where the crust of our planet is long at rest. brazil, egypt, russia, and greenland are comparatively free from earthquakes. but had we delicate instruments scattered throughout the world, upheaval and subsidence would doubtless be detected in every part of the so-called _terra firma_. the sea, and not the land, is the true image of stability. "time writes no wrinkle on thy azure brow: such as creation's dawn beheld, thou rollest now." earthquakes have occurred in every period of geological history, and are independent of latitude. the first well-known earthquake came in the year , and shattered pompeii and herculaneum sixteen years before they were overwhelmed by the first recorded eruption of vesuvius. the most celebrated earthquake, and perhaps the most terrible manifestation of force during the human period, was in . the shock, which seemed to originate in the bed of the atlantic, pervaded one twelfth of the earth's surface. unhappy lisbon stood in its path. an earthquake is a vertical vibration, having an undulatory progression. an example of the simple bounding movement occurred in , when the city of riobamba, in the quito valley, was buried under part of a mountain shaken down by the violent concussion, and men were tossed several hundred feet. we saw one massive structure which had nearly turned a somersault. the ordinary vibrations seldom exceed two feet in height. the wave-movement has a rate of from twenty to thirty miles a minute, depending on the elasticity of the rock and the elevations on the surface. when two undulations cross each other, a rotatory or twisting motion is produced. the waves are generally transmitted along the lines of primary mountain chains, which are doubtless seated on a fracture. the lisbon waves moved from southwest to northeast, or parallel to the mountain system of the old world; those of the united states, in , ran parallel to the volcanic chain in mexico. in south america they roll along the andes. that of left its tracks along a westerly line from tunguragua through peliléo and guáno. it is a little singular, that while the late trembling at quito seemed to come from the north, the great shock in peru preceded that in ecuador by three days. though the origin of earthquakes is deep-seated, the oscillation is mostly superficial, as deep mines are little disturbed. the most damage is done where the sedimentary plains abut against the hard, upturned strata of the mountains. the shock is usually brief. that of caracas lasted fifty seconds, that of lisbon six minutes; but humboldt witnessed one in south america which continued a quarter of an hour. several hypotheses have been advanced to account for earthquakes. rogers ascribes them to billowy pulsations in the molten matter upon which the flexible crust of the earth floats. mallet thinks they may be viewed as an uncompleted effort to establish a volcano. dana holds that they are occasioned by the folding up of the rocks in the slow process of cooling and consequent contraction of the earth's crust. in this process there would occur enormous fractures to relieve the tension; tilted strata would slip, and caverns give way. all this no doubt takes place; but the sudden, paroxysmal heavings incline us to refer the cause to the same eruptive impulse which makes vesuvius and cotopaxi discharge pent-up subterranean vapor and gas. the most destructive earthquakes occur when the overlying rocks do not break and give vent to the imprisoned gas. there is some connection between volcanoes and earthquakes; the former are, to a certain extent, "safety-valves." the column of smoke from the volcano of pasto suddenly disappeared just before the great earthquake at riobamba. in the spring of pichincha and cotopaxi showed signs of increasing activity, but in the summer became quiet again. cotocachí and sangai, miles apart, were awaked simultaneously; the former, silent for centuries, sent forth dense masses of earth and volcanic matter to a distance of many miles, covering thousands of acres; the latter thundered every half hour instead of hourly, as before. still, the greatest earthquakes do not occur in the vicinity of active volcanoes. lisbon and lima (where, on an average, forty-five shocks occur annually, and two fearful ones in a century) are far distant from any volcanic vent; likewise northern india, south africa, scotland, and the united states. an earthquake is beyond the reach of calculation. professor perrey, of dijon, france, is endeavoring to prove that there is a periodicity in earthquakes, synchronous with that in the tides of the ocean, the greatest number occurring at the time of new and full moon.[ ] if this theory be sustained, we must admit the existence of a vast subterranean sea of lava. but all this is problematical. earthquakes appear independently of the geology of a country, though the rate of undulation is modified by the mineral structure. earthquake waves seem to move more rapidly through the comparatively undisturbed beds of the mississippi valley than through the contorted strata of europe. meteorology is unable to indicate a coming earthquake, for there is no sure prophecy in sultry weather, sirocco wind, and leaden sky. the lisbon shock came without a warning. sudden changes of the weather, however, often occur after an earthquake. since the great convulsion of the climate of the valley of quito is said to be much colder. a heavy rain often follows a violent earthquake in peru. [footnote : professor quinby, of the university of rochester, has, at our request, calculated the position of the moon at the late earthquake: "august th, , a.m., the moon was on meridian ° ' east of that of quito, or ° ' past the lower meridian of quito, assuming the longitude of quito west of greenwich to be °, which it is very nearly. this is but little after the vertex of the tidal wave should have passed the meridian of quito, on the supposition that the interior of the earth is a liquid mass. the age of the moon at that time was . days, _i.e._, it was only about two days before new moon." at the time of the earthquake, a.m., march , , the moon was on meridian ° ' east of that of quito, and was . days old. shocks have since occurred, march th at a.m., and april th at a.m., .] no amount of familiarity with earthquakes enables one to laugh during the shock, or even at the subterranean thunders which sound like the clanking of chains in the realm of pluto. all animated nature is terror-stricken. the horse trembles in his stall; the cow moans a low, melancholy tune; the dog sends forth an unearthly yell; sparrows drop from the trees as if dead; crocodiles leave the trembling bed of the river and run with loud cries into the forest; and man himself becomes bewildered and loses all capacity. when the earth rocks beneath our feet (the motion resembling, in the words of darwin, "that felt by a person skating over thin ice which bends under the weight of his body"), something besides giddiness is produced. we feel our utter insignificance in the presence of a mysterious power that shakes the andes like a reed. but more: there is an awful sensation of insecurity. "a moment (says humboldt) destroys the illusion of a whole life: our deceptive faith in the repose of nature vanishes, and we feel transported, as it were, into a region of unknown destructive forces." a judgment day seems impending, and each moment is an age when one stands on a world convulsed. chapter xi. "the province of the orient," or the wild napo country.--the napos, zaparos, and jívaros indians.--preparations to cross the continent. on the eastern slope of the ecuadorian andes, between the marañon and its tributary the putumayo, lies the napo country. this almost unknown region has the area of new york and new england together. the government of quito, by a sonorous decree in , baptized it "la provincia del oriente." peru likewise claims it, but neither republic has done any thing to colonize it. a dense primeval forest, broken only by the rivers, covers the whole territory, and is the home of wild races untouched by civilization.[ ] there is not a road in the whole province. a footpath, open only in the dry season, and barely passable then, connects quito and the rio napo. congress lately promised to put canélos in communication with the capital; but the largest villages in this vast and fertile region--archidona, canélos, and macás--still remain isolated from the outer world.[ ] ecuador once appointed a functionary under the high-sounding title of "governor of the orient," with a salary of $ ; but now the indians are not troubled with any higher official than an alcalde. [footnote : the boundary-line between ecuador and peru is about as indefinite as the eastern limit of bolivia, brazilians claiming "as far west as the cattle of the empire roam."] [footnote : quito might be made more accessible on the atlantic than on the pacific side. but ecuadorians dote on guayaquil, and refuse to connect themselves directly with the great nations of the east. we believe there is a glorious future for quito, when it will once more become a city of palaces. but it will not come until a road through the wilderness and a steamer on the napo open a short communication with the wealth of amazonia and the enterprise of europe.] the country is very thinly inhabited. the chief tribes are the semi-christianized napos (sometimes called quijos), dwelling on the north bank of the napo; the peaceful but uncivilized zaparos, living between the napo and pastassa, and the warlike jívaros, spread over the unexplored region between the pastassa and santiago. these oriental tribes would probably be assigned by d'orbigny to the antisian branch of the alpine races of south america. dwelling amid the darkness of primeval forests, and on the gloomy banks of mountain torrents, they have acquired modifications of character, physical and moral, which distinguish them from the natives of the high and open regions, or the steaming lowlands of the amazon. in color, however, they do not appear to us to be entitled to the name of "white men;" they approach nearer to the bronze complexion of the quichuans than the yellow cast of the brazilians. we see no evidence of that "bleaching process" resulting from a life under the dense canopy of foliage of which the learned french naturalist speaks, neither did we perceive the force of his statement that the color of the south american bears a very decided relation to the humidity of the atmosphere. the features of the napo indians are quichuan, especially the low forehead, squarely-built face, and dull expression; but in stature they exceed the mountaineers. from a skull in our possession we take the following measurements, adding for comparison the dimensions of an ancient peruvian cranium in dr. morton's collection: napo. peruvian. longitudinal diameter - / in. . in. parietal " - / " . " frontal " " . " vertical " - / " . " capacity - / cub. in. cub. in. facial angle ° ° from this it will be seen that the capacity of this individual napo is cubic inches greater than the average bulk ( cubic inches) of the old peruvians; a trifle less than the average north american ( ); cubic inches less than the european ( ); and the same as the average polynesian and native african. he has a rounded head, somewhat prominent vertex, not an excessive protuberance of brain behind--a line through the meatus dividing it into very nearly equal parts; but a narrow front as viewed from above, small vertical diameter, quadrangular orbits, vertical teeth, and low facial angle. these characters place him between the toltecan and the more barbarous tribes of the new world. the napos are nominally subject to the ecuadorian government, which is represented by three or four petty alcaldes; but the jesuit missionaries, who have established a bishopric and three curacies, generally control affairs--spiritual, political, and commercial. the indians of each village annually elect one of their number governor, who serves without salary, and whose only show of authority is a silver-headed cane about four feet long. he is attended by half a dozen "justices," whose duty it is to supply the curate, alcalde, and any traveling _blanco_ who may happen to be in town with daily food at a reasonable rate. the religion of the napos is a mixture of paganism and christianity. in common with all the other orient tribes, they believe in good and evil principles, and in metempsychosis. they swear in the name of the devil. they bury their dead horizontally, in a coffin made of a part of a canoe, with a lid of bamboo. they are very kind to the aged. monogamy is the rule: the usual age of wedlock is sixteen or seventeen. the parents negotiate the marriage, and the curate's fee is one castellano ($ . ). when a person dies they hold an irish "wake" over the body, and then take the widow to the river and wash her. they have seven semi-religious feasts in a year. to us they appeared to be nothing more than meaningless drunken frolics. attired in their best, with head-dresses consisting of a circlet of short, richly-colored feathers from the breast of the toucan, surmounted with the long tail-feathers of the macaw, and with necklaces of beads, seeds, and monkeys' teeth, they keep up a constant monotonous tapping on little drums, and trot around a circle like dogs on a treadmill, stopping only to drink chicha. this is kept up for three weeks, when they all start off, with wives and children, for the forest to hunt monkeys for meat. chicha, the favorite drink of all the andean indians, is here brewed from yuca, not from corn and barley as in the quito valley. so true is it, as humboldt remarks, that almost every where man finds means of preparing some kind of beverage from the vegetable kingdom. the chilotans, darwin informs us, make chicha from a species of _bromelia_. in every zone, too, we find nations in a low degree of civilization living almost exclusively upon a single animal or plant. thus the laplander has his reindeer, the esquimaux his seal, the sandwich islander his tara-root, the malay his sago-palm, the napo indian his yuca. yuca is the staple food in this region. it is more commonly roasted, but is sometimes ground into flour. the manufacture of chicha is primitive, and not a little disgusting. a "bee," usually old women, sit around a wooden trough; each one takes a mouthful of yuca root, and, masticating it, throws it into the trough. the mass is then transferred to large earthen jars containing water, and left to ferment. the liquor is slightly acid, but not intoxicating unless taken in excess. this is done on feast-days, when the poor indian keeps his stomach so constantly distended for weeks that the abdominal protrusion is not only unsightly, but alarming to a stranger. chicha-drinking is a part of the worship of these simple aborigines. they seem to think that the more happy they make themselves while paying their devotions to the creator, the better he is satisfied. the jesuits have found it impossible to change this method of praise. here, as among all rude nations, an ancient custom is one half the religion. in eating meat (usually monkey, sea-cow, and peccari), we observed that they did not tear or bite it, but, putting one end of a long piece in the mouth, cut off what they could not get in, as darwin noticed among the fuegians. they keep no domestic animals except fowls. as to dress, they make use of a coarse cotton cloth, called _lienzo_, woven by the more enlightened indians of quito, dyeing it a dull brown by means of achote juice. the men wear a strip of this around the loins, and the women a short skirt. on feast-days, or when musquitoes are thick, the men add a little poncho and pantaloons. they do not properly tattoo, but color the skin with achote or anatto. this substance, which serves so many purposes in this part of the world, is the red powder which covers the seeds contained in the prickly bur of the _bixa orellana_. the pigment is an article of commerce on the amazon, and is exported to europe, where it is used for coloring butter, cheese, and varnish. they have no fixed pattern; each paints to suit his fancy. usually, however, they draw horizontal bands from the month to the ears, and across the forehead; we never saw curved lines in which higher savages, like the tahitians, tattoo. the napos have the provoking apathy of all the new world aborigines. as humboldt observed of another tribe, "their poverty, stoicism, and uncultivated state render them so rich and so free from wants of every kind, that neither money nor other presents will induce them to turn three steps out of their ways." they maintain a passive dignity in their bearing not seen in the proudest pope or emperor. they seldom laugh or smile, even under the inspiration of chicha, and months of intercourse with them did not discover to us the power of song, though villavicencio says they do sometimes intone fragments of prose in their festival orgies. they manifest little curiosity, and little power of mimicry, in which wild men generally excel the civilized.[ ] the old spartans were never so laconic. in conversation each says all he has to say in three or four words till his companion speaks, when he replies in the same curt, ejaculatory style. a long sentence, or a number of sentences at one time, we do not remember of hearing from the lips of a napo indian.[ ] [footnote : all savages appear to possess to an uncommon degree the power of mimicry.--_darwin_.] [footnote : gibbon observes of his indian paddlers on the marmoré: "they talk very little; they silently pull along as though they were sleeping, but their eyes are wandering all the time in every direction."] the women do most of the work, while their lazy lords drink up the chicha and swing in their hammocks, or possibly do a little hunting.[ ] they catch fish with bone hooks, seines, spears, and by poisoning the water with _barbasco_.[ ] this last method is quite common throughout equatorial america. mashing the root, they throw it into the quiet coves of the river, when almost immediately the fish rise to the surface, first the little fry and then the larger specimens. the poison seems to stupefy rather than kill, for we observed that some individuals behaved in a most lively manner shortly after they were caught. the indians drink the water with impunity. [footnote : some of these feminines, however, have a method of retaliation which happily does not exist further north. they render their husbands idiotic by giving them an infusion of _floripondio_, and then choose another consort. we saw a sad example of this near riobamba, and heard of one husband who, after being thus treated, unconsciously served his wife and her new man like a slave. _floripondio_ is the seed of the _datura sanguinea_, which is allied to the poisonous _stramonium_ used by the priests of apollo at delphi to produce their frantic ravings.] [footnote : _jacquinia armillaris_, an evergreen bush. the indians on the tapajos use a poisonous liana called _timbó_ (_paullinia pinnata_).] the napos are not brave; their chief weapons for hunting are spears of chonta wood, and blowpipes (_bodaqueras_) made of a small palm having a pith, which, when removed, leaves a polished bore, or of two separate lengths of wood, each scooped out with patient labor and considerable skill by means of the incisor teeth of a rodent. the whole is smeared with black wax, a mouth-piece fitted to the larger end, and a sight made of bone imbedded in the wax. through this tube, about ten feet long, they blow slender arrows cut from the leaf-stalks of a palm. these are winged with a tuft of silk-cotton (common cotton would be too heavy), and poisoned with _urarí_, of which we shall speak hereafter. this noiseless gun is universally used on the upper amazon.[ ] [footnote : it is there called _zarabatana_ or _gravatana_; by the peruvians _pucuna_. it corresponds to the _sumpitan_ of borneo. it is difficult to recognize the use of the blow-gun, but the natives will kill at the distance of feet. one which we brought home sent the slender arrow through the panel of a door.] the zaparos in physiognomy somewhat resemble the chinese, having a middle stature, round face, small eyes set angularly, and a broad, flat nose. their language is of simple construction, but nasal and guttural. they have no words for numbers above three, but show their fingers; above ten they know nothing. they take to themselves single names, not double. they reckon time by moons and the ripening of certain fruits. their name for god is piátzo, but we could not learn that it conveyed any distinct idea. they believe the evil spirit, "mungia," is a black spectre dwelling in the woods. they think the souls of the good and brave enter beautiful birds and feed on delicious fruits, while cowardly souls become dirty reptiles. polygamy is common. they bury in the sitting posture, with the hammock of the deceased wrapped around him. the very old men are buried with the mouth downward. they make use of a narcotic drink called _ayahuasca_, which produces effects similar to those of opium. the zaparos are pacific and hospitable, but there is little social life among them; they never cluster into large villages, but inhabit isolated ranchos. nomadic in their habits, they wander along the banks of the napo, between the andes and the marañon. they manufacture, from the twisted fibre of the chambiri-palm,[ ] most of the twine and hammocks seen in eastern ecuador. their government is patriarchal. [footnote : this thorny palm is called _tucum_ in brazil. the fibres of the budding top are used. a woman will twist a hundred yards of twine a day, and make a living by selling hammocks for twenty-five cents a piece.] the jívaros, or "red indians" _par excellence_, are the most numerous and the most spirited of the oriental tribes. they are brave and resentful, yet hospitable and industrious. while the napos and zaparos live in rude, often temporary huts of split bamboo, the warlike jívaros erect houses of hard wood with strong doors. blood relations live together on the communal principle, the women keeping the rear half of the house, which is divided by a partition. many jívaros approach the caucasian type, the beard and lighter skin hinting a percentage of spanish blood; for this tribe was never conquered by the incas, nor did it brook spanish avarice and cruelty, but in one terrible conflict ( ) the intruder was swept out of existence. the wives of the el dorado adventurers spent the rest of their days in the harems of the jívaros. these indians have the singular custom and art of compressing the heads of their notable captives; taking off the skin entire and drying it over a small mould, they have a hideous mummy which preserves all the features of the original face, but on a reduced scale."[ ] they also braid the long black hair of their foes into girdles, which they wear as mementoes of their prowess. they use chonta-lances with triangular points, notched and poisoned, and shields of wood or hide. they have a telegraphic system which enables them to concentrate their forces quickly in time of war; large drums are placed on the tops of the hills, and a certain number of strokes, repeated along the line, rapidly convey intelligence to the most distant habitation. [footnote : bates (ii., ) speaks of a similar custom among the ancient mundurucus: "they used to sever the head with knives made of broad bamboo, and then, after taking out the brain and fleshy parts, soak it in bitter vegetable oils, and expose it several days over the smoke of a fire, or in the sun."] an odd custom prevails among these wild indians when an addition is made to the family circle. the woman goes into the woods alone, and on her return washes herself and new-born babe in the river; then the husband immediately takes to his bed for eight days, during which time the wife serves him on the choicest dainties she can procure.[ ] they have also the unique practice of exchanging wives. the jívaro speech is sonorous and energetic. they do not use salt; so that they distinguish the napo tribes as the "indians who eat salt." the chief articles manufactured by them are cotton goods and blowpipes. they trade mostly at canélos and macás, generally purchasing iron implements, such as hatchets and knives. [footnote : a like custom existed among some brazilian and guiana tribes. it also prevailed to some extent among the ancient cantabrians and corsicans, the congos and tartars, and in the southern french provinces.] canélos consists of about seventy families of quichua-speaking indians, and lies on the south bank of the bobonaza. a trail connects it with baños, at the foot of tunguragua. canélos was founded in , and derives its name from its situation in the canéla, or american cinnamon forest. the bark of the tree has the flavor of the ceylon aromatic; but, according to dr. taylor, it is cassia. macás, in the days of spanish adventure a prosperous city under the name of "sevilla de oro," is now a cluster of huts on the banks of the upano. its trade is in tobacco, vanilla, canela, wax, and copal. the spaniards took the trouble to transplant some genuine cinnamon-trees from ceylon to this locality, and they flourished for a time. on the th of october we left quito on our march across the continent, by the way of the napo wilderness. the preparations for our departure, however, commenced long before that date. to leave quito in any direction is the work of time. but to plunge into that _terra incognita_ "el oriente," where for weeks, perhaps months, we should be lost to the civilized world and cut off from all resources, east or west, demanded more calculation and providence than a voyage round the world. we were as long preparing for our journey to the amazon as in making it. in the first place, not a man in quito could give us a single item of information on the most important and dangerous part of our route. quitonians are not guilty of knowing any thing about trans-andine affairs or "oriental" geography. from a few petty traders who had, to the amazement of their fellow-citizens, traversed the forest and reached the banks of the napo, we gleaned some information which was of service. but on the passage down the napo from santa rosa to the marañon, a distance of over five hundred miles, nobody had any thing to say except the delightful intelligence that in all probability, if we escaped the fever, we would be murdered by the savages. the information we received was about as definite and reliable as herndon obtained respecting any tributary to the lower amazon: "it runs a long way up: it has rapids; savages live upon its banks; every thing grows there." from m. gillette, a swiss gentleman trading at pará in moyabamba hats, we learned about the movements of the peruvian steamer on the marañon; but how long it would take us to cross the mountains and the forest, and descend the river, we must find out by trial. the commissary department was of primal importance. as, from all we could learn, we could not depend upon obtaining supplies from the indians or with our guns,[ ] it was necessary to take provisions to last till we should reach the marañon. but how long we should be in the forest and on the river, or what allowance to make for probable delays, it was impossible to prophesy. the utmost caution and forethought were therefore needed, for to die of starvation in the wilderness was, for all practical purposes, equivalent to falling into the hands of cannibals. as it turned out, however, we made a most fortunate hit, for on arriving at pebas--the first village on the marañon--we found we had just enough solid food left to have one grand jubilee dinner. [footnote : the scarcity of game is well illustrated by the fate of pizarro and his comrades. in returning from their expedition to the napo country, they nearly perished with hunger, living on lizards, dogs, horses, saddles, sword-belts, etc., and reached quito looking more like spectres than men.] for the benefit of future travelers, and for the curiosity of others, we give the bill of fare we provided for this journey--stomachs, five; time, forty-two days: flour lbs. corn meal " pea flour " mashka " crackers " rice " sugar " chocolate " dried meat[ ] " salt " lard " cream tartar - / " soda " tea " ham " tamarinds " eggs . anisado pts. . [footnote : "jerked beef," as it is called in south america, consists of thin strips cut off the carcass after skinning and dried in the sun. the butchers do not distinguish between sirloin and round.] to this we added by purchase from the indians a few chickens and eggs, five gallons of sirup, and a peck of rice; and on the river we helped ourselves to a little wild game, as fish, peccari, deer, and turtles' eggs. but these made only a drop in the commissary bucket; had we depended upon finding provisions on the road, we must have perished from sheer hunger. game, in the dry season, is exceedingly scarce. our provisions were packed in kerosene cans, a part of which were soldered up to keep out moisture (for the valley of the napo is a steaming vapor-bath) and to keep out the hands of indians. more than once have these treacherous yet indispensable guides robbed the white man of his food, and then left him to his fate; we lost not a pound by theft. a four-gallon keg of aguardiente,[ ] from which we dealt out half a gill daily to each man, kept our indians in good humor. [footnote : this is the rum of the andes, corresponding to the _cashaça_ of brazil. it is distilled from sugar-cane. when double-distilled and flavored with anise, it is called _anisado_.] as we must ascend to the cold altitude of fifteen thousand feet, and then descend to the hot valley of the amazon, we were obliged to carry both woolen and cotton garments, besides rubber ponchos to shield them from the rain by day, and to form the first substratum of our bed at night. two suits were needed in our long travel afoot through the forest; one kept dry for the nightly bivouac, the other for day service. at the close of each day's journey we doffed every thread of our wearing apparel, and donned the reserved suit, for we were daily drenched either from the heavens above or by crossing swollen rivers and seas of mud. then, too, as boots would not answer for such kind of travel, we must take _alpargates_, a native sandal made of the aloe fibre, and of these not a few, for a pair would hardly hold together two days. two bales of _lienzo_, besides knives, fish-hooks, thread, beads, looking-glasses, and other trinkets, were also needed; for the napo indians must be paid in such currency. there _lienzo_, not gold and silver, is the cry. on this we made a small but lawful profit, paying in quito eighteen cents per yard, and charging on the river twenty-five. an extensive culinary apparatus, guns and ammunition, taxidermal and medicinal chests, physical instruments, including a photographic establishment, rope, macheta, axe, saw, nails, candles, matches, and a thousand _et cætera_, completed our outfit. among the essential _et cætera_ were generous passports and mandatory letters from the president of ecuador and the peruvian chargé d'affaires, addressed to all authorities on the napo and the marañon. they were obligingly procured for us by señor hurtado, the chilian minister (then acting for the united states), through the influence of a communication from our own government, and were of great value to the expedition.[ ] [footnote : the following is a copy of the president's order: republica del ecuador ministeria de estado } quito á de octubre,} en el despacho del interior.} de . } apertoria. a las autoridades del transito hasta el napo, i á los demas empleados civiles i militares de la provincia del oriente: el sor. james orton, ciudadano de los ee. uu. de américa, profesor de la universidad de rochester en nueva-york, i jefe de una comision cientifica del instituto de smithsonian de washington, vá á la provincia de oriente con el objeto de esplorarla en cumplimiento de su encargo. s.e. el presidenta de la república ordena á u.u. presten al espresado sor. orton i su comitiva cuantas consideraciones merecen sus personas, i los ausilios i co-operacion que necesiten para verificar su viaje i hacer sus estudios i observaciones. dios gue. á u.u. r. carvajal. ] chapter xii. departure from quito.--itulcachi.--a night in a bread-tray.--crossing the cordillera.--guamani.--papallacta.--domiciled at the governor's.--an indian aristides.--our peon train.--in the wilderness. forty miles east-southeast of quito, on the eastern slope of the eastern cordillera, and on the western edge of the great forest, is the indian village of papallacta. from the capital to this point there is a path just passable for horses; but thence to the napo travelers must take to their feet. through the intervention of the curate of papallacta, who has great influence over his wild people, but who has wit enough to reside in quito instead of his parish, we engaged the indian governor to send over thirteen beasts and three peons to carry our party and baggage to papallacta. wednesday morning the quadrupeds were at the door of our hotel, five of them _bestias de silla_. these horses, judging by size, color, shape, and bony prominences, were of five different species. the saddles, likewise, differed from one another, and from any thing we had ever seen or desired to see. one of them was so narrow and deep none of us could get into it; so, filling up the cavity with blankets, we took turns in riding on the summit. by noon, october th, we had seen our andean collections in the hands of arrieros bound for guayaquil, whence they were to be shipped by way of panama to washington, and our baggage train for napo headed toward the rising sun. so, mounting our jades, we defiled across the grand plaza and through the street of st. augustine, and down the carniceria to the alameda, amid the _vivas_ and _adeos_ of our quitonian friends, who turned out to see the largest expedition that ever left the city for the wild napo country since the days of pizarro. few there were who expected to hear of our safe arrival on the shores of the atlantic. crossing the magnificent plain of iñaquito, we reached in an hour the romantic village of guápulo. here is an elegant stone church dedicated to the virgin of guadaloupe, to which the faithful make an annual pilgrimage. thence the road led us through the valley of the guaillabamba (a tributary to the esmeraldas), here and there blessed with signs of intelligent life--a mud hut, and little green fields of cane and alfalfa, and dotted with trees of wild cherry and myrtle, but having that air of sadness and death-like repose so inseparable from a quitonian landscape. the greater part of this day's ride was over a rolling country so barren and dreary it was almost repulsive. what a pity the sun shines on so much useless territory! just before sunset we arrived at itulcachi, a great cattle estate at the foot of the eastern chain of mountains. the hacienda had seen better days, and was poorly fitted to entertain man or beast. the major-domo, however, managed to make some small potato soup, and find us shelter for the night. in the room allotted us there were three immense kneading-troughs and two bread-boards to match, for a grist-mill and bakery were connected with the establishment. in default of beds, we made use of this furniture. five wiser men have slept in better berths, but few have slept more soundly than we did in the bread-trays of itulcachi. the following day we advanced five miles to tablon, an indian hamlet on the mountain side. here we waited over night for our cargo train, which had loitered on the road. this was the only spot in south america where we found milk to our stomachs' content; itulcachi, with its herds of cattle, did not yield a drop. our dormitory was a mud hovel, without an aperture for light or ventilation, and in this dark hole we all slept on a heap of barley. splendid was the view westward from tablon. below us were the beautiful valleys of chillo and puembo, separated by the isolated mountain of ilaló; around them, in an imposing semicircle, stood cayambi, imbabura, pichincha, corazon, iliniza, rumiñagui, cotopaxi, sincholagua, and antisana. as the sun went down in his glory behind the western range, the rocky head of pichincha stood out in bold relief, and cast a long shadow over the plain. at this halting-place we made the mortifying discovery that the bare-legged indian who had trotted by our side as a guide and body-servant, and whom we had ordered about with all the indifference of a surly slaveholder, was none other than his excellency eugenio mancheno, governor of papallacta! after this we were more respectful. the next morning, our baggage having come up, we pushed up the mountain through a grand ravine, and over metamorphic rocks standing on their edges with a wavy strike, till we reached a polylepis grove, , feet above the sea. we lunched under the wide-spreading branches of these gnarled and twisted trees, which reminded us of the patriarchal olives in the garden of gethsemane, and then, ascending over the monotonous paramo, we stood at the elevation of , feet on the narrow summit of the guamani ridge. some priest had been before us and planted a cross by the roadside, to guide and bless the traveler on his way. of the magnificent prospect eastward, over the beginning of the amazonian valley, which this lofty point commands, we have already spoken. there was a wild grandeur in the scene--mountain behind mountain, with deep intervening valleys, all covered with one thick, unbroken mass of foliage. a tiny brook, the child of everlasting snows still higher up, murmured at our feet, as if to tell us that we were on the atlantic slope, and then dashed into the great forest, to lose itself in the mighty amazon, and be buried with it in the same ocean grave. the trade-wind, too, came rushing by us fresh from that sea of commerce which laves the shores of two worlds. guamani gave us also our finest view of antisana, its snow-white dome rising out of a wilderness of mountains, and presenting on the north side a profile of the human face divine. and now we rapidly descended by a steep, narrow path, and over paramo and bog, to a little tambo, where we had the luxury of sleeping on a bed of straw. here we made the acquaintance of two indians from the napo, who were on the way to quito with the mail--probably half a dozen letters. a strip of cloth around the loins, and a short cape just covering the shoulders, were all their habiliments. we noticed that they never sat down, though a bench was close by them; they would squat for an hour at a time. the day following we took our last horseback ride in south america. it was short, but horrible. through quagmire and swamp, and down a flight of rocky stairs, in striking imitation of general putnam's famous ride--over rocks, too, made wondrously slippery by a pitiless rain, but which our unshod indian horses descended with great dexterity, only one beast and his rider taking a somerset--thus we traveled two hours, reaching papallacta at a.m. we put up at the governor's. this edifice, the best in town, had sides of upright poles stuccoed with mud, a thatched roof, and ground floor, on which, between three stones, a fire was built for cookery and comfort. three or four earthen kettles, and as many calabashes and wooden spoons, were the sum total of kitchen utensils. a large flat stone, with another smaller one to rub over it, was the mill for grinding corn; and we were astonished to see how quickly our hostess reduced the grains to an impalpable meal. the only thing that looked like a bed was a stiff rawhide thrown over a series of round poles running lengthwise. this primitive couch, and likewise the whole house, the obsequious governor gave up to us, insisting upon sleeping with his wife and little ones outside, though the nights were cold and uncomfortable. parents and children were of the earth, earthy--unwashed, uncombed, and disgustingly filthy. we found the governor one day taking lice for his lunch. sitting behind his little boy, he picked out the little parasites with his nails, and crushed them between his teeth with a look of satisfaction. eating lice is an old indian custom, and universal in the andes. in inca times it was considered an infallible remedy against sore eyes. we have seen half a dozen women sitting on the ground in a row, picking out vermin from each other's heads. we thought the arrangement was a little unfair, for the first in the series had no lice to eat, and the animals were left to roam undisturbed in the capillary forest of the last. papallacta is a village of thirty dwellings, situated in a deep valley on the north slope of antisana, nearly surrounded by an amphitheatre of sandstone and basaltic precipices. here, too, is the terminus of the fourth great lava stream from the volcano; it is not mentioned by humboldt. papallacta is a thousand feet higher than quito, yet vegetation is more tropical. its name signifies "the potato country," but not a potato could we find here. though mancheno was governor, he was not really the greatest man in papallacta. this was carlos caguatijo; he was the ruling man, for he could read, write, and speak spanish, while the governor knew nothing but quichua. carlos, moreover, was a good man; he had an honest, quaker-like air about him, and his face reminded us of george washington's. in all his transactions we noticed no attempt to prevaricate or deceive; what he promised he performed to the letter. it was refreshing to meet one such upright soul in ecuador, though we found him not of caucasian blood, nor dwelling under the tiled roofs of the proud capital. the old man was the spiritual father of papallacta, and, in the absence of the curate, officiated in the little church. with him, therefore, and not with our host the governor, we negotiated for peons to take us through the wilderness. the journey from papallacta to the napo occupied us thirteen days, including four days of rest. it was performed on foot, for the "road" is a trail. but the untraveled reader can have little idea of a trail in a tropical forest: fording bridgeless rivers, wading through interminable bogs, fens, marshes, quagmires, and swamps, and cutting one's way through dense vegetation, must be done to be understood. half the year there is no intercourse between quito and its oriental province, for the incessant heavy rains of summer swell every rivulet into a furious torrent, and the path is overgrown and rendered impassable even by an indian. the only time for travel is between november and april, for then, though it rains nearly every day, the clouds drop down in showers, not floods. but even then the traveler must sometimes wait two or three weeks beside a swollen river in imminent danger of starving, and throughout the journey entertain the comforting prospect that his indians may eat up his provisions to lighten their load, or suddenly desert him as they did dr. jameson. there are other routes across south america much more feasible than the one we chose; these will be described in chapter xxiii. but they all yield in interest to this passage along the equatorial line, and especially in the line of history. who has not heard of gonzalo pizarro and his fatal yet famous expedition into "the land of cinnamon?" how he was led farther and farther into the wilderness by the glittering illusions of an el dorado,[ ] till the faithless orellana, deserting him, floated down the napo and made the magnificent discovery of the mighty amazon. gonzalo, "who was held to be the best lancer that ever went to these countries--and all confess that he never showed his back to the enemy"--returned to quito with a few survivors to tell a tale of almost unparalleled suffering. a century elapsed ( - ) before any one ascended from pará to quito by way of the rio napo; this was accomplished by pedro teixeira. [illustration: napo peon.] [footnote : the king of this fabulous land was said to wear a magnificent attire fragrant with a costly gum, and sprinkled with gold dust. his palace was of porphyry and alabaster, and his throne of ivory.] an indian will carry three arrobas (seventy-five pounds) besides his own provisions, his provisions for the journey consisting of about twenty-five pounds of roasted corn and barley-meal. the trunk or bundle is bound to his back by withes, which pass across the forehead and chest; a poncho or a handful of leaves protects the bare back from chafing. all our luggage (amounting to nearly fifteen hundred pounds) was divided and packed to suit this method of transportation, so that we required twenty indians. so many, however, of the right kind--for they must be athletic young men to endure the fatigues of such a journey--could not be furnished by the little village of papallacta, so we were obliged to wait a few days till more indians could be summoned from a neighboring town. when these arrived, the little world of papallacta, men, women, and children, assembled in front of the governor's house, while don carlos sat by our side on a raised seat by the doorway. a long parley ensued, resulting in this: that we should pay one hundred ecuadorian dollars for the transfer of our baggage to archidona; while carlos solemnly promised for the young men that they should start the next morning, that they should arrive at archidona within a stipulated time, and that they should not depend upon us for an ounce of food. the powerful influence of the curate, which we had secured, and the proclamation from the president, which carlos read aloud in the ears of all the people, together with the authoritative charge of carlos himself, had the desired effect; not a transportation company in the united states ever kept its engagement more faithfully than did these twenty peons--and this, too, though we paid them in advance, according to the custom of the country. upon a blanket spread at our feet the money was counted out, and carlos slowly distributed it with a grave and reverend air, to every indian five dollars.[ ] [footnote : we give below the autograph of this wisest man in all the oriente: "recibio del señor james orton la suma de centos ( ) pesos por vente ( ) peones hasta archidona. [illustration: reproduction of a signature is here] "papallacta, nov., ."] tuesday morning, november th, the peons promptly shouldered their burdens, and we, shod with _alpargates_, and with alpine staff in hand (more needed here than in switzerland), followed after, leaving the governor to sleep inside his mansion, and to eat his lice unmolested. on a little grassy knoll just outside the town our train halted for a moment--the indians to take their fill of chicha, and bid their friends good-by, and we to call the roll and take an inventory. our leader was isiro, a bright, intelligent, finely-featured, stalwart indian. he could speak spanish, and his comrades acknowledged his superiority with marked deference. ten women and children followed us for two days, to relieve the men of their burdens. their assistance was not needed in the latter part of the journey, for our keen appetites rapidly lightened the provision cans. starting again, we plunged at once into the forest, taking a northeasterly course along the left bank of a tributary to the coca. the ups and downs of this day's travel of twelve miles were foreshadowings of what might come in our "views afoot" in south america. we encamped at a spot the indians called maspa. herndon says: "the (peruvian) indians take no account of time or distance; they stop when they get tired, and arrive when god pleases."[ ] but our napo companions measured distance by hours quite accurately, and they always traveled as far as we were willing to follow. in ten minutes they built us a booth for the night; driving two crotchets into the ground, they joined them with a ridge-pole, against which they inclined a number of sticks for rafters. these they covered with palm-leaves, so adroitly put together that our roof was generally rain-proof. after ablution and an entire change of garments, we built a fire, using for fuel a green tree called _sindicaspi_ (meaning the wood that burns), a special provision in these damp forests where every thing is dripping with moisture. the fall of a full-grown tree under the strokes of a yankee axe was a marvel in the eyes of our indians. our second day's journey was far more difficult than the first, the path winding up steep mountains and down into grand ravines, for we were crossing the outlying spurs of the eastern cordillera. every where the track was slippery with mud, and often we sank two feet into the mire. how devoutly we did wish that the ecuadorian congress was compelled to travel this horrid road once a year! at o'clock we reached a lone habitation called guila, where wooden bowls are made for the quito market. here we procured a fresh indian to take the place of one of our peons who had given out under his burden. we advanced this day sixteen miles in ten hours, sleeping under an old bamboo hut beside a babbling brook bearing the euphonious name of pachamama. [footnote : "distance is frequently estimated by the time that a man will occupy in taking a chew of coca," or - / minutes.--_herndon_.] chapter xiii. baeza.--the forest.--crossing the cosanga.--curi-urcu.--archidona.--appearance, customs, and belief of the natives.--napo and napo river. eight hours' hard travel from pachamama brought us to baeza. this "antigua ciudad," as villavicencio calls it, was founded in by don egilio ramirez dávalos, and named after the quite different spot where scipio the younger routed asdrubal a thousand years before. it consists of two habitations, the residence of two families of tumbaco indians, situated in a clearing of the forest on the summit of a high ridge running along the right bank of the coca. this point, about one hundred miles east of quito, is important in the little traffic of the oriente. all indian trains from the capital to the province pass through baeza, where the trail divides; one branch passing on easterly to san josé, and thence down through abila and loreto to santa rosa; the other leading to the napo through archidona. here we rested one day, taking possession of one half of the larger hut--a mere stockade with a palm-leaf roof, without chairs, chimney, or fire-place, except any place on the floor. we swung our hammocks, while our indians stretched themselves on the ground beneath us. the island of juan fernandez is not a more isolated spot than baeza. a dense forest, impenetrable save by the trails, stretches away on every side to the andes and to the atlantic, and northerly and southerly along the slope of the entire mountain chain. the forest is such an entangled mass of the living and the fallen, it is difficult to say which is the predominant spirit--life or death. it is the cemetery, as well as the birthplace, of a world of vegetation. the trees are more lofty than on the lower amazon, and straight as an arrow, but we saw none of remarkable size. a perpetual mist seems to hang on the branches, and the dense foliage forms dark, lofty vaults, which the sunlight never enters. the soil and air are always cool, and never dry. every thing is penetrated with dampness. all our watches stopped, and remained immovable till we reached pará. it is this constant and excessive humidity which renders it so difficult to transport provisions or prepare an herbarium. the pending branches of moss are so saturated with moisture that sometimes the branches are broken off to the peril of the passing traveler. yet the climate is healthy. the stillness and gloom are almost painful; the firing of a gun wakes a dull echo, and any unlooked-for noise is startling. scarce a bird or a flower is to be seen in these sombre shades. nearly the only signs of animal life visible thus far were insects, mostly butterflies, fire-flies, and beetles. the only quadruped seen on our journey to the napo was a long-tailed marten caught by the indians. the silence is almost perfect; its chief interruption is the crashing fall of some old patriarch of the forest, overcome by the embrace of loving parasites that twine themselves about the trunk or sit upon the branches. the most striking singularity in these tropical woods is the host of lianas or air-roots of epiphytous plants, which hang down from the lofty boughs, straight as plumb-lines, some singly, others in clusters; some reaching half way to the ground, others touching it and striking their rootlets into the earth. we found lianas over one hundred feet long. sometimes a toppling tree is caught in the graceful arms of looping _sipôs_, and held for years by this natural cable. it is these dead trunks, standing like skeletons, which give a character of solemnity to these primeval woods. the wildest disorder is seen along the mountain torrents, where the trees, prostrated by the undermining current, lie mingled with huge stones brought down by the force of the water. in many places the crowns of stately monarchs standing on the bank interlock and form a sylvan arch over the river. we left baeza by the southerly trail for archidona. from papallacta we had traveled east, or parallel to the streams which flow down from the mountains. we were now to cross them (and their name is legion), as also the intervening ridges; so that our previous journey was nothing to that which followed. sometimes we were climbing up an almost vertical ascent, then descending into a deep, dark ravine, to ford a furious river; while on the lowlands the path seemed lost in a jungle of bamboos, till our indian "bushwhackers" opened a passage with their machetas, and we crept under a low arcade of foliage. this day we enjoyed something unusual in our forest trail--a distant view. the path brought us to the verge of a mountain, whence we could look down on the savage valley of the cosanga and upward to the dazzling dome of antisana; it was our farewell view of that glorious volcano. at the distance of twelve miles from baeza we reached the banks of the rio cosanga, camping at a spot called chiniplaya. this is the river so much dreaded by indians and whites traversing the napo wilderness. it is fearfully rapid--a very tigris from its source to its junction with the coca. the large, smooth boulders strewn along its bed show its power. here, sixty miles from its origin in the glaciers of antisana, it is seventy-five feet wide, but in the wet season it is one hundred yards. the day following we threaded our difficult way, a _via dolorosa_, fifteen miles up the left bank of the cosanga, where we crossed and camped on the opposite side. the indians had thrown a log over the deepest part of the river, and the rest we forded without much danger; but that very night the rain raised the river to such a magnitude that the little bridge was carried off. had we been one day later, we might have waited a week on the other side of the impassable gulf. between this point where we forded and chiniplaya, fifteen miles below, the barometer indicated a fall of five hundred feet. the roar of the rushing waters is like that of the sea. in the beautiful language of darwin (_journal_, p. ): "the sound spoke eloquently to the geologist; the thousands and thousands of stones, which, striking against each other, made the one dull, uniform sound, were all hurrying in one direction. it was like thinking on time, when the minute that now glides past is irrecoverable. so was it with these stones. the ocean is their eternity, and each note of that wild music told of one more step toward their destiny." on account of the heavy rain and the sickness of a peon, whom finally we were obliged to leave behind, we rested one day; but on the morrow we traveled fourteen miles, crossing the lofty guacamayo ridge,[ ] fording at much risk the deep cochachimbamba, and camping at a spot (the indians have a name for almost any locality in the forest) called guayusapugaru. the next day we must have advanced twenty miles, besides crossing the furious hondachi. this river was very much swollen by the rains, and it was only by the aid of a rope that we made the passage. one stout indian was carried down stream, but soon recovered himself. [footnote : humboldt speaks of this as an active volcano, "from which detonations are heard almost daily." we heard nothing. it is possible that he meant guamani.] as we had lowered our altitude since leaving papallacta seven thousand feet, the climate was much warmer, and vegetation more prolific. nowhere else between the andes and the atlantic did we notice such a majestic forest. the tree-ferns, ennobled by the tropical sun and soil, have a palm-like appearance, but with rougher stems and a usual height of fifty feet. plants akin to our "scouring rush" rise twenty-five feet. we saw to-day the "water tree," or _huadhuas_ of the natives, a kind of bamboo, which sometimes yields between the joints two quarts of clear, taste-less water. late in the evening we reached an old rancho called _curi-urcu_ ("the mountain of gold"); but we had traveled so far ahead of our cargo-train we did not see it again till the next morning. we were obliged, therefore, to sleep on the ground in our wet clothes, and put up with hard commons--half parched corn, which our indian guides gave us, and unleavened cakes or flour-paste baked on the coals. thence, after a short day's journey of ten miles, we arrived at archidona, by a path, however, that was slippery with a soft yellow clay. we were a sorry-looking company, soaked by incessant rains, exhausted by perspiration, plastered with mud, tattered, and torn; but we were kindly met by the jesuit bishop, who took us to his own habitation, where one indian washed our feet, and another prepared a most refreshing drink of _guayusa_ tea. we then took up our quarters at the government house, opposite the bishop's, sojourning several days on account of our swollen feet, and also on account of a swollen river which ran between us and the napo. here we made a valuable collection of birds, lizards, fishes, and butterflies. archidona is situated in a beautiful plain on the high northern bank of the misagualli, two thousand feet above the atlantic. the site is a cleared spot in the heart of an almost boundless forest; and it was a relief, not easily conceived, to emerge from beneath the dense leafy canopy into this open space and look up to the sky and to the snowy andes. the climate is uniform and delightful, the mean annual temperature being seventy-seven degrees. sand-flies, however, resembling our "punkies," abound; and the natives are constantly slapping their naked sides, eating the little pests as the papallactans do their lice.[ ] archidona is the largest village in the napo country, containing about five hundred souls. the houses are of split bamboo and palm-thatch, often hid in a plantation of yuca and plantain. the central and most important structure is the little church; its rude belfry, portico, chancel, images, and other attempts at ornament remind us of the fitting words of mrs. agassiz, that "there is something touching in the idea that these poor, uneducated people of the forest have cared to build themselves a temple with their own hands, lavishing upon it such ideas of beauty and taste as they have, and bringing at least their best to their humble altar." founded by dávalos in , archidona has been a missionary station for two hundred years. the people are child-like and docile, but the bishop confessed there was no intellectual advance. every morning and evening, at the tinkling of a little bell, all archidona assembled in the open porch, where the bishop taught them to sing and pray. it was a novel sight to see these children of the forest coming out of the woods on all sides and running up to the temple--for these natives, whenever they move, almost invariably go on a run. the men are tall and slim and of a dark red color, and their legs are bent backward at the knees. the governor was the only portly individual we saw. the women are short, with high shoulders, and are very timid; they seldom stand erect, and with the knees bent forward they run sneakingly to church. their eyes have a characteristic, soft, drooping look. they carry their babes generally on the hip; not on the back, as in quito. the men are hatless, shirtless, and shoeless; their only garments are short drawers, about six inches long, and little ponchos, both of lienzo, dyed a dark purple with achote--the red seeds of the bixa, which the cooks of quito use to color their soups. all paint their bodies with the same pigment. the women wear a frock reaching from the waist to the knees; it is nothing more than a yard or two of lienzo wound around the body. the archidonians are the most christianized of all the napo indians, but they can not be called religious. their rites (they can hardly be said to have a creed) are the _a_, _b_, _c_, of romanism, mingled with some strange notions--the relics of a lost paganism. they are very superstitious, and believe, as before remarked, in the transmigration of souls. maniacs they think are possessed by an evil demon, and therefore are treated with great cruelty. negroes (of whom a few specimens have come up the napo from brazil) are held to be under the ban of the almighty, and their color is ascribed to the singeing which they got in the flames of hell. they do not believe in disease; but, like the mundurucus on the tapajos, say that death is always caused by the sorceries of an enemy. they usually bury in the church or in the tambo of the deceased. celibacy and polygamy, homicide and suicide, are rare. [footnote : the chasuta indians, herndon says, eat musquitoes that they catch on their bodies with the idea of restoring the blood which the insect has abstracted.] the only sign of industry in archidona is the manufacture of pita thread from the aloe. it is exported to quito on human backs. the inhabitants also collect copal at the headwaters of the hondachi, and use it for illumination. it can be bought in archidona for three or four cents a pound. the gum exudes from a lofty leguminous tree having an oak-like bark. it resembles the animé of madagascar rather than the copal of india, which flows from an entirely different tree. guayusa, or "napo tea," is another and celebrated production of archidona. it is the large leaf of a tall shrub growing wild. an infusion of guayusa, like the _maté_ of paraguay (which belongs to the same genus _ilex_), is so refreshing it supplies for a long time the place of food. the indians will go to quito on this beverage alone, its virtues being similar to those of _coca_, on the strength of which the posts of the incas used to travel incredible distances. it is by no means, however, such a stimulant. it is a singular fact, observes dr. jameson, that tea, coffee, cacao, maté, and guayusa contain the same alkaloid caffeine. the last, however, contains only one fifteenth as much of the active principle as tea, and no volatile oil. herndon found guayusa on the ucayali. at archidona we took a new set of peons for napo, as the papallactans do not travel farther. the distance is sixteen miles, and the path is comparatively good, though it crosses two rivers, the misagualli and tena. on this journey we found the only serpent seen since leaving quito. this solitary specimen was sluggish and harmless, but exceedingly beautiful. it was the _amphisboena fuliginosa_, or "slow-worm." it lives in the chambers of the saüba ants. we met a procession of these ants, each carrying a circular piece of a leaf vertically over its head. these insects are peculiar to tropical america, and are much dreaded in brazil, where they soon despoil valuable trees of their foliage. they cut the leaves with their scissor-like jaws, and use them to thatch the domes at the entrance of their subterranean dwellings. at napo we took possession of the governor's house. each village in the napo province was obliged to build an edifice of split bamboo for that dignitary; and, as he no longer exists, they are left unoccupied. they generally stand on the highest and best site in the town, and are a god-send to travelers. immediately on our arrival, the indian governor and his staff of justices called to see what we wanted, and during our stay supplied us with chickens, eggs, plantains, yucas, and fuel. his excellency would always come, silver-headed cane in hand, though the justices had only six eggs or a single fowl to bring us. the alcalde also paid us his respects. he is an old blanco (as the whites are called), doing a little traffic in gold dust, lienzo, and pita, but is the highest representative of ecuador in the napo country. here, too, we met, to our great delight, mr. george edwards, a native of connecticut, who has settled himself, probably for life, in the depths of this wilderness. he was equally rejoiced to see the face and hear the speech of a countryman. his industry and upright character have won for him the respect and good-will of the indians, and he is favorably known in quito. the government has given him a tract of land on the yusupino, two miles west of napo village. here he is cultivating vanilla, of which he has now three thousand plants, and also his patience, for six years elapse after transplanting before a pod appears. he has been so long in the country (thirteen years) his english would now and then run off into spanish or quichua. napo is prettily situated on the left bank of the rio napo, a dense forest inclosing it on every side. the maximum number of inhabitants is eighty families; but many of these are in town only in festival seasons. it was well for us that we reached the napo during the feasts; otherwise we might not have found men enough to man our canoes down the river. there are three or four blancos, petty merchants, who follow the old spanish practice of compulsory sales, forcing the indians to take lienzo, knives, beads, etc., at exorbitant prices, and making them pay in gold dust and pita. this kind of commerce is known under the name of _repartos_. it is hard to find an indian whose gold or whose labor is not claimed by the blancos. the present and possible productions of this region are: bananas, plantains, yucas,[ ] yams, sweet potatoes, rice, beans, corn, lemons, oranges, chirimoyas, anonas (a similar fruit to the preceding), pine-apples, palm cabbages, guavas, guayavas, castor-oil beans, coffee, cacao, cinnamon, india-rubber, vanilla (two kinds),[ ] chonta-palm nuts, sarsaparilla, contrayerva (a mint), tobacco (of superior quality), and guayusa; of woods, balsam, red wood, brazil wood, palo de cruz, palo de sangre, ramo caspi, quilla caspi, guayacan (or "holy wood," being much used for images), ivory palm, a kind of ebony, cedar, and aguana (the last two used for making canoes); of dyewoods, sarne (dark red), tinta (blue), terriri, and quito (black); of gums, estoraque (a balsam) and copal, besides a black beeswax, the production of a small (trigona) bee, that builds its comb in the ground; of manufactures, pita, hammocks, twine, calabashes, aguardiente (from the plantain), chicha (from the yuca),[ ] sugar and molasses (from the cane, which grows luxuriantly), and manati-lard; of minerals, gold dust. the gold, in minute spangles, is washed down by the rivers at flood time, chiefly from the llanganati mountains. the articles desired in exchange are lienzo, thread, needles, axes, hoes, knives, fish-hooks, rings, medals, crosses, beads, mirrors, salt, and poison. quito nearly monopolizes the trade; though a few canoes go down the napo to the marañon after salt and poison. the salt comes from near chasuta, on the huallaga;[ ] the _urari_ from the ticuna indians. it takes about twenty days to paddle down to the marañon, and three months to pole up. the napo is navigable for a flat-bottomed steamer as far as santa rosa,[ ] and it is a wonder that anglo-saxon enterprise has not put one upon these waters. the profits would be great, as soon as commercial relations with the various tribes were established.[ ] four yards of coarse cotton cloth, for example, will exchange for one hundred pounds of sarsaparilla. _urari_ is sold at napo for its weight in silver. by a decree of the ecuadorian congress, there will be no duty on foreign goods entering the napo for twenty years. the napo region, under proper cultivation, would yield the most valuable productions of either hemisphere in profusion. but agriculture is unknown; there is no word for plow. the natives spend most of their time in idleness, or feasting and hunting. their weapons are blow-guns and wooden spears; our guns they call by a word which signifies "thunder and lightning." laying up for the future or for commerce is foreign to their ideas. the houses are all built of bamboo tied together with lianas, and shingled with leaves of the sunipanga palm. the indians are peaceful, good-natured, and idle. they seldom steal any thing but food. their only stimulants are chicha, guayusa, and tobacco. this last they roll up in plantain leaves and smoke, or snuff an infusion of it through the nose from the upper bill of a toucan. "the peruvians (says prescott, quoting garcilasso) differ from every other indian nation to whom tobacco was known by using it only for medicinal purposes in the form of snuff." there is no bread on the napo; the nearest approach to flour is yuca starch. there are no clocks or watches; time is measured by the position of the sun. the mean temperature at napo village is about one degree warmer than that of archidona. its altitude above the sea is feet. the nights are cool, and there are no musquitoes; but sand-flies are innumerable. jiggers also have been seen. there are no well-defined wet and dry seasons; but the most rain falls in may, june, and july. the lightning, edwards informed us, seldom strikes. dysentery, fevers, and rheumatism are the prevailing diseases; and we saw one case of goître. but the climate is considered salubrious. few twins are born; and there are fewer children than in archidona--a difference ascribed by some to the exposure of the napo people in gold washing; by others to the greater quantity of guayusa drunk by the archidonians. [footnote : sometimes called _yuca dulce_, or sweet yuca, to distinguish it from the _yuca brava_, or wild yuca, the mandioca of the amazon, from which farina is made. the yuca is the beet-like root of a little tree about ten feet high. it is a good substitute for potatoes and bread.] [footnote : vanilla belongs to the orchid family, and is the only member which possesses any economical value. it is a graceful climber and has a pretty star-like flower.] [footnote : in peru, the liquor made from yuca is called _masato_.] [footnote : rock-salt is found on both sides of the andes. "the general character of the geology of these countries would rather lead to the opinion that its origin is in some way connected with volcanic heat at the bottom of the sea."--darwin's _observations_, pt. iii., p. .] [footnote : "the napo (herndon was told) is very full of sand-banks, and twenty days from its mouth (or near the confluence of the curaray) the men have to get overboard and drag the canoes!"--_report_, p. .] [footnote : the chief difficulty throughout the upper amazon is in getting the indians to concentrate along the bank. but honorable dealing would accomplish this in time.] the napo is the largest river in the republic. from its source in the oriental defiles of cotopaxi and sincholagua to its embouchure at the marañon, its length is not far from eight hundred miles, or about twice that of the susquehanna.[ ] from napo village to the mouth of the river our barometer showed a fall of a thousand feet. at napo the current is six miles an hour; between napo and santa rosa there are rapids; and between santa rosa and the marañon the rate is not less than four miles an hour. at napo the breadth is about forty yards; at coca the main channel is fifteen hundred feet wide; and at camindo it is a full spanish mile. below coca the river throws out numerous canals, which, isolating portions of the forest-clad lowlands, create numerous picturesque islands. around and between them the river winds, usually making one bend in every league. the tall trees covering them are bound together by creeping plants into a thick jungle, the home of capybaras and the lair of the jaguar. the islands, entirely alluvial, are periodically flooded, and undergo a constant round of decay and renovation. indeed, the whole river annually changes its channel, so that navigation is somewhat difficult. the indians, on coming to a fork, were frequently at a loss to know which was the main channel. then, too, the river is full of snags and _plaias_, or low, shelving sand-banks, rising just above the water-level--the resort of turtles during the egg season. it was interesting to trace the bed of the river as we floated down; on the rapid slope of the cordilleras rushing over or rolling along huge boulders, which farther on were rapidly reduced in size, till, in time, boulders were broken into pebbles, pebbles turned into sand, and sand reduced to impalpable mud.[ ] the _plaias_ are not auriferous. below coca there is a wilderness of lagunes, all connected with the river, the undisturbed retreat of innumerable water-fowl. the only spot on the napo where the underlying rocks are exposed is near napo village. there it is a dark slate, gently dipping east. farther west, in fact, throughout this side of the andes, the prevailing rock is mica-schist. but the entire napo country is covered with an alluvial bed, on the average ten feet thick. [footnote : its actual source is the rio del valle, which runs northward through the valle vicioso. its longest tributary, the curaray, rises only a few miles to the south in the cordillera de los mulatos. the two rivers run side by side ° of longitude before meeting. coca, the northern branch, originates in the flanks of cayambi. the napo and its branches are represented incorrectly in every map we have examined. the aguarico is confounded with the santa maria and made too long, and the curaray is represented too far above the mouth of the napo. there are no settlements between coca and camindo.] [footnote : from specimens of sand which we obtained at different points in descending the river, we find that at coca it contains . per cent. of pure quartz grains, the rest being colored dark with augite: at the mouth of the napo there is per cent. of pure quartz, the other half being light-colored and feldspathic.] chapter xiv. afloat on the napo.--down the rapids.--santa rosa and its mulish alcalde.--pratt on discipline.--forest music.--coca.--our craft and crew.--storm on the napo. we embarked november th on our voyage down the river. it is no easy matter to hire or cajole the indians for any service. out of feast-time they are out of town, and during the festival they are loth to leave, or are so full of chicha they do not know what they want. we first woke up the indolent alcalde by showing him the president's order, and then used him to entice or to compel (we know not his motive power) eight indians, including the governor, to take us to santa rosa. we paid them about twenty-four yards of lienzo, the usual currency here. they furnished three canoes, two for baggage and one covered with a palm-leaf awning for ourselves. the canoes were of red cedar, and flat-bottomed; the paddles had oval blades, to which short, quick strokes were given perpendicularly to the water entering and leaving. but there was little need of paddling on this trip. the napo starts off in furious haste, for the fall between napo village and santa rosa, a distance of eighty miles, is three hundred and fifty feet. we were about seven hours in the voyage down, and it takes seven days to pole back. the passage of the rapids is dangerous to all but an indian. as wallace says of a spot on the rio negro, you are bewildered by the conflicting motions of the water. whirling and boiling eddies burst as if from some subaqueous explosion; down currents are on one side of the canoe, and an up current on the other; now a cross stream at the bows and a diagonal one at the stern, with a foaming scylla on your right and a whirling charybdis on the left. but our nervousness gave way to admiration as our popero, or pilot, the sedate governor, gave the canoe a sheer with the swoop of his long paddle, turning it gracefully around the corner of a rock against which it seemed we must be dashed, and we felt like joining in the wild scream of the indians as our little craft shot like an arrow past the danger and down the rapids, and danced on the waters below. in four hours we were abreast the little village of aguano; on the opposite bank we could see the tambos of the gold washers. at p.m. we reached the deserted site of old santa rosa, the village having been removed a few years ago on account of its unhealthy location. it is now overgrown with sour orange and calabash trees, the latter bearing large fruit shells so useful to the indians in making pilches or cups. in pitch darkness and in a drizzling rain we arrived at new santa rosa, and swung our hammocks in the government house. santa rosa, once the prosperous capital of the provincia del oriente, now contains about two hundred men, women, and children. the town is pleasantly situated on the left bank of the river, about fifteen feet above the water level. a little bamboo church, open only when the missionary from archidona makes his annual visit, stood near our quarters. the indians were keeping one of their seven feasts in a hut near by, and their drumming was the last thing we heard as we turned into our hammocks, and the first in the morning. the alcalde, pablo sandoval, is the only white inhabitant, and he is an indian in every respect save speech and color. his habitation is one of the largest structures on the napo; the posts are of chonta-palm, the sides and roof of the usual material--split bamboo and palm leaves. it is embowered in a magnificent grove of plantains and papayas. in the spacious vestibule is a bench, on which the indian governor and his staff seat themselves every morning to confer with the alcalde. in one corner stands a table (the only one we remember seeing on the napo); on the opposite side are heaped up jars, pots, kettles, hunting and fishing implements, paddles, bows and arrows. between the posts swing two chambiri hammocks. from santa rosa to pará the hammock answers for chair, sofa, _tête-à-tête_, and bed. when a stranger enters, he is invited to sit in a hammock; and at santa rosa we were always presented with a cup of guayusa; in brazil with a cup of coffee. sandoval wore nothing but shirt and pantaloons; the dignity of the barefooted functionary was confined to his spanish blood. he had lived long among the zaparos; and from him, his daughter, and a zaparo servant, we obtained much valuable information respecting that wild and little-known tribe. [illustration: papaya-tree.] at santa rosa we procured indians and canoes for the marañon. this was not easily done. the indians seemed reluctant to quit their feasts and go on such a long voyage, and the alcalde was unwilling they should go, and manufactured a host of lies and excuses. he declared there was but one large canoe in town, and that we must send to suno for another, and for men to man it. there were indeed few indians in santa rosa, for while we were disputing a largo number went off with shoutings down the river, to spend weeks in the forest hunting monkeys.[ ] it was a stirring sight to see these untamed red men in the depths of the napo wilderness starting on a monkey crusade; but it was still more stirring to think of paddling our own canoe down to brazil. after some time lost in word-fighting, we tried the virtues of authority. we presented the president's order, which commanded all civil and military powers on the napo to aid, and not to hinder, the expedition; then we put into his hand an official letter from the alcalde of napo (to whom pablo was subordinate), which, with a flourish of dignified spanish, threatened santa rosa with the doom of sodom and gomorrah if any impediment was placed in our way. [footnote : monkeys form an article of food throughout tropical america. the meat is tough, but keeps longer than any other in that climate. the indians told gibbon that "the tail is the most delicate part when the hair is properly singed."] to all this edwards, who had kindly accompanied us down the river thus far, added, with frightful gestures, that he purposed to report him to the quito government. after this bombardment sandoval was another man, and the two canoes and four indians we wanted were forthcoming. we had to wait, however, two days for the indians to prepare their chicha for the journey and to cover the canoes with palm awnings. the price of a canoe for the marañon is twenty-five varas of lienzo, and the same for each indian. unfortunately we had only fifty varas left; but, through the influence of the now good-natured alcalde, we induced the indians to take the balance in coin. after many delays, we put our baggage into one canoe, and ourselves into the other, and pushed off into the rapid current of the napo. we had three styles of valediction on leaving. our indian quartet, after several last drinks of chicha, bade their friends farewell by clasping hands, one kissing the joined hands, and then the other. sandoval muttered _adios_ in reply to ours, meaning, no doubt, good riddance, while we shouted a hearty good-bye to edwards as he pushed his way up stream to continue his lonely but chosen indian life on the banks of the yusupino. the napo at santa rosa runs at least five miles an hour, and we were soon picking our way--now drifting, now paddling--through a labyrinth of islands and snags. the indians, so accustomed to brutal violence from the hands of the whites, had begged of us, before our departure, that we would not beat them. but shortly after we left, one of them, who was literally filled with chicha, dropped his paddle and tumbled into a heap at the bottom of the canoe, dead drunk. pratt, our gigantic mississippi boatman, whom we had engaged at quito as captain and cook down the river, and who was an awful goliath in the eyes of the red-skins, seized the fellow and gave him a terrible shaking, the like of which was never seen or heard of in all napo. at once the liquor left the muddled brain of the astonished culprit, and, taking his paddle, he became from that hour the best of the crew. this was the only case of discipline on the voyage. always obsequious, they obeyed us with fear and trembling. none of them could speak spanish, so we had provided ourselves with a vocabulary of quichua. but some english words, like the imperative _paddle_! were more effective than the tongue of the incas. indeed, when we mixed up our quichua with a little anglo-saxon, they evidently thought the latter was a terrible anathema, for they sprang to their places without delay. in seven hours we arrived at suno, a collection of half a dozen palm booths, five feet high, the miserable owners of which do a little fishing and gold-washing. they gave us possession of their largest hut, in which they had been roasting a sea-cow, and the stench was intolerable. nevertheless, one of our number bravely threw down his blanket within, and went to sleep; two swung their hammocks between the trees, and the rest slept in the canoe. here, for the first time since leaving guayaquil, we were tormented by musquitoes. bats were also quite numerous, but none of them were blood-thirsty; and we may add that nowhere in south america were we troubled by those diabolical imps of imaginative travelers, the leaf-nosed species. so far as our experience goes, we can say, with bates, that the vampire, so common on the amazon, is the most harmless of all bats. it has, however, a most hideous physiognomy. a full-grown specimen will measure twenty-eight inches in expanse of wing. bates found two species on the amazon--one black, the other of a ruddy line, and both fruit-eaters. the nocturnal music of these forests is made by crickets and tree-toads. the voice of the latter sounds like the cracking of wood. occasionally frogs, owls, and goat-suckers croak, hoot, and wail. between midnight and a.m. almost perfect silence reigns. at early dawn the animal creation awakes with a scream. pre-eminent are the discordant cries of monkeys and macaws. as the sun rises higher, one musician after another seeks the forest shade, and the morning concert ends at noon. in the heat of the day there is an all-pervading rustling sound, caused by the fluttering of myriad insects and the gliding of lizards and snakes. at sunset parrots and monkeys resume their chatter for a season, and then give way to the noiseless flight of innumerable bats chasing the hawk-moth and beetle. there is scarcely a sound in a tropical forest which is joyous and cheering. the birds are usually silent; those that have voices utter a plaintive song, or hoarse, shrill cry. our door-yards are far more melodious on a may morning. the most common birds on the napo are macaws, parrots, toucans, and ciganas. the parrots, like the majority in south america, are of the green type. the toucan, peculiar to the new world, and distinguished by its enormous bill, is a quarrelsome, imperious bird. it is clumsy in flight, but nimble in leaping from limb to limb. it hops on the ground like a robin, and makes a shrill yelping--_pia-po-o-co_. ecuadorians call it the _predicador_, or preacher, because it wags its head like a priest, and seems to say, "god gave it you." the feathers of the breast are of most brilliant yellow, orange, and rose colors, and the robes of the royal dames of europe in the sixteenth century were trimmed with them. the cigana or "gypsy" (in peru called "chansu") resembles a pheasant. the flesh has a musky odor, and it is for this reason, perhaps, that they exist in such numbers throughout the country. the indians never eat them. in no country as in the amazonian valley is there such a variety of insects; nowhere do we find species of larger size or greater beauty. it is the richest locality for butterflies; bates found twelve hundred species in brazil alone, or three times as many as in all europe. the splendid metallic-blue, and the yellow and transparent-winged, are very abundant on the napo; some rise high in the air; others, living in societies, look like fluttering clouds. moths are comparatively rare. the most conspicuous beetle on the river is a magnificent green species (_chrysophora chrysochlora_), always found arboreal, like the majority of tropical coleopters; they look like emerald gems clinging to the branches. there are two kinds of bees, the black and yellow, which the napos name respectively _cushillo mishke_ (monkey honey) and _sara mishke_ (corn honey). it is singular these indians have no term for bees, but call them honey, and distinguish them by their color. the black species is said to make the most honey, and the yellow the best. the quadrupeds of the oriente are few and far between in the dry season. not a sloth nor armadillo did we see. but when the rains descend the wilderness is a menagerie of tigers and tapirs, pumas and bears, while a host of reptiles, led by the gigantic boa, creep forth from their hiding-places. the most ferocious carnivores are found in the mountains, and the most venomous serpents haunt the lowlands. darwin says that we ought not to expect any closer similarity between the organic beings on the opposite sides of the andes than on the opposite shores of the ocean. we will remark that we obtained a peccari, a number of birds not accustomed to high flights, and five reptilian species, on the pacific slope, identical with species found on the napo. breakfasting on fried yucas, roasted plantains, fish, and guayusa, we set sail, arriving at coca at p.m. this little village, the last we shall see till we come within sight of the amazon, is beautifully located on the right bank, twenty-five feet above the river, and opposite the confluence of the rio coca. though founded twenty years ago, it contains only five or six bamboo huts, a government-house, church, alcalde's residence, and a _trapiche_ for the manufacture of aguardiente and sirup from the cane.[ ] the alcalde was a worthless blanco, who spent most of his time swinging in a hammock slung between the posts of his veranda, and playing with a tame parrot when not drunk or asleep. this spot is memorable in history. pizarro having reached it from quito by way of baeza and the coca, halted and built a raft or canoe (prescott says a brig), in which orellana was sent down the river to reconnoitre, but who never returned. up to this point the napo has an easterly course; but after receiving the coca, it turns to the southeast. we remained here two days to construct a more comfortable craft for our voyage to the amazon, a distance of at least five hundred miles. the canoe is the only means of navigation known to the indians. but the idea of spending fifteen days cooped, cribbed, and cramped in a narrow canoe, exposed to a tropical sun and furious rains, was intolerable. [illustration: trapiche.] [footnote : the _trapiche_ or sugar-mill of the andes is a rude affair. the cane is pressed between cogged wooden cylinders worked by bullocks, and the juice is received in troughs made of hollowed logs.] our santa rosa canoes were about thirty feet long. these were placed about five feet apart and parallel, and then firmly secured by bamboo joists. over these we spread a flooring of split bamboo, and planted four stout chonta sticks to support a palm-thatched roof. a rudder (a novel idea to our red-skinned companions), and a box of sand in the stern of one of the boats for a fire-place, completed our rig. the alcalde, with a hiccough, declared we would be forever going down the river in such a huge craft, and the indians smiled ominously. but when our gallant ship left coca obediently to the helm, and at the rate of six miles an hour when paddles and current worked together, they shouted "_bueno_!" our trunks and provision-cans were arranged along the two sides of the platform, so that we had abundance of from for exercise by day and for sleeping under musquito-tents at night. a little canoe, which we bought of the alcalde, floated alongside for a tender, and was very serviceable in hunting, gathering fuel, etc. in the "forecastle"--the bows of the large canoes which projected beyond our cabin--sat three indians to paddle. the fourth, who was the governor of santa rosa, we honored with the post of steersman; and he was always to be seen on the poop behind the kitchen, standing bolt upright, on the alert and on the lookout. on approaching any human habitation, the indians blew horns to indicate that they came as friends. these horns must have come from brazil, as there are no bovines on the napo. whenever they enter an unknown lagune they blow their horns also to charm the _yacu-mama_, or mother-of-waters, as they call the imaginary serpent. at different points down the river they deposited pots of chicha for use on their return. the mass breeds worms so rapidly, however, as edwards informed us, that after the lapse of a month or two it is a jumble of yuca scraps and writhing articulates. but the owner of the heap coolly separates the animal from the vegetable, adds a little water, and drinks his chicha without ceremony. during leisure hours the indians busied themselves plaiting palm leaves into ornaments for their arms and heads. not a note did they whistle or sing. yet they were always in good humor, and during the whole voyage we did not see the slightest approach to a quarrel. at no time did we have the least fear of treachery or violence. the napos are not savages. their goodness, however, as bates says of the cucáma tribe, consists more in the absence of active bad qualities than in the possession of good ones. of an apathetic temperament and dull imagination, we could not stir them into admiration or enthusiasm by any scientific wonder; the utmost manifestation of surprise was a cluck with the tongue.[ ] upon presenting the governor with a vest, he immediately cut off the buttons, and, dividing the cloth into four parts, shared it with his fellows.[ ] when it rained they invariably took off their ponchos, but in all our intercourse with these wild men we never noticed the slightest breach of modesty. they strictly maintained a decent arrangement of such apparel as they possessed. a canoe containing a young indian, his bride, and our governor's wife and babe, accompanied us down to the marañon. they were going after a load of salt for sandoval. the girl was a graceful paddler, and had some well-founded pretensions to beauty. her coarse, black hair was simply combed back, not braided into plaits as commonly done by the andean women. all, both male and female, painted their faces with achote to keep off the sand-flies. [illustration: our craft on the napo.] [footnote : bates says the mundurucus express surprise by making a clicking sound with their teeth, and darwin observes that the fuegians have the habit of making a chuckling noise when pleased.] [footnote : the like perfect equality exists among the fuegian tribes. "a piece of cloth given to one is torn into shreds and distributed, and no one individual becomes richer than another."--_darwin_.] pratt managed the helm (the governor could not work the yankee notion) and the kitchen. at santa rosa we had added to our quito stock of provisions some manati-lard (bottled up in a joint of a bamboo) and sirup, and at coca we took in three fowls, a bag of rice, and a bunch of bananas. so we fared sumptuously every day. we left coca on thanksgiving day, november th, and to imitate our distant friends, we sacrificed an extra meal--fricasseed chicken, jerked beef, boiled yucas, bananas, oranges, lemonade, and guayusa. favored by a powerful current and the rhythmic paddling of our santa rosans, we made this day sixty miles; but our average daily run was fifty miles. the winds (doubtless the trades) were almost unchangeably from the east; but an occasional puff would come from the northwest, when we relieved our paddlers by hoisting a blanket for a sail. six o'clock was our usual hour of departure, and ten or twelve hours our traveling time, always tying up at a plaia or island, of which there are hosts in the napo, but never to the main land, for fear of unfriendly indians and the still more unwelcome tiger. our crew encamped at a respectful though hailing distance. on the second day from coca we were caught in a squall, and to save our roof we ran ashore. nearly every afternoon we were treated to a shower, accompanied by a strong wind, but seldom by thunder and lightning, though at coca we had a brilliant thunder-storm at night. they always came after a uniform fashion and at a regular hour, so that we learned when to expect them. about noon the eastern horizon would become suddenly black, and when this had spread to the zenith we heard the rush of a mighty wind sweeping through the forest, and the crash of falling trees, and then down fell the deluge. the indians have a saying that "the path of the sun is the path of the storm." these storm-clouds moved rapidly, for in half an hour all was quiet on the napo. at quito, two hundred miles west, the usual afternoon shower occurs two hours later. to-day we enjoyed our last glimpse of the andes. far away across the great forest we had traversed we could see the beautiful cone of cotopaxi and the flat top of cayambi standing out in proud pre-eminence. long will it be ere we forget this farewell view of the magnificent cordillera. chapter xv. sea-cows and turtles' eggs.--the forest.--peccaries.--indian tribes on the lower napo.--anacondas and howling monkeys.--insect pests.--battle with ants.--barometric anomaly.--first view of the amazon,--pebas. the thirtieth of november was an exciting day on the monotonous napo. we fell in with numerous sea-cows sporting in the middle of the stream. they were greatly disturbed by the sight of our huge craft, and, lifting their ugly heads high out of the water, gave a peculiar snort, as if in defiance, but always dived out of sight when fired upon. the sea-cow is called _vaca marina_ by the spaniards, _peixe boy_ by the brazilians, and _manati_ in the west indies. it has no bovine feature except in its upper lip. the head and skin remind one of a large seal. in many respects it may be likened to a hippopotamus without tusks or legs. it has a semicircular flat tail, and behind the head are two oval fins, beneath which are the breasts, which yield a white milk. the flesh resembles pork, with a disagreeable, fishy flavor. to-day we anchored at several plaias to hunt turtles' eggs. our indians were very expert in finding the nests. guided approximately by the tracks of the _tortugas_, as the turtles are called, they thrust a stick into the sand, and wherever it went down easily they immediately commenced digging with their hands, and invariably "struck" eggs. in four nests, whose contents we counted, there were one hundred and thirty-two, one hundred and fourteen, one hundred and twelve, and ninety-seven; but we have heard of one hundred and sixty eggs in a single nest. the turtles lay in the night, and in pits about two feet deep, which they excavate with their broad, webbed paws. the eggs are about an inch and a half in diameter, having a thin, leathery shell, a very oily yolk, and a white which does not coagulate. the indians ate them uncooked. we used them chiefly in making corn griddles. here, as throughout its whole course, the napo runs between two walls of evergreen verdure. on either hand are low clay banks (no rocks are visible), and from these the forest rises to a uniform height of seventy or eighty feet. it has a more cheerful aspect than the sombre, silent wilderness of baeza. old aristocrats of the woods are overrun by a gay democracy of creepers and climbers, which interlace the entire forest, and, descending to take root again, appear like the shrouds and stays of a line-of-battle ship. monkeys gambol on this wild rigging, and mingle their chatter with the screams of the parrot. trees as lofty as our oaks are covered with flowers as beautiful as our lilies. here are orchids of softest tints;[ ] flowering ferns, fifty feet high; the graceful bamboo and wild banana; while high over all countless species of palm wave their nodding plumes. art could not arrange these beautiful forms so harmoniously as nature has done. [footnote : some orchid is in flower all the year round. the finest species is the _odontoglossum_, having long, chocolate-colored petals, margined with yellow. "such is their number and variety (wrote humboldt) that the entire life of a painter would be too short to delineate all the magnificent orchideæ which adorn the recesses of the deep valleys of the peruvian andes." for many curious facts respecting the structure of these flowers, see darwin's _fertilization of orchids_.] [illustration: hunting turtles' eggs] the tropics, moreover, are strangers to the uniformity of association seen in temperate climes. we have so many social plants that we speak of a forest of oaks, and pines, and birches; but there variety is the law. individuals of the same species are seldom seen growing together. every tree is surrounded by strangers that seemingly prefer its room to its company; and, such is the struggle for possession of the soil, it is difficult to tell to which stem the different leaves and flowers belong. the peculiar charm of a tropical forest is increased by the mystery of its impenetrable thicket. within that dense, matted shrubbery, and behind that phalanx of trees, the imagination of the traveler sees all manner of four-footed beasts and creeping things. tropical vegetation is of fresher verdure, more luxuriant and succulent, and adorned with larger and more shining leaves than the vegetation of the north. the leaves are not shed periodically--a character common, not only to the equator, but also to the whole southern hemisphere. yet there is a variety of tints, though not autumnal. the leaves put on their best attire while budding instead of falling--passing, as they come to maturity, through different shades of red, brown, and green. the majority of tropical trees bear small flowers. the most conspicuous trees are the palms, to which the prize of beauty has been given by the concurrent voice of all ages. the earliest civilization of mankind belonged to countries bordering on the region of palms. south america, the continent of mingled heat and moisture, excels the rest of the world in the number and perfection of her palms. they are mostly of the feathery and fan-like species; the latter are inferior in rank to the former. the peculiarly majestic character of the palm is given not only by their lofty stems, but also in a very high degree by the form and arrangement of their leaves. how diverse, yet equally graceful, are the aspiring branches of the jagua and the drooping foliage of the cocoa, the shuttlecock-shaped crowns of the ubussú and the plumes of the jupati, forty feet in length. the inflorescence always springs from the top of the trunk, and the male flowers are generally yellowish. unlike the oak, all species of which have similar fruit, there is a vast difference in the fruits of the palm: compare the triangular cocoa-nut, the peach-like date, and grape-like assai. the silk-cotton tree is the rival of the palm in dignity; it has a white bark and a lofty flat crown. among the loveliest children of flora we must include the mimosa, with its delicately pinnated foliage, so endowed with sensibility that it seems to have stepped out of the bounds of vegetable life. the bamboo, the king of grasses, forms a distinctive feature in the landscape of the napo, frequently rising eighty feet in length, though not in height, for the fronds curve downward. fancy the airy grace of our meadow grasses united with the lordly growth of the poplar, and you have a faint idea of bamboo beauty. the first day of winter (how strangely that sounds under a vertical sun!) was sunday; but it was folly to attempt to rest where punkies were as thick as atoms, so we floated on. it was only by keeping in mid-river and moving rapidly enough to create a breeze through our cabin, that life was made tolerable. a little after noon we were again obliged to tie up for a storm. not a human being nor a habitation have we seen since leaving coca; and to-day nothing is visible but the river, with its islands, and plains, and the green palisades--the edges of the boundless forest. not a hill over one hundred feet high are we destined to see till we reach obidos, fifteen hundred miles eastward. were it not for the wealth of vegetation--all new to trans-tropical eyes--and the concerts of monkeys and macaws, oppressively lonely would be the sail down the napo between its uninhabited shores. but we believe the day, though distant, will come when its banks will be busy with life. toward evening three or four canoes pulled out from the shore and came alongside. they were filled with the lowest class of indians we have seen in south america. the women were nearly nude; the man (there was only one) had on a sleeveless frock reaching to the knees, made from the bark of a tree called _llanchama_. all were destitute of eyebrows; their hair was parted in the middle, and their teeth and lips were dyed black. they had rude pottery, peccari meat, and wooden lances to sell. like all the napo indians, they had a weakness for beads, and they wore necklaces of tiger and monkey teeth. they were stupid rather than brutal, and probably belonged to a degraded tribe of the great zaparo family. with darwin, "one's mind hurries back over past centuries, and then asks, could our progenitors have been men like these?--men whose very signs and expressions are less intelligible to us than those of the domesticated animals; men who do not possess the instinct of those animals, nor yet appear to boast of human reason, or, at least, of arts consequent on that reason. i do not believe it is possible to describe or paint the difference between savage and civilized man. it is the difference between a wild and tame animal; and part of the interest in beholding a savage is the same which would lead every one to desire to see the lion in his desert, the tiger tearing his prey in the jungle, or the rhinoceros wandering over the wild plains of africa." on the morrow our falcon-eyed indians whispered "_cuche_" long before we saw any thing.[ ] williams went ashore and came upon a herd of peccaries, killing two. the peccari is a pugnacious, fearless animal. it is not frightened by the noise of fire-arms, and when wounded is a dangerous foe; but captured when young, it is easily tamed. it has a higher back than the domestic hog, and cleanlier habits; an odoriferous gland on the loins, and three-toed hind feet. we preserved the skins for science and a ham for the table; the rest we gave to our crew and fellow-voyagers, who devoured every thing, even the viscera. they sat up late that night, around their camp-fire, cooking peccari meat: part they parboiled in a pot, and some they roasted, skewered on sticks which slanted over the flames; the rest they cured with smoke, for lack of salt. the meat, though rank, is palatable, but not equal to macaw, which we served up the next day.[ ] [footnote : in the quichua of quito the peccari is called _saino_.] [footnote : the uaupes on the napo, according to wallace, will not eat peccari meat. "meat putrifies in this climate (of the tapajos) in less than twenty-four hours, and salting is of no use unless the pieces are cut in thin slices and dried immediately in the sun."--_bates_.] we had now passed the mouth of the aguarico, leaving behind us the christian quitus and the peaceful zaparos. henceforth the right bank of the napo is inhabited by the mazanes and iquitos; while on the left are the wilder santa marias, anguteros, oritos, and orejones. the orejones, or "big ears," enlarge those appendages to such an extent that they are said to lie down on one ear and cover themselves with the other. this practice is now going out of fashion. these indians received their name, orejones, or oregones, from the spaniards, on account of this singular custom of inserting disks of wood in the ears to enlarge them; the like practice prevailed among the tribes on the columbia river, oregon. they trade in hammocks, poisons, and provisions. the anguteros, or putumayos, have a bad reputation. they are reported to have killed and robbed sarsaparilla traders coming up stream. nevertheless, we kept watch only one night during the voyage, though we always anchored to an island, and between coca and the amazon we did not see twenty-five men. equally rare were the savage brutes--not a jaguar showed himself, and only one anaconda. the anaconda, or water-boa (_eunectes murinus_[ ]), is larger and more formidable than the boa-constrictor which lives on the land. it has a hideous appearance, broad in the middle, and tapering abruptly at both ends. we did not learn from the natives that anacondas over twenty feet long had been seen on the napo, but specimens twice that size are found on the amazon. land boas do not often exceed fifteen feet in length. [footnote : the specific name was strangely given for its habit, when young, of darting upon mice. anaconda is a ceylonese word.] [illustration: a howler.] gangs of the large howling monkeys often entertained us with their terrific, unearthly yells, which, in the truthful language of bates, "increased tenfold the feeling of inhospitable wildness which the forest is calculated to inspire." they are of a maroon color (the males wear a long red beard), and have under the jaw a bony goître--an expansion of the os hyoides--by means of which they produce their loud, rolling noise. they set up an unusual chorus whenever they saw us, scampering to the tops of the highest trees, the dams carrying the young upon their backs. they are the only monkeys which the natives have not been able to tame. vast numbers of screaming parrots and macaws flew over our heads, always going in pairs and at a great height. groups of "gypsy-birds" were perched on the trees overhanging the river, and black ducks, cormorants, and white cranes floated on the water or stalked along the plaias. but one form of life superabounded. from the rising of the sun to the going down thereof clouds of ubiquitous sand-flies filled our cabin, save when the wind was high. as soon as the sand-flies ceased, myriads of musquitoes began their work of torture, without much preparatory piping, and kept it up all night.[ ] these pests were occasionally relieved or assisted by piums--minute flies that alight unnoticed, and squatting close to the skin, suck their fill of blood, leaving dark spots and a disagreeable irritation. our hands were nearly black with their punctures. we also made the acquaintance of the montúca, a large black fly whose horny lancets make a gash in the flesh, painless but blood-letting. all these insects are most abundant in the latter part of the rainy season, when the marañon is almost uninhabitable. the apostrophe of midshipman wilberforce was prompted by sufferings which we can fully appreciate: "ye greedy animals! i am ashamed of you. can not you once forego your dinner, and feast your mind with the poetry of the landscape?" right welcome was the usual afternoon squall, which sent these pests "kiting" over the stern. [footnote : sand-flies are called by the natives _musquitoes_, and what we call musquitoes they call _sancudos_.] on wednesday we fell in with a petty sarsaparilla trader, with two canoes, bound for the marañon. he was sick with fever. sarsaparilla (written _salsaparrilha_ in brazil, and meaning "bramble vine") is the root of a prickly, climbing plant found throughout the whole amazonian forest, but chiefly on dry, rocky ground. on the morning of the seventh day from coca we passed the mouth of the curaray, the largest tributary of the napo. it rises on the slopes of the llanganati mountains, and is considered auriferous. it is probably derived from _curi_, gold. seeing a hut on the banks, we sent an indian to purchase provisions; he returned with a few yucas and eggs. the day following we were attacked from a new quarter. stopping to escape a storm, a party went ashore to cut down a tree of which we desired a section. it fell with its top in the river, just above our craft; when lo! to our consternation, down came countless hosts of ants (_ecitons_). myriads were, of course, swept down stream, but myriads more crawled up the sides of our canoes, and in one minute after the tree fell our whole establishment, from hold to roof, was swarming with ants. we gave one look of despair at each other, our provisions and collections, and then commenced a war of extermination. it was a battle for life. the ants, whose nest we had so suddenly immersed in the napo, refused to quit their new lodgings. as we were loosely dressed, the tenacious little creatures hid themselves under our clothing, and when plucked off would leave their heads and jaws sticking in the skin. at last the deck was cleared by means of boots, slippers, and towels; but, had the ants persevered, they might have taken possession of the boat. to-day we saw a high bank (called in quichua _pucaurcu_, or red hill) consisting of fine laminated clays of many colors--red, orange, yellow, gray, black, and white. this is the beginning of that vast deposit which covers the whole amazonian valley. it rests upon a bed of lignite, or bituminous shale, and a coarse, iron-cemented conglomerate. the latter is not visible on the napo, but crops out particularly at obidos and pará. the indians prepare their paints from these colored clays. our santa rosans seemed to have little tact in fishing; still their spears and our hooks gathered not a few representatives of ichthyic life in the napo. the species most common belong to the genus _pimelodus_, or catfish tribe. below tho curaray the sand bars yielded turtles' eggs of a different kind from those found above, the _tracajá_. they were smaller and oval, and buried only six or eight inches deep, thirty in a nest. december .--passed early this morning the mouth of the mazan; four huts at the junction. to-day we noticed the anomaly first observed by herndon. from papallacta to the curaray the rise of the mercury was regular, but on the lower napo there were great fluctuations. at one time both barometer and boiling apparatus, with which we made daily and simultaneous observations, unanimously declared that our canoes were gliding up stream, though we were descending at the rate of five miles an hour. the temperature is decidedly lower and the winds are stronger as we near the amazon. december .--our last day on the napo. in celebration of the event we killed a fine young doe as it was crossing the river. it closely resembled the virginia deer. at a.m. the indians shouted in their quiet way--"_marañon_!" it was as thrilling as _thalatta_ to xenophon's soldiers. we were not expecting to reach it till night, being deceived by villavicencio's map, which, in common with all others, locates the curaray and mazan too far to the north. we halted for an hour at camindo, a little fishing hamlet claimed by peru, and then hastened to get our first sight of the amazon. with emotions we can not express, we gazed upon this ocean-stream. the march of the great river in its silent grandeur is sublime. in its untamed might it rolls through the wilderness with a stately, solemn air, showing its awful power in cutting away the banks, tearing down trees, and building up islands in a day. down the river we can look till the sky and water meet as on the sea, while the forest on either hand dwindles in the perspective to a long black line. between these even walls of ever-living green the resistless current hurries out of peru, sweeps past the imperial guns of tabatinga into brazil, and plows its way visibly two hundred miles into the atlantic. at a small island standing where the napo pays tribute to the monarch of rivers, mingling its waters with the huallaga and ucayali, which have already come down from the peruvian andes, we bade adieu to our captain and cook, who, in the little canoe, paddled his way westward to seek his fortune in iquitus. at this point the marañon (for so the natives call the upper amazon) does not appear very much broader than the napo; but its depth is far greater, and there are few sand-bars.[ ] the water is always of a turbid yellow; while the napo, though muddy during our voyage, is usually clear. the forest, moreover, on the banks of the marañon, is not so striking as on the tributary. the palms are not so numerous, and the uniform height of the trees gives a monotonous, sea-like horizon. [footnote : herndon makes the mouth of the napo yards broad, and the soundings six or seven fathoms. this is not a fair representation; for the napo, like all the other tributaries, empties its waters by several mouths. at camindo, five miles above the confluence, the napo is certainly a mile wide.] we arrived at pebas december , ten hours after leaving the mouth of the napo, and a month and a half from quito. the first individual we met addressed us in good english, and proved to be mr. hauxwell of birds and insects, who has resided thirty years on the amazon. his house, the largest and best in town, though but a roofed stockade, was generously placed at our disposal, and the fatted calf--an immense turtle--was immediately killed. to us, after the transit of the andes and the dangers and hardships of the wilderness and the river, it seemed as if we had reached the end of our journey, though we were over two thousand miles from the atlantic. pebas is situated on a high clay bluff beside the ambiyacu, a mile above its entrance into the marañon. excepting mr. hauxwell, the peruvian governor, and two or three other whites, the inhabitants are indians of the orejones and yagua tribes. the exportations are hammocks, sarsaparilla, palo de cruz, and urarí. palo de cruz is the very hard, dark-colored wood of a small leguminous tree bearing large pink flowers. urarí is the poison used by all the amazonian indians; it is made by the ticunas on the putumayo, by boiling to a jelly the juices of certain roots and herbs, chiefly of the _strychnos toxifera_, though it does not contain any trace of strychnine. tipped with urarí, the needle-like arrow used in blow-guns will kill an ox in twenty minutes and a monkey in ten. "we have reason to congratulate ourselves (wrote the facetious sidney smith) that our method of terminating disputes is by sword and pistol, and not by these medicated pins." but the poison appears to be harmless to man and other salt-eating animals, salt being an antidote.[ ] we were not troubled with sand-flies after leaving the plaias of the napo, but the musquitoes at pebas were supernumerary. perhaps, however, it was a special gathering on our account, for the natives have a notion that just before the arrival of a foreigner the musquitoes come in great numbers. [footnote : urarí is mentioned by raleigh. humboldt was the first to take any considerable quantity to europe. the experiments of virchau and münster make it probable that it does not belong to the class of tetanic poisons, but that its particular effect is to take away the power of voluntary muscular movement, while the involuntary functions of the heart and intestines still continue. see _ann. de chim. et de phys._, t. xxxix., , p. ; and schömberg's _reisen in britisch guiana_, th. i., s. . the frightful poison, _tieuté_ of india, is prepared from a java species of _strychnos_.] many of the indians are disfigured by dark blotches on the skin, the effect of a cutaneous disease very prevalent in central amazonia. here we first noticed the singular habit among the children of eating clay. this habit is not confined to the otomacs on the oronoco, nor to indians altogether; for negroes and whites have the same propensity--mr. hauxwell found it impossible to restrain his own children. bates ascribes the morbid craving to the meagre diet. this may be true to some extent, but it is certainly strange that the extraordinary desire to swallow earth (chiefly unctuous clays) is found only in the tropics, where vegetation is so rank and fruit so abundant. chapter xvi. down the amazon.--steam on the great river.--loreto.--san antonio.--tabatinga.--brazilian steamers.--scenery on the amazon.--tocantíns.--fonte boa.--ega.--rio negro.--manáos. we left pebas for tabatinga in the peruvian steamer "morona," captain raygado. going up to jerusalem by railroad, or ascending the nile by a screw whisking the sacred waters, is not so startling as the sight of a steamer in the heart of south america. there is such a contrast between the primeval wildness of the country and the people and this triumph of civilized life; and one looks forward to the dazzling future of this great valley, when the ships of all nations will crowd the network of rivers for the gold and perfumes, the gems and woods of this western ophir. the natives call the steamer the "devil's boat," or "big canoe;" but they manifest little curiosity. our napo indians were evidently afraid of it, and stood afar off. the first steamers that broke the deep solitude of the marañon were the "huallaga" and "tirado," brought out in by dr. whittemore, for peru. they were built in new york, of georgia pine, costing peru $ , , and reflected no credit on the united states; they lie rotting near nauta. peru has now two iron steamers of london make--the "morona" and "pastassa"--besides two smaller craft for exploring the tributaries. these steamers are for government service, but three more are building in england with passenger accommodations. the "morona" has a tonnage of five hundred, and an engine of one hundred and fifty horse-power. the engineers are english, and the cook is a chinaman. she makes monthly trips between yurimaguas, on the huallaga river, and tabatinga, on the brazilian frontier. her rate down stream is eighteen miles an hour, and from eleven to twelve against the current. these steamers do not pay expenses at present; but they preserve the authority of peru on the marañon, and supply with material the government works at iquitos. they also do a little commerce, taking down sarsaparilla and moyabamba hats, and bringing up english dry-goods. there were not half a dozen passengers on board. the only towns of any consequence west of pebas are iquitos, nauta, and yurimaguas. peru claims them--in fact, all the villages on the marañon. iquitos is the most thriving town on the upper amazon. it is situated on an elevated plain on the left bank of the river, sixty miles above the mouth of the napo. in herndon's time it was "a fishing village of inhabitants;" it now contains . here are the government iron-works, carried on by english mechanics. in there were six engineers, two iron-molders, two brass-molders, two coppersmiths, three blacksmiths, three pattern-makers, two boiler-makers, five shipwrights, three sawyers, besides bricklayers, brick-makers, carpenters, coopers, etc.; in all forty-two. all the coal for the furnaces is brought from england--the lignite on the banks of the marañon is unfit for the purpose. a floating dock for vessels of a thousand tons has just been built. nauta lies on the north bank of the marañon, opposite the entrance of the ucayali. its inhabitants, about , trade in fish, sarsaparilla, and wax from ucayali. yurimaguas is the port of moyabamba, a city of , souls, six days' travel southwest. this vast eastern slope, lying on the branches of the marañon, is called the montaña of peru. it is a region of inexhaustible fertility, and would yield ample returns to energy and capital. the villages are open to foreign commerce, free of duty; but at present the voice of civilized man is seldom heard, save on the main fluvial highway between moyabamba and the brazilian frontier. the portuguese are the most adventurous traders. the value of imports to peru by the amazonian steamers during was $ , ; of exports, $ , . in two hours and a half we arrive at maucallacta, or "old town," an indian village on the right bank of the river. here our passports were viséd by the peruvian governor, and the steamer wooded up. one of the hands on the "morona" was manuel medina, a mameluco, who was employed by bates and agassiz in their explorations. we left at noon of the following day, and anchored for the night off caballococha, for the peruvian steamers run only in the daytime. caballococha, or "horse-lake," is a ticuna town, situated on a level tract of light loam, closely surrounded by the dense forest, and beside a caño of clear water leading to a pretty lake. ecuador claims this town, and likewise all the settlements on the marañon; but her learned geographer, villavicencio, with characteristic ignorance of the country, has located it on the _north_ bank of the river! we passed in the afternoon the little tug "napo," having on board admiral tucker, the rebel, who, with some associates, is exploring the tributaries of the upper amazon for the peruvian government. they had just returned from a voyage of two hundred and fifty miles up the javarí. one of the party had a tame tiger-cat in his arms. we arrived at loreto early the next morning. this village of twenty houses and a church is prettily situated on the left bank, with a green slope in front. it is the most easterly town of peru on the amazon. here resides mr. wilkens, the brazilian consul, of german birth, but north american education. the inhabitants are peruvians, portuguese, negroes, and ticuna indians. the musquitoes hold high carnival at this place. in two hours we were at san antonio, a military post on the peruvian frontier, commanded by a french engineer, manuel charon, who also studied in the united states. one large building, and a flag-staff on a high bluff of red clay, were all that was visible of san antonio; but the "morona" brought down a gang of indians (impressed, no doubt) to build a fort for twenty guns. the site is in dispute, a brazilian claiming it as private property. the white barracks of tabatinga, the first fortress in brazil, are in plain sight, the voyage consuming but twenty minutes. between san antonio and tabatinga is a ravine, on either side of which is a white pole, marking the limits of the republic and the empire. tabatinga has long been a military post, but, excepting the government buildings, there are not a dozen houses. numerous indians, however, of the ticuna tribe, dwell in the neighboring forest. the commandante was o illustrissimo señor tenente aristides juste mavignier, a tall, thin, stooping officer, dressed in brown linen. he received us with great civility, and tendered a house and servant during our stay in port. we preferred, however, to accept the hospitalities of the "morona" till the arrival of the brazilian steamer. señor mavignier was commandante of manáos when visited by agassiz, and presented the professor with a hundred varieties of wood. with the like courtesy, he gave us a collection of reptiles, all of them rare, and many of them new species. he showed us also a live raposa, or wild dog, peculiar to the amazon, but seldom seen. tabatinga stands on an eminence of yellow clay, and is defended by twelve guns. the river in front is quite narrow, only about half a mile wide. here our passports, which had been signed at maucallacta and loreto, were indorsed by the commandante. they were afterward examined at ega, manáos, and pará. the mean temperature of tabatinga we found to be °.[ ] some rubber and salt fish are exported, but nothing of consequence is cultivated. grapes, the people say, grow well, but are destroyed by the ants. the only fruit-trees we noticed were the mamaï (in spanish, papaya), aracá, and abío. the papaw-tree bears male and female flowers on different trees, and hence receives the name of _papaya_ or _mamaï_, according to one's view of the pre-eminence of the sex. the juice of this tree is used by the ladies of the west indies as a cosmetic, and by the butchers to render the toughest meat tender. the fruit is melon-shaped, and of an orange-yellow color. vauquelin discovered in it _fibrine_, till lately supposed to be confined to the animal kingdom. [footnote : according to lieutenant azevedo, the latitude of tabatinga is ° ' "; longitude, ° ' "; magnetic variation, ° ' " n.e.] the peruvian steamers connect at tabatinga with the brazilian line. there are eight imperial steamers on the amazon: the "icamiaba," running between tabatinga and manáos; the "tapajos" and "belem," plying between manáos and pará; the "inca" and "manáos," between obidos and pará; besides two steamers on the tocantíns, one between pará and chares, and projected lines for the negro, tapajos, and madeira. the captains get a small salary, but the perquisites are large, as they have a percentage on the freight. one captain pocketed in one year $ . we embarked, december , on the "icamiaba," which promptly arrived at tabatinga. the commander, formerly a lieutenant in the imperial navy, and for twelve years a popular officer on the upper amazon, was a polished gentleman, but rigid disciplinarian. as an example of brazilian etiquette, we give his full address from one of our letters of introduction: "ilmo. sr. capn. de fragata nuno alvez pereira de mello cardozo, digno commandante de vapor icamiaba." the "icamiaba" was an iron boat of four hundred and fifty tons, with two engines of fifty horse-power each. the engineer was an austrian, yet the captain gave his orders in english, though neither could speak the language. the saloon, with berths for twenty-five passengers, was above deck, and open at both ends for ventilation. the passengers, however, usually swung their hammocks on the upper deck, which was covered by an awning. this was a delightfully breezy and commanding position; and though every part of the steamer was in perfect order, this was scrupulously neat. here the table was spread with every tropical luxury, and attentively served by young men in spotless attire. happy the traveler who sits at the table of commandante cardozo. the refreshment hours were: coffee as soon as the passengers turned out of their hammocks, and sometimes before; breakfast at ten, dinner at five, and tea at eight. live bullocks, fowls, and turtles were kept on board, so that of fresh meat, particularly beef (the first we had tasted since leaving quito), there was no lack. at breakfast we counted nine different courses of meat. the peruvian steamers are limited to turtle and salt fish. rice and farina are extensively used in brazil, but we saw very little tapioca. farina is the flour of the country, and is eaten in hard, dry grains; it will not keep in any other form. it can not be very nutritious, as it contains little gluten. all bread and butter are imported from the united states and england. the captains of brazilian steamers are their own stewards; and in the midst of other business in port, they stop to negotiate for a chicken, or a dozen eggs, with an indian or negro. the "icamiaba" left tabatinga with only three first-class passengers, besides our own party. on no amazon steamer did we meet with a lady passenger. madame godin, who came down the river from the andes, and mrs. agassiz, who ascended to tabatinga, were among the few ladies who have seen these upper waters. but how differently they traveled! one on a raft, the other on the beautiful "icamiaba." between tabatinga and teffé, a distance of five hundred miles, is perhaps the most uncivilized part of the main river. ascending, we find improvements multiply as we near the mountains of peru; descending, we see the march of civilization in the budding cities and expanding commerce culminating at grand pará. the scenery from the deck of an amazonian steamer, if described, appears monotonous. a vast volume of smooth, yellow water, floating trees and beds of aquatic grass, low, linear-shaped, wooded islets, a dark, even forest--the shores of a boundless sea of verdure, and a cloudless sky occasionally obscured by flocks of parrots: these are the general features. no busy towns are seen along the banks of the middle amazon; only here and there a palm hut or semi-indian village half buried in the wilderness. we agree with darwin (speaking of the plata), that "a wide expanse of muddy water has neither grandeur nor beauty." the real grandeur, however, of a great river like this is derived from reflecting upon its prospective commercial importance and its immense drainage. a lover of nature, moreover, can never tire of gazing at the picturesque grouping and variety of trees, with their mantles of creeping plants; while a little imagination can see in the alligators, ganoid fishes, sea-cows, and tall gray herons, the ichthyosaurus, holoptychius, dinotherium, and brontozoum of ancient days. here and there the river is bordered with low alluvial deposits covered with feathery-topped arrow-grass and amphibious vegetation; but generally the banks are about ten feet high and magnificently wooded; they are abrupt, and land-slides are frequent. a few minutes after leaving tabatinga we passed the mouth of the javarí, which forms the natural boundary between peru and brazil. henceforth the river loses the name of marañon, and is called solimoens, or, more commonly, simply amazon. we were ten hours in reaching san paulo, a wretched ticuna village of five hundred souls, built on a grassy table-land nearly one hundred feet high. steps have been cut in the slippery clay bluff to facilitate the ascent. swamps lie back of the town, rendering it unhealthy. "on damp nights (says the naturalist on the amazon) the chorus of frogs and toads which swarm in weedy back-yards creates such a bewildering uproar that it is impossible to carry on a conversation in doors except by shouting." in ten hours more we had passed the putumayo and entered the tunantíns, a sluggish, dark-colored tributary emptying into the amazon about two hundred miles below the javarí.[ ] on the bank of white earth, which strongly contrasts with the tinted stream, is a dilapidated hamlet of twenty-five hovels, built of bamboo plastered with mud and whitewashed. we saw but one two-storied house; and all have ground-floors and double-thatched roofs. the inhabitants are semi-civilized shumána and passé indians and half-breeds; but in the gloomy forest which hugs the town live the wild caishánas. the atmosphere is close and steaming, but not hot, the mercury at noon standing at °. the place is alive with insects and birds. the nights on the amazon were invariably cool; on the lower amazon, cold, so that we required a heavy blanket. [footnote : herndon says (p. ), "the tunantíns is about fifty yards broad, and seems deep with a considerable current."] [illustration: kitchen on the amazon.] taking on board wood, beeves, turtles, salt fish, and water-melons, we left at half past p.m. the brazilian steamers run all night, and with no slackening of speed. at one o'clock we were awakened by a cry from the watch, "stop her!" and immediately after there was a crash; but it was only the breaking of crockery caused by the sudden stoppage. the night was fearfully dark, and for aught we knew the steamer was running headlong into the forest. fortunately there was no collision, and in a few minutes we were again on our way, arriving at fonte boa at a.m. this little village stands in a palm grove, on a high bank of ochre-colored sandy clay, beside a slue of sluggish black water, eight miles from the amazon.[ ] the inhabitants, about three hundred, are ignorant, lazy mamelucos. they dress like the majority of the semi-civilized people on the amazon: the men content with shirt and pantaloons, the women wearing cotton or gauze chemises and calico petticoats. fonte boa is a museum for the naturalist, but the headquarters of musquitoes, small but persistent. taking in a large quantity of turtle-oil, the "icamiaba" turned down the caño, but almost immediately ran aground, and we were two hours getting off. these yearly shifting shoals in the amazon can not be laid down in charts, and the most experienced pilots often run foul of them. in twelve hours we entered the teffé, a tributary from the bolivian mountains. just before reaching the great river it expands into a beautiful lake, with a white, sandy beach. on a grassy slope, stretching out into the lake, with a harbor on each side of it, lies the city of ega. a hundred palm-thatched cottages of mud and tiled frame houses, each with an inclosed orchard of orange, lemon, banana, and guava trees, surround a rude church, marked by a huge wooden crucifix on the green before it, instead of a steeple. cacao, assaï, and pupunha palms rise above the town, adding greatly to its beauty; while back of all, on the summit of the green slope, begins the picturesque forest, pathless, save here and there a faint hunter's track leading to the untrodden interior. the sheep and cattle grazing on the lawn, a rare sight in alto amazonas, gives a peaceful and inviting aspect to the scene. the inhabitants, numbering about twelve hundred, are made up of pure indians, half-castes, negroes, mulattoes, and whites. ega (also called teffé) is the largest and most thriving town between manáos and iquitos, a distance of twelve hundred miles. it is also one of the oldest settlements on the river, having been founded during the english revolution, or nearly two centuries ago. tupi is the common idiom. the productions of the country are cacao, sarsaparilla, brazil nuts, bast for caulking vessels, copaiba balsam, india-rubber, salt fish, turtle-oil, manati, grass hammocks, and tiles. bates calculates the value of the annual exports at nearly forty thousand dollars. the "icamiaba" calls here twice a month; besides which there are small schooners which occupy about five months in the round trip between ega and pará. "the place is healthy (writes the charming naturalist on the amazon), and almost free from insect pests; perpetual verdure surrounds it; the soil is of marvelous fertility, even for brazil; the endless rivers and labyrinths of channels teem with fish and turtle; a fleet of steamers might anchor at any season of the year in the lake, which has uninterrupted water communication straight to the atlantic. what a future is in store for the sleepy little tropical village!" here bates pursued butterflies for four years and a half, and agassiz fished for six months. [footnote : smyth says the town gets its name from the clearness of the water; but herndon found it muddy, and, to our eyes, it was dark as the negro.] [illustration: natives on the middle amazon.] ega is the half-way point across the continent, but its exact altitude above the sea is unknown. herndon's boiling apparatus gave two thousand feet, and, what is worse, the lieutenant believed it. our barometer made it one hundred feet; but as our instrument, though perfect in itself, behaved _very_ strangely on the middle amazon, we do not rely on the calculation. the true height is not far from one hundred and twenty-five feet, or one fifth the elevation of the middle point in the north american continent.[ ] taking on board salt fish, turtle-oil, and tiles, we left ega two hours after midnight, reaching coary at noon. the amazon began to look more like a lake than a river, having a width of four or five miles. floating gulls and rolling porpoises remind one of the sea. coary is a huddle of fifteen houses, six of them plastered without, whitewashed, and tiled. it is situated on a lake of the same name--the expanded outlet of a small river whose waters are dark brown, and whose banks are low and covered with bushes. here we took in turtles and turtle-oil, brazil nuts and cocoa-nuts, rubber, salt fish, and wood; and, six hours after leaving, more fish and rubber were received at cudajá. cudajá is a lonely spot on the edge of an extensive system of back-waters and lakes, running through a dense unexplored forest inhabited by múra savages. [footnote : for a discussion of the barometric perturbations on the amazon, see _american journal of science_ for sept., .] at three in the afternoon of christmas, seventy-four hours' running time from tabatinga, we entered the rio negro. strong is the contrast between its black-dyed waters and the yellow amazon. the line separating the two rivers is sharply drawn, the waters meeting, not mingling. circular patches of the dark waters of the negro are seen floating like oil amid the turbid waters of the amazon. the sluggish tributary seems to be dammed up by the impetuous monarch. the banks of the latter are low, ragged, perpendicular beds of clay, covered with a bright green foliage; the negro is fringed with sandy beaches, with hills in the background clothed with a sombre, monotonous forest containing few palms or leguminous trees. musquitoes, piums, and montucas never trouble the traveler on the inky stream. when seen in a tumbler, the water of the negro is clear, but of a light-red color; due, undoubtedly, to vegetable matter. the visible mouth of the river at this season of the year (december) is three miles wide, but from main-land to main-land it can not be less than twenty. [illustration: a siesta.] in forty minutes after leaving the amazon we arrived at manáos. this important city lies on the left bank of the negro, ten miles from its mouth and twenty feet above high-water level. the site is very uneven, and consists of ferruginous sandstone. there was originally a fort here, erected by the portuguese to protect their slave-hunting expeditions among the indians on the river--hence the ancient name of barra. on the old map of father fritz ( ) the spot is named _taromas_. since it has been called manáos, after the most warlike tribe. some of the houses are two-storied, but the majority are low adobe structures, white and yellow washed, floored and roofed with tiles, and having green doors and shutters. every room is furnished with hooks for hanging hammocks. we did not see a bed between quito and new york except on the steamers. the population, numbering two thousand,[ ] is a mongrel set--brazilians, portuguese, italians, jews, negroes, and indians, with divers crosses between them. laziness is the prominent characteristic. a gentleman offered an indian passing his door twenty-five cents if he would bring him a pitcher of water from the river, only a few rods distant. he declined. "but i will give you fifty cents." whereupon the half-clothed, penniless aboriginal replied: "i will give you a dollar to bring me some."[ ] while every inch of the soil is of exuberant fertility, there is always a scarcity of food. it is the dearest spot on the amazon. most of the essentials and all of the luxuries come from liverpool, lisbon, and new york. agriculture is at a discount on the amazon. brazilians will not work; european immigrants are traders; nothing can be done with indians; and negroes are few in number, the slave-trade being abolished, emancipation begun, and the paraguayan war not ended. a laboring class will ever be a desideratum in this tropical country. with a healthy climate,[ ] and a situation at the juncture of two great navigable rivers, manáos is destined to become the st. louis of south america. in commercial advantages it is hardly to be surpassed by any other city in the world, having water communication with two thirds of the continent, and also with the atlantic. it is now the principal station for the brazilian line of steamers. here all goods for a higher or lower point are reshipped. the chief articles of export are coffee (of superior quality), sarsaparilla, brazil nuts, piassaba, and fish. the negro at this point is really five or six miles wide, but the opposite shore is masked by low islands, so that it appears to be but a mile and a half. [footnote : official returns for give ; bates ( ) reckons .] [footnote : darwin met a similar specimen in banda oriental: "i asked two men why they did not work. one gravely said the days were too long; the other that he was too poor."] [footnote : it is, however, one of the warmest spots on the river. the average temperature, according to azevedo and pinto, is only . °; but the highest point readied on the amazon in ( . °) was at manáos, and the extraordinary height of ° has been noted there.] the country around manáos is quite romantic for the amazonian valley. the land is undulating and furrowed by ravines, and the vegetation covering it is marvelously rich and diversified. in the forest, two miles from the city, there is a natural curiosity celebrated by all travelers from spix and martius down. a rivulet coming out of the wilderness falls over a ledge of red sandstone ten feet high and fifty feet broad, forming a beautiful cascade. the water is cool, and of a deep orange color. the foundation of a fine stone cathedral was laid in manáos fourteen years ago, but this generation is not likely to witness the dedication. life in this amazonian city is dull enough: commerce is not brisk, and society is stiff; balls are about the only amusements. on sunday (the holiday) every body who can afford it comes out in paris fashions. there are carts, hut no coaches. we called upon the president at his "palace"--an odd term for a two-storied, whitewashed edifice. his excellency received us with less formality and more cordiality than we expected to find in the solemn officials of the empire. the first glance at the reception-room, with the four chairs for visitors set in two lines at right angles to the chair of state, promised cold etiquette; but he addressed us with considerable familiarity and evident good-will. we found, however, that his authority was quite limited, for a written order which he gave us for a subordinate did not receive the slightest consideration. at the house of a jew named levy we met a party of southerners, captains mallory, jones, sandedge, and winn, commanded by dr. dowsing, who, since "the late onpleasantness," as nasby calls it, have determined to settle in this country. the government grants them twenty square leagues of land on any tributary, on condition that they will colonize it. they were about to start for the rio branco on an exploring tour. chapter xvii. down the amazon.--serpa.--villa nova.--obidos.--santarem.--a colony of southerners.--monte alégre.--porto do moz.--leaving the amazon.--breves.--pará river.--the city of pará.--legislation and currency.--religion and education.--nonpareil climate. at p.m. we left manáos in the "tapajos," an iron steamer of seven hundred tons. we missed the snow-white cleanliness and rigid regularity of the "icamiaba," and captain josé antunes rodrigues de oliveira catramby was quite a contrast to lieutenant nuno. there were only five first-class passengers besides ourselves (and four of these were "dead-heads"), though there were accommodations for sixty-four. between manáos and pará, a distance of one thousand miles, there were fourteen additions. passing the mouth of the madeira, the largest tributary to the amazon, we anchored thirty miles below at serpa, after nine hours' sailing. serpa is a village of ninety houses, built on a high bank of variegated clay, whence its indian name, _ita-coatiara_, or painted rock. it was the most animated place we had seen on the river. the town is irregularly laid out and overrun with weeds, but there is a busy tile factory, and the port was full of canoes, montarias, and cubertas. the african element in the population began to show itself prominently here, and increased in importance as we neared pará. the negroes are very ebony, and are employed as stevedores. the indians are well-featured, and wear a long gown of bark-cloth reaching to the knees. taking on board rubber and salt fish, the "tapajos" steamed down stream, passing the perpendicular pink-clay cliffs of cararaucú, arriving in ten hours at villa nova,[ ] one hundred and fifty miles below serpa. villa nova is a straggling village of mud huts standing on a conglomerate bank. the trade is chiefly in rubber, copaiba, and fish. the location is healthy, and in many respects is one of the most desirable places on the river. here the amazon begins to narrow, being scarcely three miles wide; but the channel, which has a rocky bed, is very deep. one hundred miles from villa nova is obidos, airily situated on a bluff of pink and yellow clay one hundred feet above the river. the clay rests on a white calcareous earth, and this on red sandstone. it is a picturesque, substantially-built town, with a population, mostly white, engaged in raising cacao and cattle. cacao is the most valuable product on the amazon below villa nova. the soil is fertile, and the surrounding forest is alive with monkeys, birds, and insects, and abounds with precious woods and fruits. obidos is blessed with a church, a school, and a weekly newspaper, and is defended by thirty-two guns. this is the thermopylæ of the amazon, the great river contracting to a strait not a mile in width, through which it rushes with tremendous velocity. the depth is forty fathoms, and the current . feet per second. as bates remarks, however, the river valley is not contracted to this breadth, the southern shore not being continental land, but a low alluvial tract subject to inundation. back of obidos is an eminence which has been named _mount agassiz_ in honor of the naturalist. there is no mountain between it and cotopaxi save the spurs from the eastern cordillera. five miles above the town is the mouth of the trombetas, where orellana had his celebrated fight with the fabulous amazons. [footnote : otherwise called, on brazilian maps, villa bella da imperatriz.] [illustration: santarem.] adding to her cargo wood, hides, horses, and paraguayan prisoners (short, athletic men), the "tapajos" sailed for santarem. the river scenery below obidos loses its wild and solitary character, and is relieved with scattered habitations, factories, and cacao plantations. we arrived at santarem in seven hours from obidos, a distance of fifty miles. this city, the largest on the amazon save pará, stands on a pretty slope at the mouth of the rio tapajos, and five hundred miles from the sea.[ ] it mainly consists of three long-rows of whitewashed, tiled houses, girt with green gardens. the citizens, made up of brazilians, portuguese, mulattoes, and blacks, number about two thousand five hundred. the surrounding country, which is an undulating campo, with patches of wood, is sparsely inhabited by tapajocos. cattle estates and cacao plantations are the great investments, but the soil is poor. considerable sarsaparilla of superior quality, rubber, copaiba, brazil nuts, and farina come down the tapajos. the climate is delightful, the trade-winds tempering the heat and driving away all insect pests. leprosy is somewhat common among the poorer class. at santarem is one of the largest colonies which migrated from the disaffected gulf states for brazil. one hundred and sixty southerners pitched their tents here. many of them, however, were soon disgusted with the country, and, if we are to believe reports, the country was disgusted with them. on the st of january, , only seventy-five remained. the colony does not fairly represent the united states, being made up in great part of the "roughs" of mobile. a few are contented and are doing well. amazonia will be indebted to them for some valuable ideas. bates says: "butter-making is unknown in this country; the milk, i was told, was too poor." but these anglo-saxon immigrants have no difficulty in making butter. santarem sends to pará for sugar; but the cavaliers of alabama are proving that the sugar-cane grows better than in louisiana, attaining the height of twenty feet, and that it will yield for ten or twelve years without transplanting or cultivation. it is not, however, so sweet or juicy as the southern cane. some of the colonists are making tapioca and cashaça or brazilian rum; others have gone into the pork business; while one, dr. jones, expects to realize a fortune burning lime. here we met the rebel ex-general dobbins, who had been prospecting on the tapajos river, but had not yet located himself. [footnote : herndon makes santarem miles from the negro, and from the sea. bates calls it miles from the atlantic, and nearly from obidos.] below santarem the amazon vastly increases in width; at one point the southern shore was invisible from the steamer. the waves often run very high. at a.m., eight hours from santarem, we entered the romantic port of monte alégre. the road from the river to the village, just visible inland, runs through a pretty dell. back of the village, beyond a low, swampy flat, rise the table-topped blue hills of almeyrim. it was an exhilarating sight and a great relief to gaze upon a mountain range from three hundred to one thousand feet high, the greatest elevations along the amazon east of the andes. agassiz considers these singular mountains the remnants of a plain which once filled the whole valley of the amazon; but bates believes them to be the southern terminus of the high land of guiana. their geological constitution--a pebbly sandstone--favors the professor's theory. the range extends ninety miles along the north bank of the river, the western limit at monte alégre bearing the local name of serra ereré. mount agassiz, at obidos, is a spur of the same table-land. the amazon is here about five miles wide, the southern shore being low, uninhabited, and covered with coarse grass. five schooners were anchored in the harbor of monte alégre, a sign of considerable trade for the amazon. the place exports cattle, cacao, rubber, and fish. in four hours we reached prayinha, a dilapidated village of forty houses, situated on a low, sandy beach. the chief occupation is the manufacture of turtle-oil. in ten hours more we were taking in wood at porto do moz, situated just within the mouth of the xingú, the last great tributary to the amazon. dismal was our farewell sail on the great river. with the highlands came foul weather. we were treated to frequent and furious showers, accompanied by a violent wind, and the atmosphere was filled with smoke caused by numerous fires in the forest. where the xingú comes in, the amazon is ten miles wide, but it is soon divided by a series of islands, the first of which is grand island. twenty miles below porto do moz is gurupá, where we took in rubber. the village, nearly as inanimate as pompeii, consists of one street, half deserted, built on an isolated site. forty miles below gurupá we left the amazon proper, turning to the right down a narrow channel leading into the river pará. the forest became more luxuriant, the palms especially increasing in number and beauty. at one place there was a forest of palms, a singularity, for trees of the same order are seldom associated. the forest, densely packed and gloomy, stands on very low, flat banks of hard river mud. scarcely a sign of animal life was visible; but, as we progressed, dusky faces peered out of the woods; little shanties belonging to the _seringeros_, or rubber-makers, here and there broke the solitude, and occasionally a large group of half-clad natives greeted us from the shore. a labyrinth of channels connects the amazon with the pará; the steamers usually take the tajapurú. this natural canal is of great depth, and from fifty to one hundred yards in width; so that, hemmed in by two green walls, eighty feet-high, we seemed to be sailing through a deep gorge; in some places it was so narrow it was nearly overarched by the foliage. one hundred and twenty-five miles from gurupá is breves, a busy little town on the southwest corner of the great island of marajó. the inhabitants, mostly portuguese, are engaged in the rubber trade; the indians in the vicinity manufacture fancy earthen-ware and painted cuyas or calabashes. soon after leaving breves we entered the pará river, which suddenly begins with the enormous width of eight miles. it is, however, shallow, and contains numerous shoals and islands. it is properly an estuary, immense volumes of fresh water flowing into it from the south. the tides are felt through its entire length of one hundred and sixty miles, but the water is only slightly brackish. it has a dingy orange-brown color. a narrow blue line on our left, miles away, was all that was visible, at times, of the island of marajó; and as we passed the broad mouth of the tocantíns, we were struck with the magnificent sea-like expanse, for there was scarcely a point of mainland to be seen. [illustration: pará.] at p.m., eighteen hours from breves, we entered the peaceful bay of goajara, and anchored in front of the city of pará. beautiful was the view of the city from the harbor in the rays of the declining sun. the towering spires and cupolas, the palatial government buildings, the long row of tall warehouses facing a fleet of schooners, ships, and steamers, and pretty white villas in the suburbs, nestling in luxuriant gardens, were to us, who had just come down the andes from mediæval quito, the _ultima thule_ of civilization. we seemed to have stepped at once from the amazon to new york or london. we might, indeed, say _ne plus ultra_ in one respect--we had crossed the continent, and pará was the terminus of our wanderings, the end of romantic adventures, of privations and perils. we were kindly met on the pier by mr. james henderson, an elderly scotchman, whom a long residence in pará, a bottomless fund of information, and a readiness to serve an anglo-saxon, have made an invaluable cicerone. we shot through the devious, narrow streets to the hotel diana, where we made our toilet, for our habiliments, too, had reached their _ultima thule_. as la condamine said on his arrival at quito: "_je me trouvai hors d'état de paroitre en public avec décence_." the same year which saw shakspeare carried to his grave beside the avon witnessed the founding of pará, or, speaking more respectfully, of santa maria de belém do gram pará. the city stands on a low elbow of land formed by the junction of the rivers guamá and pará, seventy-five miles from the ocean. the great forest comes close up to the suburbs; and, in fact, vegetation is so rapid the city fathers have a hard struggle to keep the jungle out of the streets. the river in front is twenty miles wide, but the vast expanse is broken by numerous islets. ships of any size will float within, one hundred and fifty yards of the shore. all passengers and goods are landed by boats at the custom-house wharf. the city is regularly laid out, there are several public squares, and many of the streets, especially in the commercial part, are well paved. magnificent avenues, lined with silk-cotton trees, cocoa-palms, and almonds, lead out to beautiful _rocinhas_, or country residences, of one story, but having spacious verandas. the president's house, built in the italian style, whose marble staircase is a wonder to brazil; the six large churches, including the cathedral, after patterns from lisbon; the post-office, custom-house, and convent-looking warehouses on the mole--these are the most prominent buildings. the architecture is superior to that of quito. the houses, generally two-storied, are tiled, plastered, and whitewashed or painted; the popular colors are red, yellow, and blue. a few have porcelain facing. the majority have elegant balconies and glass windows, but not all the old projecting lattice casements have disappeared. some of the buildings bear the marks of the cannonading in the revolution of . instead of bedrooms and beds, the largest apartments and verandahs have hooks in the wall for hammocks. a carpeted, cushioned room is seldom seen, and is out of place in the tropics. coaches and gas are supplanting ox-carts and candles. there are two hotels, but scant accommodations for travelers. beef is almost the only meat used; the fish are poor and dear; the oysters are horrible. bananas, oranges, and coffee are the best native productions on the table. [illustration: fruit peddlers.] the population of pará is thirty-five thousand, or double what it was when wallace and bates entered it twenty years ago. it is the largest city on the largest river in the world, and the capital of a province ten times the size of new york state. the enterprising, wealthy class consists of portuguese and pure brazilians, with a few english, germans, french, and north americans. the multitude is an amalgamation of portuguese, indian, and negro. the diversity of races, and the mingled dialects of the amazon and europe, make an attractive street scene. side by side we see the corpulent brazilian planter, the swarthy portuguese trader, the merry negro porter, and the apathetic indian boatman. some of the more recent offspring are dressed _à la adam_ before the fall; numbers wear only a shirt or skirt; the negro girls who go about the streets with trays of sweetmeats on their heads are loosely yet prettily dressed in pure white, with massive gilded chains and earrings; but the middle and upper classes generally follow paris fashions. the mechanic arts are in the hands of free negroes and indians, mulattoes and mamelucos.[ ] commerce is carried on almost exclusively by portuguese and other foreigners. dry-goods come chiefly from england and france; groceries from portugal; flour and hardware from the united states. the principal exports are rubber, cacao, coffee,[ ] sugar, cotton, brazil nuts, sarsaparilla, vanilla, farina, copaiba, tobacco, rum, hides, fish, parrots, and monkeys.[ ] pará exceeds in the number of its indigenous commodities any other port in the world, but the trade at present is insignificant when we consider the vast extent and resources of the country. the city can never have a rival at the mouth of the amazon, and is destined to become a great emporium. but brazilian legislation stands in the way. heavy import duties are charged--from to per cent.; and on the st of january, , it was ordered that per cent. must be paid in english gold. the consequence has been that gold has risen from to above par, creating an additional tax. exportation is equally discouraging. there is a duty of nine per cent. to be paid at the custom-house, and seven per cent. more at the consulado. but this is not the sum total. those who live outside of the province of pará, say above obidos, must first pay an import of thirteen per cent. to get their produce into pará. for example: up the river crude rubber can be bought for twenty-five cents a pound; the trader pays twenty-five cents an arroba (thirty-two pounds) for transportation to pará from santarem, exclusive of canoe hire and shipping; thirteen per cent. duty in entering pará, ten per cent. to the commission merchant, and sixteen per cent. more as export tax; making a total loss on labor of about fifty per cent. brazil abounds with the most valuable woods in the world, but is prevented from competing with other nations by this system of self-strangulation. in the import duty on timber was twelve per cent. though situated on the edge of a boundless forest, pará consumes large quantities of north american pine. there is not a grist-mill on the amazon, and only two or three saw-mills. a dozen boards of red cedar (a very common timber) costs $ per thousand (about thirty dollars) at santarem. there is no duty on goods going to peru. the current money, besides foreign gold, consists of copper coins and imperial treasury notes. the basis of calculation is the imaginary _rey_, equivalent to half a mill. the coins in use are the vintem (twenty reys), answering to our cent, the half vintem, and double vintem. the currency has so fluctuated in value that many of the pieces have been restamped. fifty vintems make a _milrey_, expressed thus: $ . this is the smallest paper issue. unfortunately, the notes may suddenly fall below par. as a great many counterfeits made in portugal are in circulation, the government recalls the issue which has been counterfeited, notifying holders, by the provincial papers, that all such bills must be exchanged for a new issue within six months. those not brought in at the end of that period lose ten per cent. of their value, and ten per cent. for each following month, until the value of the note is _nil_. the result has been that many persons trading up the river have lost heavily, and now demand hard money. change is very scarce in pará. [footnote : we are inclined to doubt the assertion of mansfield that paraguay is the only country in eastern south america with an industrious peasantry.] [footnote : brazil yields more than one half the quantity of coffee consumed by the world. that of ceará is the best.] [footnote : in january, , the current prices were as follows: refined sugar, per arroba $ rice cacao coffee farina tapioca pure rubber plassaba cord tobacco sarsparilla the brazilian arroba is seven pounds heavier than the spanish.] the province of pará is governed by a president chosen at rio, and every four years sends representatives to the imperial parliament. the constitution of brazil is very liberal; every householder, without distinction of race or color, has a vote, and may work his way up to high position. there are two drawbacks--the want of intelligence and virtue in the people, and the immense staff of officials employed to administer the government. there are also many formalities which are not only useless, but a hinderance to prosperity. thus, the internal trade of a province carried on by brazilian subjects is not exempt from the passport system. a foreigner finds as much trouble in getting his passport _en règle_ in pará as in vienna. the religion of pará is romish, and not so tolerant as in rio. we arrived during _festa_. (when did a traveler enter a portuguese town on any other than a feast day?) that night was made hideous with rockets, fire-crackers, cannon, and bells. "music, noise, and fireworks," says wallace, "are the three essentials to please a brazilian populace." the most celebrated shrine in northern brazil is our lady of nazareth. the little chapel stands about a mile out of the city, and is now rebuilding for the third time. the image is a doll about the size of a girl ten years old, wearing a silver crown and a dress of blue silk glittering with golden stars. hosts of miracles are attributed to our lady, and we were shown votive offerings and models of legs, arms, heads, etc., etc., the grateful _in memoriam_ of wonderful cures, besides a boat whose crew were saved by invoking the protection of mary. the facilities for education are improving. there are several seminaries in pará, of which the chief is the _lyceo da capital_. too many youths, however, as in quito, are satisfied with a little rhetoric and law. the city supports four newspapers. paráenses may well be proud of their delightful climate. wallace says the thermometer ranges from ° to °; our observation made the mean annual temperature . °. the mean daily temperature does not vary more than two or three degrees. the climate is more equable than that of any other observed part of the new world.[ ] the greatest heat is reached at two o'clock, but it is never so oppressive as in new york. the greater the heat, the stronger the sea-breeze; and in three hundred out of three hundred and sixty-five days, the air is farther cooled by an afternoon shower. the rainiest month is april; the dryest, october or november. lying in the delta of a great river, in the middle of the tropics, and half surrounded by swamps, its salubrity is remarkable. we readily excuse the proverb, "_quem vai para pará para_" ("he who goes to pará stops there"); and we might have made it good, had we not been tempted by the magnificent steamer "south america," which came up from rio on the way to new york. on the moonlit night of the th of january, when the ice-king had thrown his white robes over the north, we turned our backs upon the glimmering lights of pará, and noiselessly as a canoe glided down the great river. as the sun rose for the last time to us upon the land of perpetual verdure, our gallant ship was plowing the mottled waters on the edge of the ocean--mingled yellow patches of the amazon and dark streaks from the pará floating on the atlantic green. far behind us we could see the breakers dashing against the braganza banks; a moment after cape magoary dropped beneath the horizon, and with it south america vanished from our view. [footnote : "the traveler, in going from the equator toward the tropics, is less struck by the decrease of the mean annual temperature than by the unequal distribution of heat in different parts of the year."--_humboldt_. the great german fixes the mean temperature of the equator at . °; brewster, at . °; kirwan, . °; atkinson, . °.] chapter xviii. the river amazon.--its source and magnitude.--tributaries and tints.--volume and current.--rise and fall.--navigation.--expeditions on the great river. near the silver mines of cerro pasco, in the little lake of lauricocha, just below the limit of perpetual winter, rises the "king of waters."[ ] for the first five hundred miles it flows northerly, in a continuous series of cataracts and rapids, through a deep valley between the parallel cordilleras of peru. upon reaching the frontier of ecuador, it turns to the right, and runs easterly two thousand five hundred miles across the great equatorial plain of the continent.[ ] no other river flows in the same latitude, and retains, therefore, the same climatic conditions for so great a distance. the breadth of the amazon, also, is well proportioned to its extraordinary length. at tabatinga, two thousand miles above its mouth, it is a mile and a half wide; at the entrance of the madeira, it is three miles; below santarem, it is ten; and if the pará be considered a part of the great river, it fronts the atlantic one hundred and eighty miles. brazilians proudly call it the mediterranean of the new world. its vast expanse, presenting below teffé magnificent reaches, with blank horizons, and forming a barrier between different species of animals; its system of back channels, joining the tributaries, and linking a series of lagunes too many ever to be named; its network of navigable waters stretching over one third of the continent; its oceanic fauna--porpoises and manatis, gulls and frigate-birds--remind the traveler of a great inland sea, with endless ramifications, rather than a river. the side-channels through the forest, called by the indians _igarapés_, or canoe-paths, are one of the characteristic features of the amazon.[ ] they often run to a great distance parallel to the great river, and intersecting the tributaries, so that one can go from santarem a thousand miles up the amazon without once entering it. these natural highways will be of immense advantage for inter-communication. [illustration: igarapé, or canoe-path.] [footnote : herndon gives, for the altitude of cerro pasco, , feet; rivero, , . the lieutenant thus describes his first view from the rough hills surrounding this birthplace of the greatest of rivers: "i can compare it to nothing so fitly as looking from the broken and ragged edges of a volcano into the crater beneath."] [footnote : from lauricocha to its mouth, the amazon, following the main curves, is miles long, as estimated by bates; in a straight line, ; from pará to the head of the ucayali, . from north to south the tributaries stretch miles.] [footnote : _igarapé_ is sometimes limited to a creek filled with back-water; _paranamirim_ is the proper term for a narrow arm of the main river; and _furos_ are the diminutive mouths of the tributaries.] but extraordinary as is this network of natural canals, the tributaries of the amazon are still more wonderful. they are so numerous they appear on the map like a thousand ribbons streaming from a main mast, and many of the obscure affluents, though large as the hudson, are unknown to geography. from three degrees north to twenty degrees south, every river that flows down the eastern slope of the andes is a contributor--as though all the rivers between mexico and mount hooker united their waters in the mississippi. while the great river of the northern continent drains an area of one million two hundred thousand square miles, the amazon (not including the tocantíns) is spread over a million more, or over a surface equal to two thirds of all europe. let us journey around the grand trunk and take a glimpse of the main branches. the first we meet in going up the left bank is the rio negro. it rises in the sierra tunuhy, an isolated mountain group in the llanos of colombia, and enters the amazon at manáos, a thousand miles from the sea. the upper part, down to the parallel of one degree north, has a very rapid current; at san gabriel are the first rapids in ascending; between san gabriel and barcellos the rate is not over two or three miles per hour; between barcellos and manáos it is a deep but sluggish river, and in the annual rise of the amazon its waters are stagnant for several hundred miles up, or actually flow back. its extreme length is twelve hundred miles, and its greatest breadth is at barcellos, where it is twelve or fifteen miles. excepting this middle section, the usual breadth of the negro below the equatorial line is about one mile. it is joined to the orinoco by the navigable cassiquiari,[ ] a natural canal three fourths of a mile wide, and a portage of only two hours divides the head of its tributary, the branco, from the essequibo of guiana. the negro yields to commerce coffee, cacao, farina, sarsaparilla, brazil nuts, pitch, piassaba, and valuable woods. the commerce of brazil with venezuela by the rio negro amounted in to $ , , of which $ was the value of imports. the principal villages above manáos are san miguel and moroa (which contain about fifty dwellings each), tireguin, barcellos, toma, san carlos, coana, san gabriel, and santa isabel. [footnote : the cassiquiari belongs indifferently to both river systems, the level being so complete at one point between them as to obliterate the line of water-shed.--_herschel_.] the next great affluent is the japurá. it rises in the mountains of new granada, and, flowing southeasterly a thousand miles, enters the amazon opposite ega, five hundred miles above manáos. its principal mouth is three hundred feet wide, but it has a host of distributing channels, the extremes of which are two hundred miles apart. its current is only three quarters of a mile an hour, and it has been ascended by canoes five hundred miles. a natural canal like the cassiquiari is said to connect it with the orinoco. the products of the japurá are sarsaparilla, copaiba, rubber, cacao, farina, brazil nuts, moira-piránga--a hard, fine-grained wood of a rich, cherry-red color--and carajurú, a brilliant scarlet dye. parallel to the japurá is the putumayo or issá. its source is the lake of san pablo, at the foot of the volcano of pasto; its mouth, as given by herndon, is half a mile broad, and its current two and three fourths miles an hour. farther west are the napo and pastassa, starting from the volcanoes of quito. the former is nearly seven hundred miles long, navigable five hundred. the latter is an unnavigable torrent. one of its branches, the topo, is one continued rapid; "of those who have fallen into it, only one has come out alive." another, the patate, rises near iliniza, runs through the plain to a little south of cotopaxi, receives all streams flowing from the eastern side of the western cordillera from iliniza to chimborazo, and unites near tunguragua with the chambo, which rises near sangaí. castelnau and bates saw pumice floating on the amazon; it was probably brought from cotopaxi by the pastassa. crossing the marañon, and going eastward, we first pass the huallaga, a rapid river of the size of the cumberland, coming down the peruvian andes from an altitude of eight thousand six hundred feet, and entering the great river nearly opposite the pastassa. its mouth is a mile wide, and for a hundred miles up its average depth is three fathoms. in july, august, and september the steamers are not able to ascend to yurimaguas. canoe navigation begins at tinga maria, three hundred miles from lima. the fertile plain through which the river flows is very attractive to an agriculturist. cotton is gathered six months after sowing, and rice in five months. at tarapoto a large amount of cotton-cloth is woven for export. the next great tributary from the south is the ucayali. this magnificent stream originates near ancient cuzco, and has a fall of . of a foot per mile, and a length nearly equal to that of the negro. for two hundred and fifty miles above its mouth it averages half a mile in width, and has a current of three miles an hour. at sarayacu it is twenty feet deep. the ucayali is navigable for at least seven hundred miles. the "morona," a steamer of five hundred tons, has been up to the entrance of the pachitéa in the dry season, a distance of six hundred miles, and in the wet season ascended that branch to mayro. a small peruvian steamer has recently ascended the tambo to within sixty miles of fort ramon, or seven hundred and seventy-three miles from nauta. leaving the ucayali, we pass by six rivers rising in the unknown lands of northern bolivia: the javarí, navigable by steam for two hundred and fifty miles; the sluggish jutahí, half a mile broad and four hundred miles long; the juruá, four times the size of our connecticut, and navigable nearly its entire length; the unhealthy, little-known teffé and coary; and the purus, a deep, slow river, over a thousand miles long, and open to navigation half way to its source. soldan and pinto claim to have ascended the javarí, in a steamer, about one thousand miles, and it is said chandlers went up the purus one thousand eight hundred miles. the teffé is narrow, with a strong current. of all these six rivers, the purus is the most important. it is probably the amaru-mayu, or "serpent-river," of the incas, and its affluents enjoy the privilege of draining the waters of those beautiful andes which formed the eastern boundary of the empire of manco capac, and fertilizing the romantic valley of paucar-tambo, or "inn of the flowery meadow." the banks of this noble stream are now held by the untamable chunchos; but the steam-whistle will accomplish what the rifle can not. the purus communicates with the madeira, proving the absence of rapids and of intervening mountains. sixty miles below the confluence of the negro, the mighty madeira, the largest tributary of the amazon, blends its milky waters with the turbid king of rivers. it is about two thousand miles in length; one branch, the beni, rising near lake titicaca, drains the fertile valleys of yungus and apollo, rich in cinchona, chocolate, and gold; the marmoré springs from the vicinity of chuquisaca, within fifteen miles of a source of the paraguay, traversing the territory of the brave and intelligent moxos; while the itinez washes down the gold and diamonds of matto grosso. were it not for the cascade four hundred and eighty miles from its mouth, large vessels might sail from the amazon into the very heart of bolivia. when full, it has a three-mile current, and at its junction with the amazon it is two miles wide and sixty-six feet deep. five hundred miles from its mouth it is a mile wide and one hundred feet deep. it contains numerous islands, and runs in a comparatively straight course. it received its name from the vast quantity of drift-wood often seen floating down. the value of brazilian commerce with bolivia by the madeira was, in , $ , .[ ] [footnote : in the map of friar fritz, published in , the madeira is one of the most insignificant of the tributaries, and the ucayali and putumayo are the largest.] at santarem the amazon receives another great tributary, the tapajos (or rio preto, as the portuguese call it), a thousand miles long, and, for the last eighty miles, from four to twelve miles in breadth. it rises amid the glittering mines of matto grosso, only twenty miles from the headwaters of the rio plata, and flows rapidly down through a magnificent hilly country to the last cataract, which is one hundred and sixty miles above santarem, and is the end of navigation to sailing vessels. thence to the amazon it has little current and no great depth. from santarem to diamantino it is about twenty-six days' travel. large quantities of sarsaparilla, rubber, tonka beans, mandioca, and guarana are brought down this river. parallel to the tapajos, and about two hundred miles distant, flows the xingú. it rises in the heart of the empire, has the length of the ohio and monongahela, and can be navigated one hundred and fifty miles. this is the last great tributary of the amazon proper; if, however, we consider the pará as only one of the outlets of the great river, we may then add to the list the grand tocantíns.[ ] this splendid river has its source in the rich province of minas (the source, also, of the san francisco and uruguay), not six hundred miles from rio janeiro--a region possessing the finest climate in brazil, and yielding diamonds and rubies, the sapphire, topaz and opal, gold, silver, and petroleum. the tocantíns is sixteen hundred miles long, and ten miles broad at its mouth; but, unfortunately, rapids commence one hundred and twenty miles above cametá. the araguaia, its main branch, is, according to castelnau, one mile wide, with a current of three fourths of a mile an hour. [footnote : we are inclined to hold, with bates and others, that the pará river is not, strictly speaking, one of the mouths of the amazon. "it is made to appear so on many of the maps in common use, because the channels which connect it with the main river are there given much broader than they are in reality, conveying the impression that a large body of water finds an outlet from the main river into the pará. it is doubtful, however, if there be any considerable stream of water flowing constantly downward through these channels. there is a great contrast in general appearance between the pará and the main amazon. in the former the flow of the tide always creates a strong current upward, while in the amazon the turbid flow of the mighty stream overpowers all tides, and produces a constant downward current. the color of the water is different; that of the pará being of a dingy orange-brown, while the amazon has an ochreous or yellowish-clay tint. the forests on their banks have a different aspect. on the pará, the infinitely diversified trees seem to rise directly out of the water, the forest-frontage is covered with greenery, and wears a placid aspect; while the shores of the main amazon are encumbered with fallen trunks, and are fringed with a belt of broad-leaved grasses."--_naturalist on the amazon_, i., p. - .] here are six tributaries, all of them superior to any river in europe, outside of russia, save the danube, and ten times greater than any stream on the west slope of the andes. while the arkansas joins the mississippi four hundred miles above new orleans, the madeira, of equal length, enters the amazon nine hundred miles from pará. but, vast as are these tributary streams, they seem to make no impression on the amazon; they are lost like brooks in the ocean. our ideas of the magnitude of the great river are wonderfully increased when we see the madeira coming down two thousand miles, yet its enormous contribution imperceptible half way across the giant river; or the dark waters of the negro creeping along the shore, and becoming undistinguishable five miles from its mouth. though the amazon carries a larger amount of sediment than any other river, it has no true delta, the archipelago in its mouth (for, like our own st. lawrence, it has its bay of a thousand isles) not being an alluvial formation, but having a rocky base. the great island of marajó, in physical configuration, resembles the mainland of guiana. the deltoid outlet is confined to the tributaries, nearly all of them, like "the disembogning nile," emptying themselves by innumerable embouchures. to several tributaries the amazon gives water before it receives their tribute. thus, by ascending the negro sixty miles, we have the singular spectacle of water pouring in from the amazon through the guariba channel. the waters of this great river system are of divers tints. the amazon, as it leaps from the andes, and as far down as the ucayali, is blue, passing into a clear olive-green; likewise the pastassa, huallaga, tapajos, xingú, and tocantíns. below the ucayali it is of a pale, yellowish olive; the madeira,[ ] purus, juruá, jutahí, javarí, ucayali, napo, iça, and japurá are of similar color. the negro, coary, and teffé are black. humboldt observes that "a cooler atmosphere, fewer musquitoes, greater salubrity, and absence of crocodiles, as also of fish, mark the region of these black rivers." this is not altogether true. the amazon throughout is healthy, being swept by the trade-winds. the branches, which are not so constantly refreshed by the ocean breezes, are occasionally malarious; the "white-water" tributaries, except when they have a slack current in the dry season, have the best reputation, while intermittent fevers are nearly confined to the dark-colored streams. much of the sickness on these tropical waters, however, is due to exposure and want of proper food rather than to the climate. the river system of south america will favorably compare, in point of salubrity, with the river system of its continental neighbor.[ ] [footnote : the madeira has often a milky color which it receives from the white clay along its banks.] [footnote : the average temperature of the water in the lower amazon is °, that of the air being a little less. the temperature of the huallaga at yurimaguas was ° when the air was ° in the shade; in another experiment both the river and air were °. the marañon at iquitos was ° when the air was °. at the mouth of the juruá, herndon found both water and air °. in the tropics the difference between the temperature of the water and air is proportionally less than in high latitudes.] as we might expect, the volume of the amazon is beyond all parallel. half a million cubic feet of water pour through the narrows of obidos every second, and fresh water may be taken up from the atlantic far out of sight of land. the fall of the main easterly trunk of the amazon is about six and a half inches per mile, equivalent to a slope of '--the same as that of the nile, and one third that of the mississippi. below jaen there are thirty cataracts and rapids; at the pongo de manseriche, at the altitude of feet (according to humboldt), it bids adieu to mountain scenery. between tabatinga and the ocean the average current is three miles an hour. it diminishes toward pará, and is every where at a minimum in the dry season; but it always has the "swing" of an ocean current. though not so rapid as the mississippi, the amazon is deeper. there are seven fathoms of water at nauta ( miles from the atlantic), eleven at tabatinga, and twenty-seven on the average below mandáos.[ ] [footnote : the assertion of the _ency. metropolitana_, that "its current has great violence and rapidity, and its depth is unfathomable," must be received with some allowance.] the amazon and its branches are subject to an annual rise of great regularity. it does not take place simultaneously over the whole river, but there is a succession of freshets. at the foot of the andes the rise commences in january; at ega it begins about the end of february. coinciding with this contribution from the west, the october rains on the highlands of bolivia and brazil swell the southern tributaries, whose accumulated floods reach the main stream in february; and the latter, unable to discharge the avalanche of waters, inundates a vast area, and even crowds up the northern tributaries. as the madeira, tapajos, and purus subside, the negro, fed by the spring rains in guiana and venezuela, presses downward till the central stream rolls back the now sluggish affluents from the south. there is, therefore, a rhythmical correspondence in the rise and fall of the arms of the amazon, so that this great fresh-water sea sways alternately north and south; while the onward swell in the grand trunk is a progressive undulation eastward. as the cambridge professor well says: "in this oceanic river the tidal action has an annual instead of a daily ebb and flow; it obeys a larger orb, and is ruled by the sun and not the moon." as the southern affluents have the greatest volume, the amazon receives its largest accession after the sun has been in the southern hemisphere. the rise is gradual, increasing to one foot per day. one lowland after another sinks beneath the flood; the forest stands up to its middle in the water, and shady dells are transformed into navigable creeks.[ ] swarms of turtles leave the river for the inland lakes; flocks of wading birds migrate to the banks of the negro and orinoco to enjoy the cloudless sky of the dry season; alligators swim where a short time before the jaguar lay in wait for the tapir; and the natives, unable to fish, huddle in their villages to spend the "winter of their discontent." the lower amazon is at its minimum in september or october. the rise above this lowest level is between seven and eight fathoms. if we consider the average width of the amazon two miles, we shall have a surface of at least five thousand square miles raised fifty feet by the inundation. an extraordinary freshet is expected every sixth year. [footnote : the flooded lands are called _gapos_.] the atlantic tide is perceptible at obidos, four hundred and fifty miles above pará, and bates observed it up the tapajos, five hundred and thirty miles distant. the tide, however, does not flow up; there is only a rising and falling of the waters--the momentary check of the great river in its conflict with the ocean. the "bore," or _piroróco_, is a colossal wave at spring tide, rising suddenly along the whole width of the amazon to a height of twelve or fifteen feet, and then collapsing with a frightful roar. the amazon presents an unparalleled extent of water communication. so many and far reaching are its tributaries, it touches every country on the continent except chile and patagonia. south america is well nigh quartered by its river system: the amazon starts within sixty miles of the pacific; the tapajos and madeira reach down to the la plata; while the negro mingles its waters with those of the orinoco. the tributaries also communicate with each other by intersecting canals, so numerous that central amazonia is truly a cluster of islands. wagons and railroads will be out of the question for ages hence in this aquatic basin. no other river runs in so deep a channel to so great a distance. for two thousand miles from its month there are not less than seven fathoms of water. not a fall interrupts navigation on the main stream for two thousand five hundred miles; and it so happens that while the current is ever east (for even the ocean can not send up its tide against it), there is a constant trade-wind westward, so that navigation up or down has always something in its favor. as a general rule, the breeze is not so strong during the rise of the river. there are at least six thousand miles of navigation for large vessels. it was lately said that the mississippi carries more vessels in a month, and the yang-tse-kiang in a day, than the amazon all the year round. but this is no longer true. steamers already ascend regularly to the port of moyabamba, which is less than twenty days' travel from the pacific coast. the amazon was opened to the world september , ; and the time can not be far distant when the exhaustless wealth of the great valley--its timber, fruit, medicinal plants, gums, and dye-stuffs--will be emptied by this great highway into the commercial lap of the atlantic; when crowded steamers will plow all these waters--yellow, black, and blue--and the sloths and alligators, monkeys and jaguars, toucans and turtles, will have a bad time of it. officially free to the world, the great river is, however, for the present practically closed to foreign shipping, as it is difficult to compete with the brazilian steamers. for, by the contract which lasts till , the company is allowed an annual subsidy of $ , , , which has since been increased by milreys per voyage. in the steamers and sailing vessels on the amazon were divided as follows, though it must be remembered that few of the foreign ships, excepting portuguese, ascended beyond pará: nationality. no. tonnage united states , - / brazil , england , - / portugal , france , prussia - / holland denmark holstein norway spain the vessels carrying the stars and stripes exported from pará to the value of , , $ , or eight times the amount carried by brazilian craft, and , milreys more than england. while, therefore, the imperial company has the monopoly of trade on the amazon, our ships distribute one third of the products to the world. the united states is the natural commercial partner with brazil; for not only is new york the half-way house between pará and liverpool, but a chip thrown into the sea at the mouth of the amazon will float close by cape hatteras. the official value of exports from pará in was , , $ , or about five millions of dollars, an increase of one million over . the early expeditions into the valley of the amazon, in search of the "gilded king," are the most romantic episodes in the history of spanish discovery. to the wild wanderings of these worshipers of gold succeeded the more earnest explorations of the jesuits, those pioneers of geographical knowledge. pinzon discovered the mouth of the river in ; but orellana, who came down the napo in , was the first to navigate its waters. twenty years later aguirre descended from cuzco; in , texeira ascended to quito by the napo; cabrera descended from peru in ; juan de palacios by the napo in ; la condamine from jaen in , and madame godin by the pastassa in . the principal travelers who preceded us in crossing the continent this century were mawe ( ), poeppig ( ), smyth ( ), von tschudi ( ), castelnau ( ), herndon and gibbon ( ), and marcoy ( ), who came down through peru, and a spanish commission (almagro, spada, martinez, and isern), who made the napo transit in . to spix and martius ( ), bates and wallace ( - ), azevedo and pinto ( - ), and agassiz ( ), the world is indebted for the most scientific surveys of the river in brazil. such is the amazon, the mightiest river in the world, rising amid the loftiest volcanoes on the globe, and flowing through a forest unparalleled in extent. "it only wants (wrote father acuña), in order to surpass the ganges, euphrates, and the nile in felicity, that its source should be in paradise." as if one name were not sufficient for its grandeur, it has three appellations: marañon, solimoens, and amazon; the first applied to the part in peru, the second to the portion between tabatinga and manáos, and the third to all below the rio negro.[ ] we have no proper conception of the vast dimensions of the thousand-armed river till we sail for weeks over its broad bosom, beholding it sweeping disdainfully by the great madeira as if its contribution was of no account, discharging into the sea one hundred thousand cubic feet of water per second more than our mississippi, rolling its turbid waves thousands of miles exactly as it pleases,--plowing a new channel every year, with tributaries twenty miles wide, and an island in its mouth twice the size of massachusetts. [footnote : the upper part of the marañon, from its source to jaen, is sometimes called the tunguragua. solimoens is now seldom heard; but, instead, middle amazon, or simply amazon. the term alto amazonas or high amazon is also applied to all above the negro. marañon, says velasco, derives its name from the circumstance that a soldier, sent by pizarro to discover the sources of the rio piura, having beheld the mighty stream from the neighborhood of jaen, and, astonished to behold a sea of fresh water, exclaimed, _"hac mare an non?"_ orellana's pretended fight with a nation of female warriors gave rise to the portuguese name of the river, amazonas (anglicized amazon), after the mythical women in cappadocia, who are said to have burnt off their right breasts that they might use the bow and javelin with more skill and force, and hence their name, [greek: amazones] from [greek: a] and [greek: mazos]. orellana's story probably grew out of the fact that the men wear long tunics, part the hair in the middle, and, in certain tribes, alone wear ornaments. some derive the name from the indian word _amassona_, boat-destroyer. the old name, orellana, after the discoverer, is obsolete, as also the indian term parana-tinga, or king of waters. in ordinary conversation it is designated as _the_ river, in distinction from its tributaries. "in all parts of the world (says hamboldt), the largest rivers are called by those who dwell on their banks, _the river_, without any distinct and peculiar appellation."] chapter xix. the valley of the amazon.--its physical geography.--geology.--climate.--vegetation. from the atlantic shore to the foot of the andes, and from the orinoco to the paraguay, stretches the great valley of the amazon. in this vast area the united states might be packed without touching its boundaries. it could contain the basins of the mississippi, the danube, the nile, and the hoang-ho. it is girt on three sides by a wall of mountains: on the north are the highlands of guiana and venezuela; on the west stand the andes; on the south rise the table-lands of matto grosso. the valley begins at such an altitude, that on the western edge vegetation differs as much from the vegetation at pará, though in the same latitude, as the flora of canada from the flora of the west indies. the greater part of the region drained by the amazon, however, is not a valley proper, but an extensive plain. from the mouth of the napo to the ocean, a distance of eighteen hundred miles in a straight line, the slope is one foot in five miles.[ ] at coca, on the napo, the altitude is feet, according to our observations; at tinga maria. on the huallaga, it is according to herndon; at the junction of the negro with the cassiquiari, it is according to wallace; at the mouth of the marmoré, it is according to gibbon; at the pongo de manseriche, below all rapids, it is according to humboldt; and at the junction of araguaia with the tocantíns, it is according to castelnau. these barometrical measurements represent the basin of the amazon as a shallow trough lying parallel to the equator, the southern side having double the inclination of the northern, and the whole gently sloping eastward. farthermore, the channel of the great river is not in the centre of the basin, but lies to the north of it: thus, the hills of almeyrim rise directly from the river, while the first falls on the tocantíns, xingú, and tapajos are nearly two hundred miles above their mouths; the rapids of san gabriel, on the negro, are one hundred and seventy-five miles from the amazon, while the first obstruction to the navigation of the madeira is a hundred miles farther from the great river. [footnote : professor agassiz gives the average slope as hardly more than a foot in ten miles, which is based on the farther assertion that the distance from tabatinga to the sea-shore is more than miles in a straight line. the distance is not , or exactly , from pará.--see _a journey in brazil_, p. .] of the creation of this valley we have already spoken. no region on the face of the globe of equal extent has such a monotonous geology. around the rim of the basin are the outcroppings of a cretaceous deposit; this rests on the hidden mezozoic and palæozoic strata which form the ribs of the andes. above it, covering the whole basin from new granada to the argentine republic,[ ] are the following formations: first, a stratified accumulation of sand; second, a series of laminated clays, of divers colors, without a pebble; third, a fine, compact sandstone; fourth, a coarse, porous sandstone, so ferruginous as to resemble bog iron-ore. this last was, originally, a thousand feet in thickness, but was worn down, _perhaps_, in some sudden escape of the pent-up waters of the valley. the table-topped hills of almeyrim are almost the sole relics.[ ] finally, over the undulating surface of the denuded sandstone an ochraceous, unstratified sandy clay was deposited. [footnote : messrs. myers and forbes found this red clay on the negro, most abundantly near barcellos; also in small quantities on the orinoco above maipures. the officers of the "morona" assured us that the same formation was traceable far up the ucayali and huallaga. this clay from the amazon, as examined microscopically by prof. h. james clark, contains fragments of gasteropod shells and bivalve casts. the red earth of the pampas, according to ehrenberg, contains eight fresh-water to one salt-water animalcule.] [footnote : "on the south american coast, where tertiary and supra-tertiary beds have been extensively elevated, i repeatedly noticed that the uppermost beds were formed of coarser materials than the lower; this appears to indicate that, as the sea becomes shallower, the force of the waves or currents increased."--darwin's _observations_, pt. ii., . "nowhere in the pampas is there any appearance of much superficial denudation."--pt. iii., .] it is a question to what period this great accumulation is to be assigned. humboldt called it "old red sandstone;" martius pronounced it "new red;" agassiz says "drift"--the glacial deposit brought down from the andes and worked over by the melting of the ice which transported it.[ ] the professor farther declares that "these deposits are fresh-water deposits; they show no sign of a marine origin; no sea-shells nor remains of any marine animal have as yet been found throughout their whole extent; tertiary deposits have never been observed in any part of the amazonian basin." this was true up to . neither bates, wallace, nor agassiz found any marine fossil on the banks of the great river. but there is danger in building a theory on negative evidence. these explorers ascended no farther than tabatinga. two hundred miles west of that fort is the little peruvian village of pebas, at the confluence of the ambiyacu. we came down the napo and marañon, and stopped at this place. here we discovered a fossiliferous bed intercalated between the variegated clays so peculiar to the amazon. _it was crowded with marine tertiary shells!_ this was pebas _vs_. cambridge. it was unmistakable proof that the formation was not drift, but tertiary; not of fresh, but salt water origin. the species, as determined by w.m. gabb, esq., of philadelphia, are: _neritina pupa, turbonilla minuscula_, _mesalia ortoni_, _tellina amazonenis_, _pachydon obliqua_, and _p. tenua_.[ ] all of these are new forms excepting the first, and the last is a new genus. it is a singular fact that the _neritina_ is now living in the west india waters, and the species found at pebas retains its peculiar markings. so that we have some ground for the supposition that not many years ago there was a connection between the caribbean sea and the upper amazon; in other words, that guiana has only very lately ceased to be an island. there is no mountain range on the water-shed between the orinoco and the negro and japurá, but the three rivers are linked by natural canals.[ ] interstratified with the clay deposit are seams of a highly bituminous lignite; we traced it from near the mouth of the curaray on the rio napo to loreto on the marañon, a distance of about four hundred miles. it occurs also at iquitos. this is farther testimony against the glacial theory of the formation of the amazonian valley. the paucity of shells in such a vast deposit is not astonishing. it is as remarkable in the similar accumulation of reddish argillaceous earth, called "pampean mud," which overspreads the rio plata region.[ ] some of the pampa shells, like those at pebas, are proper to brackish water, and occur only on the highest banks. the pampean formation is believed by mr. darwin to be an estuary or delta deposit. we will mention, in this connection, that silicified wood is found at the head waters of the napo; the indians use it instead of flint (which does not occur there) in striking a light. darwin found silicified trees on the same slope of the andes as the uspallata pass. [footnote : _a journey in brazil_, p. , , . again, in his lecture before the lowell institute, : "these deposits could not have been made by the sea, nor in a large lake, as they contain no marine nor fresh-water fossils."] [footnote : these interesting fossils are figured and described in the _am. journal of conchology_.] [footnote : "the whole basin between the orinoco and the amazon is composed of granite and gneiss, slightly covered with débris. there is a total absence of sedimentary rocks. the surface is often bare and destitute of soil, the undulations being only a few feet above or below a straight line."--evan hopkins, in _quart. jour. geol. soc_., vol. vi.] [footnote : see darwin on the absence of extensive modern conchiferous deposits in south america, _geological observations_, pt. iii., ch. v.] the climatology of the valley of the amazon is as simple as its physical geography. there is no circle of the seasons as with us--nature moves in a straight line. the daily order of the weather is uniform for months. there is very little difference between the dry and hot seasons; the former, lasting from july to december, is varied with showers, and the latter, from january to june, with sunny days, while the daily temperature is the same within two or three degrees throughout the year. on the water-shed between the orinoco and negro it rains throughout the year, but most water falls between may and november, the coolest season in that region. on the middle negro the wet season extends from june st to december st, and is the most sultry time. comparatively few insects, birds, or beasts are to be seen in summer; but it is the harvest-time of the inhabitants, who spend the glorious weather rambling over the plaias and beaches, fishing and turtle-hunting. the middle of september is the midsummer of the valley. the rainy season, or winter, is ushered in by violent thunder-storms from the west. it is then that the woods are eloquent with buzzing insects, shrill cicadas, screaming parrots, chattering monkeys, and roaring jaguars. the greatest activity of animal and vegetable life is in june and july. the heaviest rains fall in april, may, and june. scarcely ever is there a continuous rain for twenty-four hours. castelnau witnessed at pebas a fall of not less than thirty inches in a single storm. the greatest amount noticed in new york during the whole month of september was . inches. the humidity of the atmosphere, as likewise the luxuriance of vegetation and the abundance and beauty of animal forms, increases from the atlantic to the andes. at the foot of the andes, poeppig found that the most refined sugar in a few days dissolved into sirup, and the best gunpowder became liquid even when inclosed in canisters. so we found the napo steaming with vapor. fogs, however, are rarely seen on the amazon. the animals and plants are not all simultaneously affected by the change of seasons. the trees retain their verdure through the dry _vera[=o]_, and have no set time for renewing their foliage. there are a few trees, like mongruba, which drop their leaves at particular seasons; but they are so few in number they create the impression of a few dead leaves in a thick-growing forest. leaves are falling and flowers drooping all the year round. each species, and, in some cases, each individual, has its own particular autumn and spring. there is no hibernation nor æstivation (except by land shells); birds have not one uniform time for nidification; and moulting extends from february to may. amazonia, though equatorially situated, has a temperate climate. it is cooler than guinea or guiana. this is owing to the constant evaporation from so much submerged land, and the ceaseless trade winds. the mean annual temperature of the air is about °.[ ] the nights are always cool. there are no sudden changes, and no fiery "dog days." venereal and cutaneous affections are found among the people; but they spring from an irregular life. a traveler on the slow black tributaries may take the tertiana, but only after weeks of exposure. yellow fever and cholera seldom ascend the river above pará; and on the middle amazon there are neither endemics nor epidemics, though the trades are feebly felt there, and the air is stagnant and sultry. according to bates, swampy and weedy places on the amazon are generally more healthy than dry ones. whatever exceptions be taken to the branches, the main river is certainly as healthy as the mississippi: the rapid current of the water and the continual movement of the air maintaining its salubrity. the few english residents (messrs. hislop, jeffreys, and hauxwell), who have lived here thirty or forty years, are as fresh and florid as if they had never left their native country. the native women preserve their beauty until late in life. great is the contrast between the gloomy winters and dusty summers, the chilly springs and frosty autumns of the temperate zone, and the perennial beauty of the equator! no traveler on the amazon would exchange what wallace calls "the magic half-hour after sunset" for the long gray twilight of the north. "the man accustomed to this climate (wrote herndon) is ever unwilling to give it up for a more bracing one." [footnote : agassiz calls the average temperature °, which, it seems to us, is too high. the mean between the temperatures of pará, manáos, and tabatinga is . °.] the mineral kingdom is represented only by sand, clay, and loam. the solid rock (except the sandstone already mentioned) begins above the falls on the tributaries. the precious gems and metals are confined to the still higher lands of goyaz, matto grosso, and the slopes of the andes. the soil on the lower amazon is sandy; on the solimoens and marañon it is a stiff loam or vegetable mould, in many places twenty feet deep. both in botany and zoology, south america is a natural and strongly-marked division, quite as distinct from north america as from the old world; and as there are no transverse barriers, there is a remarkable unity in the character of the vegetation. no spot on the globe contains so much vegetable matter as the valley of the amazon. from the grassy steppes of venezuela to the treeless pampas of buenos ayres, expands a sea of verdure, in which we may draw a circle of eleven hundred miles in diameter, which shall include an ever green, unbroken forest. there is a most bewildering diversity of grand and beautiful trees--a wild, unconquered race of vegetable giants, draped, festooned, corded, matted, and ribboned with climbing and creeping plants, woody and succulent, in endless variety. the exuberance of nature displayed in these million square acres of tangled, impenetrable forest offers a bar to civilization nearly as great as its sterility in the african deserts. a _macheta_ is a necessary predecessor: the moment you land (and it is often difficult to get a footing on the bank), you are confronted by a wall of vegetation. lithe lianas, starred with flowers, coil up the stately trees, and then hang down like strung jewels; they can be counted only by myriads, yet they are mere superfluities. the dense dome of green overhead is supported by crowded columns, often branchless for eighty feet. the reckless competition among both small and great adds to the solemnity and gloom of a tropical forest. individual struggles with individual, and species with species, to monopolize the air, light, and soil. in the effort to spread their roots, some of the weaker sort, unable to find a footing, climb a powerful neighbor, and let their roots dangle in the air; while many a full-grown tree has been lifted up, as it were, in the strife, and now stands on the ends of its stilt-like roots, so that a man may walk upright between the roots and under the trunk.[ ] [footnote : buttress roots are not peculiar to any one species, but common to most of the large trees in the crowded forest, where the lateral growth of the roots is made difficult by the multitude of rivals. the paxiuba, or big-bellied palm, is a fine example.] the mass of the forest on the banks of the great river is composed of palms (about thirty species[ ]), leguminous or pod-bearing trees, colossal nut-trees, broad-leaved musaceæ or bananas, and giant grasses. the most prominent palms are the architectural pupunha, or "peach-palm," with spiny stems, drooping, deep green leaves, and bunches of mealy, nutritious fruit; the slender assaï, with a graceful head of delicate green plumes; the ubussú, with mammoth, undivided fronds; the stiff, serrated-leaved bussú, and gigantic mirití. one of the noblest trees of the forest is the massaranduba, or "cow-tree" (_brosimum galactodendron_), often rising one hundred and fifty feet. it is a hard, fine-grained, durable timber, and has a red bark, and leathery, fig-like foliage. the milk has the consistency of cream, and may be used for tea, coffee, or custards. it hardens by exposure, so as to resemble gutta-percha. another interesting tree, and one which yields the chief article of export, is the caucho, or india-rubber tree[ ] (_siphonia brasiliensis_), growing in the lowlands of the amazon for eighteen hundred miles above pará. it has an erect, tall trunk, from forty to eighty feet high, a smooth, gray bark, and thick, glossy leaves. the milk resembles thick, yellow cream, and is colored by a dense smoke obtained by burning palm-nuts. it is gathered between august and december. a man can collect six pounds a day, though this is rarely done. it is frequently adulterated with sand. the tree belongs to the same apetalous family as our castor-oil and the mandioca; while the tree which furnishes the caoutchouc of the east indies and africa is a species of ficus, and yields an inferior article to the rubber of america. other characteristic trees are the mongruba, one of the few which shed their foliage before the new leaf-buds expand; the giant samaüma, or silk-cotton tree (called _huimba_ in peru); the calabash, or _cuieira_, whose gourd-like fruit furnishes the cups used throughout the amazon; the itauba, or stone-wood, furnishing ship-timber as durable as teak; the red and white cedar, used for canoes (not coniferous like the northern evergreen, but allied to the mahogany); the jacarandá, or rose-wood, resembling our locust; palo de sangre, one of the most valuable woods on the river; huacapú, a very common timber; capirona, used as fuel on the steamers; and tauarí, a heavy, close-grained wood, the bark of which splits into thin leaves, much used in making cigarettes. the piassaba, a palm yielding a fibre extensively manufactured into cables and ropes, and exported to foreign countries for brushes and brooms, being singularly elastic, strong, and more durable than hemp; and the moira-pinima, or "tortoise-shell wood," the most beautiful wood in all amazonia, if not in the world, grow on the upper rio negro. a small willow represents the great catkin family. [footnote : von martius, in his great work on the brazilian palms, enumerates in all species.] [footnote : the portuguese and brazilians call it _seringa_, or syringe, in which form it is still used extensively, injections forming a great feature in the popular system of cures. the tree mentioned above yields most of the rubber of commerce, and is considered distinct from the species in guiana, _s. elastica;_ while the rubber from the upper amazon and rio negro comes from the _s. lutea_ and _s. brevifolia_. agassiz puts milk-weed in the same family!] the valley is as remarkable for the abundance, variety, and value of its timber as for any thing else. within an area of half a mile square, agassiz counted one hundred and seventeen different kinds of woods, many of them eminently fitted, by their hardness, tints, and beautiful grain, for the finest cabinet-work. enough palo de sangre or moira-pinima is doubtless wasted annually to veneer all the palaces of europe. while most of our fruits belong to the rose family, those of the amazon come from the myrtle tribe. the delicious flavor, for which our fruits are indebted to centuries of cultivation, is wanting in many of the torrid productions. we prefer the sweetness of pomona in temperate climes to her savage beauty in the sunny south. it is a curious fact, noticed by herndon, that nearly all the valuable fruits of the valley are inclosed in hard shells or acid pulps. they also reach a larger size in advancing westward. the common brazil nut is the product of one of the tallest trees in the forest (_bertholletia excelsa_). the fruit is a hard, round shell, resembling a common ball, which contains from twenty to twenty-four nuts. eighteen months are required for the bud to reach maturity. this tree, says humboldt, offers the most remarkable example of high organic development. akin to it is the sapucaya or "chickens' nuts" (_lecythis sapucaya_), whose capsule has a natural lid, and is called "monkey's drinking-cup." the nuts, about a dozen in number, are of irregular shape and much richer than the preceding. but they do not find their way to market, because they drop out of the capsule as soon as ripe, and are devoured by peccaries and monkeys. the most luscious fruit on the amazon is the atta of santarem. it has the color, taste, and size of the chirimoya; but the rind, which incloses a rich, custardly pulp, frosted with sugar, is scaled. next in rank are the melting pine-apples of pará, and the golden papayas, fully equal to those on the western coast. this is the original home of the cacao. it grows abundantly in the forests of the upper river, and particularly on the banks of the madeira. the wild nut is smaller but more oily than the cultivated. the amazon is destined to supply the world with the bulk of chocolate. the aromatic tonka beans (cumarú) used in flavoring snuff, and the brazilian nutmegs (puxiri), inferior to the ceylon, grow on lofty trees on the negro and lower amazon. the guaraná beans are the seeds of a trailing plant; from these the mauhés prepare the great medicine, on the amazon, for diarrhoea and intermittent fevers. its active principle, caffeine, is more abundant than in any other substance, amounting to . per cent.; while black tea contains only . . coffee, rice, tobacco, and sugar-cane are grown to a limited extent. rio negro coffee, if put into the market, would probably eclipse that of ceará, the best brazilian. wild rice grows abundantly on the banks of the rivers and lakes. the cultivated grain is said to yield forty fold. most of the tobacco comes down from the marañon and madeira. it is put up in slender rolls from three to six feet long, tapering at each end, and wound with palm fibre. the sugar-cane is an exotic from southeastern asia, but grows well. the first sugar made in the new world was by the dutch in the island of st. thomas, . farina is the principal farinaceous production of brazil. the mandioca or cassava (_manihot utilissima_) from which it is made is supposed to be indigenous, though it is not found wild. it does not grow at a higher altitude than feet. life and death are blended in the plant, yet every part is useful. the cattle eat the leaves and stalks, while the roots are ground into pulp, which, when pressed and baked, forms farina, the bread of all classes. the juice is a deadly poison: thirty-five drops were sufficient to kill, in six minutes, a negro convicted of murder; but it deposits a fine sediment of pure starch that is the well-known tapioca; and the juice, when fermented and boiled, forms a drink. on the upper waters grow the celebrated coca, a shrub with small, light-green leaves, having a bitter, aromatic taste. the powdered leaves, mixed with lime, form _ypadú_. this is to peruvians what opium is to the turk, betel to the malay, and tobacco to the yankee. thirty million pounds are annually consumed in south america. it is not, however, an opiate, but a powerful stimulant. with it the indian will perform prodigies of labor, traveling days without fatigue or food. von tschudi considers its moderate consumption wholesome, and instances the fact that one coca-chewer attained the good old age of one hundred and thirty years; but when used to excess it leads to idiocy. the signs of intemperance are an uncertain step, sallow complexion, black-rimmed, deeply-sunken eyes, trembling lips, incoherent speech, and stolid apathy. coca played an important part in the religious rights of the incas, and divine honors were paid to it. even to-day the miners of peru throw a quid of coca against the hard veins of ore, affirming that it renders them more easily worked; and the indians sometimes put coca in the mouth of the dead to insure them a welcome in the other world. the alkaloid cocaïne was discovered by wöhler. flowers are nearly confined to the edges of the dense forest, the banks of the rivers and lagunes. there are a greater number of species under the equator, but we have brighter colors in the temperate zone. "there is grandeur and sublimity in the tropical forest (wrote wallace, after four years of observation), but little of beauty or brilliancy of color." perhaps the finest example of inflorescence in the world is seen in the _victoria regia_, the magnificent water-lily discovered by schömberg in . it inhabits the tranquil waters of the shallow lakes which border the amazon. the leaves are from fifteen to eighteen feet in circumference, and will bear up a child twelve years old; the upper part is dark, glossy green, the under side violet or crimson. the flowers are a foot in diameter, at first pure white, passing, in twenty-four hours, through successive hues from rose to bright red. this queen of water-plants was dedicated to the queen whose empire is never at once shrouded in night. [illustration: coca-plant.] chapter xx. life within the great river.--fishes.--alligators.--turtles.--porpoises and manatís. the amazon is a crowded aquarium, holding representatives of every zoological class--infusoria, hydras, fresh-water shells (chiefly ampullaria, melania, and unios), aquatic beetles (belonging mostly to new genera), fishes, reptiles, water birds, and cetaceans. the abundance and variety of fishes are extraordinary; so also are the species. this great river is a peculiar ichthyic province, and each part has its characteristics. according to agassiz, the whole river, as well as its tributaries, is broken up into numerous distinct fauna.[ ] the _pirarucú_, or "redfish" (the _sudis gigas_ of science), is at once the largest, most common, and most useful fish. the peruvian indians call it _payshi_. it is a powerful fish, often measuring eight feet in length and five in girth, clad in an ornamental coat-of-mail, its large scales being margined with bright red. it ranges from peru to pará. it is usually taken by the arrow or spear. salted and dried, the meat will keep for a year, and forms, with farina, the staple food on the amazon. the hard, rough tongue is used as a grater. other fishes most frequently seen are the prettily-spotted catfish, pescada, piranha, acará, which carries its young in its mouth, and a long, slender needle-fish. there are ganoids in the river, but no sturgeons proper. pickerel, perch, and trout are also wanting. the sting-ray represents the shark family. as a whole, the fishes of the amazon have a marine character peculiarly their own. [footnote : we await the professor's examination of his "more than , specimens" before we give the number of new species.] the reptilian inhabitants of this inland sea are introduced by numerous batrachians, water-snakes (_heliops_), and anacondas. but alligators bear the palm for ugliness, size, and strength. in summer the main river swarms with them; in the wet season they retreat to the interior lakes and flooded forests. it was for this reason that we did not see an alligator on the napo. at low water they are found above the entrance of the curaray. about obidos, where many of the pools dry up in the fine months, the alligator buries itself in the mud, and sleeps till the rainy season returns. "it is scarcely exaggerating to say (writes bates) that the waters of the solimoens are as well stocked with large alligators in the dry season as a ditch in england is in summer with tadpoles." there are three or four species in the amazon. the largest, the jacaré-uassú of the natives, attains a length of twenty feet. the jacaré-tinga is a smaller kind (only five feet long when full grown), and has the long, slender muzzle of the extinct teleosaurus. the south american alligators are smaller than the crocodiles of the nile or ganges, and they are also inferior in rank. the head of the jacaré-uassú (the ordinary species) is broad, while the gavial of india has a long, narrow muzzle, and that of the egyptian lizard is oblong. the dentition differs: while in the old world saurian the teeth interlock, so that the two jaws are brought close together, the teeth in the upper jaw of the amazonian cayman pass by the lower series outside of them. the latter has therefore much less power. it has a ventral cuirass as well as dorsal, and it is web-footed, while the crocodile has the toes free--another mark of inferiority. sluggish on land, the alligator is very agile in its element. it never attacks man when on his guard, but it is cunning enough to know when it may do this with safety. it lays its eggs (about twenty) some distance from the river bank, covering them with leaves and sticks. they are larger than those of guayaquil, or about four inches long, of an elliptical shape, with a rough, calcareous shell. negro venders sell them cooked in the streets of pará. turtles are, perhaps, the most important product of the amazon, not excepting the pirarucú. the largest and most abundant species is the tortaruga grande. it measures, when full grown, nearly three feet in length and two in breadth, and has an oval, smooth, dark-colored shell. every house has a little pond (called _currúl_) in the back yard to hold a stock of turtles through the wet season. it furnishes the best meat on the upper amazon. we found it very tender, palatable, and wholesome; but bates, who was obliged to live on it for years, says it is very cloying. every part of the creature is turned to account. the entrails are made into soup; sausages are made of the stomach; steaks are cut from the breast; and the rest is roasted in the shell.[ ] the turtle lays its eggs (generally between midnight and dawn) on the central and highest part of the plaias, or about a hundred feet from the shore. the indians say it will lay only where itself was hatched out. with its hind flippers it digs a hole two or three feet deep, and deposits from eighty to one hundred and sixty eggs (gibbon says from one hundred and fifty to two hundred). these are covered with sand, and the next comer makes another deposit on the top, and so on until the pit is full. egg-laying comes earlier on the amazon than on the napo, taking place in august and september. the tracajá, a smaller species, lays in july and august; its eggs are smaller and oval, but richer than those of the great turtles. [footnote : the natives have this notion about the land-tortoise, that by throwing it three times over the head, the liver (the best part) will be enlarged.] the mammoth tortoise of the galápagos lays an egg very similar in size and shape to that of the tortaruga, but a month later, or in october. the hunting of turtle eggs is a great business on the amazon. they are used chiefly in manufacturing oil (mantéca) for illumination. thrown into a canoe, they are broken and beaten up by human feet; water is then poured in, and the floating oil is skimmed off, purified over the fire in copper kettles, and finally put up in three-gallon earthen jars for the market. the turtles are caught for the table as they return to the river after laying their eggs. to secure them, it suffices to turn them over on their backs. the turtles certainly have a hard time of it. the alligators and large fishes swallow the young ones by hundreds; jaguars pounce upon the full-grown specimens as they crawl over the plaias, and vultures and ibises attend the feast. but man is their most formidable foe. the destruction of turtle life is incredible. it is calculated that fifty millions of eggs are annually destroyed. thousands of those that escape capture in the egg period are collected as soon as hatched and devoured, "the remains of yolk in their entrails being considered a great delicacy." an unknown number of full-grown turtles are eaten by the natives on the banks of the marañon and solimoens and their tributaries, while every steamer, schooner, and little craft that descends the amazon is laden with turtles for the tables of manáos, santarem, and pará. when we consider, also, that all the mature turtles taken are females, we wonder that the race is not well-nigh extinct. they are, in fact, rapidly decreasing in numbers. a large turtle which twenty years ago could be bought for fifty cents, now commands three dollars. one would suppose that the males, being unmolested, would far outnumber the other sex, but bates says "they are immensely less numerous than the females." the male turtles, or _capitaris_, "are distinguishable by their much smaller size, more circular shape, and the greater length and thickness of their tails." near the tapajos we met a third species, called _matá-matá_. it has a deeply-keeled carapax, beautifully bossed, and a hideous triangular head, having curious, lobed, fleshy appendages, and nostrils prolonged into a tube. it is supposed to have great virtues as a remedy for rheumatism. but the most noticeable feature of the amazonian fauna, as agassiz has remarked, is the abundance of cetaceans through its whole extent. from the brackish estuary of pará to the clear, cool waters at the base of the andes, these clumsy refugees from the ocean may be seen gamboling and blowing as in their native element. four different kinds of porpoises have been seen. a black species lives in the bay of marajó. in the middle amazon are two distinct porpoises, one flesh-colored;[ ] and in the upper tributaries is the _inia boliviensis_, resembling, but specifically different from the sea-dolphin and the soosoo of the ganges. "it was several years (says the naturalist on the amazon) before i could induce a fisherman to harpoon dolphins (_boutos_) for me as specimens, for no one ever kills these animals voluntarily; the superstitious people believe that blindness would result from the use of the oil in lamps." the herbivorous manati (already mentioned, chap. xv.) is found throughout the great river. it differs slightly from the atlantic species. it rarely measures over twelve feet in length. it is taken by the harpoon or nets of chambiri twine. both herndon and gibbon mention seals as occurring in the peruvian tributaries; but we saw none, neither did bates, agassiz, or edwards. they probably meant the manati. [footnote : _dephinus pallidus_. bates observed this species at villa nova; we saw it at coary, miles west; and herndon found it in the huallaga.] chapter xxi. life around the great river.--insects.--reptiles.--birds.--mammals. the forest of the amazon is less full of life than the river. beasts, birds, and reptiles are exceedingly scarce; still there is, in fact, a great variety, but they are widely scattered and very shy. in the animal, as in the vegetable kingdom, diversity is the law; there is a great paucity of individuals compared with the species.[ ] insects are rare in the dense forest; they are almost confined to the more open country along the banks of the rivers. ants are perhaps the most numerous. there is one species over an inch long. but the most prominent, by their immense numbers, are the dreaded saübas. well-beaten paths branch off in every direction through the forest, on which broad columns may be seen marching to and fro, each bearing vertically a circular piece of leaf. unfortunately they prefer cultivated trees, especially the coffee and orange. they are also given to plundering provisions; in a single night they will carry off bushels of farina. they are of a light red color, with powerful jaws. in every formicarium or ant colony there are three sets of individuals--males, females, and workers; but the saübas have the singularity of possessing three classes of workers. the light-colored mounds often met in the forest, sometimes measuring forty feet in diameter by two feet in height, are the domes which overlie the entrances to the vast subterranean galleries of the saüba ants. these ants are eaten by the rio negro indians, and esteemed a luxury; while the tapajos tribes use them to season their mandioca sauce. akin to the vegetable-feeding saübas are the carnivorous ecitons, or foraging ants, of which bates found ten distinct species. they hunt for prey in large organized armies, almost every species having its own special manner of marching and hunting. fortunately the ecitons choose the thickest part of the forest. the fire-ant is the great plague on the tapajos. it is small, and of a shiny reddish color; but its sting is very painful, and it disputes every fragment of food with the inhabitants. all eatables and hammocks have to be hung by cords smeared with copaiba balsam. [footnote : amazonia is divided into four distinct zoological districts: those of ecuador, peru, guiana, and brazil; the limits being the amazon, madeira, and negro. the species found on one side of these rivers are seldom found on the other.] the traveler on the amazon frequently meets with conical hillocks of compact earth, from three to five feet high, from which radiate narrow covered galleries or arcades. the architects of these wonderful structures are the termites, or "white ants," so called, though they belong to a higher order of insects, widely differing from the true ants. the only thing in common is the principle of division of labor. the termite neuters are subdivided into two classes, soldiers and workers, both wingless and blind. their great enemy is the ant-eater; but it is a singular fact, noticed by bates, that the soldiers only attach themselves to the long worm-like tongue of this animal, so that the workers, on whom the prosperity of the termitarum depends, are saved by the self-sacrifice of the fighting caste. the office of the termites in the tropics seems to be to hasten the decomposition of decaying vegetation. but they also work their way into houses, trunks, wardrobes, and libraries. "it is principally owing to their destructiveness" (wrote humboldt) "that it is so rare to find papers in tropical america older than fifty or sixty years." dragon-flies are conspicuous specimens of insect life on the amazon. the largest and most brilliant kinds are found by the shady brooks and creeks in the recesses of the forest, some of them with green or crimson bodies seven inches long, and their elegant lace-like wings tipped with white or yellow. still more noticeable are the butterflies. there is a vast number of genera and species, and great beauty of dress, unequaled in the temperate zone. some idea of the diversity is conveyed by the fact mentioned by mr. bates that about species are found within an hour's walk of pará, and at ega; while the total number found in the british islands does not exceed , and the whole of europe supports only . after a shower in the dry season the butterflies appear in fluttering clouds (for they live in societies), white, yellow, red, green, purple, black, and blue, many of them bordered with metallic lines and spots of a silvery or golden lustre. the sulphur-yellow and orange-colored kinds predominate. a colossal morpho, seven and a half inches in expanse, and visible a quarter of a mile off, frequents the shady glades; splendid swallow-tailed papilios, green, rose, or velvety-black, are seen only in the thickets; while the _hetaira esmeralda_, with transparent wings, having one spot of a violet hue, as it flies over the dead leaves in the dense forest looks "like a wandering petal of a flower." very abundant is the _heliconius_, which plays such an important figure, by its variations, in wallace's theory of the origin of species. on the marañon we found _callidryas eubule_, a yellow butterfly common in florida. the most brilliant butterflies are found on the middle amazon, out of reach of the strong trade winds. the males far outnumber the other sex, are more richly colored, and generally lead a sunshiny life. the females are of dull hues, and spend their lives in the gloomy shadows of the forest. caterpillars and nocturnal moths are rare. there are no true hive-bees (_apides_) in south america,[ ] but instead there are about one hundred and fifty species of bees (mostly social _moliponas_), smaller than the european, stingless, and constructing oblong cells. their colonies are much larger than those of the honey-bee. the _trigona_ occurs on the napo. unlike the _melipona_, it is not confined to the new world. a large sooty-black bombus represents our humble-bee. shrill cicadas, blood-thirsty mantucas, piums, punkies, and musquitoes are always associated in the traveler's memory with the glorious river. of the last there are several kinds. "the forest musquito belongs to a different species from that of the town, being much larger and having transparent wings. it is a little cloud that one carries about his person every step on a woodland ramble, and their hum is so loud that it prevents one hearing well the notes of birds. the town musquito has opaque, speckled wings, a less severe sting, and a silent way of going to work. the inhabitants ought to be thankful the big noisy fellows never come out of the forest" (bates, ii., ). there are few musquitoes below ega; above that point a musquito net is indispensable. beetles abound, particularly in shady places, and are of all sizes, from that of a pin's head to several inches in length. the most noticeable are the gigantic _megalosoma_ and _enema_, armed with horns. very few are carnivorous. "this is the more remarkable," observes darwin, "when compared to the case of carnivorous quadrupeds, which are so abundant in hot countries." very few are terrestrial, even the carnivorous species being found clinging to branches and leaves. in going from the pole to the equator we find that insect life increases in the same proportion as vegetable life. there is not a single beetle on melville island; eleven species are found in greenland; in england, ; in brazil, . here lives the king of spiders, the _mygale blondii_, a monstrous hairy fellow, five inches long, of a brown color, with yellowish lines along its stout legs. its abode is a slanting subterranean gallery about two feet in length, the sides of which are beautifully lined with silk. other spiders barricade the walks in the forest with invisible threads; some build nests in the trees and attack birds; others again spin a closely-woven web, resembling fine muslin, under the thatched roofs of the houses. [footnote : the honey-bee of europe was introduced into south america in .] of land vertebrates, lizards are the first to attract the attention of the traveler on the equator. great in number and variety, they are met every where--crawling up the walls of buildings, scampering over the hot, dusty roads, gliding through the forest. they stand up on their legs, carry their tails cocked up in the air, and run with the activity of a warm-blooded animal. it is almost impossible to catch them. some of them are far from being the unpleasant-looking animals many people imagine; but in their coats of many colors, green, gray, brown, and yellow, they may be pronounced beautiful. others, however, have a repulsive aspect, and are a yard in length. the iguana, peculiar to the new world tropics, is covered with minute green scales handed with brown (though it changes its color like the chameleon), and has a serrated back and gular pouch. it grows to the length of five feet, and is arboreal. its white flesh, and its oblong, oily eggs, arc considered great delicacies. we heard of a lady who kept one as a pet. frogs and toads, the chief musicians in the amazonian forest, are of all sizes, from an inch to a foot in diameter. the _bufo gigas_ is of a dull gray color, and is covered with warts. tree-frogs (_hyla_) are very abundant; they do not occur on the andes or on the pacific coast. their quack-quack, drum-drum, hoo-hoo, is one of our pleasant memories of south america. of snakes there is no lack; and yet they are not so numerous as imagination would make them. there are one hundred and fifty species in south america, or one half as many, on the same area, as in the east indies. the diabolical family is led by the boa, while the rear is brought up by the amphisbænas, or "double-headed snakes," which progress equally well with either end forward, so that it is difficult to make head or tail of them. the majority are harmless. the deadly corál is found on both sides of the andes, and wherever there is a cacao plantation. one of the most beautiful specimens of the venomous kind is a new species (_elaps imperator_, cope), which we discovered on the marañon. it has a slender body more than two feet in length, with black and red bands margined with yellow, and a black and yellow head, with permanently erect fangs. [illustration: iguana.] we have already mentioned the most common birds. probably, says wallace, no country in the world contains a greater variety of birds than the amazonian valley. but the number does not equal the expectations of the traveler; he may ramble a whole day without meeting one. the rarity, however, is more apparent than real; we forget, for the moment, the vastness of their dwelling-place. the birds of the country, moreover, are gregarious, so that a locality may be deserted and silent at one time and swarming with them at another. parrots and toucans are the most characteristic groups. to the former belong true parrots, parroquets, and macaws. the first are rarely seen walking, but are rapid flyers and expert climbers. on the trees they are social as monkeys, but in flight they always go in pairs. the parroquets go in flocks. the hyacinthine macaw (the araruna of the natives) is one of the finest and rarest species of the parrot family. it is found only on the south side of the amazon. the macaw was considered sacred by the maya indians of yucatan, and dedicated to the sun. the quichuans call it guacamayo, guaca meaning sacred. of toucans there are many species; the largest is the toco, with a beak shaped like a banana; the most beautiful are the curb-crested, or beauharnais toucans, and the _p. flavirostris_, whose breast is adorned with broad belts of red, crimson, and black. "wherefore such a beak?" every naturalist has asked; but the toucan still wags his head, as much as to say, "you can not tell." there must be some other reason than adaptation. birds of the same habits are found beside it--the ibis, pigeon, spoonbill, and toucan are seen feeding together. "how astonishing are the freaks and fancies of nature! (wrote the funny sidney smith). to what purpose, we say, is a bird placed in the woods of cayenne with a bill a yard long, making a noise like a puppy-dog, and laying eggs in hollow trees? the toucan, to be sure, might retort, to what purpose are certain foolish, prating members of parliament created, pestering the house of commons with their ignorance and folly, and impeding the business of the country? there is no end to such questions; so we will not enter into the metaphysics of the toucan." [illustration: toucans.] on the flooded islands of the negro and upper amazon is found the rare and curious umbrella bird, black as a crow, and decorated with a crest of hairy plumes and a long lobe suspended from the neck, covered with glossy blue feathers. this latter appendage is connected with the vocal organs, and assists the bird in producing its deep, loud, and lengthy fluty note. there are three species. another rare bird is the uruponga, or campanéro, in english the tolling-bell bird, found only on the borders of guiana. it is of the size of our jay, of a pure white color, with a black tubercle on the upper side of the bill. "orpheus himself (says waterton) would drop his lute to listen to him, so sweet, so novel, and romantic is the toll of the pretty, snow-white campanéro." "the campanéro may be heard three miles! (echoes sidney smith). this single little bird being more powerful than the belfry of a cathedral ringing for a new dean! it is impossible to contradict a gentleman who has been in the forests of cayenne, but we are determined, as soon as a campanéro is brought to england, to make him toll in a public place, and have the distance measured."[ ] but the most remarkable songster of the amazonian forest is the realejo, or organ-bird. its notes are as musical as the flageolet. it is the only songster, says bates, which makes any impression on the natives. besides those are the jacamars, peculiar to equatorial america, stupid, but of the most beautiful golden, bronze, and steel colors; sulky trogons, with glossy green backs and rose-colored breasts; long-toed jaçanas, half wader, half fowl; the rich, velvety purple and black _rhamphocoelus jacapa_, having an immense range from archidona to pará; the gallinaceous yet arboreal ciganas; scarlet ibises, smaller, but more beautiful than their sacred cousins of the nile; stilted flamingoes, whose awkwardness is atoned for by their brilliant red plumage; glossy black mutums, or curassow turkeys; ghostly storks, white egrets, ash-colored herons, black ducks, barbets, kingfishers, sandpipers, gulls, plovers, woodpeckers, oreoles; tanagers, essentially a south american family, and, excepting three or four species, found only east of the andes; wagtails, finches, thrushes, doves, and hummers. the last, "by western indians _living sunbeams_ named," are few, and not to be compared with the swarms in the andean valleys. the birds of the amazon have no uniform time for breeding. the majority, however, build their nests between september and new year's, and rarely lay more than two eggs. [footnote : review of waterton's _wanderings in south america_.] [illustration: brazilian hummers.] [illustration: capybara] amazonia, like australia, is poor in terrestrial mammals, and the species are of small size. nearly the only game a hunter can depend upon for food, besides toucans and macaws, is peccari. one species of tapir, to represent the elephants and rhinoceroses of the old world; three small species of deer, taking the places of deer, antelopes, buffaloes, sheep, and goats of the other continent; three species of large felidæ; one peccari, and a wild dog, with opossums, ant-eaters, armadilloes, sloths, squirrels (the only rodents which approach ours),[ ] capybaras, pacas, agoutis, and monkeys, comprise all the quadrupeds of equatorial america. the last two are the most numerous. marsupial rats take the place of the insectivorous mammals. of ant-eaters, there are at least four distinct species; but they are scattered sparingly, and are seldom found on the low flooded lands. four or five species of armadillo inhabit the valley. these little nocturnal burrowing edentates are the puny representatives of the gigantic glyptodon of pleistocene times, and the sloths are the dwindling shadows of the lordly megatherium. there are two species of three-toed sloths--one inhabiting the swampy lowlands, the other confined to the terra-firma land. they lead a lonely life, never in groups, harmless and frugal as a hermit. they have four stomachs, but not the long intestines of ruminating animals. they feed chiefly on the leaves of the trumpet-tree (_cecropia_), resembling our horse-chestnut. the natives, both indian and brazilian, hold the common opinion that the sloth is the type of laziness. the capybara or ronsoco, the largest of living rodents, is quite common on the river side. it is gregarious and amphibious, and resembles a mammoth guinea-pig. pacas and agoutis are most abundant in the lowlands, and are nocturnal. these semi-hoofed rodents, like the toxodon of old, approach the pachyderms. the tapir, or gran-bestia, as it is called, is a characteristic quadruped of south america. it is a clumsy-looking animal, with a tough hide of an iron-gray color, covered with a coat of short coarse hair. its flesh is dry, but very palatable. it has a less powerful proboscis than the malay species. m. roulin distinguishes another species from the mountains, which more nearly resembles the asiatic. the tapir, like the condor, for an unknown reason, is not found north of ° n., though it wanders as far south as °. we met but one species of peccari, the white-lipped (_d. labiatus_). it is much larger than the "mexican hog," and, too thick-headed to understand danger, is a formidable antagonist. the raposa is seen only on the middle amazon, and very rarely there. it has a long tapering muzzle, small ears, bushy tail, and grayish hair. it takes to the water, for the one we saw at tabatinga was caught while crossing the amazon. fawn-colored pumas, spotted jaguars, black tigers, tiger-cats--all members of the graceful feline family--inhabit all parts of the valley, but are seldom seen. the puma, or panther, is more common on the pacific side of the andes. the jaguar[ ] is the fiercest and most powerful animal in south america. it is marked like the leopard--roses of black spots on a yellowish ground; but they are angular instead of rounded, and have a central dot. there are also several black streaks across the breast, which easily distinguish it from its transatlantic representative. it is also longer than the leopard; indeed, humboldt says he saw a jaguar "whose length surpassed that of any of the tigers of india which he had seen in the collections of europe." the jaguar frequents the borders of the rivers and lagunes, and its common prey is the capybara. it fears the peccari. the night air is alive with bats of many species, the most prominent one being the _dysopes perotis_, which measures two feet from tip to tip of the wings. if these cheiropters are as impish as they look, and as blood-thirsty as some travelers report, it is singular that bates and waterton, though residing for years in the country, and ourselves, though sleeping for months unprotected, were unmolested. [footnote : large rats abound on the marnañon, but they are not american.] [footnote : the tupi word for dog is _yaguara_, and for wolf, _yagua-men_, or old dog.] [illustration: jaguar.] about forty species of monkeys, or one half of the new world forms, inhabit the valley of the amazon. wallace, in a residence of four years, saw twenty-one species--seven with prehensile and fourteen with non-prehensile tails. they all differ from the apes of the other hemisphere. while those of africa and asia (europe has only one) have opposable thumbs on the fore feet as well as hind, uniformly ten molar teeth in each jaw, as in man, and generally cheek-pouches and naked collosities, the american monkeys arc destitute of the two latter characteristics. none of them are terrestrial, like the baboon; all (save the marmosets) have twenty-four molars; the thumbs of the fore-hands are not habitually opposed to the fingers (one genus, ateles, "the imperfect," is thumbless altogether); the nostrils open on the sides of the nose instead of beneath it, as in the gorilla, and the majority have long prehensile tails. they are inferior in rank to the anthropoids of the old world, though superior to the lemurs of madagascar. they are usually grouped in two families--marmosets and cebidre. the former are restless, timid, squirrel-like lilliputs (one species is only seven inches long), with tails not prehensile--in the case of the scarlet-faced, nearly wanting. the barigudos, or gluttons (_lagothrix_), are the largest of american monkeys, but are not so tall as the coaitas. they are found west of manáos. they have more human features than the other monkeys, and, with their woolly gray fur, resemble an old negro. there are three kinds of howlers (_mycetes_)--the red or mono-colorado of humboldt, the black, and the _m. beelzebub_, found only near pará. the forest is full of these surly, untamable guaribas, as the natives call them. they are gifted with a voice of tremendous power and volume, with which they make night and day hideous. they represent the baboons of the old world in disposition and facial angle ( °), and the gibbons in their yells and gregarious habits.[ ] the sapajous (_cebus_) are distributed throughout brazil, and have the reputation of being the most mischievous monkeys in the country. on the west coast of south america there are at least three or four species of monkeys, among them a black howler and a _cebus capucinus_. the coitas, or spider-monkeys, are the highest of american quadrumana. they are slender-legged, sluggish, and thumbless, with a most perfectly prehensile tail, terminating in a naked palm, which answers for a fifth hand. the indians say they walk under the limbs like the sloth. they are the most common pets in brazil, but they refuse to breed in captivity. both coitas and barigudos are much persecuted for their flesh, which is highly esteemed by the indians. [footnote : rütimeyer has found a fossil howler in the swiss jura--middle cocene.] mr. bates has called our attention to the arboreal character of a large share of the animals in the amazonian forest. all the monkeys and bats are climbers, and live in the trees. nearly all the carnivores are feline, and are therefore tree-mounters, though they lead a terrestrial life. the plantigrade cercoleptes has a long tail, and is entirely arboreal. of the edentates, the sloth can do nothing on the ground. the gallinaceous birds, as the cigana and curassow--the pheasant and turkey of the amazon--perch on the trees, while the great number of arboreal frogs and beetles is an additional proof of the adaptation of the fauna to a forest region. even the epiphytous plants sitting on the branches suggest this arboreal feature in animal life. chapter xxii. life around the great river.--origin of the red man.--general characteristics of the amazonian indians.--their languages, costumes, and habitations.--principal tribes.--mixed breeds.--brazilians and brazil. we come now to the genus homo. man makes a very insignificant figure in the vast solitudes of the amazon. between manáos and pará, the most densely-peopled part of the valley, there is only one man to every four square miles; and the native race takes a low place in the scale of humanity. as the western continent is geologically more primitive than the eastern, and as the brute creation is also inferior in rank, so the american man, in point of progress, seems to stand in the rear of the old world races. both the geology and zoology of the continent were arrested in their development. vegetable life alone has been favored. "the aboriginal american (wrote von martius) is at once in the incapacity of infancy and unpliancy of old age; he unites the opposite poles of intellectual life."[ ] [footnote : "i think i discover in the americans (said humboldt) the descendants of a rare which, early separated from the rest of mankind, has followed up for a series of years a peculiar road in the unfolding of its intellectual faculties and its tendency toward civilization." the south american indian seems to have a natural aptitude for the arts of civilized life not found in the red men of our continent.] we will not touch the debatable ground of the red man's origin, nor inquire whether he is the last remains of a people once high in civilization. but we are tempted to express the full belief that tropical america is not his "centre of creation." he is not the true child of the tropics; and he lives as a stranger, far less fitted for its climate than the negro or caucasian. yet a little while, and the race will be as extinct as the dodo. he has not the supple organization of the european, enabling him to accommodate himself to diverse conditions. among the andean tribes there are seldom over five children, generally but one, in a family; and bates, speaking of brazilian indians, says "their fecundity is of a low degree, and it is very rare to find a family having so many as four children."[ ] [footnote : we do not infer, however, from this fact alone, that the race is exotic, for the negroes of central africa multiply very slowly.] while it is probable that mexico was peopled from the north, it is very certain that the tupi and guarani, the long-headed hordes that occupied eastern south america, came up from the south, moving from the paraguay to the banks of the orinoco. from the tupi nation (perhaps a branch of the guarani) sprung the multitudinous tribes now dwelling in the vast valley of the amazon. in such a country--unbroken by a mountain, uniform in climate--we need not look for great diversity. the general characters are these: skin of a brown color, with yellowish tinge, often nearly the tint of mahogany; thick, straight, black hair; black, horizontal eyes; low forehead, somewhat compensated by its breadth; beardless; of the middle height, but thick-set; broad, muscular chest; small hands and feet; incurious; unambitious; impassive; undemonstrative; with a dull imagination and little superstition; with no definite idea of a supreme being, few tribes having a name for god, though one for the "demon;" with no belief in a future state; and, excepting civility, with virtues all negative. the semi-civilized along the lower amazon, called _tupuyos_, seem to have lost (in the language of wallace) the good qualities of savage life, and gained only the vices of civilization. there are several hundred different tribes in amazonia, each having a different language; even the scattered members of the same tribe can not understand each other.[ ] this segregation of dialects is due in great part to the inflexibility of indian character, and his isolated and narrow round of thought and life. when and where the babel existed, whence the many branches of the great tupi family separated, we know not. we only know that though different in words, these languages have the same grammatical construction. in more than one respect the polyglot american is antipodal to the chinese. the language of the former is richest in words, that of the latter the poorest. the preposition follows the noun, and the verb ends the sentence. ancient tupi is the basis of the lingoa geral, the inter-tribal tongue on the middle amazon. the semi-civilized ticunas, mundurucus, etc., have one costume--the men in trowsers and white cotton shirts, the women in calico petticoats, with short, loose chemises, and their hair held in a knot on the top of the head by a comb, usually of foreign make, but sometimes made of bamboo splinters. the wild tribes north and south go nearly or quite nude, while those on the western tributaries wear cotton or bark togas or ponchos. the habitations are generally a frame-work of poles, thatched with palm-leaves; the walls sometimes latticed and plastered with mud, and the furniture chiefly hammocks and earthen vessels. [illustration: native comb.] [footnote : authors compute in south america from to languages (abbé royo said ), of which four fifths are composed of idioms radically distinct.] the mundurucus are the most numerous and warlike tribe in amazonia. they inhabit both banks of the tapajos, and can muster, it is said, fighting men. they are friendly to the whites, and industrious, selling to traders large quantities of farina, sarsaparilla, rubber, and tonka beans. their houses are conical or quadrangular huts, sometimes open sheds, and generally contain many families. according to wallace, the mundurucus are the only perfectly tattooed nation in south america. it takes at least ten years to complete the tattooing of the whole person. the skin is pricked with spines, and then the soot from burning pitch rubbed in. their neighbors, the parárauátes, are intractable, wandering savages, roaming through the forest and sleeping in hammocks slung to the trees. they have delicately-formed hands and feet, an oval face, and glistening black eyes. on the west side of the tapajos, near villa nova, are the mauhés, an agricultural tribe, well formed, and of a mild disposition. on the lower madeira are the houseless, formidable aráras, who paint their chins red with achote (anatto), and usually have a black tattooed streak on each side of the face. they have long made the navigation of the great tributary hazardous. above them dwell the parentintíns, light colored and finely featured, but nude and savage. in the labyrinth of lakes and channels at the mouth of the madeira live the lazy, brutal múras, the most degraded tribe on the amazon. they have a darker skin than their neighbors, an extraordinary breadth of chest, muscular arms, short legs, protuberant abdomens, a thin beard, and a bold, restless expression. they pierce the lips, and wear peccari tusks in them in time of war. the indians on the purus live generally on the communal principle, and are unwarlike and indolent. the puru-purús bury in sandy beaches, go naked, and have one wife. on the great northwest tributary of the rio negro, the uacaiari, there are numerous tribes, collectively known as the uaupés. they have permanent abodes, in shape a parallelogram, with a semicircle at one end, and of a size to contain several families, sometimes a whole tribe. one of them, wallace informs us, was feet long by broad, and about high. the walls are bullet-proof. partitions of palm-leaves divide it into apartments for families, the chief occupying the semicircular end. the men alone wear clothes and ornaments, but both sexes paint their bodies with red, black, and yellow colors in regular patterns. the men have a little beard, which they pull out, as also the eyebrows, and allow the hair to grow unshorn, tying it behind with a cord and wearing a comb; while the women cut theirs and wear no comb. they are an agricultural people--peaceable, ingenious, apathetic, diffident, and bashful. the catauishés inhabit the banks of the teffé. they perforate the lips, and wear rows of sticks in the holes. at the mouth of the juruá are the uncivilized, but tall, noble-looking marauás. they pierce the ears and lips, and insert sticks. they live in separate families, and have no common chief. above them live the treacherous arauás.[ ] on the opposite side of the amazon are the nearly extinct passés and jurís, the finest tribes in central south america. they are peaceable and industrious, and have always been friendly to the whites. the passés are a slenderly-built, light-colored, dignified, superior race, distinguished by a large square tattooed patch in the middle of the face. the jurís tattoo in a circle round the mouth. near by are the uænambeus, or "humming-birds," distinguished by a small blue mark on the upper lip. higher up the japurá is the large cannibal tribe of miránhas, living in isolated families; and on the tocantíns dwell the low caishánas, who kill their first-born children. along the left bank of the amazon, from loreto to japurá, are the scattered houses and villages of the tucúnas. this is an extensive tribe, leading a settled agricultural life, each horde having a chief and a "medicine-man," or priest of their superstitions. they are good-natured and ingenious, excelling most of the other tribes in the manufacture of pottery; but they are idle and debauched, naked except in the villages, and tattooed in numbers of short, straight lines on the face. the marúbos, on the javarí, have a dark complexion and a slight beard; and on the west side of the same river roam the majerónas--fierce, hostile, light colored, bearded cannibals. in the vicinity of pebas dwell the inoffensive yaguas. the shape of the head (but not their vacant expression) is well represented by catlin's portrait of "black hawk," a sauk chief. they are quite free from the encumbrance of dress, the men wearing a girdle of fibrous bark around the loins, with bunches looking like a mop hanging down in front and rear, and similar bunches hung around the neck and arms. the women tie a strip of brown cotton cloth about the hips. they paint the whole body with achote.[ ] they sometimes live in communities. one large structure, with gothic roof, is used in common; on the inside of which, around the walls, are built family sleeping-rooms. the yaguas are given to drinking and dancing. they are said to bury their dead inside the house of the deceased, and then set fire to it; but this conflicts with their communal life. perhaps, with the other tribes on the japurá, iça, and napo, they are fragments of the great omágua nation; but the languages have no resemblance. of the oriente indians we have already spoken. the tall, finely-built cucámas near nauta are shrewd, hard-working canoe-men, notorious for the singular desire of acquiring property; and the yámeos, a white tribe, wander across the marañon as far as sarayacú. on the ucayali are numerous vagabond tribes, living for the most part in their canoes and temporary huts. they are all lazy and faithless, using their wives (polygamy is common) as slaves. infanticide is practiced, _i.e._, deformed children they put out of the way, saying they belong to the devil. they worship nothing. they bury their dead in a canoe or earthen jar under the house (which is vacated forever), and throw away his property.[ ] the common costume is a long gown, called _cushma_, of closely-twilled cotton, woven by the women. their weapons are two-edged battle-axes of hard wood, as palo de sangre, and bows and arrows. the arrows, five or six feet long, are made from the flower-stalk of the arrow-grass (_gynerium_), the head pointed with the flinty chonta and tipped with bone, often anointed with poison. at the base two rows of feathers are spirally arranged, showing the indian's knowledge of the rifle principle. when they have fixed abodes several families live together under one roof, with no division separating the women, as among the red indians on the pastassa. the roof is not over ten feet from the ground. the piros are the highest tribe; they have but one wife. the conibos are an agricultural people, yet cannibals, stretching from the upper ucayali to the sources of the purus. they are a fair-looking, athletic people, and, like the shipibos, of ten wear a piece of money under the lip. the cámpas are the most numerous and warlike.[ ] they are little known, as travelers give them a wide berth. herndon fancied they were the descendants of the inca race. they are said to be cannibals, and from the specimen we saw we should judge them uncommonly sharp. he was averse to telling us any thing about his tribe, but turned our questions with an equivocal repartee and a laugh. the cashíbos, on the pachitéa, is another cannibal tribe. they are light colored and bearded. the dwarfish, filthy rimos alone of the ucayali indians tattoo, though not so perfectly as the mundurucus, using black and blue colors. the other tribes simply paint. it was among these wild indians on the ucayali that the franciscan friars labored so long and zealously, and with a success far greater and more lasting than that which attended any other missionary enterprise in the valley. [footnote : near the sources of this river castlenau locates the canamas and uginas; the former dwarfs, the latter having tails a palm and a half long--a hybrid from an indian and barigudo monkey.] [footnote : query: is the name yagua (blood) derived from the practice of coloring the body red?] [footnote : compare the ancient burial custom on the andes: "on the decease of the inca his palaces are abandoned: all his treasures, except those that were employed in his obsequies, his furniture and apparel, were suffered to remain as he left them, and his mansions, save one, were closed up forever."--_prescott_.] [footnote : the women circumcise themselves, and a man will not marry a woman who is not circumcised. they perform the singular rite upon arriving at the age of puberty, and have a great feast at the time. other tribes flog and imprison their daughters when they reach womanhood.] the remaining inhabitants of the amazon are mixed-breeds, negroes, and whites. the amalgamations form the greater part of the population of the large towns. von tschudi gives a catalogue of twenty-three hybrids in peru, and there are undoubtedly as many, or more, in brazil. the most common are mamelucos (offspring of white with indian), mulattoes (from white and negro), cafuzos or zambos (from indian and negro), curibocos (from cafuzo and indian); and xibaros (from cafuzo and negro). "to define their characteristics correctly," says von tschudi, "would be impossible, for their minds partake of the mixture of their blood. as a general rule, it may be said that they unite in themselves all the faults without any of the virtues of their progenitors. as men they are generally inferior to the pure races, and as members of society they are the worst class of citizens." yet they display considerable talent and enterprise, as in quito; a proof that mental degeneracy does not necessarily result from the mixture of white with indian blood. "there is, however," confesses bates, after ten years' experience, "a considerable number of superlatively lazy, tricky, and sensual characters among the half-castes, both in rural places and in the towns." our observations do not support the opinion that the result of amalgamation is "a vague compound, lacking character and expression." the moral part is perhaps deteriorated; but in tact and enterprise they often excel their progenitors. negroes are to be seen only on the lower amazon. by the new act of emancipation, such as are slaves continue so, but their children are free. negroes born in the country are called creoles. of the white population, save a handful of english, french, and german, the portuguese immigrants are the most enterprising men on the river. they are willing to work, trade, or do any thing to turn a penny. those who acquire a fortune generally retire to lisbon. the brazilians proper are the descendants of the men who declared themselves "free and independent" of the mother country. few of them are of pure caucasian descent, for the immigration from portugal for many years has been almost exclusively of the male sex. "it is generally considered bad taste in brazil to boast purity of descent" (bates, i, ). brazilians are stiff and formal, yet courteous and lively, communicative and hospitable, well-bred and intelligent. they are not ambitious, but content to live and enjoy what nature spontaneously offers. the most a brazilian wants is farina and coffee, a hammock and cigar. brazilian ladies have led a dreary life of constraint and silence, without education or society, the husband making a nun of his wife after the old bigoted portuguese notion; but during the last twenty years the doors have been opened. brazil attained her independence in ; brazilian women in . here, in this virgin valley, where every plant is an evergreen, possessing the most agreeable and enjoyable climate in the world, with a brilliant atmosphere, rivaled only by that of quito, and with no changes of seasons--here we may locate the paradise of the lazy. life may be maintained with as little labor as in the garden of eden. perhaps no country in the world is capable of yielding so large a return for agriculture. nature, evidently designing this land as the home of a great nation, has heaped up her bounties of every description--fruits of richest flavors, woods of finest grain, dyes of gayest colors, and drugs of rarest virtues; and left no sirocco or earthquake to disturb its people. providence, moreover, has given the present emperor a wise and understanding heart; and the government is a happy blending of imperial dignity and republican freedom. white, negro, half-caste, and indian may be seen sitting side by side on the jury-bench. certainly "the nation can not be a despicable one whose best men are able to work themselves up to positions of trust and influence." god bless the empire of the south! chapter xxiii. how to travel in south america.--routes.--expenses.--outfit.--precautions.--dangers. the most vague and incorrect notions prevail in respect to traveling in south america. the sources of trustworthy and desirable information are very meagre. murray has not yet published a "hand-book for the andes;" routes, methods, and expenses of travel are almost unknown; and the imagination depicts vampires and scorpions, tigers and anacondas, wild indians and fevers without end, impassable rivers and inaccessible mountains as the portion of the tourist. the following statements, which can be depended upon, may therefore be acceptable to those who contemplate a trip on the andes and the amazon. the shortest, cheapest, most feasible, and least interesting route across the continent is from valparaiso to buenos ayres. the breadth of south america is here only eight hundred miles. by railroad from valparaiso to the foot of the andes; thence a short mule-ride by the uspallata pass (altitude , feet), under the shadow of aconcagua to mendoza; thence by coach across the pampas to the rio plata. the portillo pass (traversed by darwin) is nearer, but more lofty and dangerous. bolivia offers the difficult path of gibbon: from the coast to cochabamba; thence down the marmoré and madeira. there are three routes through peru: first, from lima to mayro, by way of cerro pasco and huánaco, by mule, ten days; thence down the pachitéa, by canoe, six days; thence down the ucayali to iquitos, by steamer, six days (forty-five hours' running time). when the road from lima to mayro is finished the passage will be shortened four days. no snow is met in crossing the andes in summer, but in winter it is very deep. second (herndon's route), from lima to tinga maria, by way of huánaco, by mule, fifteen days, distance three hundred miles (the passage is difficult in the rainy season); thence by canoe fifteen days down the huallaga to yurimaguas. third and best, by mule from truxillo to caximárca, five days (note the magnificent ruins); thence to chachapoyas, seven days (here are pre-incarial relics); thence to moyabamba, eight days; thence on foot to balsa puerto, four days; thence by canoe to yurimaguas, two days. price of a mule from truxillo to moyabamba is $ ; canoe-hire, $ . the peruvian steamers arrive at yurimaguas the fifth of every month and leave the seventh; reach nauta the ninth and iquitos the tenth; leave iquitos the sixteenth and arrive at tabatinga the nineteenth, to connect with the brazilian line. going up, they leave tabatinga the twenty-first and arrive at iquitos the twenty-fourth, stopping six days. running time from yurimaguas to tabatinga, forty-eight hours; fare, $ , gold; third-class, $ . la condamine's route, _via_ loxa and the marañon, is difficult; and md. godin's, _via_ the pastassa, is perilous on account of rapids and savages. the transit by the napo we will now give in detail. six hundred dollars in gold will be amply sufficient for a first-class passage from new york to new york across the continent of south america, making no allowance for stoppages. for necessary expenses in ecuador, take a draft on london, which will sell to advantage in guayaquil; so will mexican dollars. american gold should be taken for expenses on the amazon in brazil; at pará it commands a premium. on the marañon it is below par; peruvian gold should therefore be bought at guayaquil for that part of the route. also french _medios_, or quarter francs; they will be very useful every where on the route, especially on the upper amazon, where change is scarce. fifty dollars' worth will not be too many; for, as the scotchman said of sixpences, "they are canny little dogs, and often do the work of shillings." take a passport for brazil. leave behind your delicacies and superfluities of clothing; woolen clothes will be serviceable throughout. a trunk for mountain travel should not exceed by by inches--smaller the better. take a rubber air-pillow and mattress: there is no bed between guayaquil and pará. a hammock for the amazon can be bought on the napo. the pacific mail steamships, which leave new york on the first and sixteenth of each month, connect at panama without delay with the british steam navigation line on the south pacific. fare, first-class, from new york to guayaquil, by way of panama and paita, $ , gold; second-class, $ . time to panama, eight days; to paita, four days; to guayaquil, one day. a coasting steamer leaves panama for guayaquil the thirteenth of each month. there are two so-called hotels in guayaquil. "los tres mosqueteros," kept by sr. gonzales, is the best. take a front room ($ per day), and board at the fonda italiana or la santa rosa ($ per day). here complete your outfit for the mountains: saddle, with strong girth and crupper; saddle-bags, saddle-cover, sweat-cloth, and bridle ($ , paper), woolen poncho ($ ), rubber poncho ($ ), blanket ($ ), leggins, native spurs and stirrups, knife, fork, spoon, tea-pot, chocolate (tea, pure and cheap, should be purchased at panama), candles, matches, soap, towels, and tarpaulin for wrapping up baggage. convert your draft into paper, _quantum sufficit_ for guayaquil; the rest into silver. besides this outer outfit, an inner one is needed--of patience without stint. you will soon learn that it is one thing to plan and quite another to execute. "to get out of the inn is one half of the journey" is very appropriately a spanish proverb. spaniards do nothing _d'appressado_ (in a hurry), but every thing _mañana_ (to-morrow). you will find fondas, horses, and roads divided into the bad, the worse, and the worst, and bad is the best. but fret not thyself. "serenity of mind," wrote humboldt, "almost the first requisite for an undertaking in inhospitable regions, passionate love for some class of scientific labor, and a pure feeling for the enjoyment which nature in her freedom is ready to impart, are elements which, when they meet together in an individual, insure the attainment of valuable results from a great and important journey." the journey to quito must be made between may and november; in the rainy season the roads are impassable. from guayaquil to bodegas by yankee steamer; fare, $ ; time, eight hours. at bodegas hire beasts at the _consignacion_ for guaranda; price for riding and cargo beasts, $ each. no extras for the _arriero_. a mule will carry two hundred and fifty pounds. buy bread at bodegas and guaranda. the indians on the road are very loth to sell any thing; buy a fowl, therefore, at the first opportunity, or you will have to live on dirty potato soup, and be glad of that. at the tambos, or wayside inns, you pay only for _yerba_ (fodder). never unsaddle your beast till it is cool; an indian will even leave the bridle on for a time. to guaranda, three full days. there take mules (safer than horses in climbing the mountains) for quito; $ , silver, per beast; time, five days. be sure to leave guaranda by a.m., for in the afternoon chimborazo is swept by furious winds. also start with a full stomach; you will get nothing for two days. drink sparingly of the snow-water which dashes down the mountain. you will be tempted to curse chuquipoyo; but thank heaven it is no worse. there are two hotels in quito, french and american; the former has the better location, the latter the better rooms. best front room, furnished, half a dollar a day; cheaper by the month. meals (two), twenty-five cents each. the beef is excellent, but the _cuisine_--oh, onions! "god sends the meat, and the evil one cooks." you can hire a professional male cook (indian) for $ a month, but you can't teach him any thing. fish is not to be had in quito. gibbon speaks of having some in cuzco, but does not tell us where it came from.[ ] price of best flour, $ per quintal; butter, thirty cents a pound; beef, $ an arroba (twenty-five pounds); refined sugar, $ an arroba; brown sugar (_rapidura_),[ ] five cents a pound; cigars, from six to sixteen for a dime; cigarettes, five cents a hundred. horse hire, from fifty cents to $ per day. if you are to remain some time, buy a beast: a good mule costs $ ; an ordinary horse, $ . the post-office department is a swindle. if you "pay through" you will find on your arrival home that your letters have been paid at both ends. ask our consul at guayaquil to forward them. [footnote : the guayaquil market is well supplied with fish of a fair quality. usually the fish of warm tropical waters are poor, but the cold "humboldt current," which passes along the west coast of ecuador, renders them as edible as those of temperate zones.] [footnote : called _chancaca_ in peru. in flavor it is very nearly equal to maple-sugar.] the necessary preparations for the napo journey have been given in a previous chapter (chap. xi). we might add to the list a few cans of preserved milk from new york, for you will not see a drop between the andes and the atlantic. fail not to take plenty of lienzo; you must have it to pay the indians, and any surplus can be sold to advantage. a bale of thirty varas costs about five dollars. rely not at all on game; a champion sharpshooter could not live by his rifle. santa rosa and coca will be represented to you as small new yorks; but you will do well if you can buy a chicken between them. from quito to papallacta, two days and a half; riding beast, $ silver, and $ for each cargo of three arrobas. at papallacta hire indians for archidona; each carries three arrobas, and wants $ silver in advance. you take to your feet; time, nine days, including one day of rest at baeza. at archidona you take a new set of peons for napo at twenty-five cents apiece; time, one day. from napo down the river to santa rosa, one day. you give two and a half varas of lienzo to each indian, and the same for the canoe. from santa rosa to pebas, on the marañon, fifteen days; cost of an indian, twenty-five varas; ditto for a canoe. we advise you to stop at coca and rig up a raft or craft of some kind; we ascribe our uninterrupted good health to the length and breadth of our accommodations. the peruvian steamer from the west arrives at pebas on the sixteenth of each month; fare to tabatinga, $ gold; time, four days; running time, eleven hours. brazilian steamer leaves tabatinga the twentieth of each month; fare to manáos, $ gold; time, five days; distance, one thousand miles. from manáos to pará, $ gold; time, six days; distance, one thousand miles. the brazilian steamers make semi-monthly trips. we found two hotels in pará--the "italiana," dear and poor; the "diana," unpretending but comfortable. charges at the latter for room and board, $ a day. the best time for traveling on the amazon is between july and december. the united states and brazilian steamships on their homeward voyage call at pará the seventh of each month; fare to new york, $ gold (the same as down the whole length of the amazon); second class, $ ; time, fourteen days; distance by way of st. thomas, + miles. steamer for rio the ninth of each month; fare, $ ; time, twelve days; distance, miles. fare from rio to new york, $ . fare by sailing vessel from pará to new york, from $ to $ ; time, three weeks. a british steamer from rio stops at pará and lisbon. a word about health. first, take one grain of common-sense daily; do as the natives do, keep out of the noon-day sun, and make haste slowly. secondly, take with you quinine in two-grain pills, and begin to take them before leaving new york, as the great african traveler, du chaillu, recommended us. as preventive against the intermittent fevers on the lowlands and rivers, nothing is better than dr. copeland's celebrated pills--quinine, twelve grains; camphor, twelve grains; cayenne pepper, twelve grains. mix with mucilage, and divide into twelve pills: take one every night or morning as required. on the amazon carry guarana. woolen socks are recommended by those who have had much experience of tropical fevers. never bathe when the air is moist; avoid a chill; a native will not bathe till the sun is well up. rub yourself with _aguardiente_ (native rum) after a bath, and always when caught in a shower. freely exercise in quito to ward off liver complaints. drink little water; coffee or chocolate is better, and tea is best. avoid spirits with fruit, and fruit after dinner. the sickliest time in guayaquil is at the breaking up of the rainy season. as to dangers: first, from the people. traveling is as safe in ecuador as in new york, and safer than in missouri. there are no spanish banditti, though some places, as chambo, near riobamba, bear a bad name. it is not wise to tempt a penniless footpad by a show of gold; but no more so in ecuador than any where. we have traveled from guayaquil to damascus, but have never had occasion to use a weapon in self-defense; and only once for offense, when we threatened to demolish an arab sheik with an umbrella. secondly, from brutes. some travelers would have us infer that it is impossible to stir in south america without being "affectionately entwined by a serpent, or sprung upon by a jaguar, or bitten by a rattlesnake; jiggers in every sand-heap and scorpions under every stone" (_edinburgh review_, xliii, ). padre vernazza speaks of meeting a serpent two yards in diameter! but you will be disappointed at the paucity of animal life. we were two months on the andes (august and september) before we saw a live snake. they are plentiful in the wet season in cacao plantations; but the majority are harmless. dr. russel, who particularly studied the reptiles of india, found that out of forty-three species which he examined not more than seven had poisonous fangs; and sir e. tennent, after a long residence in ceylon, declared he had never heard of the death of an european by the bite of a snake. it is true, however, that the number and proportion of the venomous species are greater in south america than in any other part of the world; but it is some consolation to know that, zoologically, they are inferior in rank to the harmless ones; "and certainly," adds sidney smith, "a snake that feels fourteen or fifteen stone stamping on his tail has little time for reflection, and may be allowed to be poisonous." if bitten, apply ammonia externally immediately, and take five drops in water internally; it is an almost certain antidote. the discomforts and dangers arising from the animal creation are no greater than one would meet in traveling overland from new york to new orleans. finally, of one thing the tourist in south america may be assured--that dear to him, as it is to us, will be the remembrance of those romantic rides over the cordilleras amid the wild magnificence of nature, the adventurous walk through the primeval forest, the exciting canoe-life on the napo, and the long, monotonous sail on the waters of the great river. chapter xxiv. in memoriam. "a life that all the muses decked with gifts of grace that might express all comprehensive tenderness, all-subtilizing intellect."--tennyson. on the east of the city of quito is a beautiful and extensive plain, so level that it is literally a _table-land_. it is the classic ground of the astronomy of the eighteenth century: here the french and spanish academicians made their celebrated measurement of a meridian of the earth. as you stand on the edge of this plain just without the city, you see the dazzling summit of cayambi looking down from the north; on your left are the picturesque defiles of pichincha; on your right the slopes of antisana. close by you, standing between the city and the plain, is a high white wall inclosing a little plot, like the city above, "four square." you are reminded by its shape, and also by its position relative to quito and pichincha, of that other sacred inclosure just outside the walls of jerusalem and at the foot of olivet, the garden of gethsemane. this is the protestant cemetery. [illustration: p. staunton] through the efforts of our late representative--now also numbered with the dead--this place was assigned by the government for the interment of foreigners who do not die in the romish faith. and there we buried our fellow-traveler, colonel phineas staunton, the artist of the expedition, and vice-chancellor of ingham university, new york. on the th of september, , we bore him through the streets of quito to this quiet resting-place, without parade and in solemn silence--just as we believe his unobtrusive spirit would have desired, and just as his savior was carried from the cross to the sepulchre. no splendid hearse or nodding plumes; no long procession, save the unheard tread of the angels; no requiem, save the unheard harps of the seraphs. we gave him a protestant christian burial, such as quito never saw. in this corner of nature's vast cathedral, the secluded shrine of grandeur and beauty not found in westminster abbey, we left him. we parted with him on the mount which is to be the scene of his transfiguration. it would be difficult for an artist to find a grave whose surroundings are so akin to his feelings. he lies in the lofty lap of the andes, and snow-white pinnacles stand around him on every side, just as we imagine the mountains are around the city of god. we think we hear him saying, as fanny kemble butler said of another burial-ground: "i will not rise to trouble any one if they will let me sleep here. i will only ask to be permitted, once in a while, to raise my head and look out upon this glorious scene." no dark and dismal fogs gather at evening about that spot. it lies nearer to heaven than any other protestant cemetery in the world. "it is good (says beecher) to have our mortal remains go upward for their burial, and catch the earliest sounds of that trumpet which shall raise the dead." and the day is coming when that precious vein of gold that now lies in the bosom of the mighty andes shall leave its rocky bed and shine in seven-fold purity. indeed, the artist is already in that higher studio among the mountains of beulah. a simple sculptured obelisk of sorrow stands over the dust of colonel staunton: his most fitting monument is his own life-work. he was the very painter humboldt longed for in his writings--"the artist, who, studying in nature's great hot-house bounded by the tropics, should add a new and more magnificent kingdom of nature to art." colonel staunton, true and lovely in his own character, was ever seeking in nature for whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are pure, and now was about to add whatsoever things are grand. he was a _christian_ artist, in sympathy with such men as raphael and leonardo de vinci. "the habitual choice of sacred subjects (says ruskin) implies that the painter has a natural disposition to dwell on the highest thoughts of which humanity is capable." no shallow or false person could have conceived his _ascension_. only the highest qualities of the intellect and heart--a soul already half ascended--could have given such ethereal lightness to those "two men in white apparel." only the pure in heart see god. as we revisit in imagination the spot where he sleeps so well, we behold, in the calm sublimity of the mountains that surround his grave, an image of the undisturbed repose of his spirit on the rock of ages. appendices. appendix a. barometrical measurements across south america.[ ] [footnote : first published in the _american journal of science_ for september, , to which the reader is referred for other physical observations. the barometric anomaly, noticed particularly on the lower amazon, was also observed by herndon, castelnau, chandlers, spruce, and wallace.] +----------+---------+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------------+ |locality. |altitude.|barometer.|boiling|regnault's|difference.|other | | | | | point.| equiv. | |estimates. | +----------+---------+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------------+ | | | | ° | | | | |pacific | | . | . | | |_bar._ of | | ocean | | | | | | visse, . ;| | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | . . | |guayaquil | | . | . | . | -. |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | visse, . ° | |guaranda | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, ; | | | | | | | | hall, . | |arenal | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, , ;| | | | | | | | hall, , . | |mocha | , | . | | | | | |ambato | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, ; | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | . | | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | jameson, | | | | | | | | . . | |tacunga | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, ; | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | . | | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | jameson, | | | | | | | | . . | |tiupullo | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, , .| |machachi | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, . | |quito | , | . | . | . | -. |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | la condamine, | | | | | | | | ; | | | | | | | | humboldt, | | | | | | | | ; caldas, | | | | | | | | ; | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | ; aguilar,| | | | | | | | ; visse, | | | | | | | | ; bureau | | | | | | | | des longs., | | | | | | | | ; | | | | | | | | tramblay's | | | | | | | | _ann._, | | | | | | | | ; | | | | | | | | jameson, .| | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | la condamine, | | | | | | | | . ; | | | | | | | | humboldt, | | | | | | | | . ; | | | | | | | | aguilar, | | | | | | | | . ; | | | | | | | | jameson, | | | | | | | | . . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | visse, . °;| | | | | | | | tramblay, | | | | | | | | . °. | |panecillo | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | humboldt, | | | | | | | | , ; | | | | | | | | aguilar, | | | | | | | | , . | | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | jameson, | | | | | | | | . . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | visse, . ° | |pichincha,| , | . | . | . | -. |_alt._ of | | top | | | | | | la condamine, | | | | | | | | , ; | | | | | | | | humboldt, | | | | | | | | , ; | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | , ; visse,| | | | | | | | , ; hall, | | | | | | | | , ; | | | | | | | | jameson, | | | | | | | | , . | | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | visse, . .| |pichincha,| , | | . | . | |_alt._ of | | crater | | | | | | visse and | | | | | | | | moreno, | | | | | | | | , . | |antisana | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | h. | | | | | | humboldt, | | | | | | | | , ; | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | , . | | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | aguirre, | | | | | | | | . ; | | | | | | | | jameson, | | | | | | | | . . | |on | , | . | | | | | | antisana| | | | | | | |pinatura | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | , . | |padregal | , | . | | | | | |on | , | . | | | | | | cotopaxi| | | | | | | |riobamba | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | visse, ; | | | | | | | | boussingault, | | | | | | | | . | |cajabamba | , | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | la condamine, | | | | | | | | , . | |itulcachi | , | . | | | | | |tablon | , | . | | | | | |papallacta| , | . | . | . | -. | | |guila | , | . | | | | | |pachamama | , | . | | | | | |baeza | , | . | | | | | |cochachim-| , | . | | | | | | bamba | | | | | | | |curi-urcu | , | . | ° | | | | |archidona | , | . | . | . | +. | | |napo | , | . | . | . | -. | | |santa rosa| , | . | . | . | +. | | |coca | | . | . | . | +. | | |mouth of | | . | . | . | +. | | | the river| | | | | | | | aguarico| | | | | | | |do. river | | . | . | . | -. | | | curaray| | | | | | | |do. river | | . | . | . | +. |_alt._ at | | napo | | | | | | nauta, by | | | | | | | | castelnau, | | | | | | | | . | |pebas | | . | . | . | -. |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, | | | | | | | | . °. | |loreto | | | . | . | | | |san | | . | | | | | | antonio | | | | | | | |tabatinga | | . | . | . | -. |_alt._ of spix | | | | | | | | and martius, | | | | | | | | ; | | | | | | | | azevedo and | | | | | | | | pinto, ; | | | | | | | | agassiz, . | |tunantins | ?| . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | azevedo and | | | | | | | | pinto, . | |ega | ?| . | . | . | +. |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, ;| | | | | | | | azevedo and | | | | | | | | pinto, . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, | | | | | | | | . °. | |manáos | ?| . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, ;| | | | | | | | castelnau, | | | | | | | | ; spix and | | | | | | | | martius, ; | | | | | | | | azevedo and | | | | | | | | pinto, . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, | | | | | | | | . °; | | | | | | | | gibbon, | | | | | | | | . °; | | | | | | | | wallace, | | | | | | | | °. . | |serpa | ?| . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | azevedo | | | | | | | | and pinto, .| |obidos | | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | azevedo | | | | | | | | and pinto, ;| | | | | | | | agassiz, . | |santarem | | . | . | . | -. |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, ; | | | | | | | | azevedo and | | | | | | | | pinto, . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, | | | | | | | | . °. | |mount | | . | | | | | | alégre | | | | | | | |gurupá | | . | | | |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | azevedo | | | | | | | | and pinto, .| |pará | | . | . | . | +. |_alt._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, ; | | | | | | | | azevedo and | | | | | | | | pinto, ; | | | | | | | | dewey, . | | | | | | | |_bar._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, | | | | | | | | . ; dewey,| | | | | | | | . ; orton | | | | | | | | (reduced to | | | | | | | | level of | | | | | | | | river), | | | | | | | | . . | | | | | | | |_b.p._ of | | | | | | | | herndon, | | | | | | | | . °. | |atlantic | - | . | . | | |_bar._ of dewey| | ocean | | | | | | . . | +----------+---------+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------------+ appendix b. vocabularies from the quichua, zÁparo, yÁgua, and cÁmpas languages. [spanish pronunciation] _english. quichua. záparo. yágua._ father, yáya, apochójo, yen. mother, máma, añno, nihuá. son (said by father), chúri, niáto, poén. son (said by mother), cári huáhua, tauqú, poén. daughter (said by father), ushúshi, coniát _or_ cuniató. daughter (said by mother), huármi huáhua, itúm. own father, quíquin yáya, cuqu máno. own mother, quíquin máma, la cuáno. step-father, la yáya, táma quíra. step-mother, la máma, táma quíra (máma?). own son, quíquin chúri, ia cuniána. step-son, quípai chúri, saquína cuniána. elder son (said by father), cúra (_or_ ñáupa) chúri, cuniapíra. elder son (said by mother), cúra (_or_ ñáupa) huáhua, cuniapíra. younger son (said by mother), súllca (_or_ quípa) chúri, nunoé. younger daughter (said by father), súllca (or quípa) ushúshi, nunoé cuniató. only son (said by father), zapálla (_or_ zapaí) chúri, noquí cunián, tíqui rai (huahua). only son (said by mother), zapálla (_or_ zapaí) cári huáhua, noquí táuco cunián, tíqui rai (huahua). grandson, cári huáhuay, cuajenáño. granddaughter, huármi huáhuay. great-grandson, cári víllca, cuajenáño. great-great-grandson, cári chupúllu. grandfather, hátun yáya, quirraíto piátzo, yen. grandmother, hátun máma, quitraíto ocuáje. great-grandfather, machúi yáya, quirishepúi. great-grandmother, páya (or ápa) pára. máma, great-great-grandfather, apúsqui (or piátzo. apúnche) yáya, ancestors, apúsqui cúna, idasipóa. brother (said by male), hauaúqui, cuquihúño, rai taíre. brother (said by female), túri, cuáuno, rai puipuín. sister (said by male), páni, cuirimáto, rai pópo. sister (said by female), nána, taquí, rai taíre tu. elder brother, cúrac huaúqui, irishía cuquíño. younger brother, súllca huaúqui, noquí. cousin (said by male), chíspa huaúqui, cuaneráno, primoíne. cousin (said by female), chíspa páni, cuaneráno, primaíne. second cousin, caílla chíspa cuaneráno huaúqui, (or cuaramá, relation). third cousin, cáru chíspa cuaneráno (or huaúqui, cuaramá, relation). uncle (father's brother), yayapác huaúqui táuco. (or háchi),[ ] uncle (mother's brother), mamapác (or caca) cuánoro. túri, aunt (father's sister), ypa (on marañon, cuiquíña. tiaíne), aunt (mother's sister), mamapác ñáña, cuáno cuíño. father-in-law, cacáy (of male); quihuachí (of female). mother-in-law, quihuác (of male); quihuachí (of female). son-in-law, másha, acamía, quiria. daughter-in-law, kachún, cuarí ráno. brother-in-law, masaní cuajinojóno. (or catáy), sister-in-law, ypa (or kachún púra). god-son, chúri cáshcai (_or_ cháscai), (_not used_). god-father, shutichíc (_or_ shutíshca) yáya, na achiatáno. god-mother, shutichíc (_or_ shutíshca) máma, noaichozáno. relation, aíllu, cuaramá, (_same as brother_). husband, cúsa, cuirán, rai-huáno. wife, huármi, cuirichán, rai-huaturá. widower, huáccha cári, machícho. widow, huáccha huármi, machícho. twins, yshcai huacháshca (_or_ huachác). sárro. hand, maquí, cuichoác. samutú. foot, chaquí, cuiñocá, nimutú. fingers, maquí pálca, canasú, (_no terms for toes, chaquí pálca, cuiñocá canasú. fingers and toes_). thumb, (_no separate terms cumacaná. for thumb and big toe_). nails, silhú, anahuachá. god, apúnchi-yáya (_god our father_), piátzo, tupana. one, shuc (_or_ shug), noquí, tiquí. two, ishcay, ammasaniquí, nanoíjoi. three, quínsa, imucú maraquí (_above three they have no names, but show their fingers; do not count above ten_). momuhí. four, chúscu, nañunjúia. five, píshca tanaíjo. (_or_ pítchca), six, sócta, tiquí ñiháte. seven, cánchis, nañoujaiáte. eight, púsac (_or_ pusag), momunhuaiáte. nine, iscún, nañauyuía-áte. ten, chúnga, nanjui. (_go no higher._) eleven, chúnga shug. twelve, chúnga íshcay, _etc._ twenty, ishcay-chúnga. twenty-one, ishcay-chúnga shug, _etc._ thirty, quínsa chúnga. one hundred, páchac (_or_ pátzag). one thousand, guaránga. ten thousand, (_would be_ chúnga-guaránga; _but they never go over _). ordinal numbers, (niquí _is joined to the number:_ e.g., _first is_ shug niquí: _second_, ishcáy niquí). [footnote : qu'ichua on marañon, tiuiút.] (_the conibos count by twos. thus, one is_ avícho; _two_, rabói. _above two, so many twos, as four is_ rabói-rabói; _and six_, rabói-rabói-rabói. _ten is expressed by spreading both hands, and twenty by bringing fingers and toes together. thus the caribs. decimal numeration is found among all the american aborigines, ancient and modern, juxtaposition usually designating multiplication._) * * * * * campas words. mother, ina. ¦ nose, aquíry. ¦ leg, aítse. brother (said ¦ mouth, apa-anti. ¦ belly, amútse. by male), incho. ¦ hand, náco. ¦ wrist, acú. brother (said ¦ foot, aítse-cunída.¦ knee, airitú. by female), iga ¦ lips, achíra. ¦ ankle, atúnque. sister (said by ¦ teeth, aiquí. ¦ nails, achíte. by male), incho. ¦ hair, quísti. ¦ fly, chimbóque. head, aítu. ¦ neck, aquínce. ¦ musquito, chítu. eyes, oquí. ¦ arm, acú. ¦ armadillo pícha. curasson, choichítes.¦ rope, piaminíta. turtle, tutá. ¦ twine, quiritarí. monkey, tsepé. ¦ maize, chínque. cocoa, quinbíto. ¦ one, paníro. clay, quipateí. ¦ two, pitiní. shirt, pápani. ¦ three, pariotohuáy. fire, pamarí. ¦ four, pariopatóta. hammock, quio-ots. ¦ five, pariotohuaygae. (_my informant on numerals, a boy, though quite intelligent, could go no farther; but the tribe undoubtedly count ten._) appendix c. commerce of the amazon. i.--value of products exported from different towns on the amazon by the imperial steamers in .[ ] [footnote : this table is taken from the _relatoria da companhia de navegaçao e commercio do amazonas_, and includes only the commerce by the brazilian steamers and the staple products. the vast amount carried by sailing craft and by peruvian steamers on the marañon is unknown to us. the number of passengers transported by the steamers in was , ; receipts from passage, $ , ; from freight, $ , . in the reduction, the milrey has been taken at cts. u.s. currency, which was the rate very nearly in . the alquiere (alq.)--. of a bushel; arr. = arroba of lbs.] --------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+ products. |cametá.|braves.|macapá.|gurupá.|porto |prainha.| | | | | |do moz.| | --------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+ brazil nuts. | .... | $ | $ | $ | $ | $ | cacao. |$ , | , | , | , | |$ , | cattle. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | , | coffee. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | copaiba. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | cotton, raw. | .... | .... | | | .... | .... | dried meat. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | | farina. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | guarana. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | hides. | | | , | | | | horses. | .... | | | .... | .... | | india-rubber. | , | , | , | , | , | , | piassaba. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | pirarucu. | .... | | | .... | | , | sasparilla. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | | tallow. | .... | | | .... | .... | | tobacco. | .... | | .... | | .... | | tonka beans. | .... | .... | .... | | .... | .... | turtles. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | turtle-oil. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | --------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+ --------------+-------+---------+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+ products. |mt. |santarum.|obidos.|villa |serpa. |manáos.|cudajaz.| |alégre.| | |nova. | | | | --------------+-------+---------+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+ brazil nuts. | .... | $ , | $ , | $ , | $ , |$ , |$ , | cacao. | $ |$ , | , | , | , | , | , | cattle. | | | | .... | .... | .... | .... | coffee. | .... | | | | .... | | .... | copaiba. | .... | | , | , | , | , | | cotton, raw. | .... | .... | .... | .... | | | .... | dried meat. | .... | , | , | | .... | .... | .... | farina. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | guarana. | .... | , | | , | , | | .... | hides. | .... | , | , | , | , | , | .... | horses. | , | , | , | .... | .... | | .... | india-rubber. | .... | , | , | , | , | , | , | piassaba. | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | , | .... | pirarucu. | | , | , | , | , | , | , | sasparilla. | .... | , | , | | | , | | tallow. | .... | | , | , | , | | .... | tobacco. | .... | .... | .... | | , | | .... | tonka beans. | .... | .... | | , | | | .... | turtles. | .... | .... | | .... | | | | turtle-oil. | .... | .... | | .... | | , | | --------------+-------+---------+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+ --------------+------+-----+-----+----------+------+----------+ products. |coary.|ega. |fonte|touantina.|s. |tabatluga.| | | |boa. | |paulo.| | --------------+------+-----+-----+----------+------+----------+ brazil nuts. | $ | $ | ....| .... | .... | .... | cacao. | , | , | $ | $ | $ | $ | cattle. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | coffee. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | | copaiba. | .... | , | | .... | .... | .... | cotton, raw. | .... | ....| | | .... | | dried meat. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | farina. | | | | | | .... | guarana. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | hides. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | horses. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | india-rubber. | , | , | , | , | , | , | piassaba. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | pirarucu. | , | , | , | , | , | | sasparilla. | | , | , | , | , | , | tallow. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | tobacco. | | | ....| .... | | | tonka beans. | .... | ....| ....| .... | .... | .... | turtles. | | | | | | | turtle-oil. | , | , | , | , | | | --------------+------+-----+-----+----------+------+----------+ --------------+-------------+------+---------+ products. |quantity. |mean |total | | |price.|value. | --------------+-------------+------+---------+ brazil nuts. | , alq. | $ . | $ , | cacao. | , arr. | . | , | cattle. | | . | , | coffee. | arr. | . | | copaiba. | , lbs. | . | , | cotton, raw. | arr. | . | | dried meat. | , " | . | , | farina. | alq. | . | | guarana. | , arr. | . | , | hides. | , | . | , | horses. | | . | , | india-rubber. | , arr. | . | , , | piassaba. | , " | . | , | pirarucu. | , " | . | , | sasparilla. | , " | . | , | tallow. | , " | . | , | tobacco. | " | . | , | tonka beans. | " | . | , | turtles. | | . | | turtle-oil. | , j'rs.| . | , | --------------+-------------+------+---------+ ii. articles exported from parÁ to the united states in . annatto lbs. , balsam copaiba " , cacao " , copper, old " , hides, wet " , " dry " , nuts, brazil " , " " unshelled " , piassaba lbs. , rubber, fine " , , " mixed " , " coarse " , skins, deer " , tapioca " , tonka beans " , iii. articles imported from the united states to parÁ in . axes dozens, , candles boxes, chairs dozens, codfish drums, , clocks number, combs dozens, , domestics package, , drugs " flour barrels, , fire-crackers boxes, , gunny-bags number, , gunpowder kegs, , hams tierces, hardware packages, hats, palm-leaf cases, knives dozens, , lard packages, , lumber feet, , nails kegs, matches cases, oars number, pepper bags, rosin barrels, , rubber and other shoes pairs, , shooks (box) number, , soap boxes, , specie, in gold dollars, , straw paper reams, , soda-biscuit -lb. tins, , saltpetre kegs, tea chests, tea boxes, tar and pitch barrels, tobacco boxes, twine, cotton pounds, , tortoise-shell " - / iv. duties on principal imports from united states at parÁ. axes and hatchets reys per pound. biscuit, soda " arroba. brooms " dozen. chairs, cane-seat , " article. " rocking , " " " " extra , " " cinnamon, ceylon " pound. combs, rubber " " " ivory , " " cotton goods " sq. vara. " " colored twills " " candles pound. cigars , " " cordage " " dirks, ordinary , " article. " extra , " " flour " arroba. hats, palm-leaf. " article. hams " pound. homoeopathic medicine " ounce. knives " article. lard , matting, india " pound. nails, to two inches " " " over " " " padlocks, brass " " " iron " " pearl barley " arroba. pepper, india " pound. plows free. pork " arroba. powder " pound. paper, straw " " pilot bread " arroba. roman cement " " rosin , sieves, iron wire " pound. " brass " " shoes, rubber " " store trucks " article. shooks, boxes " arroba. soap, yellow " pound. scales, simple " " tar and pitch " arroba. tortoise-shell , " pound. tea " " twine, cotton " " trunks, to palms , " article. " over " , " " tobacco, chewing , " arroba. " cut , " arroba. this tariff went into operation february , . addenda. _orchilla_, page .--this valuable lichen comes chiefly from tumbez. it is not found on the rocks, like the orchilla of the old world, but grows on various trees. the foliage of a tree disappears when the orchilla commences. the sea air is indispensable to its production, as it is found only near the coast. _religious intolerance_, p. .--the expression "protestant dogs" has since been publicly repeated by a priest in a sermon, who told the people to confess, or they would be treated in a similar way. it called forth a remonstrance from mr. hamilton, the british minister, directed to the archbishop, declaring such conduct inhuman and unchristian. the pope's nuncio left quito for good in july, . _fish in the quito valley_, p. .--dr. gill informs me that the true name of this little fish is _cyclopium humboldtii_, swainson. it belongs to the sub-family trachelypterinæ, under siluridæ. _hummers' nests_, p. .--they are not always of a lengthened form, as the text would imply, but are sometimes quite shallow. they are invariably lined with the softest vegetable materials and covered with moss. the nests are not as compact as those of our northern hummer, and, so far as we observed, are never shingled with flat lichens. _humboldt in _, p. .--he spent five months in the valley of quito. _pebas fossils_, p. .--in a letter to the author, mr. darwin says: "your discovery of marine shells high up the amazon possesses _extreme_ interest, not only in itself, but as one more most striking instance how rash it is to assert that any deposit is not a marine formation because it does not contain fossils. as for myself, i never believed for a moment in agassiz's idea of the origin of the amazonian formation." agassiz "candidly confesses (lyell's _principles_, i., ) that he failed to discover any of those proofs which we are accustomed to regard, even in temperate latitudes, as essential for the establishment of the former existence of glaciers where they are now no more. no glaciated pebbles, or far-transported angular blocks with polished and striated sides; no extensive surface of rock, smooth, and traversed by rectilinear furrows, were observed." the fossiliferous bed at pebas is as plainly _in situ_ as the medina sandstone at genesee falls. _tropical flowers_, p. .--"during twelve years spent amid the grandest tropical vegetation, i have seen nothing comparable to the effect produced on our landscapes by gorse, broom, heather, wild hyacinths, hawthorns, purple orchises, and buttercups."--wallace's _malay archipelago_. _coca-plant_, p. .--the engraving conveys the impression that the leaves are parallel-veined; but the coca is a dicotyledon, with the under surface of the leaf strongly marked with veins, of which two, in addition to the midrib, run parallel with the margin. _pedrero_, map.--this town on the rio negro is also written _pedreira_. index. adobe dwellings, page . agassiz, mount, . prof., on the geology of the amazonian valley, , , . agriculture on the amazon, . andes, . aground on the amazon, . aguano, . aguardiente, . alcalde's house, . alligators, , . almeyrim hills, . aloe, american, . alpargates, . altar, volcano of, . amazon river, annual rise, . birds on, . cetaceans, . climate, , . commerce, . current, . delta, . depth, . etymology, . expeditions, . first view of, . fishes, . foreign vessels on, . insects, . life within, . magnitude, , , . natural canals, . navigation, . reptiles, . scenery, . source, . tints, . tributaries, , . volume, . valley, . creation of, . forest, . fruits, . geology, , . minerals, . slope, . soil, . trees, . zoology, . amazonian indians, . ambato, , . america, the continent of vegetation, . america, south, geology of, . amphisboena, . amusements in quito, . anacondas, . andean chain, . andes, as a geological boundary, . birds on the, , . equipped for the, . first sight of the, . heart of the, . last view of the, . of ecuador, . reptiles on the, . rise of the, . sinking of the, . summit of the, , . valleys of the, . views from the, , , . anguteros indians, . animal life, dearth of, . animals on the napo, . antisana, volcano of, , . hacienda, . ants, battle with, . on the amazon, . on the napo, . apothecaries in quito, . archidona, . architecture in quito, . arenal, . armadillo, . army of ecuador, . arrieros, . arrows, indian, . arts in quito, . ascending the andes, , , . astronomy on the andes, . atahuallpa, . atmosphere of quito, . baeza, . balsas, . bamboos on the napo, . banana, . baños, . barometric measurements, . anomaly, , . variations at quito, . barra, . bartholomew, st., . bats, , . bears, . bed, andean, . bees on the amazon, . of quito, . on the napo, . beetles on the amazon, . on the napo, . bells of quito, . "big-ear" indians, . birds on the amazon, . coloration of, in the tropics, . moulting of, . of south america, . blow-guns, . boa-constrictor, . bodegas, . botany of south america, . brazilian etiquette, , . frontier, . steamers, . brazilians, . brazil-nut trees, . bread-tree, . breves, . buildings, andean, . bull-baits, . burial customs, , . at quito, . butter, . butterflies on the amazon, . on the napo, . buzzards, . caballococha, . cacao, , . cajabamba, . calabash-tree, . camino real, . camellones, . camindo on the napo, . cámpas indians, . canélos, . canoe-life on the napo, . canoe-paths, . canoes on the napo, . capybara, . caraguairazo, . carnival, . carranqui, . cassiquiari canal, . cathedral of guayaquil, . of quito, . cattle on the andes, . caucho-tree, . cayambi, . cedar on the amazon, . cemetery, protestant, . century-plant, . cerro, . cetaceans in the amazon, . chicha, , . chillo hacienda, . chimbo, valley of, . chimborazo, , , , . chimneys, absence of, . chirimoya, . chuquipoyo, . chuquiragua, . cigána, , . cinchona, . cinnamon, american, . circumcision, . civility, ecuadorian, , . civilization on the amazon, . clay-eating, . formation of the amazon, . climate of guayaquil, . of quito, . of the amazon, , . coary, river, , . coca-chewing, , . coca village, . cochineal, . cock-fighting, , . cocoa-palm, . coffee, , , . colleges of ecuador, . combativeness on the andes, . commerce on the amazon, . compressed heads, . compulsory commerce, . condor, , . cones of volcanoes, . conibos indians, . cookery in quito, , . copal-gum, . cordillera, , . cosanga river, . costumes of amazonian indians, , . cotocachí, village, . volcano, . cotopaxi, , . eruptions of, . cotton-mills, , . cow-tree, . craft on the napo, . craters, deep, . crocodiles, . cudajá, . cuenca, . cunchebamba, . curaray river, . curassow, . curi-urcu, . currency of pará, . quito, . cuzco ladies, . dangers in south america, . darwin on the geology of the pampas, . darwin on the geology of the amazon, . debt of ecuador, . deer on the napo, . fossil, . descent into pichincha, . discipline on the napo, . diseases on the andes, , . dogs on the andes, . dolphins, . dragon-flies, . dress in quito, . drunkenness at quito, . earthquake at ibarra, . at riobamba, . effect of, on climate, . experience of, . theories of, . eastern cordillera, . eciton ants, . ecuador, army, . congress, . debt, . extent, . flora and fauna, . government, . population, . religion, . repudiation, . revenue, . revolutions, . supreme court, . volcanoes, , . ecuadorian cooking, , . education on the andes, . edwards, george, . ega, . eggs of the alligator, . of the turtle, . el dorado, . elephant at high altitudes, . equator, mean temperature, . expenses of travel, . farina, , . ferns, tree, . fever remedies, . fire-flies, . fish in the napo, . in quito valley, , . in the tropics, . fishes ejected from volcanoes , , . of the amazon, . fishing with barbasco, . flamingoes, . flowers on the amazon, , . on the andes, , , . fonte boa, . forest on the napo, , . trail, , . tropical, , , . fossil bones on the andes, . fossils in the amazon valley, , . frogs in quito valley, . of the amazon, . fruits of quito, . on the amazon, . galápagos islands, , . gentians, . geology of south america, . of the amazon valley, , . glacial theory of agassiz, , . glaciers, absence of, . glimpse of the andes, . goître, . gold on the napo, . grapes on the amazon, . grebe on the andes, . guacamayo mountain, . guamani, , . guápulo, . guarani race, . guarana, . guaranda, . guayaquil, city and people, . climate, . commerce, . history, . market, . guayas river, scenes on, . guayusa tea, . gurupá, . gypsy-birds, . hammocks, . hats of guayaquil, . hatuntaqui, battle of, , . hauxwell, mr., , . health in the tropics, . on the andes, . heart of the andes, . high altitudes, experience at, , . himalayas, vegetation on, , . horns, blowing of, . horses, extinct species of, . for the andes, . hospitality, ecuadorian, , . hotels, andean, , . in guayaquil, . in quito, . howling monkeys, , . huallaga river, . humboldt, , , . hummers in quito, , . on the amazon, . hybrids, . hypsometric zones, . ibarra, . ibis, . ida pfeiffer, . iguana, . imbabura, , . immorality of priests, . incarial relics, , , . incas in quito, . indian character, , , . dwellings, . peons, , . savages, . villages, . indians, amazonian, . andean, , , . as travelers, . india-rubber-tree, . in memoriam, . insect pests, . insects, amazon, , . in quito, . iquitos, . itulcachi, . jacamars, . jaçanas, . jacapas, . jaguars, . japurá river, , . javarí river, , . jesuits, , . jiggers, . jívaros indians, , . jurís indians, . juruá river, , . jutahí river, . lady travelers on the amazon, . la mona, . lauguage of ecuador, . latacunga, . lava, absence of, . streams, . lepers, , . lianas, . lice-eating, . life within the amazon, . around the amazon, . lignite on the amazon, , . lion, american, . living on the amazon, . lizards of the amazon, . llama, . fossil, . llanganati mountains, . locro, . loja, . longevity on the andes, . loreto, . lotteries in quito, . lungs of mountaineers, . lyell on the valley of the amazon, . macaws, . machachi, . madeira river, . mamaï, . mamelucos, . mammals on the amazon, . manáos, . manati, , . mandioca, . mango, . manufactures of quito, . marañon river, . steamers, . maravilla, . market of quito, . mashka, . maspa, . masquerade, indian, . mastodon, andean, . matá-matá turtle, . maucallacta, . mauhés indians, . mazan river, . meat, preservation of, . merchants of quito, . mica lake, . milk on the andes, . milky way at quito, . mixed races, , . mocha, . mongruba-tree, . monkey meat, . monkeys, , . montaña of peru, . monte alégre, . montúca flies, . moreno, president, , , . mountaineers, , , . mountains on the amazon, . moyabamba, . mules, . muleteers, . mundurucus indians, . múras indians, . music in the forest, . musquitoes, , , . napo country, . diseases, . fish, . indians, , , , . journey, . navigation, , . productions, . rapids, . river, , , , . scenery, , . tea, . turtles, . village, . wilderness, , . nauta, . negroes on the amazon, , . negro river, , , . newspapers in ecuador, , . nocturnal music, . obidos, . obsidian, , . orchids, . orchilla, . orejones, . orellana's expedition, , . organ-bird, . oriente, . otovalo, . outfit for travel, . paita, raised beach at, . paja, or paramo grass, . palms, cocoa, . on the amazon, . on the napo, . palo de cruz, . pampas, geology of, . panama hats, . pañuelon, . papallacta, , . papaya-tree, , . pará city, buildings, . climate, . commerce, . currency, . government, . people, . view of, . para river, , . paramo, . parrots, , . passés indians, . pastassa river, , . pebas, . fossils, , . peccaries, , . peons, , . peruvian bark, . steamers, . pfeiffer, ida, . piassaba palm, . pichincha volcano, , , . pigs, mode of dressing, . pirarucu fish, . piums, . pizarro at coca, , . plantain, . poison antidote, . politeness, ecuadorian, , . politics in quito, . polylepis-trees, , . poncho, . porphyroid trachytes, . porpoises, . porto do moz, . potatoes on the andes, . potato soup, , . prayinha, . president's order, . priests of quito, . protestant cemetery, , . puma, . pumice, . on the amazon, . puna, . purus indians, . river, . quadrupeds on the amazon, . quartz, paucity of, . quito agriculture, . amusements, . architecture, . arts, . atmosphere, . bells, . birds, . bull-baits, , . butterflies, . capital, . carnival, . climate, . cock-fights, . cookery, . currency, . diseases, . dress, . drunkenness, . education, . fashions, . fish, . flour, , . history, , . insects, . ladies, , . manufactures, . market, . masquerades, . merchants, . newspapers, . politics, . population, . potatoes, . prices, . protestant cemetery, . religion, . reptiles, . scenery, . servants, . situation, , , . streets and buildings, , . street scene, . suburbs, , . under the incas, . under the spaniards, . valley, , , , , . archæology of, , . quitonians, character of the, , . primeval, . rain-fall at quito, . line on the andes, . raposa, , . regularity of nature, . religion of ecuador, . religious intolerance, , . reptiles at quito, . on the amazon, . revenue of ecuador, . ride down the andes, . rimos indians, . riobamba, , . river systems of south america, , . roads on the andes, , , . rodents on the amazon, . romanism on the andes, . rose of the andes, . routes across south america, . rumiñagui, . salt on the andes, . san antonio, . sand-flies, . sangai volcano, . san paulo, . santarem, . santa rosa, . sapucaya nut, . sarsaparilla, . saüba ants, , . savages on the napo, . savaneta, . scenery on the amazon, . sea-cows, . serpa, . shells in quito valley, . in the amazon valley, . sierra, . silk-cotton-tree, , . sincholagua, . sloths, . slow-worm on the napo, . snakes, scarcity of, , . snakes on the amazon, . snow at high altitudes, . limit in the andes, . soil in the amazon valley, . solimoens, . south america, geology of, . american fauna and flora, . american indians, . southerners on the amazon, , . spanish character, . spanish language, . spanish republicanism, . spiders on the amazon, . stars at quito, . staunton, col., burial of, , . steam on the amazon, , , . storm on the napo, . sugar on the amazon, . on the andes, sugar-cane on the amanzon, . suno, . superstition, . tabatinga, . table-lands of the old world, . tablon, . tacunga, tambillo ridge, . tambo on the mountains, . tapajos river, . tapir, , . teffé river, . temperature, correspondence of altitude and latitude as to, . termite ants, . thermometer, variations of, . tide on the amazon, . timber on the amazon, . tiupullo, . toads of the amazon, . tobacco on the amazon, . use of, by the napos, . tocantíns river, . tolling-bell bird, . tortoise-shell wood, . toucan, , . trade wind, . trail in the forest, . trapiche, . traveling in south america, . trees in quito valley, . on the amazon, . trogon, . tropical flowers, , . forest, . tropical vegetation, , , , , . tucúna indians, . tucker, admiral, . tunantíns, . tunguragua volcano, . tupi race, . turtles in the amazon, . in the napo, , . uaupés indians, . ucayali indians, . river, . umbrella bird, . upper amazon towns, . urarí poison, . valediction on the napo, . valley of the amazon, . of the andes, . of the chimbo, . of quito, , , , , , . vanilla on the napo, . vegetation in the tropics , . on the amazon, . zones of, on the andes, . verdure on the amazon, . veta, . victoria regia, . views from the andes, . villa nora, . vocabularies indian, . volcanoes of ecuador, , , . washerwomen of quito, . water-beetles, . carriers, . water-shed of the atlantic and pacific, . water-snakes, . wayside inn. . white ants, . wisse, m., descent into pichincha, . wool, andean, . xingú river, . yagua indians, . yana-urcu, . ypadú, . yuca, . yurimaguas, . záparo indians, , . zodiacal light, . zones of vegetation, . zoology of the napo, . zoology of south america, . zoological provinces of amazonia, . the end. on the banks of the amazon, by w.h.g. kingston. ________________________________________________________________________ this is a quite long book, very well written, about a trip down the amazon. there is rather a lot of "natural history", but not too much, because it has all been made easy to follow, and is very interesting. all sorts of interesting things happen on this voyage. the copy used for digitisation had a rather furry and small typeface. not one of the clearest we have ever seen. consequently it was rather heavy labour trying to iron out the misreads and typos, and it may well be that some remain, though nowhere near the prescribed limit of . %. there are , words in the book, so in means that we must have less than errors still remaining, which i am sure is the case. it is a rather curious thing that one is reminded at times of ballantyne's "martin rattler," written very much earlier, even down to to the presence of a "recluse". that doesn't mean you won't enjoy the book just as much as you might have enjoyed "martin rattler." best, as always, as an audiobook. ________________________________________________________________________ on the banks of the amazon, by w.h.g. kingston. chapter one. my school-boy days and friends. i might find an excuse for being proud, if i were so,--not because my ancestors were of exalted rank or title, or celebrated for noble deeds or unbounded wealth, or, indeed, on account of any ordinary reasons,-- but because i was born in one of the highest cities in the world. i saw the light in quito, the capital of ecuador, then forming the northern part of the spanish province of peru. the first objects i remember beyond the courtyard of our house in which i used to play, with its fountain and flower-bed in the centre, and surrounding arches of sun-burned bricks, were lofty mountains towering up into the sky. from one of them, called pichincha, which looked quite close through the clear atmosphere of that region, i remember seeing flames of fire and dark masses of smoke, intermingled with dust and ashes, spouting forth. now and then, when the wind blew from it, thick showers of dust fell down over us, causing great consternation; for many thought that stones and rocks might follow and overwhelm the city. all day long a lofty column of smoke rose up towards the sky, and at night a vast mass of fire was seen ascending from the summit; but no harm was done to the city, so that we could gaze calmly at the spectacle without apprehension. pichincha is, indeed, only one of several mountains in the neighbourhood from the tops of which bonfires occasionally blaze forth. further off, but rising still higher, is the glittering cone of cotopaxi, which, like a tyrant, has made its power felt by the devastation it has often caused in the plains which surround its base: while near it rise the peaks of corazon and ruminagui. far more dreaded than their fires is the quaking and heaving and tumbling about of the earth, shaking down as it does human habitations and mountain-tops, towers and steeples, and uprooting trees, and opening wide chasms, turning streams from their courses, and overwhelming towns and villages, and destroying in other ways the works of men's hands, and human beings themselves, in its wild commotion. these burning mountains, in spite of their fire and smoke, appear but insignificant pigmies compared to that mighty mountain which rises in their neighbourhood--the majestic chimborazo. we could see far off its snow-white dome, free of clouds, towering into the deep blue sky, many thousand feet above the ocean; while on the other side its brother, tunguragua, shoots up above the surrounding heights, but, in spite of its ambitious efforts, has failed to reach the same altitude i might speak of antisana, and many other lofty heights with hard names? but i fancy that a fair idea may be formed of that wonderful region of giant mountains from the description i have already given. i used often to think that i should like to get to the top of chimborazo, the way up looked so easy at a distance; but no one has ever reached its summit, though several valiant philosophers and others have made the attempt. the mountain range i have described, of which chimborazo was long considered the highest point, till aconcagua in chili was found to be higher, rises from the ocean in the far-off southern end of america, and runs up along its western shore, ever proud and grand, with snow-topped heights rising tens of thousands of feet above the ocean, till it sinks once more towards the northern extremity of the southern half of the continent, running along the isthmus of panama, through mexico at a less elevation, again to rise in the almost unbroken range of the rocky mountains, not to sink till it reaches the snow-covered plains of the arctic region. but i am becoming too scientific and geographical; and i must confess that it was not till many years after the time of which i am speaking that i knew anything about the matter. my father, don martin fiel, had been for some years settled in quito as a merchant. his mother was spanish, or partly so, born in peru--i believe that she had some of the blood of the incas in her veins, a matter of which she was not a little proud, i have been told--but his father was an englishman, and our proper family name was faithful. my father, having lived for many years in the spanish south american provinces, had obtained the rights and privileges of a spaniard. he had, however, been sent over to england for his education, and was a thorough englishman at heart. he had made during his younger days several visits to england for mercantile purposes, and during one of them had married my mother. he was, though really a protestant--i am sorry to have to make the confession-- nominally a roman catholic; for he, being a spanish subject, could not otherwise at that time have resided in any part of the territories of spain and carried on his business with freedom: but i feel now that no person has a right to conceal their true faith, and to pretend to believe what is false, for the sake of any worldly advantage. my mother, however, had stipulated that all her children should be brought up as protestants. to this he had agreed, though he found when he had sons that he was in consequence subjected to considerable annoyance from the priests, who threatened to denounce him as a heretic. to avoid this, he had to send his children to england at an early age for their education; indeed, had we remained at quito we could only have obtained a very poor one at any public school or college. it will be understood from what i have said, that though we were really english, and i have always felt like an englishman, we had both spanish and native connections, which will account for some of the circumstances which afterwards occurred to us. my father, though he himself resided at quito, had also a house of business at guayaquil, which imported european manufactured goods, and exported in return peruvian bark and other articles, of which i shall by-and-by have to speak. he was greatly respected by his fellow-citizens, although they might have been somewhat jealous of him for succeeding in his business through his energy and perseverance, while they themselves, sitting idle all the day smoking their cigarettes without attempting to exert their minds, were left behind. my dear mother lived very much alone, for the society of the ladies of quito, though they are very charming in manner, afforded her but little satisfaction, from their utter want of education. i remember the joy which the arrival of my eldest sister, fanny--or dona francisca, as the spaniards called her--who had gone to school in england, and aunt martha, who brought her back, caused in the family. i had another sister, ellen, much younger; a sweet, dear little girl, of whom i was very fond. she was indeed the pet of the family. my elder brother, john, was at school in england. i remember thinking aunt martha, who was my mother's elder sister, very stiff and formal; and i was not at all pleased when she expressed her intention of teaching me and keeping me in order. my mother's health had been delicate, and i had been left very much to the care of old domingos, a negro servant of my father's, who had been with him since his boyhood, and with my grandfather before him. he was the butler, or major-domo, the head over all the other servants, and, i believe, deservedly trusted. among them i remember best little maria, a young negro slave girl who attended especially on ellen; and antonio, a gallego from the north of spain, a worthy, honest fellow, who had been in the family from his boyhood, and was much attached to us all. i soon learned to like aunt martha better than i had expected, for though i thought her looks very terrible at first--and she was certainly firm--she was really kind and gentle. under her instruction i gained the first knowledge of the letters of the alphabet, of which i was before profoundly ignorant. of course she was very gentle with ellen, as everybody was, and fanny seemed to be very fond of her. she was courageous, too, as i before long had evidence. i remember one night being suddenly lifted in her arms, and carried out by her into the patio of courtyard. there was a strange rumbling noise underneath our feet, and i could see the stout walls of our house rocking to and fro; and yet, though the earth was tumbling about, she did not tremble in the least, but i heard her telling the servants not to shriek out or to pray to the saints, who could not help them, but to put their trust in god, who made the world, and who would save them from danger if it was his good will. it was a very fearful night, however, and though i believe the earthquake did not last long, it tumbled down, during the few minutes of its duration, a number of buildings, and many of the inhabitants were buried beneath the ruins. our house, however, which was on the outskirts of the city, and had no upper story, although some of the walls were cracked, escaped without further injury; and before morning we were in our beds again, and i, for my part, was sleeping soundly. a short time after this i found that some great event was about to take place, and i saw trunks being packed; and my mother, who had been ill for some time, was very busy, and looked, i often thought, somewhat sad; and then i heard that she and ellen and i were going to england, to be accompanied by domingos and maria, and that we were to remain there some time, and that i was to go to school, and then, if my father did not join us, that john and ellen and i were to come back together with our mother, unless she returned before that time. aunt martha and fanny were to stay and take care of my father. of course i was highly delighted when i heard this, and began packing a box with my playthings, and all sorts of articles, and was very indignant when maria told me that they were not to go. i do not remember much about the journey, except that my father came with us, and that the party rode on mules; that domingos carried me before him; that we went up and down mountains and into deep valleys; and that sometimes it was very hot, and sometimes very cold; and that we stopped at very uncivilised-looking resting-places at night; and that at last we reached a large town, close to the sea, which was, i have since learned, guayaquil. i remember seeing some magnificent fruits--pine-apples, oranges, lemons, limes, alligator-pears, melons, and many others--and eating some of them, or probably i should not have recollected the circumstance. the place was very busy, and far more people were moving about than i had been accustomed to see at quito; and in the harbour were a number of vessels--large ships and small ones, and curious rafts, on which the natives were sailing or paddling about, called _balsas_. they were made of light balsa wood, which is very buoyant. they were of all sizes, and some had come in from a considerable distance along the coast. then my father accompanied us on board a big ship, and took an affectionate leave of my mother and sister and me; and we all cried very much at parting, at least ellen and i did, though i was so well pleased with all the sights i witnessed that i soon forgot my sorrow. then the sails of the _pizarro_--that was the name of our ship--were set, and we glided out of the harbour, while the boat containing my father returned to the shore. the _pizarro_ was, i should say, a spanish ship, commanded by captain lopez, a very worthy man, in whom my father had great confidence, or he would not have committed our mother and us to his charge. at that time spanish vessels alone were allowed by the spaniards to trade to the ports of their colonies, which contributed with many other causes greatly to retard their progress. i, however, knew nothing about such matters at that time. i remember the compass in the binnacle placed before a big wheel, at which a man was always standing steering the ship, and i was told that we were sailing south. i thought the ocean, which was blue, and calm, and glittering in the sunshine, must be very wide, and wondered where it could end, or whether it had an end towards the west. on the east was the coast of peru, and i could see the lofty snow-capped mountains rising up out of the plain, looking as if they were intended to bear up the sky should it come down towards the earth. day after day we glided on. there they were as high as ever, apparently quite close to us, though i heard the captain tell my mother that they were fifty miles off or more. i scarcely believed him, though i did not think so big and grave a man could tell a story. i did not understand at that time to what a distance objects can be seen in that pure, clear atmosphere. we after that stood off the coast for many hours, and yet they appeared almost as high as ever. the mountains i saw were the andes or the cordilleras, among which i had lived so long without having a clear idea of their extent. we were not idle during the voyage, for our mother set to work the second day we were at sea to give us our lessons. she had made a point of teaching us english as soon as we could utter a word; but though ellen spoke it very well from being always with her, i spoke spanish mixed with quichua, the native indian tongue, much more readily. we now, however, learned all our lessons in english, and read a great deal, so that i got on rapidly. the weather at length began to grow unusually cold, and the sky was covered with clouds. we put on warm clothes, and kept much oftener than usual in the cabin. the ship too began to tumble about, and i thought sometimes would be sent right over. i remember inquiring seriously if a _waterquake_ were taking place; for i had hitherto seen the ocean so calm, that i fancied it would always remain so, and that it was only the earth which was given to shaking and tumbling about. the wind whistled and roared, and the spray flew over the deck, and the sailors went out on the yards and reefed the sails; but no one seemed to mind what was happening, so i was soon content, and thought all was right; and when i looked on the waves, it struck me that they were not a quarter as high as the mountains i had been accustomed to see, and wondered how they were able to tumble the great big ship about in the way they did. still on we went day after day, and i discovered that we were sailing in an opposite direction to that we had before steered. i could not make it out, till the captain showed me a chart, and gave me my first lesson in geography on a grand scale; and i then saw that we had come down the west coast of south america, and were now sailing northward along its eastern coast. i was very glad when i could go on deck again without greatcoat, and the sun shone forth as brightly almost as it does at quito. then in a little time the weather got very hot again, and there was no wind, and the ship lay on the glassy sea, her white sails flapping against the masts. there we lay day after day, and i began to think that at that rate we should never get to england; but captain lopez told me that i need not trouble myself about the matter, as the wind was sure to come some day or other, and that then we should glide along as fast as ever. i found that he was right, though we were becalmed several times after that. at length we saw the crew very busy in polishing up the ship, and ranging the cables along the deck, as getting them ready for anchoring in called; and men were aloft all day looking out ahead; and then came the shout of "terra! terra!--espana!" and i found that we were approaching the coast of spain. the next morning when i went on deck the ship was at anchor, surrounded by land, with a large city on one side, and other towns or villages scattered about on the other. this was the beautiful bay of cadiz. near us lay a large ship with the english flag flying at her peak. captain lopez went on board her, and then hurried on shore with certain papers in his hand; and when he returned, we all went on board the english ship. soon after, the anchor was hove up, the sails let fall, and away we sailed out of the harbour. thus we did not even set foot on spanish soil. i asked my mother the reason of this: she replied, that finding the ship on the point of sailing, she did not like to lose the opportunity of going to england in her; that the ship was called the _inca_, commanded by captain byles, with whom she and my father were acquainted. i remember that captain byles was very kind and attentive, that the cabin was very neat and clean--a quality for which that of the _pizarro_ was not remarkable--while the english crew, many of whom were old men-of-war's-men, paid off at the end of the war, were far more orderly than the spaniards. there was a black cook, sam by name, and a white goat. with the former we soon struck up a friendship, for he was good-natured and kind to us, and a most intelligent fellow; the latter used to chase us round and round the deck, and several times tumbled me head over heels when i jumped before her to prevent her from butting at ellen. of sam i shall have to speak more by-and-by. i do not remember many more incidents of the voyage till one day i saw the men heaving the lead, and i found that we were in the chops of the channel; and then i heard the shout of "land! land!" from one of the crew at the mast-head, and i was told that england was in sight; and after a time i saw a light-blue line away over the bow on the left side, and heard that it was the lizard, which i explained to ellen was not a creature, but a point of land at the west end of england. with a fine breeze, studdingsails on either side, the colours flying, the sky bright and the sea blue, the big ship, her canvas glittering in the sunlight glided proudly up channel. even the gruffest old seaman began to smile, and every one seemed in good spirits. at last a little one-masted vessel came dancing over the small waves towards us, our sails were brailed up, a boat put off from her, and a big man with huge whiskers, and rough greatcoat, and broad-brimmed hat climbed up the side, and shook hands with the captain; and i heard that the pilot had come on board, and that we were sailing into the downs. i went below, and on returning on deck i looked up and saw, instead of the broad sheets of white canvas which had so long been spread, the long yards above my head with the sails closely furled. the ship was at anchor. in a short time the boat came alongside, and my mother and sister and i, with our attendants, were lowered into her. we rowed on shore, and went to a big house, where all the people were wonderfully polite. i asked if this was to be our future home, but my mother told me it was an inn--very unlike the resting-places we had stopped at on our journey from quito. the next day we were all seated inside a yellow carriage, with domingos and maria on the outside, and rolling away over the smooth road at a great rate. we went on and on, changing horses every now and then, through a country dotted about with houses which looked very large and grand, and green trees which looked very small after those i had been accustomed to see. at length the houses became thicker and thicker, and we were driving through long streets with numberless carriages dashing here and there, and carts, and vans, and vehicles of all sorts; and my mother told me we were in london. we drove on, and i thought we should soon be on the other side; but i found that we had not got nearly into the centre of it. i had thought quito a large city, but this, i guessed, must be ten times larger. all the houses, too, looked wonderfully high, and i thought if an earthquake were to occur, how quickly they would all topple down. i asked my mother how people could venture to build such tall houses. she laughed, and said that happily in england there were no earthquakes; and that, in another city in the north, there were houses ten stories high. we stopped at last before a house in a long, dull-looking street, and a gentleman came to the door and handed us all out, and kissed my mother and ellen and me, and welcomed us to england; and i found that he was uncle james, my mother's brother; and there was our aunt, his wife, and a number of cousins, boys and girls; and we were all soon quite at home and happy, though i did not exactly know what to do with myself. a few days after that, uncle james and my mother and i drove out in a carriage, and there was a box on the top of it full of my clothes, and several other things; and then i found that i was going to school. i was rather pleased than otherwise; not that i wished to leave my mother and ellen, but i wanted to know what sort of a place school was. we went some distance away from london, and stopped before a house with an iron gate, and a huge stone lion on each side of it. we got out, and were shown into a drawing-room, and there we sat, till a tall gentleman dressed in black, with a very white head, made his appearance, and my mother and uncle james talked to him for some time; then he called me up, patted me on the head, and told me he hoped that i should be a good boy, and learn my lessons well. i did not feel quite comfortable when my mother got up and kissed me again and again, and looked somewhat sad; and then uncle james wished me good-bye; and out they went, while the tall gentleman kept me by the hand. "now, harry faithful," he said, "i will introduce you to your school-fellows;" and he conducted me through a passage, at the end of which was a door which opened out into a large open space covered with gravel, with high walls on either side. a big tree stood in the centre, and a vast number of boys of all ages were running about. some had hoops, others were jumping over long ropes, and others, with reins fastened to their arms held by bigger boys, were scampering round and round, playing at horses. some were leaping over each other's backs, and others were hopping about with their arms folded charging at each other. i thought it very good fun, and hoped that was the way they were always employed. the tall gentleman, after waiting a minute or two, called out, "antony nyass, come here. here is the son of an old friend of your father's. i expect you to look after him." then he turned round to me, and said, "when the bell rings, you will come in with the rest, and we will lose no time in placing you." "and so you are the new boy," said my companion. "what is your name?" i told him. "well, i am very glad you are come," he observed, "for i want a chum. we will have all sorts of fun together. will you have a hoop? i have got a prime one which beats all those of the fellows in my class; or will you go shares in a pair of leather reins?" i told him that i should be very glad to do what he liked, and that i had plenty of money, though i could not say how much, as i was not accustomed to english coin, and could not remember what it was called. "oh, i will soon put you up to that," he said, laughing; "but do not show it now. we will see by-and-by what you can do with it." while we were speaking, a number of other boys collected round us, and began to ask me all sorts of questions--who i was, who my friends were, where i had come from, how old i was, and if i had ever been to another school. "do not tell them," whispered nyass. "what is that you are saying, master tony!" exclaimed one of the boys. "you are putting him up to some of your own tricks." "i will tell you all by-and-by," i answered, taking my new friend's hint. "can you run?" asked tony. "tell them that you will race any one of them," he whispered. "i do not know, but i will try," i replied. "who is for a race?" exclaimed tony. "he will run you down to the bottom of the play-ground and back again, and if he does not beat all the fellows of his own size i shall be surprised." i was light and active, and though i had never before run a race, having no companions to run with, i did my best to follow out tony's suggestion. at the word, off i set as hard as i could tear; five or six other fellows besides tony ran also. he kept up with me, though we distanced the rest. he touched the wall at the bottom, and i followed his example. "now, back again as hard as you can go! i am the best runner of my size in the school," he cried out, as he kept close to me; "if you beat me, your fame is established, and the fellows will treat you with respect after that." i felt, however, very doubtful whether i could beat tony; but i did my best, and as we neared the point we started from i found myself drawing ahead of him. "that is it!" he shouted; "keep on, and you will do it." i suspected that he was letting me get ahead of him on purpose, and i reached the starting-point four or five paces before him. i felt, however, that i could not have run another minute if my life had depended on it; while he came in without the slightest panting. the other fellows followed mostly together, a short distance behind. it is curious how slight a thing gives a boy a position at once in a school. thanks to tony, i gained one at once, and ever afterwards kept it. i do not intend to give an account of my school-life and adventures, as i have more interesting matter to describe. i was placed in the lowest class, as might have been expected. although i knew nothing of latin, i was up to several things which my class-mates were not, and as i did my best to learn, i soon caught up a number of them. my friend tony was in the class above me, and he was always ready to give me any help. though not quarrelsome, i had several battles to fight, and got into scrapes now and then, but not often, and altogether i believed i was getting on pretty well. tony, my first acquaintance, remained my firm friend. although now and then we had quarrels, we quickly made them up again. he used to listen with eager ears to the accounts i gave him of my voyage, and the wonders of my native land. he never laughed at my foreign accent, though the other boys did; but i very soon got rid of it. i used to try to teach him spanish, and the indian language, which i had learned from the servants; but i soon forgot them myself, and had difficulty even in recalling a few words of the tongue which i once spoke with ease. "i say, harry, i should so like to go out with you to that country," said tony to me one day. "when you go back i must try and get my father to let me accompany you." i, of course, was well pleased at the proposal, and we talked for days together of what we should do when we got out there. at last we began to think that it was very hard we should have to wait till we had grown big fellows like those at the head of the school, and tony proposed that we should start away by ourselves. we looked at the map, and considered how we could best accomplish our object. we observed the mighty river amazon rising at no great distance--so it seemed on paper--from quito itself, and running right across the continent into the atlantic. "will it not be fun paddling up by ourselves in a canoe!" exclaimed tony. "we will have guns to go on shore and shoot birds and beasts; and when we grow tired of paddling we will sail along before the wind; and we will have a tent, and sleep in it at night, and light a fire in front of it to cook our suppers and keep off the wild beasts; and then, when we arrive at the upper end of the river, we will sell our canoe to the indians, and trudge away on foot with knapsacks on our backs up the mountains, till we reach your father's house; and will not he be astonished to see us!" i agreed with him in his last idea certainly, but i was puzzled to think how we were to reach the mouth of the amazon, and when we were there how we were to procure canoe. all the rest appeared pretty easy in the way tony proposed it, and, after all, even on a big map, the river did not look so very long. "well, my idea is," said tony, "that we should save up all our pocket-money, and then, some day when we have got very hard lessons to do, or anything disagreeable takes place, run off, and get aboard a ship sailing to south america. i should not mind being cabin-boy for a short time; and as you know spanish and indian, you could tell the captain you would interpret for him, and of course he would be very glad to have you; and then, you know, we should soon learn to be sailors; and it will be much pleasanter climbing about the rigging and up the masts and along the yards than sitting at our desks all day bothering our heads with caesar and ovid and sums and history and geography, and all that sort of thing." "but i have not got caesar and ovid to do yet," i observed; "and i want to have a little more schooling; for uncle james says i shall not be fit for anything until i do. do not you think we had better wait till i get into your class, or rather higher still?" tony said he was much disappointed at my drawing back, which he argued i was doing when i made these remarks. however, i spoke in perfect sincerity, and fully believed that i should enjoy the adventure he proposed just as much as he would. i had my doubts, however, whether we should receive so favourable a reception at the end of our journey as he supposed. however, he continued talking and talking about the matter, till i agreed to consider what could be done during another half. i spent my first holidays in london at uncle james's, and my brother john came there, and i was surprised to find what a big fellow he was. we were very good friends, and he took me out to see a number of the sights of london. we went, among other places, to exeter change, where there were all sorts of wild beasts. i had no idea until then that there were so many in the world. i was highly interested, and learned the names of nearly all of them; and john told me where they had come from, and all about their habits. then uncle james gave me a book of natural history, which i read with great delight. i found by the book that the beasts i had seen at exeter change were only a very small number of those which exist in different parts of the world. i liked that book of natural history better than any i had ever read; except, perhaps, "robinson crusoe," which tony had lent me, and which he said was the best book that ever was written. i thus gained a very considerable knowledge of the quadrupeds and the feathered tribes of the animal kingdom, and uncle james said he thought some day i should become a first-rate naturalist, if i had opportunities of studying the creatures in their native wild. i resolved the next summer holidays, which were to be spent in the country, to catch as many of the creatures as i could, and form a menagerie of my own. i should say i had not told john of the plan tony and i had in contemplation--of exploring the amazon by ourselves. i thought, from some of his remarks, that he possibly might not approve of it. i soon got tired of london, after i had seen the usual sights, though i was glad to be with my mother and ellen and my cousins. john also was very kind, but he was such a big fellow that i stood in as much awe of him as i did of my uncle. i was not sorry, therefore, to find myself at school with companions of my own age. as the weather was very cold, tony and i agreed that we would put off our expedition till the summer, and in the meantime we talked of the menagerie i proposed making, and other subjects of equal importance, which prevented us thinking about the former matter. i had a good many friends among my school-fellows. arthur mallet, next to tony, was my chief friend. he was by several months my junior--a delicate, gentle boy, amiable, sensible, and clever. he was liked by the masters as well as by the boys, and that is saying much in his favour. poor fellow, notwithstanding this he was frequently out of spirits. i asked him one day why he looked so sad. he was silent for some minutes. "i will tell you, harry," he said at length. "i am thinking of my mother. she is dying. i know it, for she told me so. she never deceived me. when she has gone i shall have no one to care for me--and--and--harry, i shall have to depend on the charity of strangers for support. she urged me to work hard, that i might be independent; but it will be a long time before i can become so. for myself i do not so much mind, but it troubles my mother greatly; and then to have her die--though i know she is going to heaven--i cannot bear the thought." he said more in the same style. "and then, should my father come back--oh, what will he do!" he added. "i thought from what you said that you had no father," i remarked. "where is he then, arthur?" "that is what i do not know," he answered. "do not speak about it to any one, harry. he went away a long time ago, on account of something that had happened. he could not bear to stay in england. but he was not to blame. that is all i know. he could not take her with him; and my grandmother and aunts with whom she was left died, and their fortune was lost; and what she has now got is only for her life, and that troubles her also greatly." i tried as well as i could to comfort arthur, and after this felt more than ever anxious to stand by him an a friend. "i may some day be able to help him," i thought--but i did not tell him so. our friendship had been disinterested, and thus i wished it to remain. i said that i had many friends at school, but there were some few whom i looked upon in a contrary light; especially one big boy, houlston, of whom all the little ones were dreadfully afraid. he used to make us do anything that seized his fancy, and if we ventured to refuse, often thrashed us. poor arthur mallet frequently came in for his ill-treatment, and bore it, we all thought, with far too much patience. at last tony and i and a few other fellows agreed that we would stand it no longer. one day houlston and one of the upper form boys, who was younger than himself, had a dispute. we thought that he was going to thrash the other fellow; but the latter standing up in his own defence, houlston walked off, not venturing, as we supposed, to encounter him. this, of course, gave us courage. a few day afterwards tony was reading, when houlston, coming by, seized his book, saying he wanted it. tony watched his opportunity, and snatching it up, made off out of the school-room, through the play-ground into a yard on one side, which, not being overlooked by any of the windows from the house, was the usual place for pugilistic encounters. houlston followed. i saw arthur mallet and several of those who had promised to side with us standing near. arthur joined us, though somewhat unwillingly. we made chase. tony, who had fled to the yard, was at length overtaken by his pursuer, who began hitting him over the head and shoulders. i signed to my companions, and making a spring, jumped on houlston's back and began belabouring him with might and main. i shouted to the others to come on and attack him on either side. he was furious, and struck out right and left at them; but i, clinging pertinaciously to his back, prevented his blows having due effect. my companions on this closed in, and two of them seizing him by the legs, down he came, with me still clinging to his back. the rest now threw themselves upon him. handkerchiefs were brought out, and in spite of his struggles they managed to tie his arms behind him, while i kept him down. though he kicked out furiously, by jumping on his body we succeeded in securing his legs, and we thus had him in our power. it was in the evening of a half-holiday. on one side of the yard was a wood-shed. into this we dragged him. astonishment and the efforts he made to free himself had prevented him from shouting for help. before he had uttered a cry, rawlings, one of the biggest of our party, running up, shoved a handkerchief into his mouth, which completely gagged him. we then all ran away, leaving him without compunction in the dark and cold. assembling again in the school-room, we agreed to leave him till somebody coming by might release him. tea-time came, and houlston did not make his appearance. i began to grow anxious, and communicated my fears to arthur, who sat next to me. still he did not come. tea was over. at last arthur entreated that we would go and ascertain what was the matter. it was now quite dark. i remember quite well the uncomfortable feeling i had, as, stealing out, we groped our way in the dark to the yard. on approaching the wood-house we heard a groan. could it proceed from houlston? my heart beat more tranquilly, though, for the groan showed that he was alive. we crept in. he was where we had left him; but his hands were icy cold. i bethought me first of withdrawing the handkerchief from his mouth. some of the fellows proposed leaving him again. "oh no, no; pray don't do that!" exclaimed arthur. "perhaps he will promise to give up bullying if we agree to cast him loose." "you hear that, houlston?" said tony. "will you become a good fellow and treat the little chaps properly, or will you spend the night out here?" houlston only grumbled out some words which we could not understand. at last we heard him say, "what is it you want?" it was evident from his tone that he was greatly humbled. that is not surprising, for he must have been very cold and very hungry, and tony repeated the question. "he will not promise. we must put the gag in again," said two or three of the other fellows. "will you promise?" asked tony again. "oh, do let him go!" again exclaimed arthur, whose kind heart was moved by the pitiable condition of our captive. "he will promise--i know he will; and i do not mind if he bullies me ever so much. we should think any one very cruel who kept us out in the cold as we have kept him. i am sure that he will promise what we ask--won't you, houlston?" "no, he will not," said another boy. "he will have a couple of hours to wait till the names are called over, and perhaps somebody will then come and look for him. he will be much colder by that time." "oh yes, i will promise!" cried houlston. "let me go, and i will not bully you little fellows any more. just try me. and i will remember what mallet said--he has more feeling than any of you; i did not expect him to have spoken as he has, for i treated him always worse than any of you." "you promise, on your word of honour," said tony; "and you will not go and complain of us? you must promise that too." houlston was completely humbled. he promised all we demanded. "we may trust to his word. i am sure we may!" exclaimed arthur. "oh, do let us loose him!" "thank you, mallet. thank you, faithful. i am much obliged to you," whispered houlston, as arthur undid the handkerchief which bound his wrists. the others were in the meantime casting off those round his legs. we lifted him up, for he was so numbed and chilled that he could not walk. arthur had brought a slice of bread and butter doubled up in his pocket. he offered it to houlston, who took it gratefully. his clothes, i felt, were covered with chips of wood and dust. we brushed him with our hands as well as we could in the dark, and then led him back into the playroom, where the boys were collecting after tea. i watched him narrowly, fearing mat he might tell some of the big fellows what had happened; but he went to his box without speaking to any one, and then taking up his books, proceeded to the school-room to learn his lessons for the next day. we kept our counsel, and were convinced that houlston wisely kept his, for not a word did he utter to any of his companions of what had occurred. from that day forward he was generally kind and good-natured, and especially so to arthur mallet. he helped him in his lessons, and was constantly making him presents of such things as boys prize, though older people may not set much value on them. though he might lose his temper with others, he never did so with arthur, and always seemed anxious to show his friendly feeling in a variety of ways. i have seldom seen a fellow so greatly changed for the better as houlston became, owing, i believe, greatly to the way arthur had pleaded his cause when the rest of us seemed inclined to revenge ourselves still further than we had already done. i should not have mentioned the circumstance, except for the sake of the moral it taught me. there is an old saying, that when a bull runs at you the best way of escaping him is to seize him by the horns; and from the manner we overcame houlston, i am convinced of the wisdom of the advice. ever since, when a difficulty has occurred, i have seized it boldly, grappled with it as we grappled with houlston, summoned up all my courage, resolution, and strength, just as tony and i called our companions to our assistance, and dragged it, metaphorically speaking, to the ground, gagged it as we gagged the bully, and not let it loose again till i have been convinced that it would no longer trouble me. again, when i have had any difficult thing to do, i have done it at once, or tried my best to do it. i have never put off a disagreeable thing which i may have had to do till another day. i have got it over as soon as possible, whatever it may have been. i have generally found that the anticipation is worse than the reality. i cannot understand what made houlston take to bullying; and i must say after this he showed much good feeling, and became a firm friend both to tony and me, not appearing to harbour any ill-feeling for the way we had treated him. i must hurry over my school-boy days. i was not able to carry out my plan of the menagerie the next summer. my uncle, instead of going to his country house, took us all to the sea-side. i, however, on that occasion picked up a good deal of knowledge about vessels and boats, and fish, and marine animals; and instead of a menagerie we had an aquarium, into which we used to put the small fish and other creatures we caught in the pools on the rocks. i was making an important step in the study of natural history--gaining the custom of observing the habits of creatures. the following year i carried out my long-intended plan, having induced one of my cousins to join me in it. we made several cages and boxes; and among our captives we numbered a couple of rabbits, a weasel, hedgehog, ferret, and stoat, with a number of pigeons and other birds, and, i may add, three or four snakes. we caught a viper-- or, as it is frequently called, an adder--the only venomous creature which exist in england; but my uncle objected to our keeping it alive, though he consented to its being turned into a bottle of spirits. we killed another, and cut off its head to observe its poisonous fangs. on dissecting the head, we found that the fangs exist on either side of the upper jaw, in which they lie down flat towards the throat. they are on hinges, the roots connected with little bags of poison. when the creature is irritated and about to bite, these fangs rise up. they are hollow, with small orifices at their points. when biting, the roots of the fangs are pressed against the bags of poison, which thus exudes through the orifices and enters the wound they make. all venomous serpents are provided with fangs, but in the jaws of some species the fangs, instead of lying down, are always erect, ready for action. the nature of the poison varies in different species. the poison of some produces paralysis; that of others causes the body when bitten to swell and become putrid. the venom of some is so powerful that it rapidly courses through the veins and destroys life in a few minutes; that of others makes much slower progress. the english viper, or adder, has but a small quantity of poison in its bag, and its bite rarely produces death. some of the smallest snakes, in tropical climes, are the most venomous. however, i shall by-and-by have a good deal to say on the subject. from what i have mentioned, it will be understood that i had already got a taste for and some insight into natural history, and when i returned to school i was able to discourse very learnedly on the subject. this made tony more anxious to carry out our long-projected undertaking. still, as we were very well treated at school, we had no excuse for running away, and put it off from day to day. at length, in truth, we began to grow wiser, and look at it in a different light. tony, indeed, one day confided his plan to houlston. "well, when you make up your mind to go, just tell me," said houlston. "what i would you go with us?" exclaimed tony. "that would be capital. with a big fellow like you we should be able to make our way anywhere." "not exactly that," was the answer. "i'll tell you what i should do, nyass. as soon as i found that you had started, i should make chase after you and bring you back. depend upon it, it would be the best mark of friendship i could show you! time enough by-and-by--when you have gone through school and been at college, and got a little more knowledge than you now possess in your heads--to start on such an expedition. i have a great notion that i should like to do something of the sort myself; so, if you ever start on an expedition to south america or any other part of the world, find me out if you can, and let me know, and then perhaps i shall be ready to accompany you." these sensible remarks of houlston put tony completely off his purpose, and we finally agreed to follow the advice of our school-fellow, and wait patiently till we had finished our studies. in the meantime i should say that my mother had rejoined my father at quito. when i first came to england i thought that the time when i should leave school was a very long way off. it seemed like a dream when i found myself at last a big fellow of sixteen at the commencement of the summer holidays. there was ellen, almost a grown-up young lady-- in my eyes, at all events--and john, who had been in uncle james's counting-house in london, a man with big whiskers. "well, harry," said uncle james, "would you like to go back to school, or accompany john and ellen to south america? your father wishes to have john's assistance, and perhaps you also can make yourself useful." although by this time i found school a far pleasanter place than when i was a little boy, yet, as may be supposed, i did not take long to decide. "i will accompany john," i said without hesitation. "we shall have to part with you soon, then, i am sorry to say," observed my uncle; "for captain byles, who still commands the _inca_, is about to sail for guayaquil. in consequence of the emancipation of the spanish south american provinces from the iron yoke of the mother country, their ports are now free, and ships of all nations can trade to them, which was not the case when you came home. captain byles has twice before been to the pacific, and we have resolved to send the _inca_ there again. he will be very glad to have you as passenger. you must lose no time, therefore, in getting ready." i replied very honestly that i was sorry to leave him and aunt and cousins; but, at the same time, i could not help feeling delighted at the thought of again seeing my father and mother and fanny, and revisiting the magnificent scenes which had made so deep an impression upon my mind, besides being able to indulge on a large scale in the study of the natural history of that wonderful region. i did not forget my friends, tony and arthur mallet, and as soon as i had time i sat down and wrote to them both. at the end of a week i received the following reply from tony:-- "dear harry,--your letter threw me into a state of wild commotion. you to be actually starting for the country we have so often talked about, while, as far as i could see, i was destined to stick quietly at a desk in my father's counting-house. after thinking the matter over, however, and recollecting how kind and considerate he has always been, i determined to show him your letter, and tell him frankly of my long-cherished wish to go abroad. he talked to me a good deal to ascertain whether i was in earnest. `i did not wish to send you from me,' he said at last; `but i will now tell you that a few months ago i received a letter from a cousin of mine who has lately established a house of business at para in brazil, requesting me to send out two steady lads as clerks, adding that he should be very glad to receive a son of mine if i could spare him.' i jumped at the idea; for though i should have liked to have gone out with you, harry, yet, as i have no means of doing that, i am delighted to go to para, because, as it is at the mouth of the amazon, it is the very place of all others i should have chosen. it is where we proposed going to when we used to talk of our expedition up the mighty river, and perhaps, after all, we may be able somehow or other to realise those wild fancies of our early days. to be sure, when i come to measure off the distance on the map, which we did not then think of doing, i find that quito and para are a tremendous long way apart. still, perhaps some day or other we may be able to accomplish a meeting. at all events, i told my father that i was willing to accept our cousin's offer, and at the same time i put in a word for houlston, from whom i had heard a few days before, telling me that he was looking about for something to do, and ready to do anything or go anywhere. he has no parents, or brothers or sisters, or any tie to keep him in england. i showed his letter to my father, and told him that he was a big, strong fellow, and that though i did not much like him when i was a little fellow, he was greatly improved. my father on this said he would send for him, and should he possess the necessary qualifications, he should be very glad to recommend him for the appointment. houlston came, and as he writes well, and is a good hand at arithmetic, and has a fair amount of knowledge on other matters, my father told me that he would recommend him for the appointment. the long and short of the matter is, that houlston and i are to go up to london with my father in a few days, to get our outfits, and to secure a passage by the first vessel sailing for para or the nearest port to it in brazil. we shall meet, harry, and we will then talk matters over, and, i hope, strike out some plan by which we may be able to carry out our early designs, although perhaps not in the same way we formerly proposed. houlston sends his kind regards to you, and says he shall be very happy to meet you again _adeos, meu amigo_--that is, good-bye, my friend. i have lost no time in beginning to learn portuguese, which is the language the brazilians speak, and i intend to work hard at it on the voyage, so as to be able to talk away in a fashion when i land.-- your sincere old friend, antony nyass." i was very glad to get this letter, but was much disappointed at not hearing from arthur. another day's post, however, brought me a letter from him. i should have said that he had left school three months before, and that i had not since heard from him. his letter was a very sad one. i gathered from it that what he had dreaded had come to pass. his mother was dead, and he was left almost destitute, though he tried to hide from me as much as possible the fact of his poverty. i at once made up my mind what to do. i took the letter to my uncle, told him all about arthur, and entreated that he might be sent out with us in the _inca_. "i will answer for it that he will amply repay all the kindness he may receive," i added. uncle james said that he would consider the matter, and in the course of the day told me, to my great satisfaction, that i might write to mallet and invite him to come up to town. arthur lost no time in obeying the summons. my uncle was much pleased with him, and arthur gratefully accepted the proposal that he should accompany us to quito. two days afterwards tony and houlston arrived in london. a ship for para was on the point of sailing. they had therefore to hurry on their preparations. they spent the evening with us at my uncle's, and john told me that he liked houlston very well, and hoped some day to see him again. tony he thought a capital fellow--so enthusiastic and warm-hearted, yet not wanting in sense; but arthur, as i knew he would, he liked better than either. tony brought with him a beautiful black cocker spaniel. "here, harry, i want you to accept this fellow as a keepsake from me," he said, leading the dog up to me. "pat him on the head, call him true, and tell him you are going to be his master, and he will understand you. he can do everything but talk; but though he does not often give tongue, he is as brave as a lion." i warmly thanked tony for his gift as i patted true, who jumped up and licked my hand. "but you want a dog for yourself. i scarcely like to take him from you," i said. "set your mind at rest; i have his brother--whom i left at our lodgings--his equal in most respects, if not quite so great a beauty," he answered. "you will excuse me, i know. i have called my dog `faithful,' after you. as i cannot have you with me, i wanted something to remind me of you; and faithful i am sure he will prove to me, as yours will prove true to you." i thanked tony for his kind feeling for me, and assured him that i considered it a compliment that he had called his dog after me. true was indeed a beauty--a welsh cocker--somewhat larger than usual perhaps. he came up in his moral qualities to all tony had said about him. he took to me at once, and a true friend he ever proved. we accompanied our friends aboard their ship, which was a portuguese, called the _vasco da gama_. she was a fine large vessel. the crew were small and swarthy, but active-looking fellows, most of them wearing long red caps on their heads, and blue or pink-striped shirts, with knives stuck in their girdles. they jabbered and shouted tremendously as they got under weigh. tony and houlston stood on the poop bidding us farewell. "we shall meet, harry! we shall meet!" tony cried out. "good-bye, harry; good-bye, arthur; good-bye, old fellows!" "perhaps we shall overtake you on the voyage!" shouted john. "not much fear of that," answered houlston. we were soon too far off to exchange further words, though we could hear the voices of the crew even when we had got to a considerable distance from the ship. chapter two. outward bound. nearly a week after this we were on board the _inca_, silently gliding down the thames, the only voices heard on board being that of the pilot or the officers who repeated his orders. we had a quick run down channel, and captain byles said he should not be surprised if, after all, we should reach the equator before the portuguese ship. i found that several of the crew had been on board when i came to england, sam the black cook among the number. he was the only one, however, who remembered ellen and me. i inquired after my old friend the goat. "what! you remember her, massa harry!" exclaimed sam. "dat good. goat gone to live on shore; eat fresh grass instead of hay!" he was well pleased to find that i had remembered the dumb animal, and still more so that i had not forgotten him. sam told me that he had become a christian since i had seen him. i told him i thought that he was so then. "berry different, massa harry, between what is called christian and real christian. one night i was on shore, and not knowing where i go, i turn into small chapel where a man talk to de people, and i heard him say, `god lubs you!' he lubs bad man and bad woman, and black man, and brown man, and white man all de same. him pure, holy god, and no bad, impure, unholy person dwell wid him; and all men ever born unholy, impure, and so dey must all be punished. but he say he let one be punished for de oders, and so him sent his son into de world to suffer for dem, and dat ebery one who trust dat son, and lub him, go free, and come and live wid him for ever and ever. you ask how dat is. hear god's words: `god so loved de world dat he gave his only-begotten son, dat whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life.' oh, he is a kind, good, merciful god! him hear de prayers of all who come unto him. him no want any one to say prayers for dem; but dey may come boldly t'rough jesus christ, and he hear black man pray, and brown man pray, and leetle child pray, just as well as learned white man; and so when i hear dis i say, `dat just de god for me;' and so i go to de minister-- dat is de man who was preaching--and he tell me a great deal more; and i go ebery day i was ashore, and now i bery happy, because i know dat when i die dere is one who has taken my sins upon himself, who was punished instead of me who paid de great debt i owed to god." i have tried to give sam's remarks as nearly as i can in his words. they made a great impression on me; for before i must own that i did not understand god's simple plan of salvation. sam had a bible, which he was constantly reading, and delighted to explain to the crew. he had gained considerable influence with them, and though many were careless, and did not listen to him, all treated him with respect. captain byles spoke in very high terms of sam, who had, i found, been the means of bringing home the truth to him. he had prayers every day, when the weather permitted, in his cabin, and a service on the sunday for the whale of the crew, while i never heard a harsh or wrong expression escape his lips. "you t'ink, massa harry, perhaps, i go into dat chapel by chance," observed sam to me one day; "now i t'ink dere is no such t'ing as chance. god orders everyt'ing. he sees us all day and all night long, and orders all for de best." i agreed with sam, and i may say that i never forgot the lessons i received from him. i found great pleasure in listening to him while he read the bible and explained it in his own somewhat curious way, as far as language was concerned. i had before been accustomed to read the bible as a task, but i now took to reading it with satisfaction and profit. from others of the crew i learned a good deal of seamanship, especially how to knot and splice,--an art which i found afterwards very useful. we had been several weeks from england, and had thus far carried the fine weather with us, when clouds appeared in the horizon which soon began to rush in dense masses over the sky. the sea, hitherto so calm, tossed and foamed, and the wind howled and shrieked through the rigging. i asked the captain if he thought we were going to have a severe gale. "it looks very like it," he answered, "but we must do our best and trust in god. once i used to think that while i was doing my best, god was fighting against me, but now, harry, i see it the other way. it is a great thing to feel that the all-powerful who rules the world is with us. it makes a man far happier and more courageous." the crew had gone aloft to furl the sails, and the ship was soon under her three closely-reefed topsails. still the wind increased, and the seas rose up on either side as if they would overwhelm her. the night was coming on. the captain held a consultation with his mates. the first mate and one of the best hands went to the helm. the main and mizzen-topsails were furled, the helm was put up, and the ship was kept away before the wind. the huge seas followed close astern, roaring and hissing after us. arthur and i had remained on deck. "i must beg you to go below," said the captain; "for if one of these seas was to break on board, you might be swept off, and no one could save you." still, i was very unwilling to obey. john, however, coming on deck, saw the danger we were in, and pulled us down the hatchway. we found ellen in the cabin kneeling at the table with maria at her side. she had the bible open, though it was a difficult matter to read by the flickering light of the lamp, which swung backwards and forwards. still, every now and then, by keeping her finger on a verse, she was able to catch a few words; while maria, with her large eyes wide open fixed on her young mistress, was listening eagerly to what she said. so engaged were they, that neither of them observed our entrance. now ellen stopped, and i heard her lifting up her voice in prayer for the safety of the ship and all on board. john and i, making our way to the other side of the table, knelt down likewise. though she saw us she did not stop. we remained thus for some time, when a shout from the deck reached us. i could not help rushing up again. john followed me. during the few minutes we had been below the darkness had increased, but at that instant a vivid flash of lightning bursting from the sky, showed a large ship ahead of us. we were running on towards her. again all was darkness, and i expected to hear the fearful crash of the two ships meeting. again another flash, followed by a fearful peal of thunder, lighted up the atmosphere. the ship was no longer there, but an object floating on the foaming waves. it was a boat full of people. it seemed impossible that she could live many moments in so fearful a sea. presently i saw our crew running with ropes to the side. already the stern of the boat was sinking beneath the waves. there was a thundering sound, as if a big gun had been fired. our foresail had burst from the bolt-ropes. we rushed on close to the boat. john, arthur, and i sprang to the side. several persons were clinging to the ropes which had been thrown over to them. we assisted in hauling them up. a sea struck us at that moment, and two were washed away. three others clung on, and were partly hauled and partly washed on board; while a dog which was swimming near them was lifted up by a wave and let directly down on the deck. we and they had to cling to the bulwarks to save ourselves from being carried off to leeward. one of our men, who had let go his hold while assisting the strangers, was carried off by the rush of water across the deck, and before any one could help him, he was seen struggling amid the foaming billows astern. on flew the _inca_ over the spot where the ship had just before been seen. we managed to drag the strangers to the companion hatch, and, with the assistance of sam, carried them below, followed by the dog which had been so curiously saved with them. true, when he entered the cabin, instead of barking, ran up to him wagging his tail and showing every sign of pleasure. i observed how like the two animals were to each other. the mystery was soon solved. the officers and crew remained on deck to bend another sail. as the light of the lamp fell on the features of the first person we got into the cabin, what was my astonishment to recognise my old friend tony nyass. his surprise at seeing me was equally great. "is houlston saved?" were the first words he uttered. "he was close to me!" "yes, all right!" exclaimed a young man, who, helped by sam, tottered into the cabin. it was houlston himself, though i should not have known him, so pale and scared did he look. the third was one of the mates of the portuguese ship. "and faithful, too," cried tony, kneeling down and embracing his dog. "my old fellow, i am indeed very glad you have escaped." faithful seemed as well pleased as his master; and true knew him at once, and welcomed him by leaping up to lick his face, though as he did so the ship gave a tremendous roll, and over he tumbled to the other side of the cabin. i need not say how thankful we were that the lives of our old school-fellows had been preserved. they were shivering with cold, so, taking them into our cabin, we got off their wet clothes and put them to bed. tony then told me that after the commencement of the gale, the ship had sprung a leak, and that though the crew had behaved very well, and stood manfully to the pumps, the water could not be got under. when it was found that the ship must go down, the boats were prepared. he and houlston, with the second mate and several of the crew, had got into one of them, and shoved clear of the ship just as she sank; but the other, he was afraid, had been immediately overwhelmed; indeed, it seemed scarcely possible that any boat could have lived many minutes in the heavy sea then running. it was wonderful that the boat he was in had remained long enough afloat to allow our ship to get near her. during the whole of that night the hurricane blew as hard as ever, we continuing to run before it. every moment i expected to hear that the ship had sprung a leak, and that we should have to share the fate of the unfortunate _vasco da gama_. we were dreadfully knocked about. our bulwarks were stove in, and two of our boats carried away. we lost our topmasts, and received other damage; but the stout old ship still battled bravely with the seas. as the morning broke the wind began to abate. by noon the sun was shining brightly, and the sea had gone much down. "perhaps, after all," observed tony, "we shall go round the cape with you to quito, and then have to find our way down the amazon to para, as i suppose that will then be the shortest road there." "i am afraid, young gentleman, you would find that a very long road," observed captain byles. "as the ship requires repairs, i must run into rio de janeiro, and from thence you will more easily get to para, though i should have been very happy to have had your company round cape horn." tony was much disappointed on hearing this. we had still a long run before us, and the prospect of tony and houlston's company on board for many days. the portuguese mate, mr lima, had friends at para, and he undertook to assist houlston and tony in getting there. he was a very well-mannered, amiable man, and as he spoke a little english, we were able to converse together. he gave me much information regarding the brazils, which is by far the largest country in south america. although a very small portion only is cultivated, it is also the richest both in vegetable and mineral wealth. he told me of its magnificent forests, its plantations of coffee and tobacco, and certain of its valleys, in some of which gold in abundance is found, and in others diamonds of extraordinary value. "what do you say, harry--shall we go and hunt for them?" exclaimed tony when he heard this. mr lima laughed. "the government are too wide-awake to allow you to do that," he observed. "no one is allowed to go into that part of the country except those employed in collecting the diamonds; but i will tell you one thing, it is the poorest part of the brazils. if the same number of people who are engaged in collecting the diamonds were employed in cultivating the waste ground, the country would, i believe, be far richer. however, perhaps my friends here may obtain permission to visit the mines, and if so, i dare say they will some day give you an account of them." of course tony said he would do so. if he was fortunate enough to get there. when the weather grew fine we passed our time very pleasantly, for we had a number of interesting books, especially of natural history, in which we old school-fellows fortunately took great delight. houlston and tony had agreed to make collections of objects of natural history when they were settled at para, and as they had lost all their own books, i gave them some of mine, as there was little prospect of their getting any at rio de janeiro--so the captain told us. at length one morning, just at sunrise, when i went on deck to enjoy the cool air, i heard the shout of "land!" and looking out, i saw a line of blue mountains rising out of the water. the breeze carried us quickly towards them, and in a short time we could distinguish a lofty height, shaped like a sugar-loaf, which stands at the south side of the entrance into the harbour of rio. a little to the left rose three peaks, which mr lima, the portuguese mate, called the _tres irmaos_, or the "three brothers," with the lofty peak of corcovado a little further south. on the right of the entrance we could distinguish the white walls of the fortress of santa cruz, which commands it, with another range of mountains rising above it, and terminating in a bold, lofty promontory, known as cape frio, while far beyond towered up the blue outline of the distant organ mountains. we sailed on, passing between the lofty heights i have described, being hailed, as we glided under the frowning guns of santa cruz, by a stentorian voice, with various questions as to who we were, whence we came, our object in entering the port, to all of which captain byles replied through his speaking-trumpet. it would be difficult to describe the beautiful scene in which we now found ourselves,--curious-shaped canoes and boats of all rigs, manned by half-naked blacks, sailing about, and a number of vessels at anchor in the vast harbour; numerous white forts, backed by picturesque hills rising above them, covered with the richest verdure, and villages peeping forth here and there in beautiful little bays; while higher up the bay the vast city appeared, extending for miles along its irregular shore, and running back almost to the foot of the tijuca mountains, with hills and heights in every direction. in the midst of this scene we dropped our anchor under the frowning fortress of villegagnon, the first castle erected by europeans in that region. i cannot hope to convey by words a correct idea of the beauty of the scenery or the magnificence of the harbour. all visitors agree that it is one of the finest in the world. we went on shore, and were very kindly received by an english merchant--the correspondent of the house to which the _inca_ belonged. john and i were anxious to help tony and houlston as far as we had the power, but our new friend undertook to supply their wants, and to enable them to reach para by the first vessel sailing for that port. i will not attempt to describe rio fully. it is a large city, with heights rising about in various parts, covered with buildings. most of the streets are very narrow, the architecture very unlike anything i had seen in england. numbers of priests; gangs of slaves, carrying loads; ladies in black hoods reaching to the feet, called mantilhas; gentlemen in cloaks; soldiers on foot and on horseback, were moving about in all directions. we made a few interesting excursions in the neighbourhood of the city, and several expeditions about the bay. captain byles was, of course, anxious to proceed on his voyage, and therefore used all expedition in getting the ship ready for sea. we, however, had time to make one long excursion with our new friend to the organ mountains, which we could see from the bay in the far distance. i was sorry that ellen could not go, as it was considered that the trip would be too fatiguing for her. we sailed up to the head of the bay for many miles in a pleasure-vessel belonging to our friend, sleeping on board the first night. early the next morning we started on mules towards the mountains. the air was most delicious, pure, though warm, and the scenery very beautiful, as we made our way among heights covered with a great variety of tropical trees and creepers bearing magnificent flowers. among them were the tall, gently-curved palmetto, elegant tree ferns, unsurpassed by any of their neighbours in beauty, fuchsias in their native glory, passion-flowers, and wild vines, hanging in graceful festoons, and orchids with their brilliant red spikes. as we passed through the valley we saw directly before us the mountains we were about to visit, and from their shape we agreed that they were well called the organ mountains; for as we then saw them, the centre height especially wore the appearance of a huge organ. "a grand instrument that," said tony, "such as i suppose an angel might choose to sound forth the music of the spheres." we wound our way up amid the tame beautiful and wild scenery till we reached the summit, whence we enjoyed a magnificent view over the surrounding country, with rio and the blue ocean in the far distance. we had not come without provisions, nor had the scenery taken away our appetites. we had also brought our guns, and led by our friend, we started off on foot in search of game. we had gone some distance, when, as we were approaching one of the numerous pools of dear water which are found even in the higher parts of the organ mountains, our friend stopped us and pointed towards a large tree, beneath the shade of whose wide-spreading boughs lay a creature apparently asleep. at first i thought he was a large horse or hornless cow, but as we crept closer to it, and could see the shape of its head, i discovered that it was a very different animal. "that is a tapir--the largest wild animal we have in south america," whispered our friend. as we approached the animal got up and looked about. we remained perfectly quiet, to examine it at leisure. it appeared to be nearly four feet in height, and perhaps six in length, the colour a deep brown, almost black. it had a stiff mane, and a very short stumpy tail, while its body appeared destitute of hair. it was not so, however, as i afterwards found; but the hair could not be perceived in consequence of being closely depressed to the surface. its legs were short and thick, and its feet of great size. the head was unlike that of any other animal i had ever seen. it was very long, and the upper lip or snout was lengthened into a kind of proboscis, which looked as if it might grow up into the trunk of an elephant. we were to leeward of the animal, but it quickly discovered us, and began to move off, when faithful and true rushed forward, barking vehemently. houlston fired, but the shot bounded off the tapir's thick shield-like hide, and away it went dashing through the dense underwood with a force which broke down the shrubs opposing its progress. we had great difficulty in getting back our brave little dogs. they returned at length, panting with their exertions. fortunately the tapir was frightened, or they would have found him more than a match for them. our friend told us that it has four toes on its front feet, and three on the hinder ones, cased with horn. it manages with its flexible upper lip to tear away the leaves and to pick up the water-melons and gourds which it finds when it goes forth at night in search of food. however, it is in no way particular, being almost as omnivorous as the hog. its senses of smell and hearing are very acute. its eyes, though, are small and its ears short. its voice is a shrill kind of whistle, such as one would not expect to proceed from an animal of such massive bulk. it is extremely fond of the water, and delights in floundering about in the mud. it can swim and dive also admirably, and will often remain underneath the surface for many minutes together, and then rising for a fresh supply of air, plunge down again. it indeed appears to be almost as amphibious as the hippopotamus, and has consequently been called _hippopotamus terrestris_. we all laughed at houlston's ill success. it was the first attempt, i believe, he had ever made at shooting. "the aim was not bad though," observed tony, "and if the hide had been soft, the shot would have gone into it." "it was a good large object, however, to aim at," said john. "a bullet would have been more effectual in bringing the creature to the ground." "i am not quite so certain of that," observed our friend, "for its tough hide is almost bullet-proof." houlston stood our bantering very good-naturedly, and managed in the course of the day to bring down a couple of birds. "you see, i improve by practice," he observed; "and one of these days i may turn out a dead-shot." i have described the tapir here as it was the first i met, but i afterwards had better opportunities of observing the animal. as soon as our mules had rested we commenced our return, as our friend could not be long absent from rio. we were at length once more on board the _inca_. tony and houlston expected to start with the portuguese mate for the north in the course of two or three days, and they promised to send me an account of their adventures as soon as possible on their arrival at para. the _inca_ appeared once more in fit trim to encounter any storm we might meet with in our passage round cape horn. at first the weather was very lovely; but as we were running down the coast of patagonia a heavy gale sprang up from the southward, which threatened to drive us back again. fortunately a sheltering bay was near at hand. running into it, the ship was brought to an anchor, and we there lay as calmly as if no storm was raging without. the country, however, was wild and desolate in appearance. i should have thought no human beings would have been found on it, but on looking through our glasses we observed a number moving about, some on horseback, others on foot, apparently watching us. "are you inclined to go on bore, gentlemen?" said the captain to us. of course we replied yes. ellen begged that she might go likewise. we objected, fearing that she might be exposed to danger. "she will be perfectly safe," answered captain byles; "for though the people on shore are not very prepossessing, i have always found them perfectly harmless. we will, however, carry our muskets, and the crew shall be armed likewise." we were soon on shore, proceeding over the rough ground towards the natives. they seeing ellen and maria in our midst, advanced without fear. they halted, however, at a little distance from us, when we put out our hands and walked towards them. they were big, stout men of a brown complexion, with long black hair hanging down their necks. their only dress consisted of skins fastened across their shoulders, leaving bare their enormous limbs. when we put out our hands they put out theirs. "good day, my friends," said captain byles. "good day," exclaimed the savages in almost the same tone. "hillo! what, do you speak english?" cried arthur. "hillo! what, do you speak english?" echoed the patagonians. "of course i do," answered arthur. "of course i do," said the natives. indeed, whatever words we uttered they repeated. we on this burst into fits of laughter, our new acquaintances doing the same, as if we had uttered a capital joke. they beat us, however, at that, for though we stopped, they continued laughing--ay right heartily. at all events they knew what that meant. friendship was thus speedily established. pointing to their skin tents at no great distance, supported on poles, and in shape like those of gipsies, but rather larger, they seemed to invite us to them. we accordingly accompanied them. in front of the tents sat a number of women. they differed somewhat from the men, by having more ample robes of skin, and their hair bound by fillets round their heads. they were, however, very unprepossessing-looking ladies. they all seemed to regard ellen with looks of astonishment now gazing at her, now at her black attendant, and were evidently discussing among themselves how it was that they were of such different colours. we saw a number of horses scattered about the plain, and several of the men were riding backwards and forwards armed with bows, and having at their backs large quivers full of arrows, and small round shields. the women were broiling meat at fires before the tents. they offered us some, and from the bones and feathers scattered about, we concluded that it was the flesh of the ostrich, which bird inhabits in large numbers the vast plains of patagonia. savage as they looked, they evidently wished to treat us civilly, for they spread some skins on the ground inside one of their tents, and signed to us to take our seats on them. to please them we ate a little of the food they set before us, although i must say their style of cookery was not attractive. after we had sat for some time, they continuing to imitate everything we said or did, we took a stroll round the encampment. we had not gone far when a large grey bird with a long neck and long legs, having three toes on its feet, stalked up to us, and putting out its head, grunted in our faces. arthur and i took off our hats and made it a bow in return, greatly to the amusement of the patagonians, who burst into loud fits of laughter at the joke. we recognised the bird at once as the _rhea americana_, or american ostrich. as we did not retreat, it uttered a sharp hiss, and then poised itself as if it was about to attack us, and so i think it would have done, had not the natives driven it away. it was about five feet high, the neck completely feathered, the back of a dark hue, with the plumes of the wings white. it is said that the male bird takes care of the eggs which several hens lay scattered about on the sand. he sweeps them together with his feet into a hollow, which serves as a nest, sits to hatch them, and accompanies the young till they are able to look after themselves. on such occasions he will attack a man on horseback who approaches his charges, and will leap up and try to kick him. captain byles now told us it was time to return on board. we accordingly shook hands and made our way towards the boat. the people, however, began to assemble round us in considerable numbers. the captain therefore ordered us all to keep together and to hurry on, without, however, showing any signs of fear. i was very thankful, for ellen's sake, when at last we reached the boat in safety. whether the natives had thought of attempting to stop us or not, i do not know. perhaps they only purposed to do us honour by thus accompanying us to the beach. we agreed that though the men at first looked gigantic, yet this was owing probably to their style of dress; and the captain was of opinion that very few of them were much above six feet. he told me that they live chiefly on flesh--that of horses, or emus, or guanacoes (a species of llama), and any other animal they can catch. we did not venture on shore again; and after waiting a few days, once more put to sea. i thought that these natives were about as savage in appearance as any people could be. i discovered, however, shortly afterwards, that there are other people sunk still lower in the scale of humanity. captain byles purposed running through the straits of magellan. just, however, as we were entering them, a strong south westerly gale sprang up, which prevented us from making the attempt. we accordingly stood into a sheltered bay in terra del fuego. the shore looked very inhospitable--dark rocks rose up at a little distance from the water and seemed to form a barrier between the sea and the interior. there were a few trees, all stunted and bending one way as if forced thus by the wind. still, john and arthur and i had a fancy for visiting the shore, in the hope of obtaining some wild fowl. having landed with one of the mates and true, we took our way along the shores of the bay till we arrived at some high rocks. over these we climbed. on descending, we found ourselves on the side of an inlet. we had reached the shore, when heavy showers of snow began to fall, driven against our faces by the sharp wind. we were about, therefore, to turn back, when we saw several figures moving at a little distance. curious to see the natives, which we concluded these were, in spite of the snow we pushed on. we advanced cautiously, keeping a much as possible behind the rocks till we were at a short distance from them. we were thus able to observe them before we were discovered. they were wild-looking savages. their colour was that of mahogany or rusty iron; their dresses, skins loosely wrapped round them and very scanty. one fellow was seated on the side of a canoe with a couple of dogs near him; while a woman, perhaps his wife, sat at a little distance, crouching on the ground, covered by her skin robe. as soon as they discovered us, instead of approaching as the patagonians had done, they sat stupidly gazing at us, lost apparently in astonishment. they did not, however, exhibit any sign of alarm as we walked up to them. at length they got up, shouting out some words and patting their breasts, which we concluded was a sign of friendship. their dogs snarled at true and he barked in return, and i had to hold him tight to prevent his flying at them. perhaps they understood each other better than we did the ill-favoured curs' masters or their masters did us. still the greeting did not sound amicable. the natives were small, thin, and dirty in the extreme. their weapons were bows and arrows. the only habitations we could see were wretched lean-tos, just capable of sheltering them from the wind. having an old clasp-knife in my pocket, i presented it to the chief, who received it with evident signs of satisfaction. as there was no inducement to hold further intercourse with him, we returned by the way we had come, without having seen a single bird near enough to shoot. "yet, harry, those people have souls, destined to live for ever," said arthur, in answer to a remark i made that they were little better than brutes. "don't you think if the gospel were taken to them it would have its never-failing effect? i will speak to captain byles on the subject when we get on board." he did so. long since then several noble christian missionaries visited that benighted region. some perished, but others are still labouring to make known the glad tidings of salvation to the rude inhabitants of patagonia and terra del fuego. finding it impossible to pass through the straits, we had to go round cape horn. a couple of weeks, however, elapsed before we were clear into the pacific. after this we had a quick run, and once more the lofty summits of the cordilleras greeted our eyes. though i was but a young child when i had last seen them, so deep was the impression they had made on me that i recognised them at once. chapter three. a journey across the cordilleras. at length the _inca_ was at anchor off the city of guayaquil. i had a faint recollection of its appearance, with chimborazo's snow-capped dome towering up in the distance. ellen, who had forgotten all about being there, was delighted with the scenery. guayaquil is situated at the mouth of the river guayas--the largest on the pacific coast. on going on shore, however, we were somewhat disappointed, as the buildings, though grand at a distance, have a tumbledown appearance, partly owing to the earthquakes to which they are subjected, and partly to the carelessness of the inhabitants in repairing them. we had great hopes of meeting our father, but his correspondents in the city had not heard from him for some time. the country, we found, was in a very unsettled state, owing to which, probably, he had not come down from quito. we bade farewell to our kind captain and the crew of the _inca_. some time before, peru, chili, and the other spanish provinces of south america had thrown off their allegiance to the mother country, forming themselves into republics. their government, however, especially in the northern provinces, had been as yet far from well established. disturbances were continually occurring, preventing the progress of the country. first one party took up arms to overthrow another in authority, and in a short time those who had been superseded played the same trick to those who had stepped into their places. we lost no time in making preparations for our journey, the first part of which was to be performed on board a boat,--seventy miles up the river to bodegas. we were there to engage mules to proceed over the mountains to quito, of the difficulties of which journey i had some slight recollection. we spent two days at guayaquil. had we not been anxious about our father and the rest of our family, we should have been well amused. from the balcony of our house we had a magnificent view of the towering range of the andes seen from the east of us, and extending like a mighty wall north and south. far away on the left, and fully a hundred miles off, appeared the mighty chimborazo, whose snow-capped summit, rising far above its fellows, formed a superb background to the range of lesser mountains and grand forests which cover the intermediate space. i have before mentioned the delicious fruits that may be found in abundance in the city; and i described the curious balsas, on board of which the natives navigate the coasts and rivers. we all supplied ourselves with straw hats, such as are shipped in great numbers from this place under the name of panama hats. they are made from the leaves of an arborescent plant about five feet high, resembling the palm called _toquilla_. the leaf grows on a three-cornered stalk, and is about a yard long. it is slit into shreds, and after being immersed in boiling water is bleached in the sun. the plaiting is very fine, and the hat is so flexible that it can be turned inside out, or rolled up and put into the pocket. it is impenetrable to rain and very durable. the chief export from the place are chinchona, tobacco, orchilla weed, hides, cotton, coffee, and cacao. our friends, we found, were anxious about the difficulties we might encounter on our journey, on account of the disturbed state of the country. they advised us, indeed, to postpone our departure till our father's arrival, or till we should hear from him. the thought, however, that he and our mother and sister might be exposed to danger made us the more desirous of proceeding; and at length our friends-- against their better judgment, they assured us--concluded the arrangements for our journey. we were seated taking coffee the evening before we were to start, with the magnificent scene i have described before us, when a stranger was ushered into the room. he wore over his shoulders a gay-coloured poncho, and held a broad-brimmed hat in his hand. his breeches were of dark cloth, open at the knee, and he had on embroidered gaiters, and huge spurs, with rowels the size of a crown-piece. his jet-black hair, which hung over his shoulders, his reddish-olive complexion, dark eyes, and somewhat broad face, though his features were in other respects regular and handsome, told us at once that he was a native peruvian. our friends saluted him as don jose. he addressed us in a kind tone, and told us that, having heard we were about to proceed to quito, as he was also going in that direction, and might be of service, he should be happy to accompany us. our friends at once replied that we would thankfully accept his offer, and all arrangements were quickly made. we were glad to obtain so intelligent a companion. his kind and gentle manner at once gained our confidence, and though his dress and appearance were those of ordinary indians of the upper class, he looked like one accustomed to receive the respect of his fellow-men. that he was no common person we were sure. why he took the interest in us which he evinced we could not tell. john and i talked the matter over, and at length, recollecting that our father's mother was of indian descent, we came to the conclusion that besides being a friend of our father, he was connected by the ties of blood with our family. still, from the way our friend spoke, there appeared to be some mystery about him; but they did not offer to enlighten us, nor could we with propriety ask them, he also was evidently not inclined to be communicative about himself. next morning at daylight we went on board our boat. in the centre was an awning, or _toldo_, which served as a cabin. the crew, consisting of eight native indians, urged her on with long broad-bladed oars when the wind was contrary, while their chief or captain stood astern and steered with another. when the wind was favourable a large sail was hoisted, and we glided rapidly up the river. the banks are beautifully green, and covered with an exuberant growth of many varieties of trees; indeed, the plains on either side vie in richness of vegetation with any other spot between the tropics. several times we cut off bends of the river by narrow canals, the branches of the trees, interwoven by numberless creepers, which hung down in festoons covered with brilliant blossoms, forming a dense canopy over our heads. although the stream is sluggish, we were unable to reach bodegas that night. we stopped therefore at the house of a gentleman engaged in the cultivation of cacao. the tree on which it grows somewhat resembles a lilac in size and shape. the fruit is yellowish-red, and oblong in shape, and the seeds are enveloped in a mass of white pulp. it is from the seeds that chocolate is prepared. the flowers and fruits grow directly out of the trunk and branches. cacao--or, as we call it, cocoa--was used by the mexicans before the arrival of the spaniards. it was called by them _chocolatt_, from whence we derive the name of the compound of which it is the chief ingredient--chocolate. so highly was it esteemed, that linnaeus thought it worthy of the name of _theobroma_--"food for gods." the tree is raised from seed, and seldom rises higher than from twenty to thirty feet; the leaves are large, oblong, and pointed. it is an evergreen, and bears fruits and blossoms all the year round. the fruits are pointed oval pods, six inches long, and contain in five compartments from twenty-five to thirty seeds or kernels, enveloped in a white pithy pulp with a sweet taste. these seeds when dried form the cocoa of commerce, from which the beverage is made and chocolate is manufactured. there are three harvests in the year, when the pods are pulled from the trees and gathered into baskets. they are then thrown into pits and covered with sand, where they remain three or four days to get rid of, by fermentation, a strong bitter flavour they possess. they are then carefully cleaned and dried in large flat trays in the sun. after this they are packed in sacks for the market. our friend in the morning showed us some blossoms which had burst forth from the roots during the night, which happened to be somewhat damp and warm--an example of the expansive powers of vegetable life in that region. an oil is extracted from another species of cacao, the nut of which is small and white. it is called cacao-butter, and is used by the natives for burns and sores and cutaneous diseases. a large quantity of cacao for the manufacture of chocolate is exported to spain. among the trees were numbers of the broad-leaved plantain and banana, which had been planted to protect the young cacao trees from the heat of the sun. the fruit of the banana, one of the most useful productions of the tropics, is eaten raw, roasted, boiled, and fried. it grows in large bunches, weighing from sixty to seventy pounds each. continuing our voyage the next day, we passed amid groves of oranges and lemons, whose rich perfume was wafted across the water to us. here also the mango, bearing a golden fruit, spread around its splendid foliage; while, above all, the beautiful cocoanut palm lifted its superb head. now and then we saw monkeys gambolling among the trees, as well as many birds of brilliant plumage. among others, a beautiful bird got up from a bed of reeds we were passing, spreading wide its wings and broad tail directly before us. john shot it, and the small canoe we sent to pick it up. it was about the size of a partridge, with a crane-like bill, a slender neck, and shorter legs than ordinary waders, though a wader it was. the plumage was shaded curiously in bands and lines with brown, fawn-colour, red, grey, and black, which ellen said reminded her of a superb moth she had seen. it was the caurale, or sun-bird (_scolopax helios_), our books told us, found also in demerara. less attractive in appearance were the gallinazos, or vultures, the scavengers of those regions; while frequently on the mud banks we caught sight of alligators basking in the hot sun, often fast asleep, with their mouths wide open. we reached bodegas early in the day. it is a large village, built on a flat. in the rainy season it is so completely flooded that the people have to take refuge in the upper stories of their houses. thanks to our friend don jose, and the exertions of his chief attendant, isoro, mules were quickly procured; and as the attractions of bodegas were not great, we immediately set off towards the mountains. john called isoro don jose's henchman. he was, like his master, of pure indian blood, but of not so high a type. still, he was good-looking, active, and intelligent. his dress differed only from that of don jose in being of coarser materials. we were at once struck with the respect and devotion with which isoro treated his master, and with the confidence don jose evidently reposed in him. we had a journey before us of two hundred miles, which would occupy eight or ten days. the first village we passed through was built high up off the ground on stilts, for in the rainy season the whole country is completely flooded. after passing the green plain, we entered a dense forest. road, i should say, there was none. nothing, it seemed to me, could surpass the rich luxuriance of the vegetation. on either side were numerous species of palms, their light and feathery foliage rising among the other trees; bananas, with their long, glossy, green leaves; and here and there groves of the slender and graceful bamboo, shooting upwards for many feet straight as arrows, their light leaves curling over towards their summits; while orchids of various sorts, many bearing rich-coloured flowers, entwined themselves like snakes round the trunks and branches. don jose told us that in the rainy season this road is flooded, and that then the canoe takes the place of mules. we put up the first night at a _tambo_, or road-side inn, a bamboo hut of two stories, thatched with plantain leaves. as the lower part was occupied by four-footed animals, we had to climb into the upper story by means of a couple of stout bamboos with notches cut in them. we here hung up our hammocks, and screened off a part for ellen and maria. next day we began to ascend the mountains by the most rugged of paths. sometimes we had to wind up the precipice on a narrow ledge, scarcely affording footing to the mules. it was trying to the nerves, for while on one side rose a perpendicular wall of rock, on the other the precipice went sheer down for several hundred feet, with a roaring torrent at the bottom. wild rocks were before and above us, trees and shrubs, however, growing out of every crevice and on each spot where soil could rest, while behind spread out a wide extent of forest, amid which we could distinguish the river winding its way to the pacific. few birds or beasts were to be seen--the monkeys and parrots we had left below us; gallinazos, or black vultures, were, however, still met with, as they are everywhere throughout the continent, performing their graceful evolutions in the air, wheeling round and round without closing their wings, in large flocks, above the watery region we had left. the black vulture (_cathartes atratus_), which closely resembles the well-known turkey buzzard in habits and appearance, performs, like it, the duty of scavenger, and is protected therefore by the inhabitants of all parts of the country. it may be distinguished from the latter by the form of the feathers on the neck, which descend from the back of the head towards the throat in a sloping direction; whereas the turkey buzzard has a frill of them completely round the throat. the head and part of the neck of the black vulture are destitute of feathers, and are covered with a black wrinkled skin, on which a few hairs only grow. "see, what grand fellows are these!" exclaimed arthur. i gazed up. on a rock close above us stood a couple of large birds, which were unmistakably vultures. "dreadful-looking creatures," cried ellen. "they make me shudder. they seem as if preparing to pounce down on some little innocent lambs to carry them off." "it would prefer a dead mule, i suspect," observed john. "like other vultures, it is not nice as to the nature of its food. it is called the king of the vultures (_sarcoramphus papa_), properly so, for it is the strongest and bravest of the vulture tribe though inferior in size to the condor. observe its head and neck, brilliantly coloured with scarlet and yellow to make amends for the want of feathers. on the crown of its head, too, is a rich scarlet patch. close to the eye there is a silvery blue mark, and above it part of the skin is blue and part scarlet. the bill is orange and black, and those curious lumps or carbuncles on its forehead are rich orange. at the lower part of the neck it wears a black ruff. the wing feathers and tail are black, and the lower part of the body white, and the rest a fine grey satin colour." while john was speaking, the birds, spreading out their huge wings, glided off the rock, and then by an imperceptible movement of them soared upwards, and, hovering for a few seconds in the air, they darted downwards into the plain, and were lost to sight. "you need not be afraid of their attacking any living creature, senora ellen," observed don jose. "they have no relish for meat till it has gained a higher flavour than we should like, and dead lizards and snakes are much to their taste. even those they discover, i believe, rather by sight than by scent." we had been proceeding along a somewhat broader part of the road than usual, though, as it was very steep, we climbed but slowly. now rounding a sharp point, we came to a spot which made me wonder if those ahead could possibly have got by; and i could not help gazing anxiously downwards, almost expecting to find that some one had fallen over the precipice. ellen kept up her courage admirably, and never hesitated to follow where others led. i could not help asking once if she did not feel afraid. "no," she answered. "i always look upwards when i come to a difficult place, and so pass without alarm." ellen's plan is the right one, metaphorically speaking, to adopt in all the difficulties and trials of life: look upwards, and we shall be carried safely through them. on we went till we found ourselves among a chaos of mountains, separated by ravines so deep that the eye could scarcely distinguish the rapid streams which found their way below. on one side rose into the clear blue sky the majestic summit of chimborazo, while other peaked and round-topped mountains reared their heads proudly around. at length the summit of the sierra was reached, and our mules commenced a descent into the valley, drawing their legs together and sliding down with fearful velocity. i had bean anxious before, i was doubly so now; but the animals with wonderful sagacity kept the centre of the path, and in time i lost all sensation of fear, and could admire the beautiful scenery. the tambos, or road-side inns, we stopped at were mostly huts of the rudest kind, with mud walls and floors, kept by indians, and dirty in the extreme. the entertainment provided for us was boiled chicken and potato-soup, called in the mountains _locro_. wooden spoons were served to enable us to ladle up the soup, but our fingers had to be used for the chicken, instead of knives and forks. we seldom had an opportunity while on mule-back of exchanging thoughts except at the top of our voices, as in most places we were compelled to travel in indian file, one following the other. we were once more ascending the steep side of the mountain, when, on rounding a point, we saw coming towards us a single traveller. as he caught sight of us he stopped his mule, and made signs for us to come on toward the spot where the greater width of the road would allow us to pass him. as we got up to him i saw that he was a negro, dressed in the usual poncho and broad-brimmed hat of the traveller in the andes. don jose, john, and arthur had ridden by, when the stranger's eye fell on maria. "it must be, after all!" i heard him exclaim in spanish. "maria! yes, it is you! si, _si_, and i rejoice greatly." "and you are domingos; i am sure you are," exclaimed maria. "yes, that is true," answered the old man. "i have come expressly to find you. i have brought bad news; but it might be worse, so be not alarmed." "what is it?" i asked eagerly. "are my father, or mother, or sister ill?" "no; they are all well," said domingos; "but sad events have occurred at quito. there has been a great disturbance--a revolution--no new thing unhappily; and your father's house has been burned down, and they have had to fly, and try to escape from the country. they are safe by this time, i hope. i came on to conduct you to them. i have been riding fast to try and meet you to prevent you taking the direct road to quito. a body of troops are marching along the road, and if you were to fall into their hands you would be ill-treated. we will descend some distance by the way you have come, and take shelter in yonder forest which clothes the side of the mountain. we shall be safe there, and i doubt not obtain shelter in one of the huts of the chinchona gatherers." domingos had given me this account in a few hurried words. i instantly called to the rest of our party who were ahead, and we were all soon collected in a nook in the side of the mountain, where we held a consultation as to what should be done. we quickly agreed to follow the advice of domingos. don jose was greatly agitated at hearing what had occurred. "they would treat me with but scant ceremony, were i to fall into their hands," he observed; "and i am afraid that you would suffer also were i to be found in your company. however, we may easily escape in the forest should any search be made for us, and therefore let us lose no time in seeking its shelter." while he was speaking, i caught sight of some figures high up the mountain, at a point round which the path wound its way. i pointed them out to domingos. "they are the soldiers," he exclaimed; "i see the glitter of their arms! we have no time to lose. move on, my friends, move on! if we were overtaken it would fare hard with us." don jose, who had also been looking towards the point, made us a sign to follow, and rapidly led the way down the side of the mountain, our native muleteers being evidently as anxious to avoid the soldiers as we were. the indians had, it appeared, taken an active part in the insurrection which had just broken out, and our guides knew, therefore, that, should they be caught, the party in power would very likely wreak their vengeance on their heads. we descended for a considerable distance along the path by which we had come. occasionally looking back, i caught sight of the troops as they wound their way in a thin column down the mountain. we, however, appeared to be keeping well ahead of them; and i hoped that our small party might have escaped observation. at length don jose stopped, and getting off his mule, surveyed the side of the hill which sloped away below us. coming back, he took the bridle of his mule, and made it leap off the path on one side on to what appeared a mere ledge of rock. "come on," he shouted; "i will show you the way; but you must all dismount and follow the mules on foot." we accordingly got off our animals, which were made to leap down to the ledge below us, and willingly followed the first mule, which don jose was leading. john and i took charge of ellen, while domingos helped maria along. the path was very narrow and steep, but where the mules had gone we had little doubt that we could follow. in a short time we found ourselves descending by a zig-zag path among trees which grew out of the side of the mountain, here and there huge blocks of rock projecting among them. thus we went on for a considerable distance. once when we stopped i looked upwards, and caught sight of the head of the column of troops just as they were reaching the very place we had left. at length we reached the bottom of the valley, through which a stream went foaming and roaring downwards over a rocky bed. the mountains rose up on either side, completely surrounding us. "this stream will be a safe guide," observed don jose; "and if we proceed along its banks, we shall reach a spot where we can remain concealed even should a whole regiment come in search of us." we proceeded on foot some distance, the active mules leaping from rock to rock, while we scrambled on after them. sometimes we could with difficulty get round the rugged points at the foot of which the stream forced its way, while the cliffs towered up high above our heads. here and there we caught sight of the snowy pinnacles of the mountains rising towards the sky. at length we emerged into a more open valley, and were once more able to mount our mules. we now entered the forest. don jose led the way by a path which was scarcely perceptible. i observed here and there notches on the barks of the trees, which i concluded served to guide him. through an opening in the trees i saw the sun setting towards the valley below us; and had i not possessed great confidence in our conductor, i should have been afraid that we were about to be benighted. directly afterwards we entered a thicker part of the forest. often it was with difficulty we could see our way amid the dense foliage. don jose, however, did not hesitate. after proceeding for some distance, the sound of a woodman's axe reached our ears, and we saw through an opening ahead several persons engaged cutting away at the vines which had prevented the tall tree they had just hewn down from reaching the ground. a little way beyond was a hut, and in its neighbourhood several persons were at work. "these are my friends," said don jose, "and they will willingly afford us shelter for the night, and protect us to the best of their power." while he was speaking, the man who appeared to be the director of the party came forward and greeted him. a short conversation ensued. "we will remain here for to-night," said don jose, "but it may be more prudent to proceed further into the depths of the forest to-morrow. it is possible that our enemies may discover the road we have taken and come here to search for us, and, besides the risk we ourselves should run, we should bring trouble on our friends." riding up to the hut, our mules were unloaded, and our hammocks and the packages were taken inside. it was a large shed, far better built than many of the tambos we had stopped at, with thick walls and roof to protect the bark from the effects of the weather. it was already about half full of bundles of this valuable commodity. each bundle was tightly done up, and weighed as much as a man could carry up the steep mountain's side. we as usual set to work to form a separate chamber for ellen and her attendant: this we did with bundles of the bark, leaving a door and window for ventilation. ellen thanked us for our trouble, saying that she had not had so comfortable a room since the commencement of our journey. john, arthur, and i slung our hammocks in the building, while the rest of the party were accommodated in the huts of the bark-gatherers. a rough table was soon formed within the large shed, and benches were brought in, and a substantial repast made ready. the chief dishes were the usual potato-soup and some roast meat. we could not at first make out whether it was venison or mutton, but found on inquiry that it was the flesh of a vicuna, which had been shot by the sportsman of the party in the morning. it is an animal resembling the llama, the well-known beast of burden of the ancient peruvians. don jose and his friend sat down to table with us, and domingos waited. "but of what use is this bark!" asked ellen, looking up at the huge bundles piled up on either side. "is it for tanning?" "oh no," answered john. "this is the celebrated peruvian bark, to which the name of chinchona has been given. it was bestowed on it in consequence of the wife of the viceroy of peru, the countess of chinchona, having been cured of a tertian ague in the year . the count and his wife, on returning to spain, took with them a quantity of the healing bark; and they were thus the first persons to introduce this valuable medicine into europe, where it was for some time known as the countess's bark or powder, and was named by the celebrated naturalist linnaeus chinchona, in memory of the great service the countess had rendered to the human race. the jesuits were great promoters also of the introduction of the bark into europe. some jesuit missionaries in sent parcels of the powder or bark to rome, whence it was distributed throughout europe by the cardinal de lugo, and used for the cure of agues with great success. hence, also, it was often called jesuit's bark, and cardinal's bark." "yes, i have heard of that," observed don jose, laughing; "and i am told that for some time it was in consequence opposed by the protestants, and especially favoured by the roman catholics." "yes," said john, "i believe that for a very long time a very strong prejudice existed against it; and even physicians opposed its use, considering it at best a dangerous medicine. it is now, however, acknowledged to be a sovereign remedy for ague of all descriptions. i believe the french astronomer de la condamine, who went to quito in the year to measure an arc of a degree, and thus to determine the shape of the earth, was the first person who sent home a full account of the tree." "we call it quinquina," (bark of barks), observed don jose. "some of its virtues, if not all, were known to the peruvians long before they were discovered by europeans." "ah! that is the reason it is called quinine by the english," observed john. "i did not before know the derivation of the word." "since its use became general in europe, the export trade of the quinquina has been very considerable," observed don jose. "forests containing groves of these trees are found in various regions throughout the northern parts of the cordilleras. my friend here has been engaged since his boyhood in collecting the bark, as was his father before him. when searching for new districts, it is the custom for the cascarilleros, or bark-collectors, to set forth in parties of a dozen or more men, with supplies of food and tools. they make their way into the unknown forest, where they suppose, from its elevation above the sea and its general appearance, that the chinchona trees will be found. they are always accompanied by an experienced searcher, called the _cateador_. he climbs the highest tree in the neighbourhood, and searches about till he discovers the _manchas_, or clumps, of the chinchona trees by their dark colour, and the peculiar reflection of the light from their leaves, which can be distinguished even in the midst of a wide expanse of forest. he then, descending, conducts the party through the tangled brushwood, often for hours together, marking his way with his wood-knife, till he reaches the clump. here they build rough huts, such as you see around us, and commence their work. the first operation is to cut down a tree, when the bark is carefully stripped off, and kept as free as possible from dirt or moisture, as it easily becomes mouldy, and loses its colour. it is important to cut the tree as close down to the ground as possible, in order that fresh shoots may grow up. there are various species of the quinquina. one is known by the name of grey bark, another as the red bark, which is considered the most valuable. the bark which you see around you is of the latter species; and the men employed in collecting can each make from one to two dollars a day. in the more distant forests, however, they have to undergo great danger in the work. sometimes they have been known to lose themselves in the forest and having exhausted their provisions, have died of hunger. they are compelled also to carry the load of bark on their own backs, and occasionally a man breaks down under the weight and can proceed no further, when, if he is separated from his companions, he has little hope of escaping with life. there are, besides the species i have mentioned, a vast number of chinchona, though the bark of some yields little or none of the valuable drug." as soon as supper was over we retired to our hammocks, that we might be prepared to set out at an early hour to a more secure spot in the forest. john and i lay awake for some time, talking over our prospects. of course we were very anxious about what might happen to our family; for though domingos had evidently not wished to alarm us, we saw that he was uneasy about them. we also could not shut our eyes to the difficulties and dangers we should have to undergo; not that we cared much about them on our own account, but on ellen's. though she was a brave girl, we were afraid that she might suffer from the hardships she might have to endure in travelling over that mountain region. what our father had done to draw upon himself the hostility of the government party we could not tell. he had, however, always shown an interest in the natives, and by his just and kind treatment of them had won their regard. we concluded, therefore, that he was in some way supposed to be implicated in the outbreak which had lately taken place. at length we dropped off to sleep. the rest of the night passed quietly away. i awoke as the grey dawn was stealing into the hut, and at once turned out of my hammock. i stood contemplating the wild scene for some minutes, admiring the size and variety of the trees which rose up in the forest before me. some had enormous buttress trunks, which sent down rope-like tendrils from their branches in every direction. there was the gigantic balsam-tree, the india-rubber-tree, and many others. among them were numerous palms--one towering above the rest with its roots shooting out in every direction from eight feet above the ground, and another slender and beautiful; but the most remarkable of all was the _sayal_--so don jose called it--the monarch of the palms of these forests. it had rather a short, thick stem, the inner fibres of its stalk being like black wool; but its remarkable feature was its enormous leaves, which grew erect from the stem for forty feet in length. they must be the largest leaves, john and i agreed, in the whole vegetable kingdom. there were many bright and scarlet flowers, and numberless beautiful orchids hanging from the branches of the trees. beyond the forest rose rugged cliffs, dark black rocks with lofty ranges of mountains towering above them. i was soon joined by my companions, and in a little time ellen and maria came forth. as it was almost dark when we reached the spot, we had formed no idea of the wonderful scenery surrounding us domingos did not appear, and john inquired of don jose what had become of him. "he has gone to ascertain in what direction the troops have marched," he answered. "we shall have to take our road accordingly. besides the high road, there is another by which i can lead you, but it is still more steep and difficult yet, as we shall thus avoid the risk of meeting with enemies, it may be the safest for us." a couple of hours passed away, during which we breakfasted on some delicious chocolate prepared by our host. still domingos had not returned. the mules, however, were got ready, that we might start, should it be necessary, immediately he appeared. "i trust the honest man has not been taken prisoner," observed don jose; "it might fare ill with him. but i am sure he would endure any cruelty rather than betray us; and if he does not soon appear we will proceed on our journey, and my friend here will send a man to show him the road we have taken." an hour passed, and as domingos did not return, we mounted our mules and proceeded through the forest. had we been on foot we might have followed some paths which the bark-collectors had cut; but many of them would only allow of a person proceeding in a stooping posture under the numberless creepers which were interwoven amid the branches of the trees. we had therefore to make a considerable circuit. at length we came to a less frequented part of the forest, and here we were compelled to use our knives and hatchets to clear away the art-work of creepers which impeded our progress. we all dismounted, and led the mules through the path we had thus formed. in several places we found, after an hour's toil, that we had not progressed more than half a mile. "we shall reach more open country by-and-by," said don jose, "so we need not despair." at length we came upon a small party of men engaged in stripping off the bark from a tree which they had lately cut down. don jose spoke to them. they saluted him with marks of respect, and one of them, throwing his arm over his shoulder, led us through the forest to a small hut concealed by the surrounding trees. its interior was not very tempting, but it would afford us shelter from the night air should we be detained there. it was destitute of furniture, with the exception of several hammocks hung up at one end, and a few pots and other cooking apparatus in the corner. our attendants, however, at once began to sweep it out, while ellen and maria sat down on a log outside. "the night is likely to be fine, and our friends will gladly give you up their hut," said don jose. "we will wait here till domingos appears. i have made arrangements that we should have ample notice should any enemies come in pursuit of us. we are surrounded by friends, and i have no doubt we shall be able to escape." don jose had secured a fresh supply of food, so that in a short time an ample meal was spread on the ground, round which we collected in picnic fashion. we had just concluded it when we heard footsteps approaching. as we looked out, domingos appeared before us. his countenance exhibited anxiety, and taking don jose aside, he conversed with him for some minutes. "we must proceed at early dawn by the road i have mentioned to you," said our friend, returning to us. "domingos has had a narrow escape of being made prisoner. he tells me that the soldiers are pursuing the patriots and natives in every direction, and treating them with the greatest cruelty, shooting and hanging them whenever they are found. although they would not venture probably to ill-treat you, you might be subjected to great inconvenience, and certainly detained and prevented from reaching your parents. however, i trust that we shall be able to avoid them, and to reach the eastern slopes of the andes without interruption. your father has ever proved my firmest friend, and i rejoice therefore to have the opportunity of showing my gratitude by being of service to his children. we shall be able to remain here during the night, and will recommence our journey by dawn, so as to reach the most difficult pass by mid-day, and i trust before evening to have gained a place of safety." "you will do well, my dear masters, to trust our friend thoroughly," said domingos to john and me, while don jose was at a little distance. "i know your father has a great regard for him, and whatever he promises he can perform. you are indeed fortunate in meeting with him. he is a cacique, whose fathers once had great power in the country; and though deprived of his lands, he is still looked up to with respect by the natives in all parts of the country." "then how comes he to be called don jose?" i asked. "that is the name by which he is known to the whites, and it is the safest by which to speak of him," answered domingos. "i know not if i ought to tell his real name; but you will be cautious, or he might be displeased with me." "yes; do tell me," i said; "i am curious to know more about him." domingos looked around. the person we were speaking of was still out of hearing. "i will tell you, then," he replied. "his real name is pumacagua. his father, who headed the last attempt of the indians to gain their liberty before the revolution, when numerous tribes gathered to his standard, was defeated, made prisoner, and shot. young jose, our friend, after fighting bravely, escaped, and though sought for, was not discovered. your father had concealed him at great hazard, and afforded him shelter till better times came round. he and i were the only persons in the secret. jose pumacagua has, therefore, reason to be grateful to your father, besides being connected with him by the ties of blood." just then don jose, as i will still call him, came up, and we were unable to ask further questions of domingos. ellen was much interested when we afterwards narrated to her what we had heard, and said that she should try and get don jose to tell us his adventures, as she was sure they must be very curious. we were soon left quite alone; for the cascarilleros, having loaded themselves with the result of their labour, took their way through the forest. our friend told us that they were carrying the bark to a village out of the forest, where it would be free from damp, and be exposed to the drying influence of the sun. when thoroughly dried it would be conveyed to the town of guaranda, and then sent down by mules to guayaquil. i should have mentioned that the chinchona trees surrounding us were very beautiful and graceful. they had large, broad, oval, deep green, shining leaves, with white and fragrant flowers, and the bark was of a red colour. the trees varied in height from forty to sixty feet. there were other trees in the neighbourhood which looked very like them, but don jose showed us the difference. the nature of the bark is known by its splintery, fibrous, or corky texture. the true bark is of the former character. having cleaned out the hut, we made our usual arrangements for passing the night. don jose and domingos, i saw, were somewhat uneasy, and two of the men were sent out as scouts to watch the path by which we had reached the hut. "it is well to take precautions against surprise," observed our friend. "however, our enemies, if they do follow us, will not travel during the night, so that we shall be able, by moving early, to have a good start of them." at length, two hours after sunset, the indians returned, reporting that they had seen no one. i was awaked by hearing don jose's voice--"up, friends, up! we will be on the road, and not breakfast till we reach a spot where no foe is likely to follow us." he held a torch in his hand, by the light of which we got ready to mount. the indians had meantime saddled the mules, which were brought round to the door of the hut. "follow my example," he said, producing from a bag which he carried slung over his shoulder, under his poncho, some dried leaves. "this will enable you to travel on for many hours without hunger, and assist in preventing the damp air of the forest from having any ill effect." sitting down on the trunk of a felled tree, he placed the bag before him, and put leaf after leaf into his mouth, till he had formed a small ball. he then took out from the bag a little cake, which i have since found was composed of carbonate of potash, prepared by burning the stalk of the quinoa plant, and mixing the ashes with lime and water. the cakes thus formed are called _llipta_. the coca-bag, which he called his _chuspa_, was made of llama cloth, dyed red and blue in patterns, with woollen tassels hanging from it. his attendants followed their master's example, as did john, arthur, and i. domingos, however, declined doing so, and speedily prepared some chocolate for ellen, maria, and himself. a little time was thus occupied, and mounting, we turned our mules' heads towards the east, just as the grey light of dawn appeared above the mountain-tops, the stars still shining with a calm light out of the deep blue sky above our heads, not glittering and twinkling as in northern climes. we were thus initiated by our friend in the use of the far-famed coca. "how do you like it?" he asked. "i find the smell of the leaf agreeable and aromatic, and now i am chewing it, it appears to give out a grateful fragrance," i answered. it caused, i found, a slight irritation, which somewhat excited the saliva. "ah! you will be enabled to go on if you wish till noon without eating, and then with a fresh supply continue on with active exercise till nightfall," he observed. "it is with this wonderful leaf that the running chasquis or messengers have from time immemorial been able to take their long journeys over the mountains and deserts. it must not be used to excess, or it might prove prejudicial to the health, yet in moderation it is both soothing and invigorating. it will prevent any difficulty of respiration also as you ascend the steep mountain-sides." the coca-plant grows, i should say, at an elevation of about feet above the level of the sea. it is a shrub from four to six feet high, the branches straight and alternate, and the leaves, in form and size, like tea-leaves. they are gathered three times a year. they are then spread out in a drying-yard and carefully dried in the sun. the dried leaf is called coca. they are afterwards packed in sacks made of banana leaves. it is most important to keep them dry, as they otherwise quickly spoil. daylight at length enabled us to see our way along one of the wildest and most rugged paths on which i should think it is possible for animals to proceed. up, up we went, with a roaring torrent on one side, and a glorious view beyond of mountain above mountain, some snow-covered, others running up into sharp peaks--others, again, considerably lower, clothed even to their summits with graceful palms, whose feathery tops stood out against the sky. sometimes we had to cross narrow chasms on the fallen stems of trees; now we arrived at a wide one, to be crossed by means of a suspension bridge, which swung frightfully from side to side. it made me giddy as i watched those who first passed along it. it was composed of the tough fibres of the maguey, a sort of osier of great tenacity and strength, woven into cables. several of these cables forming the roadway were stretched over buttresses of stone on either side of the bank, and secured to stout timbers driven into the ground beyond them. the roadway was covered with planks, and on either side was a railing of the same sort of rope as the rest of the bridge. light as it appeared, the mules one by one were led over. we followed, not venturing to look down into the foaming torrent, rushing impetuously along a hundred feet or more below us. soon after this a ladder of rocks appeared in front of us. we were here compelled to dismount, don jose and john helping up ellen, domingos assisting maria, arthur and i scrambling up by ourselves while the indians, waiting till we had reached the summit, remained behind to drive on the mules. every instant i expected to see one of them roll over; but they climbed up more like monkeys than quadrupeds, and at length joined us on a small level spot at the summit. "a dozen bold men might hold this pass against a thousand enemies," observed our friend. "few but our people know it, though. we will proceed yet higher, and cross the most elevated pass before we stop for breakfast, if your sister can endure hunger so long." "oh yes, yes!" exclaimed ellen. "i would not have you delay on my account. the chocolate i took prevents me feeling any hunger, even though this pure air is calculated to give an appetite." on and on we went, at as rapid a rate as our mules could move, upwards and upwards, the scenery if possible growing wilder and wilder at every step. huge masses of rock rose above our heads, with snow-topped pinnacles peeping out at each break between them. we had gone on some way further, when at a short distance on our left i saw perched on the top of a rock a huge bird, its head bent forward as if about to pounce down upon us. presently we saw its wings expand. it was of great size, with huge claws, a pointed, powerful beak, a neck destitute of feathers, and a huge comb on its forehead. the feathers were of a glossy black hue, with a white ruff at the base of the neck. "do you think he will attack us?" i said to don jose. he laughed. "no; he is a coward! we can easily drive him off if he make the attempt." he shouted loudly. at that instant the condor, for such was the bird near us, spreading out its huge wings, slowly glided into the air. at first the weight of its body seemed to keep it down, but gradually it rose, mounting higher and higher, until it appeared like a mere speck in the blue sky. "he has gone off to the distant ocean," observed our companion; "or to seek for prey among the flocks on the plains below. he will not return till evening, when probably we shall see him, or some of his brothers, flying over our heads, and pitching on the lofty peaks amid which they dwell." the highest point of the pass was at length reached. we all felt a difficulty in breathing, and even our hardy mules stood still and gasped for breath. we let them proceed slowly, while we had time to admire the magnificent spectacle which the mountain scenery afforded. around us on every side rose up lofty peaks and rugged heights, prominent among which appeared the snow-capped, truncated peak of cotopaxi, looking like a vast sugar-loaf. the rocks, too--huge masses of porphyry--were broken into all sorts of shapes, and were of every variety of colour, from dark brown to the brightest lilac, green, purple, and red, and others of a clear white, producing a very curious and beautiful effect, and at the same time showing us to what violent throes and upheavings that region has been subjected. below our feet was spread out that gloomy plain which has been so frequently devastated by the lava and ashes which the mountain has cast forth. descending, we reached a sheltered spot, where grass was found for our tired mules. our saddle-bags were unpacked, the fires lighted, and in a short time cups of boiling chocolate and a steaming stew, previously cooked, were arranged for us on the grass. while wandering a little way from our temporary camp, i saw some large pale yellow flowers growing on a low shrub. presently several small beautiful birds appeared hovering above them, in no way daunted by my presence. as they dipped their long bills into the flowers, i could observe their plumage, and was convinced, though found at so great an elevation, that they were humming-birds. after watching them for some time, i called ellen and arthur to look at them. "ah, yes, they are worthy of admiration," exclaimed our inca friend. "the bird is the chimborazian hill-star humming-bird. it is found , feet above the ocean, close to the region of snow, and seldom at a less elevation than , feet." the head and throat of the little creature which had excited our admiration shone with the most brilliant tints, though the rest of the body was of a more sombre hue. the upper parts of the body were of a pale, dusky green, except the wings, which were of the purple-brown tint common to humming-birds in general. the head and throat were of the most resplendent hue, with an emerald green triangular patch on the throat, while a broad collar of velvety black divided the brilliant colours of the head from the sober ones of the body. the hen bird, which was mostly of a sombre olive-green, was flying about under the bushes, and almost escaped our notice. don jose told us that a similar bird inhabits the sides of pichincha, with different marks on its neck, and that neither at any time visits the other, each keeping to its own mountain, on which they find the food, flowers, and insects best suited to their respective tastes. it would have been barbarous to have shot the beautiful little birds; but even had we wished it, it would have been difficult to do so. so rapid was their flight, that it was only when they were hovering over a flower that we could have taken aim. ellen wanted to have one caught to keep as a pet; but don jose assured her that it would not live in the low region of the amazon, but that we should there find many still more beautiful species of the same family, some of which she might very likely be able to tame. after watching the birds for some time, we returned to the camp. domingos was the first to mount his mule, riding on ahead, that he might ascertain if the road was clear, while he promised to return and give us notice should any enemies appear, that we might have time to conceal ourselves. this we hoped to be able to do among the wild rocks which rose up in every direction. we rode on, however, without interruption for the remainder of the day, and stopped towards evening at a small mud hut, inhabited by a quichua family, who willingly agreed with don jose to conceal and protect us with their lives. in the morning we proceeded in the same way as on the previous day. thus for several days we travelled on, resting during the night at rude tambos, the inhabitants of which, directly don jose spoke to them, willingly undertook to give us accommodation. the weather was fine, the air pure, bracing, and exhilarating; and in spite of the fatigue we underwent, none of us suffered. ellen and maria bore the journey wonderfully. although we were making our way towards the east, frequently we found ourselves riding round a mountain with our backs to the rising sun. now we were ascending by the side of steep precipices, and now again descending into deep ravines. at length don jose gave us the satisfactory intelligence that we had left quito behind us to the north-west, and that we might hope to escape falling in with hostile forces. "still," he said privately to john and me, "i cannot promise that we are altogether safe. we must use great caution, and avoid as much as possible the beaten tracks. parties may have been sent out to the east in search of fugitives; but we will hope for the best." as we were ascending a mountain-side, we saw before us, winding downwards, a long line of animals. a couple of indians walked at the head of the troop, while several other men came at intervals among them. each animal carried a small pack on its back; and we soon knew them to be llamas, as they advanced carrying their long necks upright, with their large and brilliant eyes, their thick lips, and long and movable ears. they were of a brown colour, with the under parts whitish. as we approached, in spite of the efforts of their conductors, they scattered away up and down the mountains, leaving the path open to us. the indians, however, made no complaint; but as we gained a height above them, we saw them exerting themselves to re-collect their scattered cavalcade. they were going, don jose told us, to the coast, to bring back salt--an article without which human beings can but ill support life in any part of the world. we soon after found ourselves travelling on a wide, lofty plain, bounded by still higher peaks. in several directions we saw herds of llamas, as also a smaller animal of the same species--the alpaca. it somewhat resembles the sheep, but its neck is longer, and its head more gracefully formed. the wool appeared very long, soft, fine, and of a silky lustre. some of those we saw were quite white, others black, and others again variegated. there were vast herds of them, tended by indians, as sheep are by their shepherds in other parts of the world. the following day, descending from the plain and passing through a deep valley, we caught sight of a herd of similar creatures, which don jose told us were vicunas. their shape appeared slighter and more elegant than that of the alpaca, with a longer and more graceful neck. the colour of the upper part of the body was a reddish yellow, while the under side was of a light ochre. a peculiar shrill cry reached our ears as we approached, and the whole herd turned, advancing a few paces, and then suddenly wheeling round, off they went at a rapid rate. don jose told us that they are hunted with the bolas, as cattle are in the plains. there is another animal, the huanacu, which is larger than the llama, but resembles it greatly. it is considered by some naturalists to be a wild species of the llama. huanacus live in small troops. their disposition is very different from that of the llama. though easily tamed when caught young, they can seldom be trained to carry burdens. john reminded me of an account he had read of the llama, which is likened to the dromedary of the desert, the services it is called upon to perform being similar. though it has not the ugly hump of the dromedary, it possesses the same callosities on the breast and knees; its hoof is divided in the same manner, and is of the same formation. its internal construction, which enables it to go for a long time without drinking, is also similar. it will carry about one hundred pounds, and proceed at the rate of twelve or fourteen miles a day. when overloaded, however, it lies down, and nothing will induce it to rise till it has been relieved of part of its cargo. llamas were the only beasts of burden employed by the ancient peruvians. mules and horses were introduced by the spaniards, and have now in many places superseded the llamas, as mules will carry a much greater weight, and are far more enduring and patient animals. chapter four. adventures among the mountains. we had been travelling on for many days, yet had made but slow progress. this was not surprising, considering that we had to climb up steep mountains and to descend again into deep valleys, to cross rapid streams and wade through morasses, again to mount upwards and wind round and round numberless rugged heights, with perpendicular precipices, now on one side, now on the other, and gulfs below so profound that often our eyes, when we unwisely made the attempt, could scarcely fathom them. still almost interminable ranges of mountains appeared to the east. as we looked back, we could see the lofty heights of pichincha, corazon, ruminagui, cotopaxi, antisana, and many others. we had a mountain before us. our patient mules slowly climbed up it. the summit reached, the ridge was so narrow that parts of the same rocks might have been hurled, the one down into the valley towards the setting sun, the other in the direction of the atlantic. we there stood fifteen thousand feet at least above the ocean, our animals panting with the exertion, and we ourselves, though inured to the air of the mountains, breathing with difficulty. still before us there was a scene of wild grandeur,--mountain rising beyond mountain, with deep valleys intervening, their bottoms and sides clothed with a dense unbroken mass of foliage. "i fear beyond this we shall find no pathway for our mules," observed don jose, as we were descending the height; "but we will endeavour to procure bearers for the luggage, and will, in the meantime, encamp in some sheltered spot, and try and ascertain in which direction my friend, your father, and his party have gone." we were nearly an hour descending, our mules carefully picking their way among the rocks and lofty trees, and along the edges of yawning chasms, which threatened to swallow us up. sometimes we passed through wooded regions, where the giant trees, falling from age, remained suspended in the network of sipos or wild vines, which hung from the branches of their neighbours. now we had to make our way round the trunks, now to pass beneath them. as i looked up, i could not help dreading that the cordage which held them might give way, and allow them to fall at that instant and crush us. at last we reached a level spot or terrace on the mountain-side, but still the bottom of the valley seemed far down below us. "we will encamp here," said our friend, "and remain till we can ascertain the direction we must pursue to come up with our friends. we are here above the damp and close air of the valley. from yonder torrent we can obtain the water we require," (he pointed to a cascade which came rushing and foaming down, at a little distance, through a cleft in the mountain), "while the forest around will afford an ample supply of provision. we are at such a distance from the usual track, that we shall not, i hope, be discovered, should any of our enemies venture in this direction." john at once agreed to our friend's proposal. "our mules," continued don jose, "are of no further use, for it would be almost impossible for them to make their way amid the tangled forest through which we must pass. we will therefore send them back to a solitary rancho or farm, the proprietor of which is my friend, where they will remain in safety till better times, when they can be forwarded to their owners." this plan being agreed on, the animals were unloaded, and our native attendants set to work to build huts, which might afford us sufficient shelter for the night. we all helped; but we found that they were so much more expert, that they had erected three huts while we had not finished one. long stakes were first cut down. two of them were driven into the ground and joined at their top, and about twelve feet beyond them, other two were driven in, and connected by a long pole. against this a number of stakes were arranged to serve as rafters. meantime a quantity of large palm-leaves had been procured, which were attached to the rafters by thin sipos or vines, beginning at the bottom, so that they overlapped each other in the fashion of tiles. they were so neatly and securely fastened, that it was evident the heaviest shower would not penetrate them. in a short time we had seven or eight of these huts up, sufficient to accommodate the whole of the party. the natives then descending into the forest, brought back a quantity of wood, which they had cut from a tree which they called _sindicaspi_, which means the "wood that burns." we found it answer its character; for though it was perfectly green, and just brought out of the damp forest, no sooner was fire put to it than it blazed up as if it had been long dried in the sun. we were still at a considerable elevation, where there was but little of animal life. even here, however, beautiful humming-birds flew among the bushes. they seemed very like the hill-stars we had seen at chimborazo--wonderful little feathered gems; but they flew so rapidly about that it was difficult to distinguish their appearance. now a gleam of one bright colour caught the eye, now another. now, as they passed, all their hues were blended into one. "i should so like to have some of those beautiful little creatures as pets," said ellen. "i wonder if they could be tamed!" "no doubt about it," said don jose. "the difficulty is to catch them first. but, small as they are, they are in no degree timid; and if you could take some of them young, you would find that they would willingly feed off your hand; but, bold and brave, they love freedom, and will not consent to live in captivity. perhaps isoro may catch some for you. he knows all the birds and beasts of this region, and trees and herbs, as, at one time, did all the people of our race. the study of god's works is a truly noble one, and such the enlightened incas considered it; and therefore it was the especial study of young chiefs in bygone days. but, alas! in these times of our degeneracy, in that, as in many other points, we are grievously deficient compared to our ancestors." "oh, thank you," said ellen. "i shall indeed be obliged to isoro if he can show me how to tame some of these beautiful little birds." "i would rather have one of those fellows i see perched on yonder pinnacle," observed arthur, pointing to a rock at some distance, whence a huge condor, with outspread wings, was about to take flight. "what a grand thing it would be to get on his back, and make him fly with one over the mountain-tops. he looks big and strong enough to do it." "i am afraid that, with all his strength, he would find it a hard matter to lift a heavy youth like you from the ground," observed don jose. "yet even a condor can be tamed, and if he is well fed, becomes satisfied with his lot. large as he is, he is a mean creature, and a coward." while don jose was speaking, the condor came flying by. not a movement of his wings was perceptible. we hallooed and clapped our hands. "he seems not to hear our voices," i observed. "he is too far off for that," said our companion. "though we see him clearly, he is at a greater distance than you suppose. in this pure atmosphere, objects appear much nearer than they really are; indeed, even with long practice, it is difficult to ascertain distances by the eye alone. see there, on yonder slope! it would take an active man an hour or more to reach the height over which these vicunas are bounding, and yet they seem almost within reach of our rifles." he pointed to a shoulder of the mountain which projected some distance into the valley, over which several animals were making their way, scrambling up rocks which i should have thought the most agile deer could scarcely have attempted to scale. isoro had received a hint from his master; and after being absent from the camp for some time, returned with a beautiful little live bird, which he presented, greatly to her delight, to ellen. though its bright, sharp specks of eyes were glancing about in every direction, it remained quietly in her hand, without attempting to escape. the greater portion of its body was light green, bronzed on the side of the neck and face, and the lower part of the back was of a deep crimson red. the wings were purple-brown, and the throat metallic green; but the tail was its most remarkable feature. that was very long, brown at the base, and the greater part of its length of the brightest fiery red, tipped with a velvety black band. "why, its tail is a perfect comet," exclaimed ellen, who had been for some time admiring it. she had given it the name by which it is chiefly known--the sappho comet, or bar-tailed humming-bird. it is a migratory bird, seldom, however, found so far north. it is a native of bolivia, where it is found in gardens, and near the abodes of men, of whom it seems to have no fear. in the winter it flies off to the warm regions of eastern peru, so isoro told us. "i am afraid that it will not live in captivity," he remarked. "shall i kill it for you, senora?" "oh no! no!" exclaimed ellen. "on no account. if i cannot make a pet of it, i would not keep it even as an unwilling captive. pray, let it go at once." isoro let the bird perch on his finger. it looked about for an instant, and then expanding its glossy wings, off it flew, its long tail gleaming like a flash of lightning in the air, and was in an instant lost to sight. isoro had, i believe, caught the little creature by the bill, with a sort of bird-lime, placed in the lower part of a flower, where it was held captive long enough to enable him to seize it. we did not fail to keep up a large fire in the centre of our camp during the night, lest any prowling puma might venture to pay us a visit. the warmth, also, which it afforded in that keen mountain air was grateful. after ellen and maria had retired to their hut, which had been made as comfortable for them as circumstances would allow, we sat up discussing our plans. i found that don jose and john had become anxious at not finding our father. our friend had sent out several indians in different directions to search for him, with orders to come back to the spot where we were now encamped. i was surprised to find the influence he possessed among all the natives we had met. as soon as we had encamped, isoro and two other indians set off to forage in the neighbourhood, as well as to obtain information. they came back late in the evening, driving before them three hogs, which they had purchased at a native hut some distance off. a pen was soon built, in which to confine the animals: one of them was destined to be turned into pork the following morning. the mules had already been sent away, and true and the pigs were the only four-footed animals in the camp. our whole party had been for some time asleep, when i was aroused by a horrible squeaking, followed by a loud bark from true, who was sleeping under my hammock. the squeaks and a few spasmodic grunts which succeeded them soon ceased. the voices of my companions outside the hut showed me that they were on the alert; and knowing that true would attack our visitor, whether puma or jaguar, i tied him to one of the posts of the hut before i went out--a proceeding of which he did not at all approve. "cuguacuara! cuguacuara!" i heard the indians exclaiming. "a puma has carried off one of the hogs," said john, who appeared with his gun ready for action. "where has it gone?" i asked. "that is what we are going to ascertain," he answered. we set out with don jose, isoro, and several of the indians, the latter armed only with their spears. there was a bright moon, so we had no great difficulty in seeing our way, though in that region of precipices it was necessary to be cautious. isoro and the indians led the way, tracing the puma by the blood which their keen sight discovered on the ground. we had not gone far when they stopped and signified that the beast was near. turning a point of rock, we saw before us, in a hollow on the side of the mountain--a shallow cavern overgrown with shrubs, into which the moon shone brightly--not only one, but two huge pumas, the nearest with its paws on the hog it had just stolen. we had formed our camp close to their lair. the savage brutes, thus brought to bay, and unable to escape, snarled fiercely at us. no animal is more hated by the indians than the puma, on account of the depredations it commits on their flocks and herds. they had little chance, therefore, of being allowed to escape. i expected, moreover, at any moment to see them spring at us. "do you take the nearest," said don jose, calmly, to john; "i will take the other. reserve your fire, harry, in case one of them should spring." he and john fired. the nearest puma gave a tremendous spring forward. i had my weapon ready, and drew the trigger. the bullet struck him, and, first rising in the air, he fell backwards, and lay without moving. the indians rushed forward, and, with shouts of triumph, soon knocked out any sparks of life which remained in the animals. they then, fastening some sipos round the bodies, dragged them and the hog to the camp. i had just time to measure one of them, before they were skinned and cut up. it had a body four feet in length; and a tail two and a half feet long, black at the tip, but without the characteristic tuft of the lion. its limbs were very thick and muscular, to enable it to climb trees and spring a great distance. its coat was of a light tawny tint, and of a greyish-white below. the indians, delighted with their prize, sat up the rest of the night cooking and eating the flesh, and telling anecdotes about the creatures. the puma (_leopardus concolor_) will seldom face a man when encountered boldly. it attacks his flocks, however; and hunts deer, vicunas, llamas, and, indeed, all animals it meets with except its rival, the jaguar. it takes post on the branch of a tree, pressing itself so closely along it as scarcely to be distinguished; and from thence springs down on a passing deer or other animal, seizing it by the head, which it draws back till the neck is broken. i shall have by-and-by to recount another adventure with pumas of a far more terrific character; so will say no more about them at present, except that we found the flesh very white, and much like veal. we spent three days at the encampment. at length one evening don jose declared his intention of setting forth himself with isoro. i begged that i might accompany him, and john also seemed anxious to go. "no, senor john," said our friend; "it is your duty to remain and take care of your young sister. but i will consent to take harry with me, and we will set forth to-morrow morning by daybreak. john, arthur, and your servants will be sufficient to guard the camp; but do not move out beyond the point which intervenes between this and the pass, lest you may be perceived by any enemy travelling on it. and let me advise you also to be cautious how you receive any stranger who may perchance find his way here. at night be careful to keep a fire burning, and to set a watch. if you strictly follow my injunctions, i shall have no fear. i need not remind you of your young sister, whom it is your duty to watch over; and the consequences to her, as indeed to us all, would be sad through any carelessness." john, though evidently disappointed, promised to follow our friend's advice. next morning, even before the sun had risen above the tops of the eastern mountains, while the valley was concealed by a dense mist, which looked as if a sheet had been drawn across it, we were on foot, and had finished breakfast. don jose, isoro, and i were each provided with long, stout staves. our rifles were slung at our backs; wallets containing our provisions were hung over our shoulders; and our feet were shod with alpargates, which are sandals made of aloe fibres. they are invariably worn by the natives, as any ordinary boots would immediately be cut to pieces by the rocky ground. these, indeed, did not last more than three or four days. we had supplied ourselves, however, with a considerable number at one of the last places at which we had stopped, as well as with axes and wood-knives, and several other articles which we should require in our journey through the forest. we had obtained also two bales of cloth, some clasp-knives, glass beads, and trinkets, with which to pay the indians for the services we might require of them. ellen came out of her hut just as we were ready to start. she seemed very anxious when she heard that i was to be one of the party. don jose, however, assured her that he would run into no unnecessary danger, and that our journey was absolutely necessary to ascertain whether our father had passed by that way, or was still in the mountains behind us. "i, too, am well acquainted with the country," he added; "and even should any of our enemies come in this direction, i shall easily be able to elude them." i wished to take true with me; but don jose said that he would be of more use at the camp,--that he might possibly betray us where we were going, and insisted on his being left behind. poor fellow, he gazed inquiringly into my face when i tied him up, to know why he was thus treated, and seemed to say, i thought, "you know i shall watch over you better than any one else, and you may be sorry you left me behind." our friend was, however, so peremptory in the matter, that i was compelled to yield to his wishes. bidding farewell to our friends, we took our way for some little distance along the path we had come, and then, turning off, proceeded northward, by which we should intersect, don jose said, another passage across the mountains. had i not been in active exercise every day for so long, i should have found great difficulty in scaling those mountain heights; but my nerves were firm, and from so frequently looking down precipices, i no longer felt any dizziness, even when standing on the edge of the deepest. we travelled on for several days--sometimes through forests, at others along the bare mountain-sides, above the region of vegetation. some nights were spent in huts, which we erected for ourselves, such as those i have just described. the natives, when we stopped at their abodes, always received our friend with great respect and attention. the accommodation they could afford, however, was but scanty. they were built of reeds thatched with palm, and consisted of but one room. i have not yet described the natives of this region. they were of a bronzed colour, with a sad and serious expression of countenance. they were seldom five feet high, and the women were even shorter. they had somewhat broad foreheads; their heads covered with thick, straight, coarse, yet soft, jet-black hair, which hung down their backs. their mouths were large, but their lips were not thicker than those of europeans, and their teeth were invariably fine. they had large, well-formed chins; cheek-bones rounded; their eyes somewhat small, with black eyebrows; and little or no beard. they had broad chests and square shoulders, and well-made backs and legs, which showed the strength possessed by them. they were pleasant-looking people. the men wore a short kilt, with a poncho over their shoulders; the women, a petticoat of larger dimensions. they offered us, on entering their huts, cups of the _guayusa_ tea. it is an infusion of the large leaf of a tall shrub which grows wild in that region. we found it very refreshing: though not so powerful a stimulant as coca, it supports the strength, as do the leaves of that plant, and we found it enable us to go for a considerable time without food. the cleanest corner of the hut was assigned us for our sleeping-place at night, with mats and dried leaves in the place of mattresses. our friend made inquiries as to whether any white people had passed in that direction; and, by his orders, the natives were sent out to gain information. i saw that he was uneasy, though he did not explain to me the reason. one morning we were on the point of again setting forward, when a native, with a long mountain-staff in his hand, entered the hut. he exchanged a few words with don jose. "we must hasten away, harry," said our friend; "there is not a moment to be lost. the enemy have been tracking us, i find; but i trust that your father has escaped them, and will ere long gain the banks of the napo, down which he may voyage to the amazon. we shall be able to reach the same river by a longer route, along which there will be less fear of being followed." he made these remarks as we were throwing our wallets over our backs. taking our staves, he leading, we hurried from the hut, following a narrow path which led up the side of the mountain. we had approached the hut by a lower and more frequented path than we were now taking; but we were, i found, going in the direction from which we had come on the previous day. don jose went first, i followed, and isoro brought up the rear. though i exerted all my strength, i had some difficulty in keeping up with my friend. anxious as i was to obtain more particulars of what had occurred, we could not exchange words at the rate we were going. every now and then, as we were climbing the cliffs, whenever i happened to look back i saw isoro turning an uneasy glance over his shoulder. it was evident that we were pursued. we reached the edge of a deep ravine, which appeared to bar our further progress. don jose, however, without making any remark, continued climbing on along it; and at length i saw what appeared to be a rope stretched across the chasm. "hasten, master! hasten!" i heard isoro cry out: i knew enough of the quichua language to understand him. we continued on till we reached the end of the rope, fastened to the stump of a tree, and stretched across the chasm to the opposite side, where it was secured in the same manner, a platform being raised to the same elevation as the rock on which we stood. "harry," said my friend, turning to me for the first time, "i have seen your nerves thoroughly tried, and i know your muscles are well-knit, or i would not ask you to pass along this perilous bridge." the rope was formed of the tough fibres of the maguey--an osier which grows in the moist ground of that region. it possesses a great degree of tenacity and strength. "master, let me go first," exclaimed isoro, springing forward. "if it breaks with me it will matter little, and you will have still a chance for life." without waiting for don jose's answer, isoro threw himself upon the rope, and, holding on by hands and feet, began to work himself along. i watched him anxiously. it was indeed a fearful mode of crossing that awful gulf; and yet i knew that i must pass as he was doing. i was thankful that the distance was not great, at all events. i breathed more freely when at length i saw him alight on the platform. i entreated don jose to go next. "it will give me more courage," i said. "as you wish," he replied. "let me caution you, only before i go, to shut your eyes, and not to think of the gulf below you. you will then find the passage perfectly easy." saying this, he took hold of the rope, and began to work his way across. scarcely, however, had he got into the centre, when i saw isoro pointing in the direction we had come from. "hasten! hasten!" he shouted out. i looked round, and caught sight of two enormous hounds approaching at full speed. i could hear their loud, baying voices as they came on panting up the mountain-side. i did not hesitate a moment, when urged by isoro to cross at once. "the rope will bear you," he shouted out--"not a moment is to be lost!" seizing the rope, i shut my eyes and began the awful passage; for awful it was, as, in spite of my resolution, i could not help thinking of the deep chasm over which i was making my way. i should be unwilling again to attempt so fearful a passage; and yet, perhaps, once accustomed to it, i should have thought nothing of the undertaking. i was surprised when i felt my friend take my arm. "you are safe," he said; "lower your feet;"--and i found myself standing on the platform. on opening my eyes, and looking towards the cliff from which we had come, i saw two huge blood-hounds, with open mouths, baying at us. isoro, i should have said, had taken my rifle as well as his own, and placed it against the tree. "we must get rid of these animals," said don jose, "or they will betray the road we have taken." saying this, he levelled his piece, and one of the dogs, as it sprung forward on receiving the bullet, fell over the chasm into the depths below. isoro followed his master's example. his bullet took effect; but the blood-hound, though wounded, was not killed outright, and retreated a few paces. i was afraid he would have escaped; but before he had gone far, he fell over, and after a few struggles, was dead. "the animal must not remain there," observed isoro, throwing himself upon the rope; and in a few minutes he had again crossed the chasm. seizing the dog by the legs, he drew it to the edge, and hurled it after its companion. then, searching about in the crevices of the rocks for moss and lichens, he strewed them over the ground where the dog had fallen, so as to obliterate the traces of blood. he was some time thus occupied before he had performed the operation to his satisfaction; and then he once more crossed the chasm, with as much unconcern as if he had been passing along an ordinary road. i proposed letting go the rope to prevent our pursuers following. "that is not necessary," said don jose. "it would cause trouble to our friends, and i doubt whether our enemies will venture to cross. at all events, the so doing would betray the route we have taken, and they may find the means of crossing some leagues further down the stream." we accordingly proceeded as before. we now came to a track, which, had i been alone, i could not have followed, as it was generally, to my eyes, altogether undistinguishable; yet don jose and isoro traced it without difficulty. it now led us along the edge of a precipice, where, it seemed to me, so narrow was the space between the cliff on one side and the fearful gulf on the other, that we could not possibly get by. our leader, however, went on without hesitation. at length he appeared to reflect that my nerves might not be as firm as his. "here, harry," he said, "take hold of the centre of my staff; isoro will hold the other end, and you may pass without risk." i did as he directed, keeping my eyes away from the gulf as much as possible. now and then the path became somewhat wider; then again it narrowed, affording just space to support our feet. i leaned against the cliff, unwilling to throw more weight than i could possibly help on the staff. i breathed more freely when we were once more ascending the mountain-side. we were making our way round a rugged point of rock, and don jose's head had just risen above it, when he called to us to stop. "i see some people coming this way," he observed. "they may be friends, but they may be foes. harry, i am sorry to have exposed you to this danger; for it is me they seek, not you. however, they have not seen us, and we have yet time to conceal ourselves. fortunately i know of a place near here where we shall be able to do so; and unless yonder band have these savage blood-hounds with them, we may yet escape capture." saying this, he began rapidly to ascend the mountain-side among the wild and rugged rocks with which it was covered. after climbing up for some distance, we saw before us a small opening in the rocks. "this is the spot i was seeking," observed our friend; "and unless it is known to our pursuers, we shall here remain in security till they have passed by." he leading the way, we all entered the cavern. it soon opened out into a large chamber with rugged sides. the passage to it also had several buttresses or projecting rocks, behind which we might take post, and could have fired down without being seen on any one approaching. from the entrance, also, we could watch the pathway by which we had come; and it was so small and overgrown with shrubs that it could not be perceived at any distance. don jose told me to climb up behind one of the rocks, while he and isoro took post behind others. so completely were they concealed, that i could not discover where they were except by their voices. we waited anxiously, till at length a band of armed men was seen winding round the hill. already they had passed under the cave. "we might follow, and without difficulty hurl every one of those fellows into the abyss below," observed don jose. "but we will spare them; they obey but the orders of their superiors." after waiting a little time longer, don jose emerged from the cavern, and looking about, told us that the road was clear. we accordingly descended, though it required great caution to avoid making a rapid descent into the deep ravine below us. for the greater part of the day we continued toiling on, supported by the coca with which we occasionally replenished our mouths. at length, towards evening, we made our way to a native hut, where we were received as usual. here hammocks were slung for us between the pole on which the roof rested, our hosts undertaking to keep careful watch to prevent surprise. i had become very anxious about the rest of our party, fearing that they might have been discovered. at the end of two more days i recognised the features of the spot where we had left them. no one was to be seen. my heart sank. had they been seized and carried off to quito, or had they made their escape? great was my satisfaction when, on rounding a rocky point, i caught sight of the huts, and saw arthur running towards us. "we are all well--very thankful to see you return!" he exclaimed, "for we began to fear that you might have been lost." directly afterwards john and ellen emerged from their huts, and now all the party were gathered round us. poor dear ellen welcomed me with tears in her eyes. her spirits revived when don jose told her he had reason to believe that our parents were in safety. true could not restrain his joy, but kept leaping up and licking my hands and face, and jumping round and round me. wherever i went he closely followed, determined not again to lose sight of me. at supper he sat by my side watching my face, nor would he leave me even though john and arthur tried to tempt him away with offers of bits of pork or parrots' legs. all the party were eager to set out at once, but it was necessary before we could do so to procure bearers to convey our luggage along the long and intricate path we had to take through the forest. this our friend undertook to do by the following day from a village at no great distance off. the next morning a dozen stout natives--young, active men--made their appearance. they all had at their backs large baskets bound by withes passing across the forehead and chest. they were but lightly clothed. a small poncho covered their shoulders, and the usual cloth and kilt was worn round the loins, a wisp of leaves preventing their backs being chafed by their burdens. each man also carried a long staff in his hand, and a bag of roasted corn as provision for the journey. the burdens were soon adjusted. one of them had a sort of chair at his back, which don jose had ordered to carry the senora, as ellen was denominated. she insisted, however, that she was well able to walk, and not without difficulty we persuaded her to take advantage of the conveyance which had been provided. we forthwith set out, and descending the mountain, were soon in the midst of the thick forest. two of the indians, who carried lighter burdens than the rest, went ahead with axes in their hands to clear the way. it was extraordinary with what rapidity they cut through the sipos, or hanging vines, which threw their serpent-like coils from tree to tree. so quick is their growth in that moist region, that other travellers following in a few weeks would have to perform the same operation, our friend told us. as we advanced the forest became thicker and thicker, the dark foliage forming a lofty vault through which no sunlight can ever enter. the air felt cool and excessively damp, compared to the exposed sides of the mountains. a constant mist seemed to hang on the branches. not a sound was to be heard; scarcely a bird did we see in the swampy shades. the stillness and gloom, indeed, became almost painful. from the lofty trees hung down thousands of lianas, or air-roots, some forming thick festoons, others perfectly straight, of all lengths, many reaching almost down to our heads, others again touching the ground and taking root in the soft earth. here and there some giant of the forest, decayed by age, had fallen, to remain suspended in the loops of the sipos. thus we went on, following in indian file. i kept near ellen to cheer her up, while true followed close at my heels, every now and then licking my hands and jumping up, as if to ask me what i thought of the strange region we had entered. we found it rather difficult to converse. sometimes we walked on for a considerable distance in silence. we had thus been progressing for some time, the only sound heard being that of our footsteps on the rustling leaves, or that produced by the sharp axes of our pioneers, when suddenly our ears were startled by a loud crash, which, contrasted with the previous silence, made it seem as if the whole forest was coming down together. ellen gave way to a slight cry of alarm. "do not be afraid, my young friends!" shouted don jose. "it is only an ancient tree, weary of standing so long." in a short time the crashing sound ceased, and directly afterwards we came in sight of a vast trunk, which had fallen across the path we were about to pass along. we had to make a circuit therefore to avoid it. we could not but feel thankful that it had not delayed its fall till we were passing beneath, although we might possibly have had time to escape, in consequence of its being upheld for a few seconds by the sipos, till its vast weight had dragged them down. chapter five. the river reached at last. we were not yet free of the mountains, for numerous spurs of the mighty andes run eastward, between which the many streams proceeding from their snow-capped heights make their way towards the amazon. once more we were compelled to ascend a steep height, and then to proceed along the ridge for a considerable distance; then again we descended, to find at the bottom a roaring torrent. this had to be crossed. the huge trunk of a tree had been placed by the natives over the deeper part, resting on the rocks on either side. the water hissed and bubbled round it, threatening every instant to carry it away. isoro, however, urged us to cross without delay. he observed signs in the west, among the mountains, of a coming storm, he said, and should it break before we were safe on the other side, we should be prevented from crossing altogether. still, as we looked at the frail bridge, john and i were very unwilling to expose ellen to the risk she must run. at length don jose ordered the indians to form a long rope of sipos, and to stretch it across the stream, that it might assist to steady the bearers on their passage. this caused some delay. "hasten! hasten!" cried isoro. "i hear a sound which tells me that the waters are coming down!" don jose on this led the way. arthur kept close to him. i followed with true in my arms, for i had taken him up for fear of his being carried away by the current. ellen's bearer same next. john walked close behind her, to render her assistance should it be required. with one hand i grasped the long sipo, with the other i kept tight hold of true. the rest had the advantage of being able to steady themselves with their poles. domingos assisted maria. the water, even before we reached the trunk, came roaring and hissing down round our legs, and i had some difficulty in stemming the current. i was thankful when our leader reached the trunk, and began his passage over it. i found it, however, very slippery with the spray which broke over it. i dared not look back to see how it fared with ellen. i heard her voice, however, as she cried out, "do not be afraid, harry; my bearer steps firmly, and i am looking up at the blue sky and the waving tops of the tall trees; i do not feel any alarm." still there was a wide extent of bubbling water to be crossed beyond the end of the slippery trunk, and i could hear the loud roar of the waters which came down from the mountains through the ravine. i saw don jose hastening on, and more than once he turned and beckoned us to proceed more rapidly. the end of the bridge was reached. arthur hesitated to leap into the boiling water. don jose turned round and seized his hand and led him on. i followed. it seemed that every instant the depth of the water was increasing. i trembled for ellen's safety, and yet could not venture to look back to ascertain how it was faring with her. i thought too of john, maria, domingos, and our indians. the danger for those who came last would be greatly increased. had it not been for the sipo, i could scarcely have kept my footing. now i was wading up to my middle, now climbing over a rock worn smooth by the never-resting waters. the water was here somewhat shallower. i looked round. ellen's bearer was following with firm steps, and was close behind me. "on! on!" cried john. our leader was already near the edge, and i hoped we should soon be in safety, when i heard ellen utter a shriek of terror. i sprang on to the bank. her bearer followed. she had not been alarmed on her own account; but now looking across the stream, i saw the bearers following closely on each other, pressing along the bridge. from above the water, in a vast foaming volume, was coming rushing down, roaring loudly. john turned round, and taking maria's hand, assisted her up the bank. domingos clambered after her. our peons came close together behind. one man was still on the bridge, when the torrent, striking it with fearful force, lifted it off the rock, and away it went wheeling downwards. the peon kept his footing for an instant, then, as it began to turn over, he sprang off it towards the shore; but unable to disengage himself from his burden, he was borne downwards amid the tossing waters. the indians ran down the bank to try and render him assistance. john and i followed, with don jose, who seemed unusually agitated. now we saw the man clutching hold of a rock; soon again he was torn off, and went floating downwards. still he struggled on bravely, making his way towards the shore. i expected every moment to see him give up the unequal contest, for the mighty waters seemed to have him in their grasp. fortunately the bundle he carried was large, and though heavy out of the water, was light in it, and instead of sinking, assisted to float him. john and i continued to make our way along the banks with the rest. we had got some distance down, when we saw what appeared to be an eddy or backwater in the river. below it the stream rushed on with the same impetuosity as before. i called to john. "i think we may save him," i said; and signed to the indians to cut some long sipos which hung down from the branches above us. several flexible ones were speedily cut and fastened together. both john and i were good swimmers. he secured one to his waist, as did i, signing to the indians to hold the other ends. then we dashed into the stream, swimming out towards the struggling indian. in another moment he would have been carried by us. i reached him just as i was at the extreme end of the sipo. john seized his arm directly afterwards, and together we towed him towards the bank, calling to the indians to haul the sipo gently in. soon reaching the bank, we dragged up our nearly drowned companion. not till then did we discover that he was isoro, who, it appeared, had taken the load of a sick bearer unable to carry it. isoro, as soon as he had recovered sufficiently to speak, thanked us warmly for preserving his life. don jose, who had come up, also added his thanks. "i value him much," he observed, "and should have grieved deeply had he lost his life." we had little time for talking, however, for we had to hurry back to where we had left our companions, as the storm which had been brewing in the mountains now threatened to break over our heads. our party, therefore, piling up their loads, made haste to erect some sheds similar to those we had already several times built. a quantity of the _sindicaspi_, or "wood that burns," was speedily cut, and fires were lighted, at which we dried our drenched clothes. scarcely had our preparations been made, when the threatening storm burst over us, the wind howling and whistling through the trees, which waved to and fro, making a loud rustling sound; while every now and then we could hear the crashing noise of some patriarch of the forest, as it sank beneath the blast. the rain came in torrents, and the river, surging and swelling, rapidly increased its breadth. we had indeed reason to be thankful that we had not delayed our crossing a moment longer. our fires were soon put out, and water came rushing down on either side of us through the forest. we, however, had chosen a slightly elevated spot for our camp, which, though surrounded by water, had hitherto escaped destruction. the rain continuing to pour down in a perfect deluge, compelled us to remain in our camp. so secure, however, had the roofs been made, that we kept dry inside. occasionally john, arthur, and i ran into ellen's hut to pay her a visit. we found her and maria sitting very composedly, employing themselves with their work, which they produced from one of the bundles they had unpacked. don jose remained in his hut, attended by isoro. he was much more out of spirits than we had yet seen him. "my young friends," he said, "i must soon bid you farewell. i had resolved to accompany you till i could see you embarked on the river. we shall reach it, i hope, in three or four days at furthest, but i cannot be longer absent from my people in these troubled times. i hope that you will soon overtake your father and family, who, from the accounts i have received, intend to wait for you at the mouth of the river, where it joins the amazon. though i must return, isoro has expressed a wish to accompany you. you will find his assistance of value, as he has been among the wild tribes you will encounter on your passage, and knows their habits and customs. they are very different from the people you have hitherto met, and may give you much annoyance, unless cautiously dealt with." we were very sorry to hear of don jose's intention of leaving us, as we had hoped that he intended to accompany us till we could overtake our father, though we were greatly obliged to him for his proposal of allowing isoro to remain with us. once more, the clouds clearing away, we proceeded on our journey. we made, however, but slow progress, as in many places the sipos which had overgrown the path had to be cut way to allow of our passage through the forest. i can scarcely attempt to convey in words an idea of the dense mass of foliage amid which we had to force our way. vast roots like huge snakes ran out over the ground in all directions, their upper parts forming huge buttresses to the giant stems. then large ferns shot upwards, while a thick network of vines hung festooned in every possible form above our heads, many hanging down straight to the ground, while numberless curious air-plants hung suspended from the branches. now and then gaily-plumaged birds were seen flitting amid the thick shade; but we were surprised at the paucity of animal life which existed. not a quadruped was to be seen. a few monkeys and parrots were occasionally heard, though rarely caught sight of. we had numerous streams to cross; often, indeed, the same stream to cross several times. frequently the passage was almost as dangerous as that i have described. sometimes we stopped at the huts of the natives, where we were as usual well received. they were built of bamboo, fastened together with lianas or sipos, the roofs covered with large palm-leaves. they willingly supplied us with such provisions as they possessed. the chief article was _yuca_ flour, with which we made cakes. it is the beet-like root of a small tree about ten feet high. when not hunting, the men appeared to spend their time in idleness. the women, however, were occasionally employed in manufacturing a thread called _pita_ from the leaves of the aloe, which they carry to quito for sale. occasionally the men collected vanilla. it is a graceful climber, belonging to the orchid family. the stalk, the thickness of a finger, bears at each joint a lanceolate and ribbed leaf a foot long and three inches broad. it has large star-like white flowers, intermixed with stripes of red and yellow, which fill the forest with delicious odours. they are succeeded by long slender pods, containing numerous seeds imbedded in a thick oily balsamic pulp. the seeds, which are highly esteemed, are used for flavouring chocolate and other purposes. monkeys are very fond of them, and pick all they find, so that few are left on the wild plants for man's use. vanilla is, however, cultivated in mexico and other parts of the world. the indians also collected copal. it is a gum which exudes from a lofty leguminous tree, having a bark like that of the oak. however, i must hurry on with an account of our journey. when we met with no habitations on our way, we were compelled to build sheds in the driest and most open spots we could find. at length, through an arched opening in the forest, the bright sheen of water caught our eyes, and hurrying on, we found ourselves standing on the bank of a stream, which opened up to us a watery highway to the atlantic. still, we were well aware that we had many dangers to encounter. for many hundred leagues we could not hope to meet with europeans, and although the natives among whom we had hitherto travelled had been friendly, we knew that numerous tribes existed along the banks of the amazon or its tributaries, who might prove hostile to strangers. our chief anxiety, however, was about our father and mother. when we might once more meet, we could not tell. still we felt sure that they would not willingly proceed till we had overtaken them. we had arrived at a part of the river at a distance from any native village. we had therefore to depend on ourselves for the means of making our intended voyage. we were prepared, however, to build canoes of sufficient size for the accommodation of our reduced party. accordingly we set to work to erect huts of a more substantial character than those we had hitherto built, in which we might live in some degree of comfort till the work was accomplished. with the assistance of our bearers, in a few hours we had a good-sized hut of bamboos put up, and strongly thatched with palm-leaves. one portion was walled in with a division forming two apartments. the larger was devoted to the accommodation of ellen and her sable attendant. in the other, our goods were stored; while the rest of us slung our hammocks in a large open verandah, which formed, indeed, the greater part of the building. it was completed before nightfall. in front, between us and the river, a large fire was made up, which, fed by a peculiar kind of wood growing near, kept alight for many hours without being replenished. we were seated at our evening meal, when we heard footsteps rapidly approaching, and an indian appeared and saluted don jose. he was a stranger, and had evidently been travelling rapidly. presenting a packet, he sank down on the ground with fatigue. a cup of _guayusa_ tea soon revived him. don jose meantime opened his packet, and hastily read the contents. "my young friends," he said, "i regret that i must immediately bid you farewell. i cannot longer be absent from my people. i know not what may occur; but if their leaders are away, they will have no hope of obtaining their freedom. your father, however, was right to escape from the country. i am thankful to say that i can give you tidings of him. he has reached the mouth of the napo in safety, and is there encamped, awaiting your arrival. here, john, is a missive your father desires me to deliver to you." our friend handed my brother a note written hurriedly in pencil. it ran thus: "the messenger is about to leave, so i must be brief. we are all well, and purpose waiting your arrival on this healthy spot, near the mouth of the napo. you will without difficulty find it, though we shall be on the watch for all canoes coming down the stream. pass two rivers on your left hand, then a high bluff of red clay interspersed with stripes of orange, yellow, grey, and white. proceed another league, till you pass, on a low point, a grove of bamboos. rounding it, you will find a clear spot on a low hill overlooking the stream. it is there i have fixed our temporary abode." "oh, surely there will be no difficulty in finding them!" exclaimed ellen. "i wish that the canoes were ready--or could we not set off by land?" "i fear that you would have to encounter many difficulties," observed don jose, "if you were to make the attempt. i must counsel patience, the most difficult of all virtues. i wish that i could accompany you-- or, at all events, remain till the canoes are ready; but you will find isoro a skilful builder, and i will direct him to procure the assistance of some of the natives of this region, who will afterwards act as your crew, and navigate your canoes as far as they can venture down the river. after that, isoro will return with them, as i am afraid that i could not induce him to remain away longer from me, though i would gladly let him accompany you if he would. still i hope that you will have no great difficulty in accomplishing the short remainder of your voyage till you find your father and the rest of your family." john and i thanked don jose again and again for the aid he had afforded us, and the sacrifices he had made on our account. "do not speak of them, my young friends," he replied. "i owe much to your father; and we are united by ties of which he, perhaps, will some day tell you." we wished that our friend would explain himself more clearly, but he evidently did not intend to do so, and we therefore could not attempt to press the point. we sat up talking for some time before we turned into our hammocks. our hut was romantically situated. before us flowed the rapid river; on either side rose the thick forest of palms and other trees, round the stems of which circled many a creeper, hanging in festoons from the branches overhead. in the far distance towered the outer range of those lofty mountains we were leaving, perhaps for ever; while round us were scattered the temporary wigwams which our attendants had put up for themselves. the never-ceasing murmur of the waters tended to lull us to sleep in spite of the strange sounds which ever and anon came from the forest, caused by tree-toads and crickets; while occasionally owls, goat-suckers, and frogs joined in the concert with their hooting, wailing, and hoarse croaks. my faithful dog true had taken up his usual place at night below my hammock. suddenly i was awaked by hearing him utter a loud bark; and looking down, i saw by the fire, which was still burning brightly, a huge alligator poking his snout into the verandah, having evidently climbed up the bank with the intention of making a meal off the dog, or, perhaps, off one of the sleeping natives. true stood bravely at bay, barking furiously, and yet refusing to retreat. leaping from my hammock, i seized a log, and dashed it in the huge saurian's face. all the party were speedily on foot. isoro and domingos came rushing forward with their long poles to attack the monster; while john, seizing his gun, fired at its head: the ball, however, glanced off its scaly coat. the reptile, finding itself disappointed of its expected feast, and that the odds were against it, retreated, and finally fell over with a loud plash into the stream. the incident warned us of the midnight visitors we might expect, and of the necessity of keeping a watch when sleeping near the river's bank. the fire was made up afresh. we were all soon again asleep, with the exception of one of the men, who was directed by don jose to keep watch for the remainder of the night. the next morning our kind friend bade us farewell, and, accompanied by the bearers, took his way through the forest to the andes. we saw him go with great regret. we remembered the dangers he would have to encounter, and we felt how probable it was that we should never again see him. our party now consisted of ellen, maria, john, arthur and i, domingos and isoro. john and i had our rifles; and domingos a brace of long horse-pistols, which he took from his holsters when the mules were sent back; with a fair supply of ammunition. we had axes, and a few other tools for building our canoe; a stock of provisions, which had been carefully husbanded; and some bales of cotton and other articles with which to repay the natives for their services, or to purchase food. isoro was armed with a long bow and spear, and arthur was anxious to provide himself with similar weapons. as soon as don jose had gone, isoro set out according to his directions to find some natives. we were still, it will be remembered, within peruvian territory; and although but slight communication was kept up with the natives of the scattered villages, yet the spaniards had for some years past made their power felt, as the incas had done in former ages, even in these remote districts. isoro said he had therefore no fear of being ill-treated by any of the natives he might encounter. as soon as breakfast was over, while john and domingos remained at the hut, assisting ellen and maria to overhaul and re-arrange our goods, arthur and i strolled out to try and shoot some birds. we had not gone far when we heard, at a little distance off, some loud, shrill, yelping cries. i was sure they were produced by birds, yet arthur could scarcely believe it. the noises came, it seemed, from above our heads. looking up, we at length caught sight of several large birds, perched on the higher branches above us, with enormous bills. we approached cautiously, hiding ourselves underneath some wide palm-leaves, between which we could observe the noisy assemblage. the birds seemed to be shouting out "to-o-cano, to-o-cano," and it is on this account that the indians give them the name from which we derive that of toucans. one was perched above the rest, and he kept bending his neck downwards, and looking about in the most knowing way, as if to ascertain what sort of creatures we could be. the rest seemed to be employing themselves in picking some fruit, every now and then throwing up their huge beaks as if to let it slip down their throats. as we were anxious to procure some fresh food for dinner, i had been getting my gun ready as quietly as possible, and having selected the bird nearest to me, i raised it to my shoulder and fired. down came the bird, fluttering among the branches, and we ran forward to secure our prize. on examining it, we found that its feet were like those of a parrot. it was of a black colour, with a gloss of green; about fifteen inches in length, with a long tail and short wings; the feathers at the bottom of the back being of a sulphur hue. the cheeks, throat, and fore part of the breast, were of the same tint, while across the lower part of the breast was a broad crimson bar; the under part being also crimson. the remainder of the flock having flown away, i was unable to obtain another shot. these birds we afterwards saw in great numbers. their large beaks give them an awkward appearance when flying, yet when climbing about the trees they are evidently of great assistance, as also in picking fruit, or catching the insects they find among the bark. we went some distance before i could get another shot. i then killed a green parrot, and soon after another. arthur could scarcely believe that we should find them fit for eating. i was on the point of taking aim at a monkey which came peering out at us among the boughs, when he drew back my arm. "you surely will not kill that creature!" he exclaimed. "i could never bring myself to eat it, if you do; and i am sure your sister would not." i told him that monkeys form the principal food of many of the tribes in the country. "oh, but then they are no better than cannibals," he answered. "wait a little till we are pressed for want of food," i said. "remember our stock of provisions is but small, and if we were to be over-particular, we should starve." the monkey, however, by his intervention escaped. we went on for some time, gradually entering a denser part of the forest than we had yet reached. sipos hung down from every bough, forming a curious tracery of living cordage above our heads, and more completely uniting the tall trees than even the masts of a ship are by the rigging, so that an active midshipman, or a still more agile monkey--i hope the former will pardon me for mentioning them together--could have no difficulty in progressing high up from the ground for miles together through the forest. strange air-plants swung suspended from the branches, some like the crowns of huge pine-apples, others like parasols with fringes, or chinese umbrellas--indeed, of all shapes and hues; while climbing plants of the most diverse and ornamental foliage possible wound their way upwards, and then formed graceful and elegant festoons, yet further to adorn this mighty sylvan palace. such a scene, though often witnessed, seemed fresh and beautiful as at first. as i wished to get another shot or two, we crept slowly on, concealing ourselves as much as possible, lest any birds perched on the boughs might see us and fly away. there was little difficulty in doing so amongst the huge fern and palm-like foliage which surrounded us. in a short time we heard ahead of us a strange chattering and rustling in the trees, and moving cautiously on, we caught sight of a number of dark objects moving about at a rapid rate among the sipos. stealing cautiously forward, we discovered them to be monkeys at their gambols; and curious gambols they were too. they had white faces, with black coats and thin bodies and limbs, and still longer tails, which kept whisking and twirling and whirling about in the most extraordinary style. not for a moment were these tails of theirs at rest, except when they had hold of branches to allow their other limbs more freedom. i did not suppose that such muscular power could have existed in an animal's tail. they seemed to be playing each other all sorts of comical tricks. now one would catch hold of a horizontal sipo, and swing vehemently backwards and forwards; now two or three would scramble up a perpendicular one, and a fourth would catch hold of the tail of the last and hang by it, whisking about his own tail meantime till it had found a branch of liana, when he would let go, and bring himself up again by that wonderful member of his, and skip away to a distance from his playmate, who might attempt to retaliate. if one happened for an instant to be sitting quietly on a sipo, or gently winging backwards and forwards, another was sure to come behind him and pull his tail, or give him a twitch on the ear, and then throw himself off the sipo out of the other's reach, holding on, however, firmly enough by his long appendage. one big fellow came creeping up thus behind another, and gave him a sly pinch on the neck. so funny was the face which the latter made as he turned round and lifted up his paw to give the other a box on the ear, that arthur and i burst into fits of laughter. this startled the whole flock, who peered about them, skipping here and there, chattering to each other, as if to inquire the cause of the strange sounds which had reached their ears. at length one, bolder than the rest, creeping near, caught sight of us, when back he went to communicate the intelligence to his companions. a hurried consultation was evidently held by them, and then more came to look down at us, keeping wisely in the upper branches. we tried to be silent; but so extraordinary were the grimaces they made with their funny little white physiognomies, that we again burst into shouts of laughter, in which true joining with a loud bark, off scampered the monkeys, whisking their long tails, along the sipos and branches, till they were hid from sight, although we could still hear their chattering in the distance. i could not have had the heart to fire at such frolicsome creatures, even had we been more pressed for food than was the case. "i wish that we could get one of them to tame," exclaimed arthur. "it would make a delightful pet for your sister, and a capital playmate for true. they would become great friends, depend on it. he sadly wants a companion of his own amount of intellect, poor fellow." "i doubt as to their having any intellect, and i don't think true would consider himself complimented by having them compared to him," i answered, laughing, though a little piqued that the sense of my favourite should be rated on an equality with that of a monkey. we discussed the matter as we went along. i was compelled to acknowledge at last that though true had sense, he might not even have reason, only instinct verging on it strongly developed. "and what are those monkeys?" asked arthur, who had not quite agreed with me, and wished to change the subject. "i have no doubt that they are what the french call `spider monkeys,'" i answered. "i found a description of them in my book, under the title of ateles, or coaita. the white-faced species is the _ateles marginatus_. there are several species very similar in their appearance and habits." i have more to say by-and-by about these spider monkeys. we now found that it was time to begin our return to the river. as we were walking on we caught sight of some object moving among the tall grass. arthur, true, and i followed at full speed. i had my gun ready to fire. it was a huge serpent. it seemed, however, more afraid of us than we were of it. on it went like a dark stream running amidst the verdure, moving almost in a straight line, with only the slightest perceptible bends, and it soon disappeared among the thick underwood. from its size it would have been an awkward creature to be surprised by unarmed; and true, i suspect, would have had little chance of escaping. shortly afterwards, looking up among the branches, we saw overhead a large flight of parrots. from their curious way of moving they seemed to be fighting in the air. presently down one fell from among them, pitching into a soft clump of grass. i ran forward, expecting to find it dead; but scarcely had i taken it in my hand, than it revived, and i had no doubt it had been stunned by a blow on the head from one of its companions. it was of a bright green plumage, with a patch of scarlet beneath the wings. "i am sure your sister would like it for a pet," exclaimed arthur; "do let us take it to her!" the parrot, however, seemed in no way disposed to submit to captivity, but struggled violently and bit at our fingers. i managed, however, to secure its beak, and we carried it in safety to the hut. "oh, what a beautiful little creature!" exclaimed ellen as she saw it. "i have been so longing to have some pets, and i am much obliged to you for bringing it to me." "i have tamed many birds," said maria, "and i hope soon to make this one very amiable and happy." domingos, however, declared that the bird could not be kept without a cage. some bamboos were growing at a short distance. he cut several small ones, and in a short time had constructed a good-sized cage, with the bars sufficiently close prevent the little stranger escaping. he then set to work to pluck the birds we had killed, and they were quickly roasting, spitted between forked sticks, before the fire. while we were engaged in preparing dinner we caught sight of several persons coming along the banks of the river. isoro led the way; six natives followed. they were clad in somewhat scanty garments--a sort of kilt of matting, ornamented with feathers, round their waists, their cheeks and body painted with red and yellow. they were, however, pleasant-looking men. they had quivers at their backs, and long tubes, which i soon found to be blow-pipes, in their hands. true at first evidently did not approve of their presence, and went growling about, showing his teeth; but when he saw us treat them as friends, he became quiet, and went and lay down at the entrance to ellen's room, eyeing them, however, as if not quite satisfied about the matter. isoro introduced the tallest of the party, whose kilt was rather more ornamented than those of his companions, as their chief--naro by name. he had agreed to build us a couple of canoes, of sufficient size to convey us down the more dangerous parts of the river. after this we were to proceed in one, while he and his men returned in the other. we were to repay him with a dozen yards of cloth, a couple of knives, some beads, and other articles. as soon as we had finished our roasted toucans and parrots, we set forth with our new allies in search of suitable trees for the shells of the boats. we hunted about for some time before they could fix on one. at length they pointed out one about fifteen feet in circumference. some of the bark being cut off. i saw that the wood was of a yellow colour, and of a soft nature, which could be easily worked. the indians, however, shook their heads, declaring that though the wood was good for a canoe, the tree was too large to be cut down. isoro, in answer, told them that if they could make a canoe out of it, he would undertake to fell it. he soon showed his countrymen that he would make his words good, and wielding his sharp axe, he quickly cut a deep notch in the tree. naro now seemed satisfied. while some of the party hewed at the trunk, others climbed the neighbouring trees to cut away the festoons of sipos and other creepers which might impede its fall. a road also had to be cleared to the river for the distance of nearly a quarter of a mile. all hands assisted in this work, and by evening we had made considerable progress. the indians camped round us at night. one of them had broken his blow-pipe, and was employed in taking it to pieces for the purpose of mending it. i had thus an opportunity of seeing how it was made. it was about ten feet long, and composed of two separate lengths of wood, each of which was scooped out so as to form one-half of the tube. their tools appeared to be made of the teeth of some animal, which i afterwards found were those of the paca. these two pieces thus hollowed out are fastened together by winding round them long flat slips of the climbing palm-tree called the jacitara. the tube is then covered over with black bees'-wax. a mouth-piece made of wood is fastened to one end, which is broader than the other. from this it tapers away towards the muzzle. i was surprised to find how heavy the instrument was when i came to try and shoot from one. it is called by a variety of names--by the spaniards, _zarabatana_; by some natives, the _samouran_; by others, the _tarbucan_; by the portuguese, the _gravatana_. the arrows are made from thin strips of the hard rind of the leaf-stalks of palms, and are scraped at the end till they become as sharp as needles. round the butt-end is wound a little mass from the silk-cotton tree, which exactly fits into the bore of the blow-pipe. the quivers were very neatly formed of the plaited strips of a plant growing wild, from which arrow-root is made. the upper part consisted of a rim of the red wood of the japura, highly polished; and it was secured over the shoulder by a belt ornamented with coloured fringes and tassels of cotton. we afterwards saw blow-pipes formed in a different way, two stems of small palms being selected, of different sizes, the smaller exactly to fit inside the larger. thus any curve existing in the one is counteracted by that of the other. the arrows are tipped with the far-famed wourali poison, which quickly kills any animal they wound. next morning we returned to the tree, and worked away as before. arthur and i undertook to cut down some smaller trees, to serve as rollers on which to drag the huge trunk to the side of the river, where it was to be hollowed out. we had, however, to supply ourselves with food, and two of our new friends prepared to go in search of game with their blow-pipes. arthur and i begged to accompany them; but they made signs that we must not fire off our guns, as we should quickly put the game to flight, and that we must keep at a distance behind them. "i wonder what they are going to shoot," asked arthur. "we shall soon see," i answered, as we followed our friends. the noise of our operations in the forest had driven away most of its usual inhabitants from the neighbourhood. we therefore had to go some distance before we came in sight of any game. we kept, as we had promised, a little behind our friends. suddenly one of them stopped, and raising his blow-pipe, a sound like that from a large pop-gun was heard, and we saw a bird, pierced by an arrow, fluttering among the branches. gradually its wings ceased to move, and down fell a parrot. advancing a little further, the indian made us a sign to stop; and looking up among the branches, we caught sight of a troop of the same curious little monkeys with long tails which we had seen the day before. they kept frisking about, now climbing up the sipos, now throwing themselves down, hanging by their tails, and swinging backwards and forwards. presently one of the natives lifted his blow-pipe, from which sped an arrow, piercing one of the poor little creatures. it hung for an instant by its tail round a branch, and then fell with a crash among the thick leaves. the others kept jumping about, apparently not aware of what had happened to their companion. thus three or more were brought down before the rest discovered the enemy in their neighbourhood. they then all went off at a rapid rate, swinging themselves from branch to branch, but stopped again at a short distance to watch us. "i would give anything to have one of those active little fellows alive!" exclaimed arthur. "don't you think, harry, that we could make the indians understand what we want?" "we will try, at all events," i answered. "but i beg that you won't laugh at my pantomime." galling to the indians, i took one of their arrows, and pointing it towards the monkeys, which were still to be seen a little way before us among the trees, eyeing us curiously, i shook my head violently, to show that i did not want it killed. then i ran forward, and pretended to catch one, and to lead it along. "now, arthur, you must act the monkey," i exclaimed. on this he began frisking about, putting out his hand behind to represent a tail, while i pretended to be soothing him by stroking him on the head and back, and thus inducing him to accompany me. the indians watched us attentively, and then nodding their beads, began to talk together. they soon seemed to be agreed as to what we wanted, and signing to us to remain quiet, one of them again crept cautiously towards the monkeys, still frisking about within sight, while the other sat down with arthur and me. we eagerly watched the indian. he first selected an arrow, the point of which he scraped slightly and wetted. presently he placed his blow-pipe within the loop of a sipo. "why, he's going to kill one of the poor creatures after all!" exclaimed arthur. "it looks very like it," i answered. "but we shall see." the indian waited for a few seconds, and then out flew his tiny dart with a loud pop. one of the monkeys was hit. "oh dear! oh dear!" cried arthur. "they could not have understood us." the monkey had been struck when hanging to one of the lower branches; it fell before it had time to save itself with its long tail, and the indian instantly springing forward, caught it, and pulled out the dart. he then took something out of the bag hanging at his waist, and put it into its mouth, which he kept closed to prevent it from spluttering it out. the poor creature seemed so stunned or bewildered by its fall, and at finding itself suddenly in the grasp of a strange being twenty times its own size, that it made no resistance. the indian brought it to us in his arms, much as a nurse carries a baby, and showed us that it was not much the worse for its wound. as we went along we observed that its eyes, which were at first dim, had quickly recovered their brightness, while its tail began to whisk about and coil itself round the native's arm. we were at a loss to account for the wonderful way in which it had so speedily recovered; nor did the indians seem disposed to tell us their secret. "i should so like to carry the little creature, it seems already so tame and gentle," said arthur. "you had better not take it from the indian, or it may give you an ugly bite, and be off and up a tree in a twinkling," i answered. "it has no cause to love us as yet, at all events." arthur still insisting that he could carry the monkey, asked the indian to let him have it. the native shook his head, and signified that the monkey would to a certainty escape if he did. at last, however, he and his companion stopped, and fastened the creature's tail tightly to its back, then they wound a quantity of fibre round its front paws, and finally put a muzzle over its mouth. "there; you may manage to carry him now," they seemed to say. "but take care, he may slip out of his bonds even yet, if you do not hold him fast." the monkey glanced up at the countenance of arthur, who looked down kindly at the creature, and carried it gently so as not to hurt it. "i should like to give it a name," he said; "something appropriate." "we will consult ellen on that important matter," i answered. "when she sees how active it is, i think she will call it nimble." "oh yes; that would be a capital name. do let us call it nimble," he exclaimed. "you and ellen shall choose its name, and i am sure that john will agree to whatever you decide," i replied. this made arthur perfectly contented, and he walked along stroking the monkey and talking gently to it, till the animal evidently began to feel confidence in him, and lay perfectly quiet in his arms. the indians did not as yet appear satisfied with the amount of game they had killed, and were on the look-out for more. i kept my gun in readiness for a shot. "pray, harry, do not kill another spider monkey," said arthur; "it would make nimble so unhappy, i am sure." i promised that i would not; indeed, i had not the heart to wish even to shoot one of the merry little creatures. we soon afterwards, however, came in sight of several much larger monkeys, with stouter limbs, but excessively active, and furnished with long, strong, flexible tails. i recognised them as the species called by the portuguese _macaco barrigudo_, or the big-bellied monkey. the indians shot one of them with their blow-pipes, the rest wisely swinging themselves off. the creature had a black and wrinkled face, with a low forehead and projecting eyebrows. the body was upwards of two feet in length, and the tail not much less. as the indians held him up, arthur and i agreed that he looked exactly like an old negro. by the evening we had as many birds and monkeys as we could carry. arthur offered to carry some of the birds in addition to nimble, declaring that he could not bring himself to eat our four-handed game. "and that negro-looking old fellow, i would starve rather than touch him!" he exclaimed. "and as for domingos, i should think him a cannibal if he were to eat him." arthur, as we went along, kept trying to prevent his little charge from seeing its dead companions. "i am sure that it would make him unhappy," he observed; "for how can he tell that he is not going to be treated in the same way!" so like was one part of the forest to another, that i had no idea we were near our huts when we came in sight of them true heard us approaching and came bounding forth to meet us, leaping up first to lick my hands and then sniffing up at poor little nimble, who trembled at seeing him, and after vainly endeavouring to escape, clung tightly to arthur for protection. "do call off true; there's a good fellow!" exclaimed arthur. "he will frighten poor little nimble to death; but when they are better acquainted they will become very good friends, i dare say." i called true to me, and presently ellen and maria came running out of the hut towards us. ellen was greatly pleased with nimble, and thanked arthur very much for having brought him. we carried nimble into the hut, and domingos found a leathern strap to fasten round his waist, by which he was secured to one of the beams in the roof. here he could run from side to side of the hut, out of the reach of true. he kept looking down on us somewhat scared at first at his novel position, but in a short time took some nuts and fruit readily from arthur's hand, and after examining and cautiously tasting them, to ascertain that they suited his palate, ate a hearty meal. ellen told us that she and maria had been greatly alarmed during our absence by the appearance of a large creature--from their account a puma or a jaguar--which had come close to the hut. true had behaved nobly in standing on the defensive, while they had screamed and waved sticks to try to frighten it off. for some time, however, they were afraid that it would attack them, but at last it turned tail and retreated into the forest. domingos and our indian friends lost no time in preparing the game which we had killed. arthur and i watched them, when domingos, without at all recognising the likeness which arthur and i had discovered in the _macaco barrigudo_ to himself, began without ceremony to skin it, and in a short time had it spitted and roasting before the fire. we had formed a rough table, and the first article of food which domingos placed on it was a portion of the big monkey on a plantain leaf. "ah!" he said, "i have reserved this for you; for the meat is superior to that of either the other monkeys or the birds. just try it, and you will agree with me." had he not talked about the monkey, probably no one would have objected to the meat, which did look very nice; but ellen and arthur both begged to have some of the birds, with the addition of some roasted plantains and farinha cakes. we made a very substantial meal, john and i agreeing that the big _macaco_ was very nice food. domingos thought so also, as he had claimed a joint as his own share. i was awoke at night by hearing a strange rushing noise round my head, and raising it above the hammock i caught sight of numberless dark creatures with huge wings which kept sweeping round and round here and there through the verandah. presently one of them pitched on the clew of my hammock. there was sufficient light from the bright stars to see its shape, and i beheld a creature with large ears standing out from the sides and top of its head, a spear-shaped appendage on the tip of its nose, while a pair of glittering black eyes and a grinning mouth gave it the appearance of a little imp. presently it expanded its large wings and floated towards my head. i could stand this no longer, and singing out, dealt it a blow with my palm which sent it flying away. the cry awoke my companions, who jumped out of their hammocks, wondering what was the matter. we were quickly engaged in driving out the intruders, which we now discovered to be vampire bats. "hillo!" cried arthur, "what is the matter with my foot? there is blood flowing from it!" we found that one of the creatures had been sucking his too. john bound it up, and in a short time tranquillity was restored, and we were all soon in our hammocks. hideous as these creatures appear, they are harmless, as the puncture they make is but slight, and the wound quickly heals. they showed their sense by selecting our hut for their night quarters, as they there found themselves more secure from the beasts which prey on them than in their abodes in the forest. in the morning we examined several we had knocked down. they measured twenty-eight inches across the wings, which were of a leathery consistency, the bodies being covered with grey hair. we found their stomachs filled with the pulp and seeds of fruits, with the remains of a few insects only. our new friend nimble soon became reconciled to his lot. though he took food readily enough from arthur, and by degrees let ellen and maria stroke his back, when any one else came near him he clambered up as high as he could reach into the roof. he soon discovered that true could not climb up to his perch, and in a short time he would swing himself off by his tail within a foot or two of the dog's nose, stretching out his paws as if he were going to catch him by the ear, taking good care to be ready to spring again far out of his reach should true show the slightest signs of leaping up. "it won't be long before we see master nimble riding on true's back, and using his tail as a whip," said arthur, who had been watching the two animals. he was right; and in a few days nimble and true became very good friends. our boat-building proceeded well. a log of twenty feet in length having been cut off and placed on the rollers, we secured a number of tough lianas to it, and using them as traces, dragged it down to the river. we could, however, move it but slowly, and two whole days were thus consumed. the upper side being smoothed off, a slit was made down the whole length, which was opened slowly by wedges. having cleared out a considerable portion of the inside, it was turned over and raised on trestles. beneath it a fire was made along the whole length. other pieces of hard wood were gradually driven in with wedges to increase the opening, the larger ones being in the centre, where the width was to be the greatest. in about eight hours the work was thus far completed. the bow and tern were made of hewn planks in a circular form, fastened with wooden pins. a plank on each side was next secured, and benches fixed in. the seams were caulked with gum collected from trees growing near, mixed with resin, which exuded from the trunks of others. we thus constructed a vessel, of sufficient size to make a voyage of upwards of one thousand miles down the mighty river, solely of materials found in the wilderness. paddles were also quickly formed by the indians of the tough wood of another tree, which they split into boards. they then wove some mats for sails, lianas of different thicknesses serving as cordage. after this our native friends selected another tree, from which they proposed to form the second canoe. this was to be smaller, that they might be able to paddle it up against the stream. it was built in the same way as the first, but without mast or sails. chapter six. voyage on the river commenced. all was now ready for our departure from our first halting-place. early in the morning, having carefully laden our two vessels, we embarked. john, ellen, maria, and domingos went in the larger one, accompanied by nimble and poll, with naro and two of his followers; while isoro, arthur, and i embarked in the smaller, with two of the other men. true, of course, went with us, his usual post being the bow, where he stood with his fore-feet on the gunwale, as if it were his especial duty to keep a look-out ahead. isoro acted as captain, and arthur and i and the two indians, with paddles in our hands, formed the crew. shoving off from the bank, we rapidly glided down the river, the current carrying us along at a great rate with little aid from our paddles. the large canoe took the lead, we following in her wake. the water whirled and eddied as we glided on. on either side rose the giant trees of the primeval forest--while, looking astern, we could see far away across the mighty mass of foliage the range of the andes, with the beautiful cone of cotopaxi standing out boldly above its fellows. we soon, however, had something else to think of. several dark rounded rocks rose up ahead of us, between which the water furiously rushed, dashing against their sides, and throwing up clouds of spray, while whirling, boiling eddies came bursting up from the bottom, as if some subaqueous explosion were taking place. short cross waves curled up round us, with here and there smooth intervening spaces, the more treacherous for their apparent calmness; for as we passed through them we could with difficulty keep the head of our small canoe in the direction of our leader. the indians plied their paddles with redoubled vigour, while the helmsman of john's canoe every now and then gave vent to loud, wild shrieks. isoro sat calmly clenching his teeth, and looking out eagerly ahead. the large canoe went gliding on. and now we saw her passing between two rocks, over which the water dashing formed an arch of spray, almost concealing her from our sight. presently we also were passing through the same channel. it seemed as if our small canoe would be swamped by the swelling waters. the clouds of spray which broke over her almost blinded us, the loud roaring, hissing sound of the waves as they rushed against the rocks deafened our ears, while the whirling current so confused our senses, that we could scarcely tell in what direction we were going. "o harry, what has become of the other canoe?" exclaimed arthur. a dark rock rose before us. no canoe was to be seen. a horror seized me. i feared that she had been engulfed. but presently, isoro turning the head of our canoe, we shot past the rock, and to our joy again saw the other canoe rushing on with still greater speed towards another opening in the channel. we followed even faster than before. the current seemed to increase in rapidity as we advanced, pressed together by the narrower channel. yet, fast as we went, we could scarcely keep pace with our leader. now we glided on smoothly, now we pitched and tossed as the mimic waves rose up round us, and thus we went on, the navigation requiring the utmost watchfulness and exertion to escape destruction. we, perhaps, in our smaller canoe, were safer than those in the larger one; indeed, i thought more of them than ourselves. should we meet with any accident, however, they could not return to help us, whereas we might push forward to their assistance. we followed the movements of the indians. when they paddled fast, we also exerted ourselves; when they ceased, we also lifted our paddles out of the water. i was very glad that we were thus employed, as we, having plenty to do, thought less of the danger we were in. after being thus tossed about for i cannot judge how long, every moment running the risk of being dashed on the rocks, now on one side, now on the other, we found the river again widening and the current flowing on more tranquilly. in a short time, however, we came to another rapid. once more we were amid the wild tumult of waters. the current rushed on with fearful speed. now we saw the stern of the leading canoe lifted up, and it appeared as if her bows were going under. i could not refrain from uttering a shriek of horror. isoro and the indians remained calm, just guiding our canoe. john's canoe disappeared. on we went, expecting the same fate which i dreaded had overtaken her. an instant afterwards we saw her again gliding on calmly. downwards we slid over a watery hill, the indians paddling with might and main, we following their example. we had descended a fall such as i should scarcely have supposed it possible so small a boat as ours could have passed over in safety. our companions continued plying their paddles, sending out their breath in a low grunt, as if they had been holding it in for some minutes. we now came up with the other canoe, which had been waiting for us. "that was nervous work!" exclaimed john "i am thankful we are through the falls; they are the worst we shall meet with." paddling on till nearly dark, we landed on an island, where it was proposed we should pass the night. there were but few trees in the centre, the rest consisting of sand and rock. this spot had been selected to avoid the risk of being surprised by unfriendly natives or prowling jaguars. the canoes were hauled up, the goods landed, and fires were lighted, round which we were soon seated taking our evening meal. the indians then cut a number of stout poles, which they drove into the ground, forming a square, the roof being thatched over with palm-leaves, extending some distance beyond the poles, so as to form deep eaves. to these poles were hung up our hammocks, a small part being, as usual, partitioned off for ellen and maria. this was our usual style of encampment. when the trees grew sufficiently wide apart, we sometimes secured our hammocks to them, with a roof such as i have mentioned above our heads. the fires were kept up all night, and a watch set to prevent surprise, should any unfriendly natives find us out, and come across the river in their canoes. isoro advised us always to select an island for our night encampment. "indeed," he observed, "it would be safer never to land on the banks, if you can avoid so doing." our indians, besides their usual blow-pipes, had come provided with harpoons and lines for catching fish. generally, at the end of our day's voyage, they would go out in the smaller canoe, and invariably come back with a good supply. arthur and i, with true, one day accompanied naro and two of his men. while the indians remained in the canoe, we landed and walked along the sandy shore of the island. true ran before us, shoving his nose into the tall reeds and rushes. suddenly out he backed, barking furiously, but still retreating, and evidently less disposed than usual for battle. fully expecting to see a huge anaconda come forth, arthur and i retired to a safe distance, while i got my gun ready to fire at the serpent when he should appear. we stood watching the spot which true still faced, when the reeds were moved aside, and the oddest-looking monster i ever set eyes on came slowly forth, and for a moment looked about him. true actually turned tail, and fell back on us for support. he would have faced a lion, but the creature before him had not a vulnerable part on which he could lay hold. it meantime, regardless of him or us, made its way towards the water. it was as grotesque and unlike what we fancy a reality as those creatures which the wild imaginations of the painters of bygone days delighted in producing. how can i describe it? it was covered all over with armour--back, neck, and head. on its head it wore a curiously-shaped helmet, with a long tube in front serving as a snout, while its feet were webbed, and armed with sharp claws at the end of its thick and powerful legs. from the chin hung two fringe-like membranes, and the throat and neck were similarly ornamented. naro was not far off, and came paddling up at a great rate, crying out to us to turn the creature from the water. its formidable appearance and size made us somewhat unwilling to get within reach of its head; for it was fully three feet long, and its covering would, it appeared, turn off a bullet. arthur, however, bravely ran in front of it, and true kept barking round it, keeping wisely beyond its reach. we thus impeded its progress; but still it made way, and was just about to launch itself into the river when the canoe coming up, naro's harpoon, struck it under the shield at the neck. it struggled to get free, but was hauled again on to the sand, and soon dispatched by the indians. they seemed highly pleased at the capture, and signified that, in spite of its strange appearance, it was excellent for food. "why, after all, it is only a tortoise!" exclaimed arthur, who had been examining it. a tortoise it was, though the strangest-looking of its tribe, but not at all uncommon. the strange creature we had found was a matamata (_chelys matamata_). it is found plentifully in demerara, where its flesh is much esteemed. what we took to be a helmet, consisted of two membraneous prolongations of the skin, which projected out on either side from its broad and flattened head. the back was covered with a shield, with three distinct ridges or keels along it, and was broader before than behind. it had a stumpy pointed tail. i should add that it feeds only in the water, concealing itself among reeds by the bank, when it darts forward its long neck and seizes with its sharp beak any passing fish, reptile, or water-fowl--for it likes a variety of food--or it will swim after them at a great rate. we carried the matamata to the camp, and on landing it drew it up with sipos, with its neck stretched out. ellen could scarcely believe that it was a real creature. "i am very glad that i did not meet it when by myself on the sands. i am sure that i should have run away, and dreamed about it for nights afterwards!" she exclaimed. "it was very brave, harry, of you and arthur to face it; and as for true, he is worthy to take rank with saint george, for it must have appeared a perfect dragon to him." "barring the want of tail, my sister," observed john with a laugh. "true will find many more formidable antagonists than the matamata in these regions, and he must be taught to restrain his ardour, or he may some day, i fear, `catch a tartar.'" maria meantime stood behind us, lifting up her hands and uttering exclamations of astonishment, as she surveyed the creature at a respectful distance. the next evening we again accompanied the indians. it was very calm, and the water in a narrow channel through which we went smooth and clear, so that we could look down to a great depth and see the fish swimming about in vast numbers. presently i caught sight of a huge black monster gliding silently up the channel just below the surface. it was, however, too far off for the harpoons of the indians to reach it. we followed, they intimating that we should very likely come up with it. we had not gone far, when they ceased rowing and pointed ahead. there i saw, on the other side of a clump of bamboos which grew on a point projecting into the stream, a creature with a savage countenance and huge paws resting on the trunk of a tree overhanging the water. it was of a brownish-yellow colour, the upper parts of the body variegated with irregular oblong spots of black. it was so intently watching the stream that it did not appear to observe us. had it not indeed been pointed out to me, i might not have discovered it, so much had it the appearance of the trunk on which it was resting. presently we saw a huge black head projecting out of the stream. in an instant the jaguar, for such was the animal on the watch, sprang forward and seized its prey. the creature which had thus ventured within the grasp of the jaguar was a _manatee_, or sea-cow, the _peixe boi_ of the portuguese. a fearful struggle ensued, the manatee to escape, the jaguar to hold it fast. i lifted my gun to fire, but the indians made a sign to me to desist. if i should kill the jaguar the manatee would escape, and their object was to allow the latter to be too exhausted to do so, and then to shoot the jaguar. now it appeared as if the jaguar would drag the water-monster out of its native element, now that the former would be drawn into it. the sea-cow struggled bravely, but the beast of prey had got too firm a hold to let it escape. the surface of the water was lashed into foam. the jaguar's claws and teeth were firmly fixed in the thick hide of the sea-cow. slowly it seemed to be drawn higher and higher out of its native element. so eager was the savage beast, that it did not even observe our approach, but continued with its sharp teeth gnawing into the back of its defenceless prey. we now paddled closer. it turned a look of savage rage towards us, seeming to doubt whether it should let go the manatee and stand on the defensive, or continue the strife. the way it held the sea-cow gave us a notion of its immense strength. gradually the efforts of the manatee began to relax. it was very clear how the combat would have finished had we not been present. at a sign from the indians i lifted my rifle and fired. the ball passed through the jaguar's neck. though wounded, the fierce animal stood snarling savagely, with its fore-feet on the trunk of the tree, as if prepared to make a spring into the canoe. while i was reloading, the indians raised their blow-pipes and sent two of their slender arrows quivering into its body. still the jaguar stood at bay, apparently scarcely feeling the wound. meantime the huge cow-fish was slipping off the bank. naro, on seeing this, ordered his men to paddle forward, while, harpoon in hand, he stood ready to dart it at the manatee. every moment i expected to see the jaguar spring at us. just as the manatee was disappearing under the water, the harpoon flew with unerring aim from naro's hand, and was buried deeply in its body. again we backed away from the bank, just in time, it seemed, for in another moment the jaguar would have sprung at us. having got out of its reach, the indians shot two more of their deadly arrows into its body. still it stood, snarling and roaring with rage at being deprived of its prey. gradually its cries of anger ceased, its glaring eyes grew dim, its legs seemed to refuse it support, and slowly it sank back among the mass of fern-like plants which bordered the bank. meantime, the indians were engaged with the harpoon line, now hauling in on it, now slackening it out, a ruddy hue mixing with the current showing that the life-blood of the manatee was fast ebbing away. in a short time the struggles of the huge river monster ceased, and the indians paddling towards the bank, towed it after them. i was all the while looking out for the jaguar. a movement in the shrubs among which it had fallen showed that it was still alive. i was sure that my shot had not injured it much, and i could scarcely suppose that those light needle-like darts could have done it much harm. i reminded naro of the jaguar. he shook his head in reply. "he will no longer interfere with us," i understood him to say. the manatee was soon hauled on shore, and as it was too large to be taken bodily into the canoe, the indians, having thoroughly knocked out any spark of life which might remain, began cutting it up. the creature was between seven and eight feet long, and upwards of six in circumference in the thickest part. the body was perfectly smooth, and of a lead colour. it tapered off towards the tail, which was flat, horizontal, and semicircular, without any appearance of hind limbs. the head was not large, though the mouth was, with fleshy lips somewhat like those of a cow. there were stiff bristles on the lips, and a few hairs scattered over the body. just behind the head were two powerful oval fins, having the breasts beneath them. the ears were minute holes, and the eyes very small. the skin of the back was fully an inch thick, and beneath it a layer of fat, also an inch or more thick. on examining the fins, or fore-limbs, as they should properly be called, we found bones exactly corresponding to those of the human arm, with five fingers at the extremity, every joint distinct, although completely encased in a stiff inflexible skin. the manatee feeds on the grass growing at the borders of the lakes and rivers. it swims at a rapid rate, moved on by the tail and paddles. the female produces generally only one at a birth, and clasps it, so naro told us, in her paddles while giving it suck. having cut up the cow, with which we loaded the canoe, we paddled in towards where the jaguar had been seen. the chief and one of his followers without hesitation leaped on shore: arthur and i followed, when to our surprise we saw the savage brute lying over on its side perfectly dead. it had been destroyed by the poison on the tip of the arrows, not by the wounds they or my bullet had produced. it was quickly skinned, cut up, and part of the meat added to our store, while the skin, which i thought was the most valuable part, was at my request taken on board. on emerging from the inlet, we steered for the island, guided by the light of the camp-fire. we were welcomed with loud shouts by the generally impassive indians, who were delighted with the supply of flesh which we had brought. no time was lost in cutting the meat into small pieces, each person fastening a dozen or more on long skewers. these were stuck in the ground, and slanted over the flames to roast. the meat tasted somewhat like pork, i thought, but john considered it more like beef. we were one evening approaching a long island with a sand-bank extending from its side. isoro told us that the indians were unable to proceed further, and that after this we should find the navigation tolerably easy. the sand-bank, he said, was frequented by turtles, and they hoped to be able to supply us and themselves with a good store of eggs, and to catch also some turtles. having hauled up the canoes, and formed our sleeping-places as usual, leaving domingos in charge of the camp, we all, including ellen and maria, set out to search for turtles' eggs, our indians having in the meantime woven a number of baskets of reeds in which to carry them. each of the indians carried a long stick in his hand. we proceeded a short distance along the bank, till we came to a somewhat higher part. the sand felt quite hot to our feet. the indians pointed out some slight marks in it, which they told us were made by the turtles. going on, one of them stuck his stick into the sand. it sank easily down. instantly he and his companions were on their knees digging with their hands, and soon cleared out a hole full of eggs. upwards of one hundred were collected from that hole alone. in the meantime the rest were searching about, and we were soon all on our knees, busily engaged in picking up the eggs. the eggs were about an inch and a half in diameter, somewhat larger than an ordinary hen's egg. they have thin leathery shells, an oily yoke, and a white which does not coagulate. having laden ourselves with as many as we could carry in our baskets, we returned to the camp. domingos at once set to work to make cakes, mixing the eggs with flour. others were roasted. the indians, however, ate them raw. while we sat round our camp-fire, isoro excited our curiosity by an account of the way the turtles lay their eggs, and we agreed to start away the next morning before daybreak to watch the process. he called us about two hours before daybreak. we found that naro and two of his men had already gone off to try and catch some of the animals. after walking a short distance, we discovered the indians squatting down behind a shelter of branches, which they had put up to conceal themselves from the turtles. they told us to take our seats by them, and remain quiet. we had not been there long before we saw a number of dark objects moving over the light coloured sand. two or three came close to us, when the indians rushing out, quickly turned them on their backs, and again ran under shelter. we waited for some time till the light of day enabled us to see more clearly, when, as far as our eyes could reach, we observed the upper part of the bank covered with turtles, all busily employed with their broad-webbed paws in excavating the sand, while others were apparently placing their eggs in the holes they had made. as the morning drew on, they began to waddle away towards the river. the margin of the upper bank was rather steep, and it was amusing to see them tumbling head foremost down the declivity, and then going on again till the leaders reached the water. we now all rushed forward, and were in time to catch several, turning them over on their backs, where they lay unable to move. the first comer, isoro told us, makes a hole about three feet deep. in this she lays her eggs, and then covers them up with sand. the next reaching the shore lays her eggs on the top of her predecessor's, and so on, several turtles will lay one above the others, till the pit, which holds about one hundred eggs, is full, when the last carefully sweeps the sand over the hole, so as to make it appear as if it had not been disturbed. it is only, indeed, from the tracks made by the turtles themselves as they are returning to the water that the nests can be traced. in the settled parts of the country great care is taken not to disturb these sand-banks till the whole body of turtles have laid their eggs. sometimes they occupy fourteen days or more in the business. people are stationed at some elevated spot in the neighbourhood to warn off any one approaching the bank, and to take care that the timid turtles are in no way disturbed; otherwise it is supposed they would desert the ground altogether. we had now a large supply of turtle and turtle eggs. our indian friends, well satisfied with their expedition, loaded their canoe almost to the water's edge. we also took on board as many as we could consume. naro and his followers had behaved very well, but they were uninteresting people, and had done nothing particular to win our regard. john wrote a letter to don jose for isoro to carry, and we all sent many messages, expressing our affectionate regard. had it not been for don jose, we might have been subjected to much annoyance and trouble, and been prevented probably from following our family. we each of us presented isoro also with a small remembrance. we parted from him with sincere regret; and i believe that had it not been for his devoted love to his master he would gladly have accompanied us. he and his companions waited till we had embarked in our own canoe, and cast off from the shore. a light breeze was blowing down the river. we hoisted our mat sail, and domingos taking the steering oar, we recommenced our voyage down the river. the indians then set forth on their toilsome one up the stream, having to paddle with might and main for many days against it. chapter seven. our disappointment, danger, and anxiety. the tributary of the amazon, down which we were proceeding, was in many places more than half a mile wide: what must be the width of the mighty river itself! this comparatively small stream was often tossed into waves, and we were thankful that we had the prospect of embarking in a larger vessel, with more experienced boatmen, for our further voyage. on either side of the river were clay banks, above which the lofty trees formed impenetrable walls; while here and there islands appeared, the soil of some raised but little above the river, while in others we could see evidences of the stream having separated them at no great distance of time from the mainland. we continued our custom of landing at night--indeed, whenever we had to put to shore--at one of these islands. they all supplied us with wood to light our fires, and poles for our huts: some were large enough to furnish game. thus several days passed away. we were, by our calculations, approaching the spot at which our father had led us to expect that we should find him. it may be supposed how eagerly we all looked out for the expected marks. at length the curiously-coloured bluff hill he had mentioned appeared in sight. "there it is! there it is!" exclaimed ellen. "i am sure it must be the spot papa speaks of." we surveyed it with eager eyes, and agreed that there could be no mistake about the matter. with redoubled energy we paddled on, the breeze, though light, being in our favour. and now in a short time we came in sight of the expected group of bamboos. we quickly rounded it; and there, before us, appeared the hill. we looked out for the huts on its summit, but none were visible. "oh! perhaps papa thought it better to build them lower down, under the shade of that group of palms," said ellen; and we agreed that she was probably right. a small stream ran at the bottom of the hill, connected, probably, with one of the larger rivers we had passed. we paddled up it a short distance, hoping to find a convenient place for landing. our hearts misgave us on finding no one come down to welcome us on shore. "they probably do not observe us coming," observed ellen. "mamma and fanny are in the house, and papa and the servants are out shooting." i saw by the cheerful way she spoke she felt none of the apprehensions which john and i were experiencing. we soon found a clear spot, where the waters in the rainy season had carried away the trees and shrubs. securing our canoe, we eagerly stepped on shore. the bank was somewhat steep; but we managed to climb up it, and, cutting our way through the intervening jungle, reached the foot of the hill. even now i began to doubt whether, after all, this could be the spot our father spoke of. not the slightest sound was heard, and there was no appearance of human habitations being near. true, as soon as we had got into the more open ground, went scampering along in high glee at finding himself on shore. john led the way, anxiously looking about on very side. we soon reached the top of the hill, gazing eagerly down towards the group of palm-trees ellen had espied. no huts were to be seen. "they cannot have been here!" exclaimed ellen. just then john gave a start, and immediately hurried forward. we all followed. before us we saw several posts standing upright, but they were blackened and charred, while several others lay scattered about. the grass around was burned, and the ground covered with ashes. it was too evident that a hut had stood there, which had been destroyed by fire; but whether it had been inhabited by our family or not, we in vain endeavoured to discover. no traces of them could we find. we looked at each other with anxious eyes. ellen burst into tears, fully believing that something dreadful had happened. we wished to reassure her, but our own fears made this a hard matter. john stood silent for some time. then again he walked over the spot, and examined narrowly the ground, looking among the neighbouring trees. "perhaps this was not their house," suggested arthur; "or if it was, they may have escaped. surely we should not give way to despair." "i think the master is too cautious a man to have been taken by surprise," observed domingos. "he is probably not far off, and we shall see him soon." maria did her best to comfort her young mistress. "do not cry, dona ellen; do not cry. we shall soon see them all," she said, putting her arms round her as she used to do when she was a child, and trying to comfort her. wishing to ascertain john's opinion, i went towards him. "we must proceed further on," he said. "i am surprised that our father has not left any sign by which we might learn where he has gone." "perhaps he had to retreat in too great a hurry for that, yet he might have escaped in safety," observed arthur. "do you think they were attacked by natives, and driven away?" i asked of john. "about that i am doubtful," he answered, in a low voice, so that ellen should not hear. "yet had the hut simply been burned by accident, they would have rebuilt it. our friend naro gave the indians of this part of the river a bad name. he called them _majeronas_; and said that they are cannibals, and attack all strangers. i did not believe the account he gave of them; and had i done so, i would not have mentioned it, for fear of unnecessarily alarming ellen. still, harry, i confess i am very, very anxious." "so indeed am i, now you tell me about the _majeronas_," i observed; "but still we must hope for the best. i cannot believe that anything so dreadful has happened as our fears suggest. our poor mother, and sweet fanny and aunt martha, to have been carried off and killed! oh, i cannot think it true!" "don't you think it possible they got notice that they were about to be attacked, and made their escape in good time?" observed arthur, in a more cheerful voice. "the natives, when they found that their prey had escaped them, would very naturally burn the house; and if they found any signals which mr faithful might have left, would have destroyed them also. i will ask domingos; i think he will agree with me." when we told domingos what arthur had said, he declared that he thought that was the most likely thing to have occurred. the suggestion raised our spirits. domingos, however, advised as not to remain on the spot, lest the natives might discover us. having made another search round, we accordingly took our way back to the canoe. shoving off, we went down the stream into the main river. as we paddled slowly along the shore, we examined it carefully, still in hopes of finding some signals which might direct us. we had gone on for some short distance, when arthur, looking up at the hill, exclaimed, "see! who can those be?" there we saw several figures with bows in their hands and high feathery plumes on their heads. "they must be the _majeronas_," exclaimed john. "we have indeed only just retreated in time." "oh, perhaps they will follow us!" cried ellen. "i do not think we need fear that," said arthur, "as we have seen no canoes." the indians appeared only just to have discovered us. we saw them gesticulating to each other; and then they hurried down towards the river. we at once turned the canoe's head away from the bank, and paddled out into the centre of the stream, where we should be beyond the reach of their arrows. by working away with our paddles we soon ran out of sight of them. having rested for some minutes to recover from our exertions, we continued on down the stream. as the day was drawing on, it was necessary to look out for an island on which to encamp, as we had received so strong a warning not to land on the main shore. we kept a bright look-out, but no signs of an island could we see. the wind, which had hitherto been light, now increased to a gentle breeze; and as it was in our favour, we hoisted our sail and stood on, glad to be relieved from the labour of paddling. thus we continued our progress, hoping to get before night to a distance from our savage enemies. the night came on, but there was still sufficient light to enable us to steer down the centre of the river. john proposed that we should form two watches; he and arthur in one, domingos and i in the other. this, of course, was agreed to. after some difficulty, we persuaded ellen and maria to lie down on the hammocks which were spread in the middle of the canoe under the awning. john and arthur took the first watch; domingos coiling himself away in the stern of the canoe, and i in the bows; to be ready for service should we be required. tired as i was, it was some time before i could manage to go to sleep. i lay looking up at the dark sky--out of which thousands of bright stars shone forth--and listening to the ripple of the water against the bows of the canoe. at length the sound lulled me to sleep, though i felt conscious that arthur had covered me up with a piece of matting. it seemed but a moment afterwards that i heard his voice calling me to get up and take his place. i raised myself, and saw domingos at the helm, and the sails still set. arthur then lay down in the place i had occupied; and i did him the same service he had rendered me, by covering him carefully up so as to protect him from the night air. it was the first time we had voyaged at night; and as we glided calmly on, i could not help regretting that we had not oftener sailed at the same hour, and thus escaped the heat of the day, the mosquitoes on shore, and enjoyed the cool breeze on the river. as i did not feel at all sleepy, i proposed to domingos that we should allow john and arthur to rest on, and continue ourselves on watch till daylight, when perhaps we might find some spot on which to land with safety. we thus glided on for some hours, and were expecting to see the dawn break over the trees on our larboard bow, when the channel became even narrower than before. had it not been that the current still ran with us, i should have supposed that we had entered some other stream; but the way the water ran showed that this could not be the case. we therefore continued on as before. a bright glow now appeared in the eastern sky. rapidly it increased till the whole arch of heaven was suffused with a ruddy light. suddenly john awoke, and uttered an exclamation of surprise on finding that it was daylight. his voice aroused the rest of the party. just then the sun, like a mighty arch of fire, appeared above the trees; and directly afterwards we saw, running across the stream down which we were sailing, another and far broader river. the mighty maranon, as the natives call the upper amazon--or the solimoens, as it is named by the portuguese--was before us, having flowed down for many hundred miles from the mountain lake of lauricocha, in peru, , feet above the sea-level. as we gazed up and down the vast river, no object intervened till sky and water met, as on the ocean; while, on either side, the tall forest walls diminished in the perspective till they sank into thin lines. even here, however, it is narrow, though already very deep, compared to the width it attains lower down. our satisfaction at having escaped from the savages and arrived at the high road, along which we were to proceed, was counterbalanced by our anxiety for our family. we might, after all, have passed the spot where they were waiting for us; and yet it was not likely they would remain in the neighbourhood of such savages as the majeronas had shown themselves. we agreed, therefore, at all risks, at once to row in towards the shore, and examine it carefully as we proceeded downwards. we had not gone far, when we came in sight of a sand-bank, which offered a favourable spot for landing. we accordingly rowed in, looking carefully about for any signs of natives. as no huts or any human beings were to be seen, we landed. while domingos and arthur were collecting wood for a fire, john and i, followed by true, with our guns, made our way through the forest, that we might survey the country, so as not to be taken by surprise. we had not gone far when i caught sight of three animals, which i should have taken for young hogs, from their brown colour, long coarse hair, and their general appearance, had they not been sitting up on their haunches, as no hog ever sat. they had large heads, and heavy blunt muzzles, and thick clumsy bodies without tails. they cast inquisitive looks at me, and would have sat on apparently till i had got close up to them, had not true dashed forward, when, uttering low sounds, between a grunt and a bark, they rushed towards the water. i fired at one of them, and knocked it over. the rest reached the river, though pursued by true, and instantly dived beneath the surface. john came up, and on examining the animal's mouth, we found it to be a rodent, and thus knew it to be a capybara, the largest of its order. when alarmed, it rushes to the water, swims as well as the otter, and takes its prey in a similar manner. it is, from its aquatic habits, often called the water-hog. it had short legs, and peculiarly long feet, partially webbed, which enable it to swim so well. directly afterwards, true turned a smaller animal out of a hollow trunk. it made off through the forest at great speed; but john shot it just as it was running behind a tree. it proved to be an agouti, also a rodent. it is in some respects like a hare or rabbit, with the coarse coat of a hog, but feeds itself like a squirrel. it is classed with the guinea-pig. it feeds on vegetables, and is very destructive to sugar-canes, which it rapidly gnaws through, and does not object to animal food. while i carried our prizes down in triumph to domingos, that he might prepare a portion of them for breakfast, john continued his search through the woods. i was on the point of joining him, when i heard him cry, "look out!" and at the same instant another animal burst through the wood with true at his heels. i fired, and killed it. this also was a rodent; and john said that it was a paca, which lives always in the neighbourhood of water, to which it takes readily when chased. it has its habitation in burrows, which it forms a short distance only beneath the surface. the opening it conceals with dried leaves and small branches. once in the water, it swims and dives so well that it generally escapes from the hunter. it was of a thick and somewhat clumsy form, about two feet in length and one in height. the hinder limbs were longer than the front ones, and considerably bent. the claws were thick and strong, fitted for digging. it had rigid whiskers, and the ears were nearly naked. presently i heard john cry out. "harry, i believe that i have been bitten by a snake on which i trod," he said, in his usual calm way. "i killed the creature, and i think it is poisonous; so go and call domingos, for he will perhaps know what to do. but get him away if you can, so as not to frighten ellen." i ran off as fast as my legs could carry me, and was thankful to find that ellen and maria were sitting under the awning in the canoe, while domingos was cooking at the fire, assisted by arthur. in a breathless voice, my heart sinking with alarm, i told him what had happened. "there is a bottle of agua ardente, and there is another thing we will try," he said, and rushed to the canoe. i was afraid that he would tell ellen; but he stepped on board with an unconcerned manner, as if he wanted something for a culinary purpose, and returned with two of the paddles, and a bottle and cup. we found john seated on the bank, taking off his boot and sock. "here, senor john, drink this," he said, giving him the cup full of liquid. "senor arthur will hold the bottle for you, while senor harry and i are making a grave for your leg. we must bury it. don't despair, my dear master. the remedy is a wonderful one." we were digging away, while he spoke, with the paddles, and in a few moments john's leg was buried deep in the earth, which was pressed down over it. "why, this is brandy," exclaimed john, as he swallowed the contents of a second cup which arthur gave him. "of course, my dear master," answered domingos, who, folding his arms, stood by, watching the effect of his treatment. "some people think one remedy the best, some another. it is wise to try both. the brandy drives, the earth draws the poison forth." oh, how anxiously we watched john's countenance! no change took place. arthur and i went back, lest ellen might be alarmed at our absence, leaving domingos, who stood unmoved, in the same attitude as at first, watching his patient. at last ellen put her head out from under the toldo, and asked when breakfast would be ready, as she and maria were very hungry. "what shall we tell her?" asked arthur. just then i looked up, and saw domingos coming towards us, waving the dead snake in his hand, and john following, walking as briskly as if nothing had been the matter with him. "a wonderful cure has been wrought," he exclaimed, as he reached us. "but don't tell domingos yet. finding myself much as usual, i bethought me, as i sat with my leg in the hole, of looking into the reptile's mouth; and though it has a set of sharp teeth, i could discover no poisonous fangs. i am only sorry that so much good brandy was expended on me, which may be wanted on another occasion." we now summoned ellen, and told her in english what had occurred. arthur and i having examined the head of the snake, to assure ourselves that john was right, cut it off and threw it into the river, while true breakfasted off the body, which we cooked for him. domingos did not discover the truth till some time afterwards; and we heard him frequently boasting of the certain cure he knew for snake bites. i cannot, however, say that his remedy would not prove efficacious. having made a good breakfast on the agouti, we once more embarked, and glided down the stream. i have not dwelt much on our anxiety, but, as may be supposed, we felt it greatly, and our conversation could not fail to be subdued and sad. ellen, however, after her first grief had subdued, did her utmost, dear, good little sister that she was, to cheer our spirits. often she kept repeating, "i am sure they have escaped! we shall before long find them. depend on it, papa would not allow himself to be surprised! i have been praying for them ever since we commenced our journey, and i know my prayers will be heard." although i had felt great despondency, i could not help being influenced by ellen's hopeful spirit. still it seemed to me that the probability of our discovering them along the wide-extended banks of the river was but small indeed. they, too, how anxious they must be feeling on our account; for if they had been in danger, as we supposed, they must know we should be subjected to the same. however, i will not dwell longer on this subject, but only again repeat that our parents and our aunt and fanny were never absent from our thoughts. a light breeze springing up, we hoisted our mat sail, and glided down the river. nothing could be more delightful. the light air cooled us, and kept off the mosquitoes; and as the nights were bright, had we not been anxious to examine the shore, we agreed that we might have continued our voyage till it was necessary to land and procure food. suddenly, however, the wind again dropped. the sun, which had hitherto been casting his undimmed rays down on our heads, became obscured, as if a thick curtain had been drawn across it. the whole sky assumed a yellow tinge. domingos looked anxiously round. "i do not like the look of the weather," he observed. "it would be wise to lower the sail." we had just got it down, when a low murmur was heard in the distant woods, increasing rapidly to a subdued roar. a white line appeared across the river. it came rapidly towards us. now we could feel the wind blowing against our cheeks, and the whole surface of the water became suddenly rippled into wavelets, from which the white foam flew off in thick sheets. the sky had again changed to a greenish hue. the waves every moment increased in height. "a hurricane is coming on," observed domingos. "we cannot face it." we put the canoe's head towards the shore. "paddle, my masters! paddle!" exclaimed domingos. "we must reach the shore before the storm breaks with its full violence, or we may be lost!" we had not paddled many strokes before we felt the canoe driven forward by the wind at a rapid rate. we exerted ourselves, running before the wind, and edging in at the same time towards the northern shore. every instant the hurricane gained strength; and as we looked upward, the whole sky, we saw, had assumed a red and black appearance. a little ahead appeared a sand-bank, on which stood a number of tall-legged birds, cormorants, white cranes, and other waders, large and small. we might land on the island, and save our lives; but the wind setting directly on it, we might lose our canoe, or, at all events, the water would break into her and destroy our goods. domingos steered the canoe admirably, while we made every effort to keep off the island. presently down came the blast with greater fury than before. some of the smaller birds were carried off their legs and borne away by the wind. others, throwing themselves down, stuck their beaks into the sand, and clung on with their long claws, their feet extended. in spite of our danger, arthur and i could not help laughing at the extraordinary appearance of the birds, as they thus lay in great numbers along the sand, looking as if they had been shot, and were lying dead till the sportsman could pick them up. on we drove, narrowly escaping being thrown upon the bank, on which the foaming seas broke with terrific force. "here it comes again!" cried domingos. "paddle bravely, and be not alarmed." as he spoke, another blast, still more violent, struck us, and in an instant the covering of our canoe was torn away and lifted up. in vain we attempted to catch it. it was borne off by the wind towards the shore. so high were the waves which thus suddenly rose up, that we expected every moment to be overwhelmed; while we feared that unless we could manage to anchor we should be driven on the bank to leeward, where the canoe would be filled with water, and everything in her carried away. to resist the fury of the waves was impossible. in vain we strove to get under the lee of the island. destruction yawned before us, when we saw, amid the thick forest trees which lined the bank, a narrow opening. it was the entrance, we hoped, to an igarape,--one of those curious water-ways, or canoe paths, which form a network of canals many hundred miles in extent, on either bank of the amazon. we exerted ourselves to the utmost to reach it, although the seas which struck the side of the canoe threatened every moment to upset her before we could do so. ellen and maria had got out their paddles, and laboured away with all their strength, maria's stout arms indeed being a very efficient help. domingos kept working away with his paddle, now on one side, now on another, now steering astern as he saw was requisite, twisting his features into a hundred different forms, and showing his white teeth as he shouted out in his eagerness. the tall trees were bending before the blast as if they were about to be torn from their roots and carried bodily inland. my fear was, on seeing them thus agitated, that should we get beneath them they might fall and crush us. still we had no choice. it seemed doubtful whether we should reach the mouth of the igarape. we redoubled our efforts, and just grazing by a point which projected from the shore, on which, had we been thrown, we should have been upset, we darted into the canal. even there the water hissed and roared as it was forced into the narrow channel. as an arrow flies through the zarabatana, so we sped up the igarape. for a few seconds domingos had to exert himself to steer the canoe in mid-channel, to prevent her being dashed against the roots of the tall trees which projected into it. at first the roar of the wind among the trunks and branches was almost deafening. gradually it decreased, and in a short time we could hear only the distant murmur of the tempest on the outside of the woody boundary. we were not, however, to escape altogether from it, for down came the rain in a pelting shower, to which, from the loss of our awning, we were completely exposed. we quickly, however, rigged another with our sail, which afforded shelter to ellen and maria. having secured the canoe, we all crept under it, and consulted what we should next do. what with the mantle of clouds across the sky, and the thick arch of boughs over our heads, so great was the darkness that we could scarcely persuade ourselves that night was not coming on. we sat patiently, hoping that the rain, which pattered down with so loud a noise that it was necessary to raise our voices to make each other hear, would at length cease. in about half an hour, the shower-bath to which we had been exposed came to an end. but still drops fell thickly from the boughs, and the darkness proved to us that the clouds had not yet cleared away. after our unsatisfactory meeting with the natives, we were anxious not to remain longer on that part of the shore than necessary. accordingly we once more paddled down the igarape. we soon found, however, that the wind was blowing too hard to allow us to venture out on the main stream. on passing downwards we observed a somewhat open space on the north side, and despairing of continuing our voyage that night, we determined to encamp there. securing our canoe, in which ellen and maria sat under shelter, the rest of us, with axes in our hands, set to work to clear the ground and build a couple of huts. we had become such proficients in the art that this we soon accomplished. on account of the weather we built one of them, not only with a roof, but with back and sides, in which ellen and her attendant could be sheltered. to our own also we built a side on the quarter from which the wind came. our difficulty was to light a fire. but hunting about, we found some dried leaves in the hollow of a tree, and there was no lack of wood, which, after chopping off the wet outside, would burn readily. having made all preparations, we conducted ellen and maria to their hut, and carried up our goods, which we placed within it, under shelter. we felt somewhat anxious at our position; but we hoped that the rain would keep any natives who might be in the neighbourhood from wandering about, and by the following morning we should be able to proceed on our voyage. should we not meet with our father on our way down, we resolved to stop at the nearest brazilian town on the banks, and there obtain assistance in instituting a more rigid search than we could make by ourselves. of one thing we were certain, that had he escaped, and got thus far, he would stay there till our arrival. still we did not abandon all hopes of finding him before that. we had taken everything out of the canoe, with the exception of the paddles, even to the sail, which served as a carpet for ellen's hut. we next turned our attention to cooking further portions of the animals we had killed in the morning. in spite of the storm raging outside, and our anxiety, as we sat round the blazing fire, ellen and maria having joined us, the smoke keeping the mosquitoes somewhat at bay, we all felt more cheerful than might have been expected. midnight had now come on; and having cut up a further supply of wood to keep the fire burning, we slung our hammocks and turned into them, trusting to true to keep watch for us. chapter eight. adventures in the forest--we meet with natives. the hours of the night passed slowly by. i awoke several times. few of the usual noises of the forest were heard. the tempest seemed to have silenced its wild inhabitants. now and then the cry of a howling baboon reached our ears from the depths of the forest. i had a feeling that something dreadful was about to occur, yet i was sufficiently awake to know that this might be mere fancy, and i did my best to go to sleep. the fire was still burning brightly. i looked down from my hammock. there was true sleeping tranquilly below me, as my companions were, around. when i looked away from the fire into the forest, i was struck by the unusual darkness. not a ray of light appeared to come from the sky, which was still covered with a thick mantle of clouds. i succeeded at last in dropping off to sleep. how long my eyes had been closed i could not tell, when i heard true uttering a low bark. i could just see him running to the edge of the hut, and looking out towards the river. i sprang from my hammock, calling to my companions. they were on foot in a moment; but the darkness, was so great that we could see nothing beyond a few feet from where we stood. as we sprang up, true rushed forward. we heard him barking away in front of us. the fire was out, and with difficulty we found our way back. i called to true, and at last he returned, but we were still unable to discover any cause for alarm. after a time we agreed that the wisest thing we could do would be to turn into our hammocks again. i scolded true for alarming us so needlessly, and he came back and lay down in his usual place. the night passed away without any other disturbance. when we arose in the morning the wind had ceased, the clouds had cleared away, and the weather was as fine as usual. getting up, we prepared breakfast, and agreed to continue our voyage as soon as it was over. as we had sufficient provisions, there was no necessity to search for any. we therefore remained at our camp till our meal was over. john was the first to take up a load and proceed with it down to the canoe. i followed. when still at a little distance, i heard him utter an exclamation of dismay. he turned back, and i saw by his countenance that there was something wrong. now he looked up the igarape, now down. "harry," he exclaimed, "i cannot see the canoe!" "you must have mistaken the spot where i left it," i answered. "i secured it well." i returned with him to the bank. in vain we searched up and down the banks of the water-path. not a trace of the canoe did we discover. "she must have broken adrift, then, during the night," i observed. "perhaps she has driven up the igarape." "i will go one way and you the other, then," said john. i made my way as well as i could through the tangled wood from the river, while john went towards it. wherever i could, i got down to the edge of the water. now i climbed along a trunk which overhang it; but though i thus got a view for a considerable distance, i could see no canoe. at length i returned, hoping that john might have been more successful. i met him on the spot where we had parted. "i cannot see her," he said. "harry, i am afraid she has been carried off!" the same idea had occurred to me. we now carefully examined the spot where we had left her. i found the very trunk of the tree round which i had secured the painter. it was scarcely rubbed, which it would have been, we agreed, had the canoe been torn away by the force of the wind. we were soon joined by arthur and domingos, who had come along with loads, surprised at our not returning. we communicated to them the alarming intelligence. domingos was afraid that we were right in our conjectures. we returned to the camp to break the unsatisfactory news to ellen. "if our canoe is lost, we must build another," she remarked, in her usual quiet way, concealing her anxiety; "but it is very trying to be thus delayed." still it would not do to give up without a further search for the canoe. as the wind had set up the igarape, i knew that, should the canoe have broken away by herself, she must have driven before it. it was therefore settled that arthur and i should go up still further in that direction, while john would try and make his way down to the main river, searching along the bank. ellen and maria, with domingos and true to take care of them, were to remain at the camp. arthur and i had our axes, for without them we could make no progress. i had my gun; arthur a spear, with bow and arrows, which naro had presented to him. thus armed, we hoped to defend ourselves against any jaguar or boa we might meet. we had little to fear from any other wild animals. as we had seen no traces of natives, we did not expect to meet with any. we soon gained the point i had reached in the morning. after this, we had to hew a path for ourselves through the forest. sometimes we got a few feet without impediment, and then had to cut away the sipos for several yards. now and then we were able to crawl under them, and sometimes we were able to leap over the loops, or make our way along the wide-spreading roots of the tall trees. thus we went on, every now and then getting down to the edge of the igarape, and climbing out on the trunk of one of the overhanging trees, whence we could obtain a view up and down for some distance. we had just reached the bank, and were looking out along it, when i saw a troop of monkeys coming along through the forest. i kept true by my side, and whispered to arthur not to speak. i could scarcely help laughing aloud at the odd manner in which they made their way among the branches, now swinging down by their tails, now catching another branch, and hanging on by their arms. they were extraordinarily thin creatures, with long arms and legs, and still longer tails--our old friends the spider monkeys. those tails of theirs were never quiet, but kept whisking about in all directions. they caught hold of the branches with them, and then hung by them with their heads downwards, an instant afterwards to spring up again. presently they came close to the water, when one of them caught hold of a branch with his fore-hands and tail, another jumped down and curled his tail round the body of the first. a third descended and slung himself in a similar manner. a fourth and fifth followed, and so on; and there they hung, a regular monkey chain. immediately the lowest, who hung with his head downwards, gave a shove with his fore-paws, and set the chain swinging, slowly at first but increasing in rapidity, backwards and forwards over the water. i thought to myself, if an alligator were making his way up the canal, the lowest would have a poor chance of his life. the swinging increased in violence, till the lowest monkey got his paws round the slender trunk of a tree on the opposite side. immediately he drew his companion after him; till the next above him was within reach of it. that one caught the tree in the same way, and they then dragged up their end of the chain till it hung almost horizontally across the water. a living bridge having thus been formed, the remainder of the troop, chiefly consisting of young monkeys who had been amusing themselves meantime frisking about in the branches, ran over. two or three of the mischievous youngsters took the opportunity of giving a sly pinch to their elders, utterly unable just then to retaliate; though it was evident, from the comical glances which the latter cast at them, that the inflictors of the pinches were not unnoticed. one, who had been trying to catch some fish apparently during the interval, was nearly too late to cross. the first two who had got across now climbed still further up the trunk; and when they had got to some distance, the much-enduring monkey, who had been holding the weight of all the others, let go his hold, and now becoming the lowest in the chain, swung towards the bank. as soon as he and his companions reached it, they caught hold of the trunk either with their hands or tails. the whole troop thus got safely across. the shouts of laughter, to which arthur and i could no longer resist giving way, startled the monkeys. they looked about with inquisitive glances, wondering probably what sort of strange creatures we could be who had come into their territory. at length, espying us, off they set at a great rate through the forest. they had chosen the narrowest part of the igarape to cross. going on further, it widened considerably. we still continued making our way along its margin; but the ground at length became so swampy, that we were obliged to turn off to the left. after this we came to somewhat more open ground, which had been cleared either by fire or by the hand of man. it was, of course, overgrown with vegetation of all sorts; but not sufficiently so to prevent us making our way through it. our intention was to go round the swamp or lake, and again reach the border of the water-path. we proceeded on for some distance, when we saw through an opening a high clay bank; it could scarcely be called a hill. but few trees grew on it. we thought that, by getting to the top, we could obtain a view of the country around. we accordingly made our way towards it. it formed apparently the eastern edge of the high country through which the napo runs. we found, here and there, veins of that curiously-coloured clay which we had before seen. looking eastward, a vast extent of forest was spread out before us, extending far as the eye could reach. no opening was visible except the long line of the solimoens, at some distance from where we stood. we could look westward towards its source in the andes; and eastward as it flowed on towards the far distant atlantic, hundreds of miles away. the whole igarape was entirely shut out from view. we thought, however, that by continuing towards the north we might possibly again get sight of it, when we purposed to continue our search for the canoe. we had faint hopes of finding it, we could not but confess. we had gone on some way, when, passing round a clump of trees, we saw before us two natives seated on the top of a hill, looking out, it seemed, over the country beyond them. their bodies were tattooed or painted all over in curious devices, and their heads were decked with war-plumes, while each of them had a musket resting on his arm, as if ready for immediate use. our first impulse was to retreat, hoping that we had not been seen; but their quick eyes had caught sight of us. they beckoned to us to approach. "they must have had intercourse with white men, or they would not have those muskets," observed arthur. "perhaps they may prove to be friends." to escape them, i saw, would be impossible. i therefore agreed with arthur that the best way was to go forward at once in a frank manner and try to win their confidence. we climbed the hill, therefore, and as we get up to where they were waiting for us, put out our hands and shook theirs. they were accustomed, apparently, to the european style of greeting. they addressed us, and seemed to be inquiring whence we had come. we explained as well as we could by signs--pointing in the direction of the andes, and then showing how we had glided down in the canoe. while they were speaking, i thought i detected a few words which sounded like spanish; and listening more attentively, i found that the eldest of the two was speaking the _lingua geral_--a corrupt portuguese, mixed with indian words, generally used throughout the whole length of the amazon. it was so like the language naro and his indians had employed when speaking to us, that i could make out, with a little difficulty, what was said. i understood the elder indian to say that he was a friend of the whites; and that, as arthur had supposed, he had obtained the muskets from them. finding the natives so friendly, i invited them to our camp. they shook their heads, and pointed to the north-west, letting us understand that they were about to start away on an expedition against an enemy in that direction; but that, on their return, they would without fail come to visit us. they signified that if we would accompany them to their village, we should be hospitably received. when speaking of the enemy, they uttered the word "majeronas" two or three times. "those must be the people you think attacked your father," observed arthur. "if he and your family are prisoners, they may be the means of releasing them." "i am afraid the majeronas are too fierce and savage to make prisoners," i answered. "we might accompany these indians and avenge their death, if they have been killed." "that is not according to the christian law," observed arthur mildly. "i would run any risk, though, to obtain their release, should they have been made prisoners." "i feel sure that they have not," i answered. "had they not escaped in their canoe we should certainly have found some remains of her on the shore, or some traces of them. oh no; i feel sure they got off, and we shall overtake them before long." as i ceased speaking, a band of indians appeared coming through the woods. they were--like the first two, who were evidently chiefs--decked in feathers and paint, but otherwise unencumbered by clothing. they were armed with bows and spears, but not a musket did we see among them. they were certainly the lightest of light troops. the two chiefs seemed to look upon their weapons as of immense value, as a general does his heavy guns. i saw the chief eyeing my rifle; and he then addressed us, inviting us to accompany the expedition. in spite of what i had just said, i felt greatly inclined to go, arthur, however, urged me strongly not to do so. "think of your sister and brother. how anxious our absence would make them!" he observed. "you do not know what dangers they may be exposed to; and suppose we were surprised and killed by the enemy, what would become of them?" i agreed that he was right, and explained to the chief that we could not leave our friends. he then asked me to make over my gun to him; but, of course, i could not deprive myself of our chief means of defence, and therefore turned a deaf ear to his request. the troops had halted at the foot of the hill; and we accompanied the two chiefs, who went down to meet them. the natives looked at us without much surprise, as if white men were no strangers to them. arthur now advised that we should return, as it would be a serious matter should we be benighted in the forest. before parting from our friends, we endeavoured to ascertain whether they had seen our canoe, but we could obtain no information from them. still i could not help thinking that she had been carried off by some of their tribe, who might have found her on their way up the igarape. when, therefore, the chief again pressed us to pay a visit to his village, we accepted his invitation. several lads had accompanied the army. as they only carried blow-pipes in their hands, i suspected--as proved to be the case--that they were not to proceed further. the chief called one of them up to him; and from the way he spoke, i had little doubt that he was his son. the chief made signs to us that the lad, whom he called duppo, would go back with us to the village, and that we should there obtain any food we might require. duppo appeared to be about fourteen years of age, and more intelligent and better looking than most of the indians; indeed, the two chiefs we had first seen were superior to the rest in appearance, and duppo was very like them. we came to the conclusion that they were brothers; and that duppo, as i have said, was the son of the eldest. this we found afterwards to be the case. the chief, having wished us farewell, gave the signal to advance; and leading the way, the indians set off in single file along the bottom of the hill. we, having watched them for some time, accompanied duppo, followed by the three other lads who had come with him. we asked him his father's name, and understood him to say it was maono, that his mother's name was mora, and that his uncle was called paco. had we judged by duppo's manner, we should not have supposed that his friends had gone on a dangerous expedition; but yet, knowing the character of the majeronas, we could not help feeling some anxiety for the result. we found that duppo was leading us towards the further end of the igarape, in the direction we had ourselves before proposed going. we had, however, delayed so long, that i feared we should not have time to return. arthur suggested that we might possibly find a canoe, in which we could go back by water, or, if not, we might build a balsa, such as we had seen used on the guayas. "an excellent idea," i replied. "we will put it into execution should we not find a canoe." our young guide led the way with unerring instinct through the forest. we had gone some distance, when we heard a deep, loud, and long-sustained flute-like note. it was that of a bird. the young indian stopped, and pointing ahead, uttered the word _nira-mimbeu_, which i afterwards ascertained meant fife-bird, evidently from the peculiar note we had just heard. the whole party stopped in the attitude of listening, and looking among the branches, we got a good view of a bird a short distance beyond us, with glossy black plumage, perched on a bough. the bird itself was about the size of a common crow. it had a remarkable ornament on its head, consisting of a crest formed of long, curved, hairy feathers at the end of bare quills which were now raised and spread out in the shape of a fringed sunshade. round its neck was a tippet formed of glossy steel-blue feathers; and as we watched it, while it was singing it spread these out, and waved them in a curious manner, extending at the same time its umbrella-formed crest, while it bowed its head slightly forward and then raised it again. i knew at once the curious creature to be the rare umbrella-bird (_cephalopterus ornatus_). the bird was continuing its flute-like performance, when duppo, advancing slowly and lifting his blow-pipe, sent forth with unerring aim a tiny dart, which pierced the bird's neck. much to my sorrow, the note ceased; but yet the bird stood on its perch as if scarcely aware of the wound it had received. we all stood watching it. for nearly a minute it remained as before, till gradually its head began to drop, and finally it fell to the ground. duppo ran forward, and taking a pinch of white substance from a wallet which he carried at his side, placed it in the bird's mouth, and then carefully pulling out the arrow, put some into the wound, just as our napo indians had done when they shot our monkey, nimble. we then went on, he carrying the apparently lifeless bird carefully in his arms. in a few minutes it began slowly to lift its head, and then to look about it as a hen does when carried in the same way. in a short time the bird seemed to be as well as if it had not received a wound, and began to peck at the bare arms of our young guide. on this he took from his bag some small pieces of fibre. on piece he wound round its bill, and another round its legs, taking great care not to hurt or injure it in any way. we went on for some distance, our young guide keeping his sharp eyes roving round in every direction in search of some other bird or animal on which he might exercise his skill. we were naturally surprised at the wonderful way in which the bird he had shot had recovered. i could scarcely believe that the arrow had been tipped with poison, and yet i could not otherwise account for the manner in which the bird fell to the ground. i inquired of duppo, but could not understand his reply. at last he took out of his bag some of the white stuff we had seen him apply and put it on his tongue. "why," exclaimed arthur, to whom he had given some to taste, "it is salt!" salt it undoubtedly was; and we now first learned that salt is an antidote to the wourali poison. people, indeed, who eat salt with their food are but little affected by it; while it quickly kills savages and animals who do not eat salt. we had seen as yet no signs of habitations, when duppo stopped and pointed through an opening in the trees. we saw, in the shade of the wide-spreading boughs, a woman kneeling before a bath, in which a little child was seated, splashing the water about with evident delight. the woman was almost as primitive a costume as the warriors we had seen. her only ornament was a necklace, and her sole clothing consisted of a somewhat scanty petticoat. she, however, seemed in no way abashed at our presence. duppo ran forward and said a few words to her, when, rising from her knees, and lifting up her dripping child in her arms, she advanced a few paces towards us. she seemed to be listening with great interest to what duppo was saying, and she then signed to us to follow her. we did so, and soon came in sight of several bamboo huts. the walls, as also the roofs, were covered with a thatch of palm-leaves. on examining the thatch, i saw that it consisted of a number of leaves plaited together, and secured in a row to a long lath of bamboo. one of these laths, with a row of thatch attached to it, was hung up on pegs to the lowest part of the wall intended to be covered; another was fastened over it, the thatch covering the first lath; and so on, row after row, till the upper part was reached. the roof was formed in the same manner, secured by rope formed of aloe fibres or some similar material. round the village were numerous fruit-trees. the most conspicuous were bananas, with their long, broad, soft, green leaf-blades; and several pupunhas, or peach-palms, with their delicious fruit, hanging down in enormous bunches from their lofty crowns, each a load for a strong man. the fruit gains its name from its colour. it is dry and mealy, of the taste of chestnuts and cheese. there were also a number of cotton and coffee trees on one side, extending down to the water, which showed that our friends were not ignorant of agriculture. we also saw melons growing in abundance, as well as mandioca and indian corn. the lady conducted us into her house with as much dignity as a duchess would have done into her palace. the interior of the building, however, had no great pretensions to architectural grandeur. the roof was supported by strong upright posts between which hammocks were slung, leaving space for a passage from one end to the other, as also for fires in the centre. at the further end was an elevated stage, which might be looked upon as a first floor, formed of split palm-stems. along the walls were arranged clay jars of various sizes, very neatly made. some, indeed, were large enough to hold twenty or more gallons; others were much smaller; and some were evidently used as cooking-pots. they were ornamented on the outside with crossed diagonal lines of various colours. there were also blow-pipes hung up, and quivers and bags made of the bromelia, very elaborately worked. in addition, there were baskets formed of the same material of a coarser description, and dressed skins of animals, with mats, and spare hammocks. our hostess, whom we discovered to be duppo's mother, invited us to sit down on some mats which she spread in a clear space on the floor, a little removed from the fire. duppo went out, and in a short time returned with a young girl, who looked timidly into the opening, and then ran off. he scampered after her, and brought her back; but it required some persuasion to induce her to enter the hut. we rose as she did so, struck by her interesting countenance and elegant form; for, although her garments were almost as scanty as those of the older woman, our impulse was to treat her with the respect we should have paid to one of her more civilised sisters. having got over her timidity, she set to work to assist her mother in cooking some food. we asked duppo his sister's name. he gave us to understand that it was oria--at least, it sounded like it; and, at all events, that was the name by which we always called her. it was a pretty name, and well suited to such an interesting young creature. several parrots of gorgeous plumage, which had been sitting on the rafters, clambered down inquisitively to look at us; while two monkeys-- tame little things--ran in and out of the hut. the most interesting creature we saw was a charming little water-fowl--a species of grebe. it seemed to be a great pet of the young girl. it was swimming about in a tub full of water, similar to the one in which we had seen our hostess bathing her baby. the girl took it out to show it to us, and it lay perfectly happy and contented in her hands. it was rather smaller than a pigeon, and had a pointed beak. the feet, unlike those of water-fowls, were furnished with several folds of skin in lieu of webs, and resembled much the feet of the gecko lizards. after exhibiting it to us, she put it back again into its tub, and it went swimming round and round, very much like those magnetic ducks which are sold in toyshops. on examining the tub i have spoken of, we found that it was formed from the spathe of the palm. in a short time a repast was placed before us in several bowls. in one was fish, in another was a stew of meat. arthur, without ceremony, ate some of the latter, when he came to a bone which i saw him examining curiously. "why, i do believe," he said, in a low voice, "it is a bit of monkey!" "i have very little doubt about it," i answered; for i had discovered this some time before. "try this other dish; it seems very nice." having eaten some of it, we bethought ourselves of inquiring of duppo what it was; and he gave us to understand that it was a piece of snake or lizard, for we could not exactly make out which. "i think i would rather keep to the fish," said arthur, in a subdued voice. indeed, with the fish and some mandioca porridge alone, we could have managed to make a very ample meal. we had also several delicious fruits--guavas, bananas, and one, the interior of which tasted like a rich custard. a jar of a somewhat thick and violet-coloured liquor was placed before us to drink. it was made, we found, from the fruit of the assai palm, which our hostess, illora, showed us. it was perfectly round and about the size of a cherry, consisting of a small portion of pulp lying between the skin and the hard kernel. the fruit pounded, with the addition of water, produces the beverage i have described. it was very refreshing, but stained our lips as do blackberries. having finished our meal, we thanked dame illora for it, and tried to explain that we were in search of a canoe in which to return down the igarape. for some time we could not make her comprehend what we wanted. suddenly duppo started up, and leading us to the water, by signs explained that all their canoes had been taken away. "then, no doubt, the same people who took theirs, carried off ours," observed arthur. i agreed with him. still, i hoped that a small canoe might be found. we searched about, but i could not find one. the channel ran through the forest till it was lost to sight, and as there was a slight current in the water, we came to the conclusion that it was connected with some other river, up which the canoes had been carried. "then let us build a raft as we proposed," said arthur. "if we do not return to-night, we shall alarm your sister and john. the current is in our favour, and we shall have no difficulty in descending to our camp." at once we tried to explain to our friends what we proposed doing. several other persons appeared, but they were mostly old men and women. the rest had evidently gone off to the war. we began by cutting down some small trees which grew at the edge of the igarape. then we cut some sipos, and formed an oblong frame of sufficient size to support three or four people. after a little time duppo comprehended our purpose, and we saw him explaining the matter to his people. several of them on this set to work on a clump of bamboos which grew at a little distance, and brought them to us. looking about, we also discovered some long reeds growing on the margin of the swamp at no great distance. arthur and i collected as many as we could carry, and the natives, following our example, soon supplied us with what we required. having fastened the bamboos lengthways on the frame, we secured the reeds both under and above them, till we had completely covered over the framework. the whole machine we strengthened by passing long sipos round it, and thus in a short time had a buoyant and sufficiently strong raft to carry us safely, we hoped, down the igarape. the natives had been watching our proceedings with looks of surprise, as if they had never seen a similar construction. we had cut a couple of long poles with which to push on the raft. "i think we should be the better for paddles," observed arthur. one of the trees, we found, very easily split into boards. we soon made three paddles, agreeing that a third would be useful, in case one should break. "but perhaps duppo would be willing to accompany us," said arthur. "he seems a very intelligent fellow. shall we ask him?" we soon made our young friend comprehend our wishes. he was evidently well pleased with the proposal, though his mother at first seemed to hesitate about letting him go. we pressed her, explaining that we would reward him well for his services. our point gained, duppo's preparations were quickly made. he brought with him his zarabatana or blow-pipe, his bow, and a quiver full of arrows, as also a basket of farinha, apparently supposing that we might be unable to provide him with food. seeing the curious umbrella-bird secured to a perch projecting from the wall, i asked him to bring it, as i wanted to show it to ellen. he quickly understood me, and taking it down, again fastened up its beak, and brought it along perched on his shoulder. the whole remaining population of the village came down to the water to see us embark. we took off our hats to oria, who scarcely seemed to understand the compliment. our raft was soon launched with their aid, and, greatly to our satisfaction, floated buoyantly. we got on board, and shoved off into the middle of the channel. the water was fat too deep to allow our poles to be of any use. duppo, however, showed that he well knew the use of a paddle. taking one in his hand, he sat down on one side of the raft, while arthur sat on the other, and i stood astern to steer. the current was sluggish, and did not help us much. we therefore had to exert ourselves vigorously. the igarape soon widened out into a broad lake-like expanse. we could distinguish the channel, however, from its being free of reeds, which appeared in all directions in the other parts, forming thick broad clumps like islands. from amidst them numerous water-fowl rose up as we passed. now and then an alligator poked up his ugly snout. numerous tortoises and other water-creatures were seen swimming about. others which rose near us, alarmed at our appearance, made off to a distance, and allowed us to proceed unimpeded. we were delighted with the progress we made, and went paddling on as if we had been long accustomed to the work. we kept up most of the time a conversation with duppo, although it must be owned that we could understand but little of what he said, while he had equal difficulty in comprehending us. we asked him several questions about his family. i told him that he must bring oria down to see my sister, as i was sure she would be glad to make her acquaintance. i was, however, not very certain whether he understood me. he was evidently a quick, sagacious fellow; though his manners, like most of the indians we had met, were subdued and quiet. as we were paddling on, we were almost startled by hearing a sound like a bell tolling in the midst of the forest. it ceased, and we paddled on, when again it struck our ears loud and clear. again it came within the space of a minute, and we almost expected to see some church steeple peeping forth through an opening in the primeval forest. we tried to ascertain from our young companion what it could mean, but he only nodded his head, as much as to say, "i know all about it," and then he gave a glance down at his bow and quiver which lay by his side. we went on for some minutes more, the sound of the bell reaching our ears as before, and then duppo began to look up eagerly into the trees. suddenly he ceased paddling, and made signs to arthur to do the same. gliding on a few yards further, we saw, on the topmost bough of a tree overhanging the water, a beautiful white bird, about the size of a jay. at the same time there came forth from where it stood a clear bell sound, and we saw from its head a black tube, rising up several inches above it. duppo cautiously put his hand out and seized his bow. in an instant he had fitted an arrow to the string. away it flew, and down fell the bird fluttering in the water. we paddled on, and quickly had it on board. i could not help feeling sorry that he had killed the beautiful creature, whose note had so astonished us. it was, i found, a specimen of that somewhat rare and very wonderful bell-bird (_casmarhynchos carunculata_), called _campanero_ by the spaniards. from the upper part of the bill grows a fleshy tubercle about the thickness of a quill, sparingly covered with minute feathers. it was now hanging down on one side, quite lax. it was evident, therefore, that the bird, when alive, elevated it when excited by singing or some other cause; indeed afterwards, on examining it, we found it connected with the interior of the throat, which further convinced us of this fact. i was sorry that we could not have it taken alive to ellen, and i tried to explain to duppo that we wished to have living creatures if possible captured, like the umbrella-bird. we had been paddling on for some time beneath the thick overhanging boughs, almost in darkness, when a bright glow attracted our attention. "we must be near the camp," exclaimed arthur, and we shouted out. we were replied to by true's well-known bark, and directly afterwards we could distinguish through the gloom the figure of domingos making his way amid the wood, with true running before him, down to the bank. there they stood ready to receive us. chapter nine. lost in the forest. "i am thankful to have you back, my young masters," exclaimed domingos, as he helped us to land. "but what! have you not brought back the canoe? i thought it was her you had returned in, and that the third person i saw was senor john. he set off some time back to look for you." we briefly explained what had happened, and introduced the young indian. having secured the raft, we hastened to our encampment. ellen and maria came out to meet us. "i am so glad you have come back," said ellen, "for we were growing very anxious about you. i hope john will soon return. i am surprised you did not see him as you came down the igarape." i explained to her how easily we might have passed each other. "i dare say we shall see john in a few minutes. when he found night coming on, he would certainly turn back," i added. we now brought duppo forward and introduced him, telling ellen about his sister oria. "oh, i should so like to see her!" she exclaimed. "do try and make him understand that we hope he will bring her here." though modest and retiring in his manner, duppo soon made himself at home, and seemed well pleased at being in our society. ellen was delighted with the curious bird he had brought her, and maria undertook to tame it, as she had the parrot and nimble. john had fortunately killed a paca in the morning, and maria had dressed part of it for supper. we were, however, unwilling to begin our meal till his return. we waited for some time, expecting him every instant to appear. we made the fire blaze brightly as a signal, and domingos and i went to a little distance from the camp, first in one direction, then in another, shouting at the top of our voices; but we in vain listened for his in return. i then fired off my rifle, hoping that, had he lost his way, that might show him the position of the camp. we stood breathless, waiting to hear his rifle, but no sound reached our ears. we now became very anxious, but were unwilling to go further from the camp, lest we might be unable to find our way back. true, who had followed us, added his voice to our shouts. "hark!" said domingos; "i hear a sound." we listened. it was a low, deep howl. it grew louder and louder. "that is only one of those big monkeys beginning its night music," i observed. true, when he heard it, was darting forward, but i called him back, afraid lest he should meet with a prowling jaguar or huge boa, which might carry him off before we could go to his assistance. at length, with sad forebodings, we returned to the camp. we did our best to comfort ellen, yet it was very difficult to account for john's non-appearance. "he must certainly have gone further than he intended," observed arthur; "then, not having the sun to guide him, must have taken a wrong direction. he will probably climb up into some tree to sleep, and when the sun rises in the morning he will easily find his way back." "oh, thank you, arthur, for suggesting that!" said ellen; "i am sure it must be so." "at all events," i said, "we will start away at daybreak to look for him; and with our young indian friend as a guide, we need have no fear in venturing into the forest." we had none of us much appetite for supper, but domingos persuaded us to take some. we then made up a fire, intending to keep watch during the night, hoping every moment that john might return. domingos, however, at length persuaded arthur and i to lie down in our hammocks; indeed, in spite of our anxiety, in consequence of the fatigue we had gone through during the day, we could with difficulty keep our eyes open. he made duppo get into his, saying that he himself would keep watch. every now and then i awoke, hoping to hear john's cheery voice. each time i looked out i saw our faithful domingos sitting before the fire, busying himself in throwing sticks on it to keep it blazing brightly. occasionally i observed him get up, go to a little distance, and stretch out his neck into the darkness. then he would come back again and take his seat as before, while the various tones of croaking frogs, or huge crickets, or the fearful howls of the night-monkeys, which came, now from one direction, now from another, from the far-off depths of the forest, sounded as if they were keeping up a conversation among themselves. this dismal noise continued throughout the night. at daylight arthur and i leaped from our hammocks, and roused up young duppo. we tried to explain to him that one of our number had gone away, and that we wanted to go in search of him. "stay!" exclaimed domingos; "you must not go without breakfast. i have been boiling the cocoa, and i will soon roast some paca." while we were breakfasting, ellen and maria came out of their hut. ellen looked very pale and anxious, as if she had passed a sleepless night; and she confessed that she had not closed her eyes for thinking of john, and what might have become of him. we were doubtful about taking true; but when he saw us preparing to start, he ran off, and would not return, for fear of being tied up: we decided, therefore, to let him go with us, thinking that he might be of assistance in finding john. having done my best to comfort ellen, we set out in the direction domingos told us john had gone. we had stored our wallets with food, that we might not run the risk of starving should we be kept out longer than we expected. duppo had followed our example, having brought his bag of farinha on shore. he carried his bow and blow-pipe; and arthur was armed with his bow, as well as with a long pointed staff; and i had my rifle and a good store of ammunition. our indian guide seemed to understand clearly our object, and led the way without hesitation through the forest. after we had gone some little distance, we saw him examining the trees on either side. then he again went on as before. he made signs to us that the person we were searching for had gone that way. after a time he again stopped, and showed us how he had been turning about, now in one direction, now in another. then on he went again, further and further from the camp. as we were making our way onwards, duppo stopped, and signed to us to be silent; and then pointed to a tree a little way in front. we there saw on a bough a short-tailed animal, with white hair. after waiting a minute or two, it turned round, and a face of the most vivid scarlet hue was presented to us. it seemed unconscious of our presence for it did not move from its post. the head was nearly bald, or at most had but a short crop of thin grey hair; while round the odd-looking face was a fringe of bushy whiskers of a sandy colour, which met under the chin. a pair of reddish eyes added to its curious appearance. the body was entirely covered with long, straight, shining white hair. presently it moved along the branch, and began picking some fruit which grew at the further end. duppo cautiously lifted his blow-pipe to his mouth. an arrow sped forth and struck the creature. the instant it felt itself wounded, it ran along the branch till it reached another tree. duppo made chase, and we had no little difficulty in following him. on the creature went from tree to tree, and it seemed that there was but a slight chance of his catching it. presently we saw it again, but moving slower than at first. slower and slower it went, till duppo could easily keep close under it; then down it fell, almost into his arms. true, who was ahead of us, darted forward, and, had i not called him back, would have seized the creature. the indian, meantime, was engaged in pulling out the arrow; and having done so, he put a pinch of salt into the creature's mouth. on examining it, we found it was a veritable monkey, one of the most curious of the race i ever saw. it was of the genera of _cebidae_. duppo called it a _nakari_ (_brachyurus calvus_ is its scientific name). the body was about eighteen inches long, exclusive of the limbs. its tail was very short, and apparently of no use to it in climbing; and its limbs were rather shorter and thicker than those of most monkeys. in a short time it began to show signs of life. we soon afterwards caught sight of another, with a young one on its back, which our guide told us was a mother monkey. it, however, got away before he could bring his blow-pipe to bear on it. as soon as the little captive began to move, duppo secured its front hands with a piece of line, and threw a small net over its head to prevent it biting. he then secured it on his shoulder; and we again pushed on through the forest as fast as we could go. we were at length obliged to stop and rest. we had taken but a slight breakfast. arthur said he was hungry; and duppo showed that he was by taking out a cake of farinha and some dried meat from his bag. anxiety, however, had taken away my appetite. while i was sitting down, i observed close to us what i took to be a seed-pod of some aerial plant, hanging straight down from a bough, at about six feet from the ground. on going up to it, i found to my surprise that it was a cocoon about the size of a sparrow's egg, woven by a caterpillar in broad meshes of a rose-coloured silky substance. it hung, suspended from the tip of an outstanding leaf, by a strong silken thread about six inches in length. on examining it carefully, i found that the glossy threads which surrounded it were thick and strong. both above and below there was an orifice, which i concluded was to enable the moth, when changed from the chrysalis which slept tranquilly within its airy cage, to make its escape. it was so strong that it could resist evidently the peck of a bird's beak, while it would immediately swing away from one on being touched. i afterwards met with several such cocoons; and once saw a moth coming forth from one. it was of a dull, slatey colour, and belonged to the silkworm family of _bombycidae_. arthur persuaded me at last to take a little food; and having rested sufficiently, we again moved on. at length duppo came to a stand-still, and signed to me to keep back true. i could hardly hold him, however, he seemed so anxious to push forward. duppo had slung his blow-pipe at his back, and held his bow with an arrow to shoot. then i saw him examining the ground on every side under the boughs, many of which hung close down to it. presently the report of a gun reached our ears. "that is certainly your brother john!" exclaimed arthur. the shot came from some distance, however. then another, and another, followed at intervals of a few minutes. we now hurried on more eagerly than ever, in spite of duppo's signs to us to be cautious. i felt convinced that john alone could have fired those shots. again another shot sounded close to us; and on emerging from the thicker part of the forest, we saw at a little distance the ground covered with a herd of hog-like animals--though smaller than ordinary hogs--which i guessed at once were peccaries. they were in a great state of commotion--running about in all directions, turning their long snouts up into the air. going a few yards further on, there was john himself, seated high up on the bough of a tree, to which numerous sipos hung. his gun was pointed down towards the herd of peccaries, several of which lay dead on the ground. some of the others kept running about, but the greater portion were standing looking up at him. there he sat, with his usual composure, regularly besieged by them. the attention of the savage creatures was so occupied with him that they did not perceive our approach. i was somewhat surprised at the eager signs which duppo made to us to climb up a tree by means of some sipos which hung close at hand. we were hesitating to follow his advice, when he seized arthur by the arm and dragged him up. i thought it prudent to follow his example, as i had formed a good opinion of his sense. i lifted up true to arthur, who caught him in his arms; and then i swung myself up to the branch after him. we had just taken our seats facing john, when the peccaries discovered us; and a number of them turning round, charged across the ground on which we had stood. duppo had got his bow ready, and shot one as they passed. he killed another as, turning round, they charged back again, and then ran about looking up at us, as they had been watching john. "i am very glad to see you safe!" i shouted out to john; for hitherto we had not had time to speak to him. "but why should we be afraid of these little creatures? they have more reason to be afraid of us, from the number you have killed, i should think." "just look into their mouths, and you will soon see that they are not so harmless as you suppose," he answered. "i have had a narrow escape of losing my life; for one of them caught me in the leg as i was climbing this tree, and had i let go my hold, the whole herd would have been upon me, and i should have been cut to pieces in a few seconds. those tusks of theirs are as pointed as needles and as sharp as razors. i am very glad you found me out, too; for i left my wallet hanging on a branch, just before i had to run for my life from these fellows. but how did you get back?" i briefly told him of our adventures. "you must have been anxious about me at the camp," he observed. "but the honest truth is, i lost my way, and at this moment scarcely know where i have got to. i had, however, few fears about myself; but have been very sorry for poor dear ellen, while i could not tell whether you were safe or not. however, we must drive away these savage little brutes." saying this, he knocked over another. i followed his example. arthur and duppo were meantime shooting their arrows at the herd. undaunted, however, the animals stood collected below us. it was evident that they were influenced rather by dull obstinacy or ignorance of their danger than by courage. at length their obtuse senses showed them that they were getting the worst of it. the survivors began to turn their fierce little eyes towards their dead companions, and it seemed to strike them that something was the matter. "shout!" cried out john--"shout! and perhaps we may frighten them away." we raised our voices, duppo joining in with his shrill pipe. the peccaries looked at each other; and then one moved to a little distance, then another, and at last the whole herd set off scampering away through the forest. we sent reiterated shouts after them, fearing that they might otherwise stop, and perhaps come back again; but they at last discovered that discretion is the better part of valour, and the trampling of their feet became less and less distinct, till it was lost in the distance. we now descended from our perches. i handed down true into arthur's arms. true had been very dissatisfied with his position, and, to revenge himself, at once flew at one of the hogs which was struggling at a little distance, and quickly put it out of its pain. we shook hands with john; and, congratulating him on his escape, introduced duppo to him, and told him how we had become acquainted. "here," he said, "look at these creatures, and you will see that i had good reason to be afraid of them." on examining their long and apparently harmless snouts, we found that they were armed with short tusks, scarcely seen beyond the lips; but being acutely pointed and double-edged, and as sharp as lancets, they are capable of inflicting the most terrible wounds. peccaries are the most formidable enemies, when met with in numbers, to be found in the forests of the amazon. the creatures were not more than three feet long, and a whole one was but an easy load to carry. the bodies were short and compact, and thickly covered with strong, dark-coloured bristles. round the neck was a whitish band, while the under part of the body was nearly naked. instead of a tail, there was merely a fleshy protuberance. "what a horrible odour!" exclaimed arthur, as we were examining one of them. we found that it proceeded from a glandular orifice at the lower part of the back. duppo immediately took this out with his knife, and then began scientifically to cut up the animal. following his example, we prepared others to carry with us, and thus each made up a load of about thirty pounds. the learned name of the animal is _dicotyles tajacu_. it eats anything that comes in its way,--fruits, roots, reptiles, or eggs; and it is of great service in killing snakes. it will attack the rattlesnake without fear, and easily kills it. the meat appeared perfectly destitute of fat, but we hoped to find it none the worse on that account. john, as may be supposed, was very hungry, and thankful for some of the food we brought with us. after he had breakfasted we commenced our return to the camp, loaded with the peccary meat. duppo carried a portion in addition to the scarlet-faced monkey. the little creature sat on his shoulder, looking far from at ease in its novel position. "oh, we will tame you before long, and make you perfectly contented and happy," said arthur, going behind duppo and addressing the monkey. "what will you like to be called, old fellow? you must have a name, you know. i have thought of one just suited to your red nose--toby; toby fill-pot, eh!--only we will call you toby. i say, harry, don't you think that will be a capital name?" i agreed that toby was a very suitable name, and so we settled, with ellen's approval, that toby should be the name of our scarlet-faced friend. john walked on in silence for some time. "i am very much ashamed of losing my way," he said at length when i joined him. "setting off through the forest to meet you, i went on and on, expecting every instant to see you. i fancied that i was close to the igarape, but somehow or other had wandered from it. the gloom increasing, i had still greater difficulty in finding my way. at last i determined to go back to the camp, but instead of doing so i must have wandered further and further from it. it then grew so dark that i was afraid of proceeding, and so looked out for a tree where i could rest for the night. i saw one with wide-spreading branches at no great distance from the ground. having cut a number of sipos, i climbed into my intended resting-place, dragging them after me. i there fastened them to the surrounding branches, making a tolerably secure nest for myself, i cannot say that i was very comfortable, for i could not help thinking that a prowling jaguar might find me out, or a boa or some other snake might climb up, and pay me a visit. i shouted several times, hoping that you might hear me, but the only answers i got were cries from howling monkeys, who seemed to be mocking me. the whole night long the creatures kept up their hideous howls. the moment one grew tired another began. so far they were of service, that they assisted to keep me awake. i can tell you i heartily wished for the return of day. as soon as it dawned i descended from my roosting-place, intending to make my way back as fast as possible. however, as the sun had not appeared, i had nothing to guide me. i tried to find the water, but must have gone directly away from it. i was walking on, when i saw the snout of an animal projecting from the hollow trunk of a large tree. taking it for a pig of some sort, i fired, when it ran out and dropped dead, its place being immediately supplied by another. i killed that in the same way, when out came a third, and looked about it; and presently i discovered several other heads poked out from the surrounding trees. i was on the point of cutting some pork steaks out of the first i had killed, when i caught sight of the sharp little tusks projecting from its mouth. suddenly the accounts i had heard of the dangerous character of peccaries flashed across my mind, and at the same instant i saw a number of the animals coming out of their holes. prudence urged me to beat a quick retreat. i was making my way through the forest, and had already got to some distance from where i had first seen the creatures, when a large herd, which had apparently collected from all quarters, came scampering after me. i at once began to clamber up into a tree, where you found me. on they came at a great rate; and, as i told you, i narrowly escaped being caught by one of the savage little brutes. i must have spent a couple of hours or more besieged by them before you came up." as we neared the camp we uttered as cheerful a shout as we could raise to give notice of our approach, and domingos soon appeared, followed by ellen and maria. ellen ran forward, and throwing her arms round john's neck, burst into tears. it showed us how anxious she had been on his account, although she had done her best, as she always did, to restrain her own feelings and keep up our spirits. we were all of us glad, after our exertions, to get into our hammocks and rest. we found on waking that domingos and maria had exerted themselves to prepare a plentiful repast. while eating it we discussed our future plans. "we must either recover our canoe or build another, that is certain," said john, "before we can continue our voyage. however, if we could be sure that this is a secure and healthy place for you to remain in, i should like to arrange with some of these indians to make an excursion along the shores in search of our parents. perhaps they are all this time encamped or at some village, on this or the opposite bank, not far off. it would, i think, be unwise to go further down without staying to ascertain this. what is your opinion, harry?" i agreed with him, but said that i would rather run the risk of the adventure, and let him remain at the camp. "or perhaps arthur might like to come with me," i added. "two people might succeed better than one; and we could even manage a canoe by ourselves independently of the natives." "oh yes," said arthur, "do let me go with harry. we can take duppo to assist us. he seems so intelligent that we should easily make him understand what we want." "then i propose that early to-morrow morning we set off to the village to search further for our canoe, or to purchase one, as john suggests," i said. "i am afraid we shall not be able to get up there on our raft, and we shall therefore have to make a journey round by land. with duppo, however, as a guide, we shall have less difficulty than before in making our way to it." it was finally settled that john, arthur, and i should set off early the following morning to the village, guided by duppo, while domingos remained at the camp to take care of ellen and maria. chapter ten. an encounter with savages. as there was still some daylight remaining, john took his gun to kill some parrots or other birds which might prove more palatable food than the peccary flesh. "take care that you do not lose yourself again," i could not help saying as he was starting. "do not mock me, harry," he answered. "i wish to gain experience, and depend on it i shall be careful to take the bearings of the camp, so as easily to find my way back to it. i do not intend to go many hundred yards off." arthur and i were in the meantime engaged in trying to tame master toby and the umbrella-bird, which we called niger. both seemed tolerably reconciled to captivity. ellen's little pet parrot, poll, kept casting suspicious glances at its feathered companion, not satisfied with the appearance of the curious-headed stranger, while nimble watched every movement of his cousin toby. after assisting ellen to feed her pets, arthur and i agreed to go out in search of john, taking duppo with us as a guide. we had not gone far when we saw him coming limping towards us. we were afraid that he had hurt his foot. "what is the matter?" i asked, when we met. "that is more than i can tell," he answered. "i have been for some time past feeling a curious itching sensation in my feet, and now i can scarcely bear to put them to the ground." we helped him along to the camp, when, sitting down on a log, he took off his boots. we examined his feet, and found a few small blue spots about them. "i suspect, senor john, i know what it is," said maria, who saw us. "some chegoes have got into your feet, and if they are not taken out quickly they will cause you a great deal of suffering." "but i can see nothing to take out," said john, looking at his feet. "to be sure not," answered maria, "because they have hidden themselves away under the skin. let me see what i can do. my mother was famous for taking out chegoes, and she showed me the way she managed." maria, running into the hut, returned with a large needle. "now, sit quiet, senor john, and do not cry out, and i will soon cure you." maria sat down, and taking john's foot on her knee, instantly began to work away with as much skill as the most experienced surgeon. we all stood by watching her. after a little time she produced between her finger and thumb a creature considerably smaller than an ordinary flea, which she had taken out alive and uninjured. giving it a squeeze, she threw it to the ground with an expression of anger at its having dared to molest her young master; and thus in a very short time she had extracted three or four insects from each of his feet. we had meantime begun to feel something uncomfortable in ours, and on maria's examining them, we found that a chego had taken possession of each of our big toes. the chego is a black little creature, which makes its way quietly under the skin, where, having got to a sufficient depth, it lays its eggs, and unless removed immediately, causes annoying and dangerous ulcers. ours were not there when we started to look for john, and by this time they had worked their way completely out of sight. after that we carefully examined our legs and feet every night before going to bed, as during the time we were asleep they would have made themselves completely at home in our flesh, with house, nursery, and children to boot. next morning, our feet being once more in good order, we put on thick socks, and our alpargates over them, and john and i with our guns, arthur with his bow and spear, accompanied by true, and led by duppo, took our way through the forest. i kept true close to me; for after the experience we had had, i was afraid of his encountering a jaguar, or peccary, or boa, knowing, however formidable the creature might be, he to a certainty would attack it. i need not again describe the forest scenery. after going on for some time we stopped to lunch, when arthur, who was at a little distance, called out to me. "come here, harry," he said, "and look at this curious wooden caterpillar." on joining him, i found on a leaf the head of a caterpillar projecting out of a wooden case fully two inches long. it was secured to the leaf by several silken lines. i took it up and examined it. there could be no doubt that the case was the work of art, and not a natural growth, and that it was formed of small pieces of stick fastened together with fine silken threads. inside this case the creature can live secure from its enemies while feeding and growing. we afterwards found several of the same description. another sort had made itself a bag of leaves open at both ends, the inside being lined with a thick web. it put us in mind of the caddis worms which we had seen in ponds in england. we took care when going on always to keep in sight of each other. arthur and i were together, and duppo a little ahead. "hark!" exclaimed arthur, "some one is singing in the distance." i listened, and felt sure that some native, who had climbed up a tree not far off to get fruit, was amusing himself by singing. john and duppo stopped also, attracted by the same sounds. we looked about in every direction, but could see no one. now the tones changed somewhat, and became more like those of a flageolet, very sweet, and we expected to hear it break into a curious native air, when presently it stopped, and instead of the flute-like notes, some clicking, unmusical sounds like the piping of a barrel-organ out of wind and tune reached our ears. not till then had we supposed that the songster was a bird. again it struck up in exactly the same way as before. though we all four looked about in the direction whence the notes came, the mysterious songster could not be discovered. duppo was evidently telling us a long story about it, but what he said we could not comprehend. i afterwards found that the bird is called by the portuguese the realejo, or organ-bird (_cyphorhinus cantans_). it is the chief songster of the amazonian forests. the natives hold it in great respect, and duppo seemed very unwilling to go on while the bird continued its notes. at length we reached the village, and were received in a friendly way by our young guide's mother. oria also seemed very glad to see us, and the little fat child whom arthur called diogenes, because he had first seen him seated in a tub, put out his hands to welcome us, in no way alarmed at what must have appeared to him our extraordinary appearance. our hostess appeared somewhat anxious, and she had good cause to be so, for no news had been received of the war-party. duppo explained what we had come for. she replied that she was afraid all the canoes had been carried off, though it was possible a small one might have been overlooked further up the stream, and, if such were the case, she would do her best to persuade the owner to sell it to us. we wanted to start off immediately, but she insisted on our partaking of some food, which she and oria set to work to prepare. as we were anxious to know whether a canoe could be procured, we spent little time over our repast, and again set off along the bank of the igarape. we inquired at each of the huts we passed about a canoe, but duppo invariably shook his head, to signify that he could not hear of one. still we went on, searching in every spot where he thought a canoe might be concealed. after some time, finding a tree bending almost horizontally over the water, we climbed along it for some way, that we might get a better view up and down the channel. arthur was the outermost of the party. "why, what can that be?" he exclaimed. "see there!" and he pointed up the canal. there, bending over the trunk of a large tree, which hung much in the same manner as the one we were on, i saw a huge jaguar. its claws seemed ready for immediate action. its eyes were evidently fixed on the surface of the water. "it is fifty yards off. it is looking out for a cow-fish, as was the one we saw the other day," whispered arthur. we told john, who was coming along the trunk, what we had seen. "we will let it catch the cow-fish first, then, and perhaps we may kill both creatures," he observed. while he was speaking, the creature darted out one of its huge paws, and drew it back again with a fish hanging to it. instantly the fish was torn to pieces and transferred to its jaws. we waited till the jaguar had begun to watch for another, and then crawling along the tree, made our way towards it. john and i got our guns ready, hoping to kill the beast before it had discovered us. just as we got near, however, it having caught another fish in the meantime, its eyes fell on us. rising to its feet, it stood for a moment as if doubtful whether or not it should attack us. i lifted my rifle to fire, but at that moment the animal gave a bound and darted off through the thick foliage, amid which it was hid from sight. we looked about, expecting to see it returning, but it had probably satisfied itself that we were too formidable enemies to attack. we found some of the fish it had been eating on the trunk of the tree, and the remains of several others near it, which showed that it had been successful in its sport. while searching round the tree duppo gave a shout of satisfaction, and hastening up to him, we found a small canoe hid away under a thick bush. he soon discovered also two pairs of paddles, and made us understand that we were welcome to the canoe. it was, however, so small that it would barely carry all the party. it would certainly not have done so with safety, except in the very smoothest water. we launched it, and john and arthur, using great caution, got in. one of the paddles had been left behind. duppo ran back to get it. we saw him eagerly glancing down an open glade which extended some distance into the forest. suddenly he turned round, his countenance exhibiting terror, and stepping into the stern of the canoe, made signs to us to shove off and paddle away. he also began paddling with all his might. we followed his example without stopping to inquire the cause of his alarm. we had got to some distance, when i happened to look round. i saw that duppo was doing the same. at that moment several figures appeared on the bank near the spot we had left. they were savages, with their bodies painted and decked with feathers. bows were in their hands. they had apparently only that instant discovered us. the next a flight of arrows came whizzing after the canoe. they fell short, however, and we redoubled our efforts to urge it forward. still, deep in the water as it was, we could scarcely hope to get beyond their reach. "majeronas! majeronas!" shouted duppo, labouring away with his paddle. "on, boys, on!" cried john. "we must not allow them to come up with us. active as they are, the forest is thick, and we may be able to get along the water faster than they can make their way among the trees." disappointed at finding that we were already beyond their reach, the savages uttered piercing shrieks and cries to intimidate us. the water bubbled and hissed as we drove our little canoe through it, coming frequently over the bows. still on we went. i could not, however, help every now and then looking round, expecting to see the savages on the bank neat us. their shouts had ceased. "i am afraid our friends have been defeated," observed arthur; "and their enemies have come to attack the village." "if so, we must defend it," said john. "they may possibly stand in awe of our firearms. we must, however, try to get to the village before they reach it, to warn the inhabitants." "but there are only old men, boys, and women to defend it," said arthur. "could we not try to come to terms with their enemies?" "i am afraid the majeronas, if they have been victorious, are not likely to listen to anything we have to say," said john. "we must show them our rifles. they will understand that argument better than anything else." all this time we were paddling along as at first. before us was a narrow part of the igarape, and i fully expected every instant to see the savages appear on the bank. still, we had made considerable way, and it was possible that we had kept ahead of them. i said nothing, however, lest it might discourage my companions. we were nearing the dreaded point. i saw that duppo was keeping the canoe over to the opposite side. "would it not be better to get our guns ready to fire?" i said to john. "no, no," he answered. "keep paddling away. there is no honour nor advantage to be gained by fighting. if we reach the village, we shall meet the foe on better terms." it was anxious work. we could not tell whether the next moment might not be our last. then what would become of poor dear ellen? we knew that domingos and maria would do their best. still, how could they escape alone? "now," said john, "we must dash by that point as fast as we can! never mind if we ship a little water. we must not let the savages kill us if we can help it." the point was reached. i expected to see a party of the majeronas start up from among the bushes. on we went. i held my breath as i paddled away. the point was passed. no savages appeared. "hurrah!" cried arthur, who was seated in the bows. "there is the village!" in three minutes more we were on shore. duppo set off running, shouting at the top of his voice. the boys collected round him as he went, but instantly dispersed to their huts. before he was out of sight they had again collected, some with bows and arrows, others with _sumpitans_. several old men appeared also, armed with larger weapons of the same description. altogether, fully fifty men and boys were collected. we came to the conclusion that the enemy had hoped to surprise the village, and were approaching for that object when duppo had discovered them. john advised that a breastwork should be thrown up, extending from the igarape across the path the majeronas were likely to come by. after some time, our friends seemed to comprehend what we wanted. some timbers for building a new hut were fortunately at hand. we drove several into the soft earth to form a palisade. the natives, on seeing us do this, understood what we wanted, and immediately the whole community were busy at work, bringing up posts, and placing them as we directed. they even pulled down three or four huts which stood near, the materials of which were suited to our purpose. the women worked away as well as the men; and thus, with so many willing hands, in a short time we had a fortification erected, which, though not very strong, was sufficiently so to resist the attack of a party of naked savages. we encouraged them by explaining that our guns might do good service in their defence. by degrees we had formed a complete half-circle, the ends resting on the igarape. as there still appeared to be time, we thought it better to fortify the water side also. the people seemed clearly to understand our object. the evening was now drawing on. i was afraid that ellen might become anxious at our non-appearance. i saw that something was on arthur's mind. he came up to me. "harry," he said, "i do not wish to alarm you unnecessarily, but it has just occurred to me that the savages may have made a circuit, and found their way to our camp. would it not be wise to go there in the canoe; you and duppo, for instance, and leave john and i to assist these people?" "oh no! i cannot desert john," i answered. "but what a dreadful thought! no; you must go, arthur, and take them off in the canoe; or, as the canoe cannot carry you all, load the raft, and tow it out into the river. the risk is great, but anything will be better than falling into the hands of the savages." "i will do as you wish," said arthur; "but i do not like running away from the post of the chief danger." "why, arthur, you see you could do but little with your bow," i answered; "john and i will stay with our guns. but i do not suppose the savages have gone round that way; for recollect there is the lagoon to pass, which must compel them to make a wide circuit; and i do not see how they can know anything about our camp. still, i wish you could go to ellen, and tell her what a strong fortification we have thrown up, and that there is really no cause to be alarmed." i must confess, however, that all the time i was speaking i felt fearfully anxious. at that moment, two or three bigger boys, who had gone out as scouts into the forest, came running back, and shouting out to the people. the next instant, men, women, and children rushed into the enclosure loaded with household goods and provisions; and the men set to work to block up a narrow space, which had hitherto been left open. a few minutes only had elapsed after this was done, when, as we looked through the palisades, we caught sight of several human figures stealthily creeping among the trees. our friends crouched down to the ground. we also carefully kept out of sight. the strangers approached nearer and nearer. now they stopped, looking suspiciously at the fort. they evidently could not understand what it was. several others, emerging from the depths of the forest, joined them. they seemed to be holding a consultation. their numbers kept increasing, till they formed a formidable band. they were sufficiently near for us to distinguish their appearance, and we were thus sure that they were the same people who had shot their arrows at us from the bank of the igarape. that they came with hostile intent was very evident. after they had talked for some time, one of their number crept forward, close to the ground, keeping as much under shelter as possible; yet i could easily have picked him off had it been necessary. having approached quite near, he again stopped, and seemed to be surveying the fortress. presently we saw him making his way back to his companions. it was well for him that he had not come nearer, or he would have received in his body a poisoned arrow from a bow or blow-pipe. several of our indians were preparing to shoot. again a long consultation was held. and now once more the savage warriors began to move towards us. i waited for john to give the order to fire. i saw the boys dropping arrows into their blow-pipes, and the old men getting ready their bows. even arthur, though hating the thought of injuring a fellow-creature, was fixing an arrow to his bow. the enemy advanced slowly, extending their line on both sides. in a little time they were near enough for their arrows to reach us. never having seen a shot fired in anger, i felt a repugnance at the thought of killing a fellow-creature. i daresay my companions felt as i did. i knew that arthur had often expressed his horror at having to go into battle, not on account of the risk he might run of being killed, but at the thought of killing others. still, i had persuaded him that, if people are attacked, they must use the right of defending themselves. again they came on; and then suddenly once more stopped, and, drawing their bows, shot a flight of arrows. most of them stuck in the palisades, but fortunately none came through. we kept perfectly silent, hiding ourselves, as before, from the enemy. i was still in hopes they might take the alarm and go away without attacking us. now, led by a chief, in a head-dress of feathers, with a long spear in his hand, uttering loud shouts and shrieks, like the war-whoops of north american indians, they dashed on. as they got within twenty yards of us, our native garrison sprang up, and shot forth a shower of arrows from their bows and blow-pipes. the enemy were thrown somewhat into confusion by so unexpected a greeting, and sprang back several paces. two or three of their people had been struck, as we saw them drawing the arrows from their breasts with looks of alarm, knowing well that though the wounds were slight they were nevertheless likely to prove fatal. "if they come on again we must fire," said john. "it may be true mercy in the end." we waited, expecting to see them once more rush on; but they evidently had not calculated on opposition, and seemed very unwilling to court danger. they retreated further and further off. still we could see the chief going among them, apparently trying to induce them to renew the attack. the muzzles of our rifles were projecting through the palisades. "i am covering the chief," said john. "i think it would be better to pick him off; and yet i am unwilling to take the life of the ignorant savage." while john was speaking, the chief disappeared behind a tree; and the next instant his companions were hid from sight. we began to hope that, after all, they would retreat without attempting to attack our fortress. we waited for some time, when i proposed that we should send out our young scouts to try and ascertain what had become of them. just as we were trying to explain our wishes, some of our people gave vent to loud cries, and we saw smoke rising from the furthest-off huts of the village. it grew thicker and thicker. then we saw flames bursting forth and extending from hut to hut. it was too evident that the savages had gone round, and, to revenge themselves, had, after plundering the huts, set them on fire. had we had a few active warrior with us, they might have rushed out and attacked the enemy while thus employed; but as our fighting men were either too old or too young, no attempt of the sort could be made. the poor natives, therefore, had to wait patiently in the fort, whilst their homes and property were being destroyed. while most of the party were looking towards the village, i happened to cast my eyes in the other direction, from whence the enemy had come. there i saw a large body of men making their way among the trees. my heart sank within me. i was afraid that our enemies were about to be reinforced. and now, with their numbers increased, they would probably again attack us. "it cannot be helped," i said to john. "we must allow no feelings of compunction to prevent us from firing on them. had we shot the chief, his followers would probably not have attempted to commit this barbarous act." at length i called duppo, and pointed out the fresh band now approaching. instead of being alarmed, as i had expected, his countenance brightened, and he instantly turned round and shouted out some words in a cheerful tone. the whole of the villagers on this sprang up, and a look of satisfaction, such as indians seldom exhibit, coming over their countenances, they began to shout in cheerful tones. then several of them rushed to the entrance last closed, and pulling down the stakes, hurried out towards the new-comers. as they drew nearer, i recognised one of the chiefs whom we had met--maono, duppo's father. a few words only were exchanged between the garrison and the warriors, and then the latter rushed on towards the village. in a few minutes loud cries and shouts arose, and we saw our late assailants scampering through the woods, pursued by our friends. the former did not attempt to stop and defend themselves. several, shot by arrows or pierced by lances, lay on the ground. the remainder were soon lost to sight among the trees, pursued by the warriors who had just returned, and who seemed eager to wreak their revenge on the destroyers of their village. no attempt was made to put out the flames; indeed, so rapidly did they extend among the combustible materials of which they were constructed, that the whole of the huts standing within reach of each other were quickly burned to the ground. we now ventured to accompany oria and her mother out of the fort. they were met by maono, who received them in calm indian fashion, without giving way to any exhibition of feeling. he, indeed, seemed to have some sad intelligence to communicate. whatever it was, they soon recovered, and now seemed to be telling him how much they owed their preservation to us--at least we supposed so by the way he took our hands and pressed them to his breast. after some time the rest of the warriors returned, and, as far as we could judge, they must have destroyed the greater number of their enemies. maono showed more feeling when he spoke to his son, who gave him an account of what had occurred. as we hoped to learn more from our young friend than from any one else, we set to work, as soon as we could detach him from his companions, to make him give us an account of the expedition. as far as we could understand, maono and his brother with their followers had been unable for some time to fall in with the enemy. at length they met them in the neighbourhood of their own village, when a fierce battle had been fought according to indian fashion. several men had been killed on both sides, and among others who fell, pierced by a poisoned arrow, was duppo's uncle, whose musket also had been captured. several others had been taken prisoners, and, the lad added with a shudder, had been carried off to be eaten. in the meantime, it turned out, another party of the majeronas, hoping to find our friend's village unprotected, had made their way through the forest to surprise it. it was very satisfactory to us, at all events, to find that we had been the means of protecting the families of these friendly indians. they took the burning of their village very calmly, and at once set to work to put up shelter for the night; fires were lighted, and the women began to cook the provisions they had saved. maono invited us to partake of the meal which his wife and daughter had got ready. we would rather have set off at once to the camp, but night was now coming on, and when we proposed going, duppo seemed very unwilling that we should do so. we understood him to say that we might encounter jaguars or huge snakes, and we should be unable to see our way through the dark avenue of trees. as ellen did not expect us to return, we agreed at length to follow his advice. i observed that our friends sent out scouts--apparently to watch lest any of the enemy should venture to return--a precaution i was very glad to see taken. as far as we could understand, the expedition had been far from successful, as none of the canoes had been recovered, and our friends did not even boast that they had gained a victory. from the terrible character duppo gave of the enemy, they perhaps had good reason to be thankful that they had escaped without greater loss. chapter eleven. dangers by land and water--a new friend found. our indian friends, although their people are generally so undemonstrative, endeavoured by every means in their power to show their gratitude to us for the service we had rendered them. when we offered to pay for the canoe, which we were anxious to retain, maono entreated us to accept it, intimating that he would settle with the owner. we were very glad to obtain the little craft; for, though too small for our voyage down the amazon, it would enable us to carry out our project of searching the neighbouring shores for our parents. though we had not preserved their village from destruction, we had certainly saved the lives of their women and children, and did not therefore hesitate about accepting the canoe as a gift. the chiefs sat up the greater part of the night, holding a council. next morning it was evident that they had arrived at some important determination. the inhabitants were busy collecting their scattered goods, and doing them up in portable packages. when we explained to them that we were anxious to set off immediately for our own camp, they intimated that they purposed accompanying us. as this, however, would have delayed us greatly, we got duppo to explain that we would gladly meet them again at any spot they might appoint, but that we would go down by the igarape in the canoe. a hurried meal having been taken, we prepared to embark. meantime the men were employed in loading the women and children with their goods. we thought that they were reserving some of the heavier loads for themselves; but this, we soon found, was not the case, as they were placed on the backs of the stronger women. even our hostess--the chief's wife--had to shoulder a load; and we felt very indignant when we saw that oria had to carry one also. "i say, harry, don't you think we ought to save her from that?" exclaimed arthur. "i am sure i would gladly carry it for her." "you would somewhat astonish her if you made the offer," observed john; "and i suspect you would fall in the estimation of our warrior friends. their creed is different from ours. they consider it derogatory to manhood to carry a load or to do more work than they can help. however, as ellen would perhaps like to have oria with her, we might induce her parents to let her accompany duppo. we cannot do without him, at all events." we tried to explain our proposal to duppo, and after some time he comprehended us. oria, however, seemed very unwilling to accept the offer, as she clung to her mother, and turned away her head from us. duppo at length came back, and we all got into the canoe. our friends insisted on our taking as many articles of food as we could possibly carry--dried fish and meat, bananas and farinha, as well as fruit and vegetables. true as usual took his seat in the bows. we were just shoving off, when maono and his wife came down to us leading oria. the chief addressed us and his son, but what he said we could not of course understand. however we agreed that it was all right, and duppo seemed highly pleased when his sister stepped into the canoe and took her seat in front of him. bidding our friends adieu, we now began carefully to paddle down the igarape. we were some time in sight of the village, the whole inhabitants of which we saw moving off, the men stalking first, with their bows and spears in their hands and their blow-pipes at their backs, and the women following, bending under the weight of the loads they carried. even the children, except the smallest, who sat on their mother's backs or were led by the hand, carried packages. "i am very glad we have saved the poor girl a heavy trudge through the forest," observed arthur; "but i cannot say much for the chivalry of these people. i was inclined to think favourably of the warriors when i saw them going forth so bravely to battle, but the example they have given us of the way they treat their women lowers them sadly in my estimation." "very true, arthur," remarked john. "it is a sure sign that a people have fallen into a degraded and uncivilised condition when women do not hold an honourable position among them. but there are some savages who treat their females even worse than these do. from what i have seen, they appear in many respects kind and gentle to them. the australian savage--who is, however, the lowest in the scale of civilisation--when he wants a wife, watches till he finds a damsel to his taste, and then knocks her down with his club, a sign to her that she is henceforth to be a submissive and dutiful wife. i am sure our friends here would not be guilty of such an act." "no; i hope not indeed," exclaimed arthur. "dreadful to think that oria should have to submit to such treatment." we had, as may be supposed, to paddle carefully to prevent running against a bough or sunken trunk, as the least touch might have upset our frail craft. though we might easily have scrambled out, yet we should have run the risk of losing our guns and wetting our ammunition; besides which, an alligator might have been lurking near, and seized one of us in its jaws before we could escape to land. these considerations made us very careful in our navigation. after some time, we began to feel sadly cramped from being unable to move. oria sat quiet and silent, close to her brother, somewhat surprised, i dare say, at finding herself carried away by the three white strangers. john told us to keep our tongues steady in the middle of our mouths, lest we should make the canoe heel over; and, indeed, if we leant ever so slightly on one side the water began to ripple over the gunwale. duppo steered very carefully; and i, having the bow paddle, kept a very bright look-out ahead for any danger which might appear under water. i could not help thinking of the big cow-fish we had seen, and dreading lest one of them coming up the igarape might give the canoe an unintentional shove with his snout, which would most inevitably have upset her. thus we went on. the lagoon was passed, and again we entered the channel with the thick trees arching overhead. how cool and pleasant was the shade after the heat of the sun to which we had been exposed in the more open parts! as we approached the camp our anxiety to ascertain that all was well increased. the nearer we got the more i longed to see the smiling face of our dear little sister, and i thought of the pleasure she would have when we introduced oria to her. at length we could see in the far distance the landing-place near the camp. in our eagerness we forgot our caution, and very nearly sent the canoe under water. "be more careful, boys," cried john, though he was paddling as hard as either of us. as we drew near i looked out for the raft at the spot we had left her moored, but could not see her. an uncomfortable misgiving came over me, yet i could not bear to think that any accident had happened. i said nothing, and on we went. "why, where is the raft?" exclaimed john. "oh, perhaps domingos has drawn her up on the bank," observed arthur. "that is more than he would have strength to do," said john. "besides, i can see the bank, and the raft is not there." as we drew near we raised a shout to attract domingos, true joining us with one of his cheerful barks. no one answered. "domingos has probably gone out shooting," observed arthur. "we shall see your sister and maria running down directly." we looked eagerly towards the camp, but neither ellen nor maria appeared. we at length clambered out of the canoe up the bank, leaving duppo to help out his sister, and on we ran, breathless with anxiety, to ascertain what had happened. the huts stood as we had left them, but the occupants were not there. we looked about. the goods had been carried off. had the indians been there--or had ellen and her attendants fled? these were the fearful questions we asked ourselves. if the indians had come, where had they carried our sister, and what had they done with her? we searched around in every direction. no signs of violence were to be discovered. yet, unless the indians had come, why should they have fled. the savage majeronas would certainly have burned down the huts. true was running about as surprised as we were to find no one there. now he ran into ellen's hut, then searched about in the surrounding wood, and came back to us, as if he could not make up his mind what had happened. duppo and oria now arrived, having waited at the bank to secure the canoe. we tried to make duppo understand that we wanted to know his opinion. though very intelligent for an indian, we could seldom judge his thoughts by the expression of his countenance. at last he comprehended us, but made no reply. after waiting an instant, he went into ellen's hut, and then, as true had done, examined the surrounding thickets. at last he came back and had a talk with oria. they seemed to have arrived at some conclusion. we watched them anxiously. then we asked duppo if the majeronas had been there. he shook his head, and then, taking my hand, led me back to the water, narrowly examining the ground as he went. on reaching the igarape he pointed down towards the great river. i understood him. "john! arthur!" i shouted out, "they have gone that way on the raft. i am sure of it from duppo's signs. perhaps they have not got to any great distance, and we may overtake them." "stay," said john; "perhaps they are hiding somewhere near. we will shout out, and they may hear us." "there is no use in doing that," i remarked. "had the raft still been here i might have thought so, but it is evident that they have gone away on it. it would easily carry them and all our goods, and for some reason or other domingos has persuaded them to escape on it, hoping that we should follow." "would not ellen have left a note for us, or some sign, to show us where they have gone to," observed john in a desponding tone. "that she has not done so puzzles me more than anything else." to satisfy john, we all shouted at the top of our voices again and again; but no reply came. we were going to get into the canoe, when duppo showed us that we might prepare it with a little contrivance for encountering the rougher water of the river. some sipos were near. these he cut down, and with oria's assistance bound into two long bundles, which he neatly secured to the gunwale of the canoe, completely round her. by this means the sides were raised four or five inches, and would thus, i saw, greatly assist to keep out the water, and at the same time would enable her to float, even should she be partly filled. duppo now beckoned to us to get into her. we took our seats as before, and once more we paddled down the igarape. duppo's contrivance completely kept out the water, which would otherwise have broken on board; and we had no longer any fear of driving the canoe as fast as we could through it. we soon reached the open river. "which way shall we turn--up or down the stream?" i asked. "down, certainly," said john; "the raft could not have gone up it." we accordingly made signs to duppo to turn the canoe's head towards the east. before us appeared the island on which we so narrowly escaped being wrecked during the hurricane. we steered down near the mainland, examining narrowly the shores on either side. no raft could we see, nor any one on the land. the water was smooth in the channel through which we were passing, but when we got to the end of it, we found the surface rippled over with waves, which, although small, threatened to be dangerous to our deeply-laden little craft. i proposed that we should, notwithstanding, endeavour to paddle up along the other side of the island, in case ellen and her companions might have landed on it. we made signs to duppo to steer in that direction; but he, instead of doing so, pointed to a spot some way down the river, signifying to as that he wished to land there. we concluded that it was the place where his father had appointed to meet him. "perhaps he sees the raft; it may have drifted there," exclaimed arthur. "at all events, i am sure it will be better to do as he proposes." we accordingly paddled on under duppo's pilotage. now that we were exposed to the breeze blowing across the river, our heavily-laden canoe could with difficulty contend with the waves, which, in spite of the raised gunwale, every now and then broke into her. had it not been for the young indian's thoughtful contrivance, we should inevitably have been swamped. after going on for some distance, we reached the mouth of another igarape. just outside it, facing the river, was a small open space, free of trees, with a fringe of rushes growing between it and the water. with some little difficulty we forced the canoe through the rushes, and we then, by scrambling up the bank, reached the spot i have described. duppo made signs to us that it was here he wished to remain for the arrival of his father. "we may as well do as he proposes then," said john, "and we will set off and look for the raft. if we do not find it--which heaven forbid!--we will return and obtain the assistance of the indians in making a more extended search." the spot was a very beautiful one, open entirely to the river in front, while the trees behind, not growing so closely together as usual, allowed the air to circulate--a very important consideration in that hot climate. "it is just the place i should have chosen for an encampment while we are searching for our father," said john. arthur and i agreed with him; but as we were eager to be off again, we had no time to talk about the matter. landing the greater part of the provisions, we explained our intentions to our young friends. they understood us, but seemed unwilling to be left behind. john also proposed that arthur should remain on shore. "i will do as you wish," he answered; "but i do not like to be separated from you." while we were speaking, standing on the bank, looking out over the river, he exclaimed, "see, see! what is that speck out there towards the other side?" we eagerly looked in the direction he pointed. "i am afraid it is only the trunk of a tree, or a mass of grass floating down," said john. "oh no, no! i am nearly sure there are people on it!" cried arthur, whose eyes, as we had found, were keener than ours. "at all events, we will go towards it," cried john. we hurried down and slipped into the canoe. "yes; i know that you may go faster without me," said arthur. "you know what i should like to do; but if it is better, i will remain on shore." we thanked him for his self-denial, and i was about to propose leaving true with him, when the dog settled the point by jumping in. john and i shoved off, and paddled on with all our might. now that we had fewer people on board, we made much better way than before, and floated buoyantly over the mimic seas which met us. we had marked the direction of the object we had seen. from the water it was at first scarcely visible. as we went on we again caught sight of it. how anxiously we watched it! one moment i thought it must be the raft, the next i was afraid it was but the trunk of a tree, or a flat island of grass. how i longed for a spy-glass to settle the point, but unfortunately we possessed none. for some minutes neither john nor i spoke. "harry!" he exclaimed, at length, "i see some one waving. yes, yes; i am sure it is the raft!" i strained my eyes to the utmost. i too thought i saw people on the object ahead of us. if people they were, they were sitting down though. "probably domingos is afraid of standing up," said john. then i remarked this to him. "i am glad the wind is across the river instead of up it, or it would be fearfully dangerous for them." "then you do think it is the raft?" i asked. "i am sure of it," answered john. we redoubled our efforts. every instant the object grew clearer and clearer. we could scarcely be deceived. "heaven be praised!" exclaimed john; "i see ellen and maria, one on each side, and domingos working away with his paddle at one end. they are trying to come towards us." i saw them too, and could even make out nimble, and toby, and poll, and niger. my heart leaped with joy. in a few minutes more we were up to the raft. "we will not stop to ask questions," exclaimed john, as we got alongside. "here, maria; hand me your painter, and we will secure it to ours, and tow you back to the north bank. you must tell us what has happened as we go along." "oh, but arthur! why is arthur not with you? has anything happened to him?" exclaimed ellen. "no; he is all right," answered john, pointing to the shore. while he was speaking, we transferred our painter to the stern of the canoe, and secured it as a tow-rope to the raft. we put the canoe's head the way we wished to go, and paddled on. the wind was in our favour; and domingos, with ellen and maria, worked away with their paddles also on the raft. we were exerting ourselves too much to speak. our dear sister was safe; but yet it was somewhat difficult to restrain our curiosity to know what had occurred. the wind was increasing every moment; and as we neared the shore we saw that there might be some danger of the water washing over the raft should we attempt to land under the bank. i proposed, therefore, that we should steer for the igarape. it was no easy matter, however, to get there, as the current was carrying us down. domingos tried to urge the raft in the direction we wished to go. the wind continued to increase, and the current swept us further and further to the east. the seas rising, tossed the raft, now on the one side, now on the other; and every moment i dreaded that those on it might be thrown off or washed away. we entreated them to hold on tightly. even the canoe, though before the wind, was tossed considerably. we could now distinguish our friends on shore watching us anxiously as we approached. already we had drifted down below them. they were trying to make their way through the forest to follow us. "we must drift down till we can see some place where we can get on shore with a prospect of safety," observed john. i agreed with him that it was our only alternative; yet i knew that sometimes for miles together along the banks such a place might not be found. we turned the head of the canoe, however, down the stream, anxiously looking out for a fit spot to land. i dreaded, as i cast a look over my shoulder at the sky, that such a hurricane as we had before encountered was brewing; and if so, our prospect of being saved was small indeed. i saw that domingos also was casting a glance back at the sky. we could see the tall trees on shore bending before the blast. every moment our position became more and more perilous. if landing in the daylight was difficult, it would be still more so to get on shore in the dark. down the mighty river we floated. the last rays of the sun came horizontally over the waters, tinging the mimic waves with a bright orange hue. then gradually they assumed a dull, leaden tint, and the topmost boughs of the more lofty trees alone caught the departing light. still no harbour of refuge appeared. i proposed running in, as the last desperate resource, and scrambling on shore while we could still see sufficiently to find our way. "we shall lose our goods, and the canoe, and the raft, if we make the attempt," answered john, "and perhaps our lives. we must still try to find a safe place to land at." we were yet at some distance from the shore, though, driven by the fierce wind, we were rapidly approaching it. the storm increased. dark clouds were gathering overhead. a bright flash of lightning darted from them, crackling and hissing as it went along the water: another, and another followed. suddenly, as if a thick mantle had been thrown over us, it became dark, and we could scarcely have distinguished an opening in the forest had one been before us. john was more unwilling than ever to risk landing; and we therefore steered down the river, parallel with the shore, so as to prevent the raft as long as possible from being driven against it. "paddle on, harry!" cried john, with his usual coolness; "we may yet find a harbour of refuge." we could judge pretty well, by the varying outline of the leafy wall close to us, that we were making rapid way. the wind, too, had shifted more to the west, and drove us therefore still before it. arthur and our indian friends would, i knew, be in despair at not seeing us land; while it was certain that they could not keep pace with the raft, as they had to make their way through the tangled forest. now that darkness had come on, they would probably be compelled to stop altogether. the wind blew harder. the raft was tossed fearfully about. another rattling peal of thunder and more vivid flashes of lightning burst from the clouds. maria shrieked out with terror; while the two monkeys clung to her, their teeth chattering--as alarmed as she was, ellen afterwards told me. then again all was silent. "i am afraid, harry, we must make the attempt," said john at last. "but the risk is a fearful one. we must tell ellen, domingos, and maria to be prepared.--be ready, dear ellen!" cried john. "hold on tightly; and when i call to you, spring towards me. we must manage by some means to get on shore. domingos will help maria. harry will try to secure the guns and ammunition; our existence may depend upon them. the animals must take care of themselves.--domingos, are you ready?" he asked, in spanish. "si, si, senor john. but look there, master; what is that light on shore? it must come from some hut surely, where we may obtain shelter. let us try to reach the place. even if there are savages there, they will not refuse to help us." as he spoke, we observed a bright light bursting forth from among the trees, at a short distance off along the bank. now it disappeared--now it came again in sight. we paddled down towards it. it was apparently a torch held in a person's hand. we rapidly approached the light, but yet failed to discover any place where we could land with safety. we shouted loudly, hoping to attract the attention of any one who might be near. presently a hail came off the land. we answered it. again a voice was heard. "can you tell us where we can land with safety?" cried john, in spanish. the answer was unintelligible. presently he asked again in english; and in a little time we saw the light moving along the bank. then it remained stationary. we exerted ourselves to the utmost to steer for it; and we now saw a division in the wall of trees, which indicated that there was a passage between them. again the thunder reared, the lightning flashed, and the wind blew with fearful force. maria shrieked loudly, "the water is washing over the raft!" "hold on! hold on!" cried john; "we shall soon be in safety." and in another minute we were entering the mouth of a narrow channel. "we will turn the canoe round," said john, "and let the raft go first. we may thus prevent it being dashed on the bank." we did as he advised. scarcely, however, had we turned the raft round when we found it had reached the shore. "do you, domingos, help the senora and maria to land!" shouted john. by the light from the torch we saw a tall figure standing on the bank. he flung the light so that it might fall across us. "females!" he exclaimed. "a sorry night to be buffeting with the waves of the amazon! give me your hands, whoever you are. i should little have expected to find my countrymen in such a plight in this remote region." while he was speaking he helped ellen and maria up the bank, the two monkeys following, while poll and niger clung fast to maria's shoulders. faithful true did not attempt to leap on shore, though he could easily have done so, but remained with me in the canoe. domingos, meantime, was hastily throwing our goods on shore; while we continued exerting ourselves in preventing the raft being lifted by the force of the water and upset on the bank. "all the things are safely landed," cried domingos at length. we then, casting off the tow-rope, paddled round, and ran the bow of the canoe on shore. not till then did true leap out of her. domingos and the stranger coming down, helped us to drag her out of the water. "we may save the raft also," said the latter. "you may require it to continue your voyage; as i conclude you do not intend to locate yourselves here, and compel me to seek another home in the wilderness." i was struck by the morose tone in which the stranger spoke. he, however, assisted us in dragging up the raft sufficiently high to prevent its being knocked about by the waves, which ran even into the comparatively smooth part of the channel in which we found ourselves. "we heartily thank you for your assistance," said john. "we owe the preservation of our lives to you; for, with the increasing storm, we could scarcely have escaped destruction had we been driven further down the river." "you owe me no thanks, young sir. i would have done the same for a party of benighted savages, as you call them," answered the stranger. "your dumb companions are equally welcome. i am not ill pleased to see them. it speaks in your favour that they follow you willingly, instead of being dragged about with ropes and chains, or confined in cages, as civilised men treat the creatures they pretend to tame. i have, however, but poor shelter to offer you from the deluge which will soon be down on our heads. follow me; there is no time to be lost." "but we must not allow our goods to remain out," said john. "i will assist you, then, to carry them," answered the stranger, lifting up double the number of packages which we usually carried at a time. we then all loaded ourselves. ellen insisted on carrying a package, and followed the stranger, who went before us with his torch. we could not even then exchange words, as we had to proceed in single file along a narrow pathway, fringed on either side with thick shrubs--apparently the after-growth of a cleared spot, soon to spring up again into tall trees. we soon found ourselves within the forest, where, so dense was the gloom, that without the torch to guide us we could not have made our way. its ruddy flame glanced on the trunks of the tall trees, showing a canopy of wide-spreading boughs overhead, and the intricate tracery of the numberless sipos which hung in festoons, or dropped in long threadlike lines from them. passing for a few yards through a jungle, the boughs spreading so closely above our heads that we often had to stoop, we found ourselves in an open space, in which by the light of the torch we saw a small hut with deep eaves, the gable end turned towards us. it was raised on posts several feet from the ground. a ladder led to a platform or verandah, which projected from the wall of the gable, in which was a small door. "here you are welcome to stow your goods and rest for the night," said the stranger. "no human being but myself has ever entered it; for i seek not the society of my fellow-men, either savage or civilised, so-called. to-morrow, if the weather clears, you will, i conclude, proceed on your way; or if you insist on remaining, i must seek another home. let that be understood, before i make you further welcome. now, enter, and such accommodation as my hut affords shall be yours." there was something in the tone of the speaker which, though his dress was rough and strange, made us feel that he was a man of education. "we cordially thank you, sir," answered john, "and accept your hospitality on the terms you propose; but as a portion of our goods still remain near the river, we would ask you to give us another torch to enable us to fetch them before the rain comes done." "i will myself accompany you," he answered, "when i have introduced the young people to my abode." saying this, he stepped up the ladder, and assisted ellen and maria to reach the platform. he then led the way in, and lighted a lamp which stood--we could see through the open door--on a table near it. "i am sorry i have no better accommodation to offer you," he said, looking at ellen; "but such as it is, you are welcome to it." he came down with another torch in his hand, and proceeded with rapid strides back to the river. we had some difficulty in following him. again he took up a heavy load; and we, dividing the remainder of the goods between us, followed him towards the hut. ascending the ladder as we reached it, he desired us to hand up the goods, which he carried within. as soon as we were on the platform, he drew up the ladder. "i always secure myself thus in my fortress at night," he remarked; "and as i have taken means of preventing any snakes crawling up the posts on which it stands, i can sleep more securely than many do in the so-called civilised portion of the globe." on entering the house, we found that it was larger than we had supposed from its appearance outside. it was divided into two rooms. the outer was fitted up, in somewhat rustic style, as a sitting-room, while we concluded that the inner one was a sleeping-room. round the walls were arranged shelves, on one of which were a considerable number of books, with a variety of other articles. in one corner was a pile of nets and harpoons, and some spears and other weapons for the chase; in another stood an indian mill for grinding flour, and several jars and other articles, apparently for preparing or preserving food. against the walls stood several chests. though the table was large enough for the whole of us to sit round it, yet there was but one stool, showing that our host, as he had told us, was unaccustomed to receive guests. he, however, pulled the chests forward, and by placing some boards between them, we all found seats. "if you have not brought provisions, i will supply you while you stay with me," he observed; "but my own consumption is so small that i have but a limited amount to offer you." "we would not willingly deprive you of that, sir," said john; "and we have enough to last us till we can supply ourselves with more." "that is fortunate," remarked the recluse. "while your servant gets it ready, i will prepare my room for the young lady and her attendant. i have no cooking-place under shelter, and while the rain is pouring down, as it will begin to do presently, a fire cannot be lighted outside. you must therefore be content with a cold repast." while the recluse--so i may call him--was absent, we for the first time had an opportunity of asking ellen what had occurred to drive her and her attendants away from the camp. "i was indeed unwilling to do so," she said, "till urged by domingos. he had gone to shoot at a short distance from the hut, when he came hurrying back with a look of alarm, and told me that he had caught sight of some savages making their way through the forest. he insisted that they were trying to find us out, and that our only hope of safety was by instant flight. i pleaded that you would come back, and finding us gone, would fancy we had been carried off or killed. he argued that on your return, finding the raft gone, you would know we had embarked on it. at length he agreed, that if we would assist to carry the goods down to the raft he would again search round the camp, and should the natives appear to be going in a different direction, we might carry them back again. he had not gone long, when he returned with dismay on his countenance, asserting that they were coming towards us, and that if we did not escape we should certainly be killed. you may suppose, my dear brothers, how fearfully agitated i was. i knew how alarmed you would be on returning not to find us, and yet, if we should remain it might be still worse. domingos and maria settled the matter by seizing me by the arms, and dragging me to the raft before i had time to write a note or leave any signal. i scarcely thought, indeed, of doing so, till domingos had pushed the raft off from the bank. i entreated him to go back; but he replied that it was impossible without the risk of being caught by the savages, and began paddling the raft down the channel. i looked back, and seeing no natives, again urged him to return. he replied that he was sure they would lie in ambush to catch us, and that it would be destruction to do so. feeling that he wished to secure my safety, i could not complain. he did his best, too, to comfort me about you. he said that as you were probably with the friendly natives, you would be defended from the majeronas; and that by the time you had come back, those he had seen would have gone away, and you would certainly guess that we were not far off. i did my utmost to arouse myself and to assist maria and him in paddling the raft. the wind was light, the water smooth, and there appeared to be no danger in venturing out into the river. a light wind was in our favour, and he accordingly steered towards the opposite bank, saying that we should be safer there than anywhere else, and might more easily get back than by going down the stream. i looked frequently towards the shore we had left, but still saw no natives. poor domingos was evidently anxious about you, though he did his best not to alarm me more than he had done already. we found, after getting some way across, that the current was floating us down much faster than we had expected, and i begged domingos therefore to return. he insisted that, having got thus far, it was better to continue our course towards the southern bank, and wait there for a favourable wind for getting back. i was thankful when at length we reached a sandy beach, where we could land without difficulty and secure our raft. domingos fortunately shot a paca, so we had plenty of food; and maria and i assisted him in putting up a hut. had i not been so anxious about you, i should have had no cause to complain. they both exerted themselves to the utmost; and i do not think domingos closed his eyes all night, for whenever i awoke i saw him, through an opening in our hut, walking about or making up the fire. we spent the morning on the bank, watching in the hope of seeing you come to look for us. as soon as the wind changed, i entreated domingos to put off, and at last, though somewhat unwillingly, he consented to do so; but he blamed himself very much for yielding to my wishes, when the wind began to blow so violently. had you, indeed, not arrived to assist us, i suspect that our raft would have been in great danger of being overwhelmed." "we have reason to be thankful, dear ellen, that you were preserved," said john. "i am very sure domingos acted for the best. i wish for your sake that our expedition had come to a favourable end, although the rest of us may enjoy it." "oh, if it were not for anxiety about papa and mamma, and dear fanny, and aunt martha, i should like it too," said ellen. "when we once find them, i am sure that i shall enjoy our voyage down the river as much as any of you." "you are a brave girl," said the stranger, who at that moment returned, "though, perhaps, you scarcely know the dangers you may have to encounter. yet, after all, they are of a nature more easily overcome than many which your sisters in the civilised regions of the world are called to go through. here you have only the elements and a few wild beasts to contend with; there, they have falsehood, treachery, evil example, allurements of all sorts, and other devices of satan, to drag them to destruction." while we were seated at supper, the rain came down in tremendous torrents, as the recluse had predicted. the strength of his roof was proved, as not a drop found its way through. "i am protected here," he remarked, "from the heat of the summer months by the leafy bower overhead; while, raised on these poles, my habitation is above the floods in the rainy season. what can man want more? much in the same way the natives on the orinoco form their dwellings among the palm-trees; but they trust more to nature, and, instead of piles, form floating rafts, sufficiently secured to the palm-trees to keep them stationary, but rising and falling as the floods increase or diminish." i was struck with many of the remarks of our eccentric host, but the more i saw of him the more i was surprised that a man of his information should have thus secluded himself from the world. we had just time to give ellen an account of our adventures, when he expressed his wish that we should hang up our hammocks, as it was past his usual hour for retiring to rest. this was an operation quickly performed, as we had only to secure them in the usual way to the posts which supported the roof. "we should not part," said ellen, somewhat timidly, "without our usual prayer; and we have cause to thank god for our preservation from danger." the recluse looked at her fixedly. "you are in earnest, i am sure," he muttered. "pray, young people, do not depart from your usual custom; i will wait for you." arthur, i should have said, though the youngest, always led us in prayer. "as he is absent," i remarked to ellen's request, "i will do so." "oh, you have a young chaplain with you," said the recluse; "and what pay does he receive?" "none at all, sir," answered ellen. "he is only earnest and good." "i should like to meet him," said the recluse. "i hope you may, sir," said ellen, "if you come with us." a short prayer was offered up. i spoke with the earnestness i felt. ellen then read a portion of scripture from the bible she had always at hand in her trunk. our host listened attentively, his eyes fixed on our young sister. i had not observed a copy of the blessed book on his shelves. he made no remark, however, on the subject, but i thought his tone was less morose than before. we were soon in our hammocks, a small oil lamp, which was kept burning on the table, throwing a subdued light through the chamber. true, i should have said, from our first meeting with the stranger, had eyed him askance, having apparently some doubts as to his character. he now came and coiled himself up in his usual position under my hammock. he had kept as far off from him as he could during the evening, and did not seem satisfied till the tall figure of the recluse was stretched out in his hammock near the entrance of the hut. the rain pattering overhead, and splashing down on the soft ground round us, kept me for some time awake. it ceased at length, and soon afterwards, just as i was dropping off to sleep, a chorus of hideous sounds commenced, coming apparently from no great distance in the forest. now they resembled the cries and groans of a number of people in distress. now it seemed as if a whole troop of jaguars were growling and snarling over their prey. now it seemed as if a company of brobdignag cats were singing a serenade. now the sounds for a moment ceased, but were instantly taken up again by other creatures at a distance. after a time, the same sounds recommenced in another quarter. had i not already been well accustomed to similar noises, i might have fancied that we had got into some forest haunted by evil spirits bewailing their lost condition. i was sufficiently awake, however, to guess that they proceeded only from troops of howling monkeys, though we had never yet heard them so near, or in such numbers. in spite of the hideous concert, i at last fell asleep. the voice of our host aroused us at daybreak. "as soon as you have broken your fast, i will accompany you to find your companions," he said, "unless you desire to proceed by water. in that case, you will scarcely meet them; but i would advise you to leave your canoe and raft here, as i can conduct you through the forest by the only open paths which exist, and by which alone they can make their way in this direction. i am afraid, unless they had their wits about them, they must have been exposed to the tempest last night, and may be but ill able to travel far this morning." john at once decided to go by land, as the canoe was not large enough to convey all our party. the recluse looked at ellen. "she will scarcely be able to undergo the fatigue of so long a walk," he remarked. "if she wishes it, she and her attendant can remain here, while we go to meet your companions; and you can then return and remove your property, or leave it till you can find the means of continuing your voyage. i did not purpose to allow my solitude to be thus broken in on; but,"--and he looked again at ellen--"she reminds me of days gone by, and i cannot permit her to be exposed to more trials than are necessary." john thanked him for his proposal, though ellen seemed unwilling to remain behind. we also did not like to leave her. at last john suggested that domingos should remain also. the recluse pressed the point with more warmth than i should have expected, and at last ellen agreed to do as was proposed. she was certainly better off in a well-built hut than she had been for some time, and strange and eccentric as the recluse appeared, still we felt that he was disposed to assist us to the best of his power. our early breakfast over, john and i, shouldering our rifles, followed by true, set off with the recluse. ellen looked rather sad as we were going. "you will find poor arthur? i know you will," she said in a low voice to me. "i thought of him a great deal last night, out in the fierce tempest, with only two young indians to assist him; and he is not so strong as you are, and has no gun to defend himself. i could not help thinking of fierce jaguars roaming in search of prey, or those dreadful boas, or the anacondas we have heard of." "oh, drive all such thoughts from your mind, ellen," i answered. "arthur, if not so strong, has plenty of sense and courage; and, depend upon it, the indians will have found some hollow tree, or will have built a hut for themselves, in which they would have taken shelter during the night. i should not have minded changing places with arthur. it is all right. we will bring him back safe enough." with these words i hurried after john and the recluse. we had not gone far, when i saw them looking up into a tree. true darted forward and began to bark, when, in return, a chorus of terrific barks, howls, and screeches proceeded from the higher branches, and there i saw seated a group of several large monkeys with long tails and most hideous faces. every instant they threw up their heads, and the fearful sounds i had heard issued forth from them. i could scarcely suppose that animals of such a size could make so much noise. "you have there some of my friends who serenaded you last night," observed the recluse, when, after a few minutes, the monkeys ceased howling. "these are the _mycetes_, or ursine howlers. the creature is called in this country _araguato_, and sometimes by naturalists the _alouatte_. it is known also as `the preacher.' if he could discourse of sin and folly, and point out to benighted man the evil of his ways, he might howl to some purpose but his preaching is lost on the denizens of the forest, who know nothing of sin, and are free from the follies of the world. observe that with how little apparent difficulty he gives forth that terrific note. it is produced by a drum-shaped expansion of the larynx. the hyoid bone, which in man is but slightly developed, is in these monkeys very large. it gives support to the tongue, being attached to the muscles of the neck. the bony drum communicates with the wind-pipe, and enables them to utter those loud sounds." had arthur been with us, i am sure we should have indulged in a hearty laugh at the curious faces of those thick-jawed creatures as they looked down upon us inquisitively to ascertain what we were about. they were considerably larger than any we had seen; indeed, the howler is the largest monkey in the new world. the fur is of a rich bay colour, and as the sun fell upon the coats of some of them above us, they shone with a golden lustre. the thick beard which hung from the chin and neck was of a deeper hue than the body. our friend told us that those he had caught were generally about three feet long, and that their tails in addition were of even greater length. we went on without disturbing the assemblage in their aerial seat, greatly to true's disappointment, who would evidently have liked to measure his strength with one of them. like the spider monkeys, they live entirely in trees, making good use of their long tails as they move about from branch to branch; indeed, the tail serves the howler for another hand. when by any chance he descends to the ground, he moves along very awkwardly, and can easily be caught, as we afterwards discovered. our new acquaintance was but little inclined to talk; indeed, had he been so, we could seldom have enjoyed much conversation, as we were compelled in most places to follow him in indian file. now and then he had to use his hatchet to clear the path, and we very frequently had to force our way by pressing aside the branches which met in front of us. still he went on without wavering for a moment, or appearing doubtful of the direction he should take. after going on some way further, he again stopped, and pointed to a tree, the branch of which rose a few feet off. i knew by the way true barked that some creature was there; and looking more narrowly, i observed some animals clinging to the lower branches, but so nearly did they resemble the bark to which they were holding, that had they not been pointed out to me i should have passed them by. the animals turned listless glances at us, and seemed in no way disposed to move. "there," observed the recluse, "are creatures in every way adapted to the mode of life which they are doomed to lead. place them in any other, and they will be miserable. you see there the _ai_, or three-toed sloth (the _bradypus torquatus_). though its arms, or fore-legs more properly, are nearly twice as long as the hinder ones, it finds them exactly suited for climbing the trees on which it lives. place it on the ground, and it cannot get along. it passes its life, not above, but under the branches. when moving along, it suspends itself beneath them; when at rest, it hangs from them; and it sleeps clutching them with its strong claws, and its back hanging downwards." one of the creatures was hanging as our friend described; the other was on its way up the tree. it stopped on seeing us approach, and turned its round short head, with deeply sunk eyes and a large nose, to look at us. the animals had long powerful claws on all their feet. the hair was very coarse and shaggy, more like grass or moss than anything else. "the sloth suckles its young like other quadrupeds," observed our friend; "and i have often seen the female, with her little one clinging to her, moving at a rate through the forest which shows that the sloth does not properly deserve its name. see now--give a shout--and then say if it is too sluggish to more." john and i shouted together, and true barked loudly. the sloths gave reproachful glances at us for disturbing them, and then began to move away at a speed which an active sailor running up the rigging of a ship could scarcely equal. in a short time, slinging themselves from branch to branch, they had disappeared in the depths of the forest. "let them go," observed our friend. "you do not want a meal, or you would find their flesh supply you with one not to be disdained." the last remark was made as we again moved on. once more we relapsed into silence. when, however, a bird, or moth, or any creature appeared, our guide stopped for an instant, and turning round, told us its name and habits. we passed several curious trees, one of which he pointed out rising from the ground in numerous stalks, which then united in a thick stem, and afterwards, half-way up, bulged out in a long oval, again to narrow, till at the summit six or eight branches, with palm-like formed leaves, spread forth, forming a graceful crown to the curious stem. he called it the _iriartes ventricosa_, or bulging-stemmed palm. again we passed through a grove of urucuri palms (_attalea excelsa_). their smooth columnar stems were about forty or fifty feet in height, while their broad, finely pinnated leaves interlocked above, and formed arches and woven canopies of varied and peculiarly graceful shapes. high above them rose the taller forest trees, whose giant branches formed a second canopy to shade them from the glaring rays of the sun. many of the trees rose eighty feet without a branch, their stems perfectly straight. huge creepers were clinging round them, sometimes stretching obliquely from their summits, like the stays of a ship's mast. others wound round their trunks, like huge serpents ready to spring on their prey. others, again twisted spirally round each other, forming vast cables of living wood, holding fast those mighty monarchs of the forest. some of the trees were so covered with smaller creepers and parasitic plants that the parent stem was entirely concealed. the most curious trees were those having buttresses projecting from their bases. the lower part of some of them extended ten feet or more from the base of the tree, reaching only five or six feet up the trunk. others again extended to the height of fully thirty feet, and could be seen running up like ribs to a still greater height. some of these ribs were like wooden walls, several inches in thickness, extended from the stem, so as to allow room for a good-sized hut to be formed between them by merely roofing over the top. again, i remarked other trees ribbed and furrowed for their whole height. occasionally these furrows pierced completely through the trunks, like the narrow windows of an ancient tower. there were many whose roots were like those of the bulging palm, but rising much higher above the surface of the ground. the trees appeared to be standing on many-legged pedestals, frequently so far apart from each other that we could without difficulty walk beneath them. a multitude of pendants hung from many of the trees, some like large wild pine-apples, swinging in the air. there were climbing arums, with dark-green arrow-head shaped leaves; huge ferns shot out here and there up the stems to the topmost branches. many of the trees had leaves as delicately cut as those of the graceful mimosa, while others had large palmate leaves, and others, again, oval glossy ones. now and then, as i looked upwards, i was struck with the finely-divided foliage strongly defined against the blue sky, here and there lighted up by the bright sunshine; while, in the region below through which we moved, a deep gloom prevailed, adding grandeur and solemnity to the scene. there were, however, but few flowers; while the ground on which we walked was covered with dead leaves and rotten wood, the herbage consisting chiefly of ferns and a few grasses and low creeping plants. we stopped at last to lunch, and while john and i were seated on the branch of a fallen tree, our friend disappeared. he returned shortly, with his arms full of large bunches of a round juicy berry. "here," he said, "these will quench your thirst, and are perfectly wholesome." we found the taste resembling that of grapes. he called it the _puruma_. we were too eager to find arthur to rest long, and were once more on our journey. "from the account you gave me, i hope we may soon meet with your friends," observed the recluse, "unless they have turned back in despair of finding you." "little fear of that," i observed. "i am sure arthur will search for us as long as he has strength to move." still we went on and on, and arthur did not appear; and we asked our companion whether he did not think it possible that our friends might have tried to make their way along the bank of the river. "no," he answered, "the jungle is there too thick; and if we find signs of their having made the attempt, we shall speedily overtake them; for though we have made a considerable circuit, they by this time could scarcely have progressed half a mile even with the active employment of sharp axes." this somewhat comforted me; for notwithstanding what the recluse said, i felt nearly certain that arthur would attempt to examine the whole length of the bank, in hopes of discovering what had become of us. we went on and on till we entered a denser part of the forest, where we were compelled to use our axes before we could get through. at length i caught sight through an opening of what looked like a heap of boughs at a distance. the recluse, quickening his pace, went on towards it. we eagerly followed. it was a hut roughly built. extinguished embers of a fire were before it. we looked in eagerly. it was empty, but there were leaves on the ground, and dry grass, as if people had slept there. it had been, there was little doubt, inhabited by arthur and his companions. it was just such a hut as they would have built in a hurry for defence against the storm. but what had become of them? "i believe you are right," said the recluse at last, having examined the bushes round; "they certainly attempted to make their way along the bank. i trust no accident has happened to them, for in many places it is undermined by the waters, and after rain suddenly gives way." these remarks somewhat alarmed me. "this is the way they have taken, at all events," he added; "though they have managed to creep under places we might find some difficulty in passing." again he led the way, clearing the path occasionally with his axe. we were close to the edge of the river, though so thickly grew the tangled sipos and the underwood that we could only occasionally get glimpses of it. as we went along we shouted out frequently, in hopes that arthur might hear us. "your friend and his companions have laboured hard to get through this dense jungle," he observed, "but we shall soon overtake them." still on and on we went, now and then having to turn aside, being unable otherwise to force our way onwards. we at length, on returning to the river, found below us a sand-bank, which extended for some distance along it. "here are the marks of their feet!" exclaimed john, who had leaped down on it. "see the way they are turned! we shall soon overtake them." this discovery restored my spirits, for i had begun to fear that after all, unable to get along, they had turned back. we hastened forward along the bank, but the sand was very soft, and walking on it was almost as fatiguing as through the forest; while the heat from the sun striking down on it was intense. climbing up the bank once more, we proceeded through the forest. we went on a short distance, when we found ourselves in more open ground--that is to say, we could get on without the use of our axes. we continued shouting out, and every now and then making our way to the bank as before. "hark!" said john, "i hear a cry. see! there are natives coming towards us. yes; i believe they are the two young indians." "they are indians," remarked our guide. "they are beckoning us. we will hasten on." in another minute we saw duppo and oria running towards us. they kept crying out words that i did not understand. as soon as they saw the recluse they hurried to him, and took his hands, as if they knew him well. "they tell me your young friend is ill," he remarked. "they have left him a little further on, close to the water, where, it seems, unable to proceed, he fainted. they entreat me to hasten on lest he should die. they fancy i can do everything, having occasionally cured some of their people of slight diseases." as he said this he allowed himself to be dragged forward by duppo and his sister, who, in their eagerness, seemed scarcely to have recognised us. the ground over which we were proceeding was somewhat swampy, and sloped down to a small lagoon or inlet of the river. john and i followed as fast as we could at the heels of our guide. presently he stopped, and uttering an exclamation, threw aside the hands of the young indians and dashed forward. we followed, when, what was our horror to see, under a grove of mimosa bushes, arthur in the grasp of a huge serpent, which had wound its coils round his body. i shrieked with dismay, for i thought he was dead. he moved neither hand nor foot, seemingly unconscious of what had occurred. the recluse dashed forward. john and i followed with our axes, and true went tearing boldly on before us. it was an anaconda. already its huge mouth was open to seize our young companion. without a moment's hesitation the recluse sprang at the monster, and seizing its jaws with a power i should scarcely have supposed he possessed, wrenched them back, and held them fast in spite of the creature's efforts to free itself. "draw him out!" shouted the recluse; and john, seizing arthur, drew him forth from amid the vast coils, while i with my axe struck blow after blow at its body and tail. the recluse did not let go his hold, although the creature, unwinding its tail, threatened to encircle him in its coils. now it seemed as if it would drag him to the ground, but he recovered his feet, still bending back the head till i could hear the bones cracking. i meantime had been hacking at its tail, and at length a fortunate blow cut it off. john, placing arthur at a little distance, came back to our assistance, and in another minute the reptile lay dead at our feet, when true flew at it and tore away furiously at its body. "your young friend has had a narrow escape," said the recluse, as he knelt down and took arthur's hand; "he breathes, though, and is not aware of what has happened, for the anaconda must have seized him while he was unconscious." we ran to the river. the dry shells of several large nuts lay near. in these we brought some water, and bathed arthur's brow and face. "he seems unhurt by the embrace of the anaconda," remarked the recluse, "but probably suffered from the heat of the sun." after this he lifted arthur in his arms, and bore him up the bank. john and i followed with a shell of water. the contrast between the hot sandy bank and the shady wood was very great. as we again applied the water, arthur opened his eyes. they fell on the recluse, on whom he kept them steadily fixed with a look of surprise. "i thought john and harry were with me," he murmured out. "i heard their voices calling as i lay fainting on the bank." "yes; we are here," john and i said, coming forward. "duppo and his sister met us, and brought us to you." "i am so glad," he said in a low voice. "i began to fear that you were really lost, we wandered on so far without finding you. i felt ready to die too, i was so sick at heart. and your sister--is she safe?" he asked. "oh yes; i am sure you would look more sad if she were not." "yes, she is safe and well, arthur," i said; "and we must take you there to be nursed, or, if it is too far to carry you, we must build a hut somewhere near here, where we can join you." the stranger looked at arthur, and murmured something we did not hear. "it is a long way to carry the lad," he said; "though if i had him in my hut i would watch over him." "perhaps it may be better to build a hut at the spot we proposed, and bring our sister and goods to it," i said. "no; i will take the lad to mine," answered the recluse. "you can build a hut as you proposed, and when he has recovered i will bring him to you." i was very glad to hear this, because i was afraid that arthur might suffer unless we could get him soon placed in a comfortable hammock, and give him better food than we should be able to prepare without our cooking apparatus. "i am ready to go on whenever you wish it," observed arthur, who heard the discussion; "but i am afraid i cannot walk very fast." "i will carry you then," said the recluse; "but it will be better to form a litter, on which you can rest more at your ease. we will soon get one ready." duppo and oria stood by watching us eagerly while we spoke, as if they were anxious to know what we were saying. "you stay with your young friend, while your brother and i prepare the litter," said the recluse to me, replacing arthur on the ground. i sat down by his side, supporting him. he did not allude to the anaconda, and, i suspected, was totally unconscious of the danger he had been in. while the recluse and john were cutting down some poles to form the litter, duppo and his sister collected a number of long thin sipos, showing that they understood what we proposed doing. in a short time the litter was completed. john and i insisted on carrying it, though we had some difficulty in persuading the recluse to allow us to do so. he spoke for some time to duppo and his sister, who looked greatly disconcerted and sad. "i was telling them that they must go and find their people," he said, "and that they must build a house for you on the spot you selected. they will be true friends to you, as they have ever been to me. i advise you to cultivate their friendship by treating them with kindness and respect." the young indians seemed very unwilling to take their departure, and lingered some time after we had wished them good-bye. john and i took up the litter, on which arthur had been placed. as we had already cut a road for ourselves, we were able to proceed faster than we did when before passing through the forest. we hurried on, for the sun had begun to sink towards the west, and we might be benighted before we could reach the hermit's abode. we proceeded by the way we had come. after we had gone some distance, arthur begged that he might be put down and allowed to walk. "i am sure i have strength enough, and i do not like to see you carry me," he said. of this, however, we would not hear, and continued on. at last we sat down to rest. the spot we had chosen was a pleasant one. though shaded, it was sufficiently open to allow the breeze to circulate through it. round us, in most directions, was a thick jungle. we had brought some water in a shell of one of the large nuts, and after arthur had drunk some, we induced him to take a little food, which seemed greatly to revive him. we were seated round the contents of our wallets, john and i, at all events, feeling in much better spirits than we had been in the morning; even the recluse threw off some of his reserve. we took the opportunity of telling him of our anxiety about our parents, and of the uncertainty we felt whether they had passed down the river. he in return asked us further questions, and seemed interested in our account. "i may be of use to you," he said at length, "by being able to make inquiries among the indians on the river, who would probably have observed them should they have passed; but promises are so often broken, that i am ever unwilling to make them. therefore, i advise you to trust to your own exertions," he added. we were on the point of again taking up arthur to proceed, when a loud sound of crashing branches was heard in the distance. it seemed as if a hurricane was sweeping through the forest. it came nearer and nearer. "oh i what can it be?" cried arthur. "leave me and save yourselves. it seems as if the whole forest was falling." the crashing increased. boughs seemed broken off, shrubs trampled under foot. presently we saw, bearing down upon as, a large dark-skinned creature, though its form could scarcely be distinguished amid the foliage. "stand fast!" said the recluse. "it will not harm you. see! it has an enemy to contend with." as the creature drew nearer, i saw that it bore on its back a huge jaguar, distinguished by its spotted hide and its fierce glaring eyes. its jaws were fixed in the creature's neck, to which it clung also with its sharp claws. "the animal is a tapir," said the recluse. "i am not certain yet though whether the jaguar will conquer it. see, the back of the latter is bleeding and torn from the rough branches beneath which the tapir has carried it." as he spoke, the animals came close to us, the tapir making for the thick branch of a fallen tree kept up by a network of sipos, which hung like a beam almost horizontally a few feet from the ground. the tapir dashed under it, and we could hear the crash of the jaguar's head as it came in contact with the hard wood. still it clung on, but its eyes had lost their fierce glare. blood covered the backs of the animals, and the next moment the jaguar fell to the ground, where it lay struggling faintly. twice it tried to rise, but fell back, and lay apparently dead. john had lifted his rifle to fire at the tapir. "hold!" said the recluse; "let the victor go; he deserves his liberty for having thus sagaciously liberated himself from his tormentor. would that we could as easily get rid of ours! how eagerly we should seek the lower branches of the trees!" he gave one of those peculiar, sarcastic laughs, which i observed he was apt to indulge in. we cautiously approached the jaguar, feeling uncertain whether it might not yet rise up and spring at us. john and i kept our rifles at its head, while true went boldly up towards it. he had been an excited spectator of the scene, and i had some difficulty in keeping him from following the tapir. the jaguar did not move. even a poke with the muzzle of my rifle failed to arouse it. true began to tear away at its neck; and at length we were convinced that the savage creature was really dead. "there let him lie," said the recluse. "strong as he was a few moments ago, he will be food for the armadillos before morning." we again lifted up arthur, and proceeded onwards, the recluse leading and clearing away the branches which might have injured arthur as we passed between them. of course we now required a broader passage than when we came through ourselves. we took exactly the same route; our guide never faltering for a moment, though in many places i should have had difficulty, where the marks of our axes were not to be seen, in finding the road. several times he offered to take my place, observing that i might be tired; but john and i begged him to allow us to carry our young friend, as we did not like to impose the task on him. thus we went on till my arms and shoulders began to ache, but i determined not to give in. arthur had not spoken for some time. i looked at his face. it was very pale, and his eyes were closed. i was afraid he had received more injury from the fearful serpent than we had at first supposed. we hurried on, for it was evidently very important that he should as soon as possible be attended to. we did not stop, therefore, a moment to rest. thinking that he would not hear me, i expressed my fears to john. "oh no, no," said arthur; "i do not feel so very ill. i wish you would put me down, for i am sure you must be tired." i was greatly relieved when i heard him speak; at the same time his voice was so weak, that we were unwilling to do as he begged us. it was getting late, too, as we could judge by the increasing gloom in the forest. looking up through the occasional openings in the dark-green canopy above our heads, we could see the sky, which had now become of the intensest shade of blue. a troop of allouattes commenced a concert, their unmusical howlings echoing through the forest. numerous macaws passed above us, giving vent to strange harsh cries; while whole families of parrots screamed in various notes. cicadas set up the most piercing chirp, becoming shriller and shriller, till it ended in a sharp screeching whistle. other creatures--birds, beasts, and insects--added their voices to the concert, till the whole forest seemed in an uproar. as the sky grew darker, and the shades of night came thickly round us, the noises gradually ceased, but were soon succeeded by the drumming, hoohooing, and the croaking of the tree-frogs, joined occasionally by the melancholy cries of the night-jar. "follow me closely," said the recluse, "and step as high as you can, not to catch your feet in the tangled roots. my eyes are well accustomed to this forest-gloom, and i will lead you safely." at length we found ourselves passing through a narrow passage between thick bushes, which reminded us of the approach to the recluse's hut. emerging from it, we saw light ahead, and now reached the steps which led to the verandah. "you have come on well," he observed. "i will carry up your young friend. leave the litter on the ground." i had to stop and assist up true, for although he made several attempts to mount the ladder by himself, it was somewhat too high for him to succeed. on entering the hut i found ellen, in a state of agitation, leaning over arthur. "oh! what has happened?" she asked. "will he die? will he die?" "i trust not, young lady," remarked our host. "he wants rest and careful nursing, and i hope in a few days will have recovered. i will now attend to him, and afterwards leave him under your care." "do not be alarmed, miss ellen," whispered arthur. "i only fainted from the hot sun and anxiety about you all. now i am with you, i shall soon get well." "as i have by me a store of medicines, with which i have doctored occasionally the poor natives, i can find, i hope, some remedies which may help to restore your friend," observed the recluse. "rest is what he chiefly now requires." arthur was put into his hammock, and after he had taken a mess which maria had prepared, fell asleep. chapter twelve. the recluse--more adventures in the forest. three days passed away, and arthur had almost recovered. we none of us had liked to ask the recluse any questions about himself, and he had given us no information as to who he was, where he had come from, or how long he had lived in that secluded spot. he had merely told us that he was english, and he certainly seemed from his conversation to be a man of education. he made no inquiries about us, though he listened from politeness, apparently, rather than from any interest he took in the matter, to the account we gave him of our adventures. one thing was very evident, that, though he bore with our society, he would rather be left alone to his usual solitude. i awoke early the following morning, and found john already on foot. he proposed going down to the igarape to bathe, and asked me to accompany him. our host, we found, had already left the hut. arthur was asleep, so we would not disturb him. domingos also had gone out, and we concluded had accompanied the recluse to obtain provisions, as he had taken with him a couple of baskets which usually hung on the wall at the entrance of the hut. at all events, they were not there when we looked for them. taking our guns, we proceeded as we proposed. the rays of the rising sun came through the few openings among the tall trees, their light flashing on the wings of the gorgeous butterflies and still more brilliant plumage of several humming-birds, which flitted here and there amid the opening in the forest. there was a sandy spot where we thought that we could venture into the water, without the risk of being seized by an alligator or anaconda. we were making our way towards it, when we caught sight of a small canoe, in which a man, whom we at once recognised as the recluse, was seated. he was paddling slowly up the igarape. we watched him for some time, till he was lost to sight among the thick foliage which lined the banks. we naturally concluded that he was merely taking a morning excursion, perhaps to fish or bathe, and expected to see him again at breakfast. while john took a bath, i stood by and beat the water with a long pole, to frighten away any alligator which might be near, and he performed the same office for me--a very necessary precaution, from the number of the huge reptiles which swarm in all the rivers. much refreshed, we returned to the hut. we waited for the recluse some time before beginning breakfast, which maria had prepared; but he did not appear, nor did domingos. we all agreed that we ought no longer to impose our society on our strange friend. the first thing to be done was to build a canoe, but we had not found a tree in the neighbourhood of the hut exactly suited to our purpose. "we may perhaps discover one near the place at which we landed the other day, and we may get our indian friends to help us to build a canoe," i observed. "or it is possible that they may have recovered some of theirs, and be ready to sell one of them to us." "then the sooner we find them out the better," observed john. "i wonder duppo and his sister, or some of the other indians, have not come here to look for us," said arthur. "i thought duppo, at all events, would have shown more regard for us." "perhaps the recluse has taught them not to visit his hut without his leave," i remarked. "they seem to hold him in great respect." while i was speaking domingos appeared at the door, with his baskets loaded with fruit, vegetables, and birds--chiefly parrots and toucans of gay plumage. he gave a note to john, which he had received, he said, from the strange senor early in the morning. "i will not conceal from you that i have departed greatly from my accustomed habits in affording you an asylum," it ran. "if you wish it you can remain, but i desire to be once more alone, and can find a home elsewhere till you take your departure. i have communicated with your indian friends, and they will assist you in building a lodge more suitable for you than this, in the situation you first selected. a party of them will appear shortly to convey your goods; and they will also construct a montaria of a size sufficient for you to continue your voyage. i will, in the meantime, institute inquiries about your missing friends, and, should i hear tidings of them, will send you word. i beg that you will return me no thanks, nor expect to see me. the life of solitude upon which your appearance has broken i desire to resume, and it will therefore cause me annoyance should you attempt to seek me. accept such good wishes as a wretched outcast can venture to end." this strange note caused us much regret. "he is so kind and gentle, in spite of the strange way he sometimes expresses himself, that i should grieve not to see him again, and thank him," said arthur. "do you not think we could leave a note, asking him to let us come and visit him before we go away altogether? surely he would not refuse that." "i am afraid, from the tenor of his note, it would be of no use," said john; "but if you wish it you can do so; and it will show him, at all events, that we are not ungrateful for his kindness." we waited all day in expectation of the arrival of the indians, but no one appeared. john went out, and shot some birds and a couple of monkeys. in our rambles, which were further than we had yet been, we came upon a cleared space containing a plantation of bananas, maize, and several edible roots; and, from the neat and scientific way in which the ground was cultivated, we had little doubt it belonged to the stranger; indeed, from the supplies he had brought us, notwithstanding his first remark, we had suspected that he was not without the means of supporting himself with vegetable food. although he had allowed us to cook the animals we killed, we had remarked that he did not touch any of the meat himself. early next morning, as i was standing on the verandah, true poked his nose forward and began to bark. i thought he had seen some animal in the woods, and got my gun ready to fire at it, when i caught sight of a figure emerging from the narrow path of which i have spoken, and, greatly to my satisfaction, i recognised duppo. as soon as he saw us he ran forward. i went down to meet him. he took my hand, and, by his action, and the gleam of satisfaction which passed over his impassive countenance, showed the satisfaction he felt at again being with us. he then made signs that others were coming, and soon afterwards a party of eight indians, with his father at their head, made their appearance. maono gravely saluted john and i, and signified that his men had come to convey our property to another place. duppo asked whether any of us would like to return in the canoe. we agreed that it would be a good plan for arthur and ellen to do so. "oh, let me go through the woods," exclaimed ellen; "i should like to see the country." "but then, who is to look after arthur? he is not fit to walk so far yet," said john. "oh, then i will go and take care of him," answered ellen. it was finally arranged that maono and duppo should paddle the canoe, and look after ellen and arthur. they formed a sufficiently large freight for the little craft. the indians now shouldered our goods, each man taking a load twice as heavy as any one of us could have carried, although much less than our napo peons had conveyed down to the river. before starting, arthur wrote the note he had proposed to the recluse, and left it on the table. we could not help feeling sorry at leaving that shady little retreat. at the same time, there was no chance while remaining there of obtaining tidings of our family. having handed ellen and arthur into the canoe, with nimble, and ellen's other pets, we watched her for some minutes as maono paddled her along the shore, which presented as far as we could see one wall of tall trees of varied forms rising almost from the water. "we shall meet again soon," exclaimed ellen as she waved an adieu. "who knows what adventures we shall have to recount to each other!" we could not tear ourselves from the spot while the canoe remained in sight. as soon as she disappeared we hurried after the indians. domingos and maria had gone on with them. we walked on rapidly, fully expecting, as they had loads, that we should quickly overtake them. john was a little ahead of me, when suddenly i saw him take a tremendous leap along the path. i was wondering what sudden impulse had seized him, when i heard him exclaim, "look out, harry i see that creature;" and there i observed stretched across the path, a big ugly-looking serpent. i sprang back, holding true, who would have unhesitatingly dashed at the dangerous reptile. it was nearly six feet in length, almost as thick as a man's leg, of a deep brown above, pale yellow streaks forming a continued series of lozenge-shaped marks down the back, growing less and less distinct as they descended the sides, while it had a thin neck, and a huge flat head, covered with small scales. as we had our guns ready, we did not fear it. it seemed disinclined to move, and, had it not lifted up its tail, we might have supposed it dead. we soon recognised, by the shape of the point, the fearful rattlesnake;--fearful it would be from its venomous bite, had not the rattle been fixed to it to give notice of its approach. we threw sticks at it, but still it did not seem inclined to move. again it lifted up its horny tail, and shook its rattle. "take care," cried john; "keep away." the serpent had begun to glide over the ground, now looking at one of us, now at the other, as if undecided at which it should dart. i took john's advice, and quickly retreated. he fired, and shattered the reptile's head. as it still moved slowly, i finished it with a blow of my stick. as it would have been inconvenient to drag after us, we cut off the tail, that we might examine it at leisure. we found that the rattle was placed with the broad part perpendicular to the body. the last joint was fastened to the last vertebra of the tail by means of a thick muscle, as well as by the membranes which united it to the skin. the remaining joints were so many extraneous bodies, as it were, unconnected with the tail, except by the curious way in which they were fitted into each other. it is said that these bony rings or rattles increase in number with the age of the animal, and on each casting of the skin it acquires an additional one. the tip of every uppermost bone runs within two of the bones below it. by this means they not only move together, but also multiply the sound, as each bone hit against two others at the same time. they are said only to bite when provoked or when they kill their prey. for this purpose they are provided with two kinds of teeth,--the smaller, which are placed in each jaw, and serve to catch and retain their food: and the fangs, or poisonous teeth, which are placed without the upper jaw. they live chiefly upon birds and small animals. it is said that when the piercing eye of the rattlesnake is fixed on an animal or bird they are so terrified and astonished that they are unable to escape. birds, as if entranced, unwillingly keeping their eyes fixed on those of the reptile, have been seen to drop into its mouth. smaller animals fall from the trees and actually run into the jaws open to receive them. fatal as is the bite of the rattlesnake to most creatures, the peccary attacks and eats the reptile without the slightest hesitation; as, indeed, do ordinary hogs,--and even when bitten they do not suffer in the slightest degree. this encounter with the rattlesnake having delayed us for a little time, we hurried on as rapidly as we could to overtake our companions. we had gone some distance, and still had not come up with them. i began to be afraid that we had turned aside from the right path. in some places even our eyes had distinguished the marks of those who had gone before us. we had now lost sight of them altogether, and as the wood was tolerably open, and the axes had not been used, we could only judge by the direction of the sun how to proceed. we went on for some time, still believing ourselves in the right direction; but at last, when we expected to find the marks of the axes which we had before made, we could discover none. we searched about-- now on one side, now on the other. the forest, though dense, was yet sufficiently open to enable us to make our way in a tolerably direct line. now and then we had to turn aside to avoid the thick mass of creepers or the fallen trunk of some huge tree. we shouted frequently, hoping that domingos and the indians might hear us. then john suggested that they, finding it an easy matter to follow the right track, did not suppose we could lose it. at last we grew tired of shouting, and agreed that we should probably fall in with the proper track by inclining somewhat to the right; and i had so much faith also in true's sagacity that i had hopes he would find it. however, i gave him more credit than he deserved. he was always happy in the woods, like a knight-errant in search of adventures, plenty of which he was indeed likely to meet with. still in the belief that we were not far wrong in our course, we walked briskly forward. we had gone some distance, when true made towards the decayed trunk of a huge tree, and began barking violently. while we were still at a considerable distance, a large hairy creature rose up before us. true stood his ground bravely, rushing now on one side, now on the other, of the animal. it had an enormous bushy tail, curled up something like that of a squirrel, but with a great deal more hair, and looked fully eight feet in length. as we drew nearer we saw that it had also an extraordinary long snout. it seemed in no degree afraid of true, and he evidently considered it a formidable antagonist. presently it lifted itself up on its hind legs, when true sprang back just in time to avoid a gripe of its claws. still the creature, undaunted by our appearance, made at him, when, seeing that he was really in danger, john and i rushed forward. we then discovered the creature to be a huge ant-eater, which, though it had no teeth, was armed with formidable claws, with which it would inevitably have killed my brave dog had it caught him. a shot in the head from john's rifle laid it dead. it was covered with long hair, the prevailing colour being that of dark grey, with a broad band of black running from the neck downwards on each side of the body. it lives entirely on ants; and on opening its mouth we found that it could not provide itself with other food, as it was entirely destitute of teeth. its claws, which were long, sharp, pointed, and trenchant, were its only implements of defence. its hinder claws were short and weak; but the front ones were powerful, and so formed that anything at which it seizes can never hope to escape. the object of its powerful crooked claws is to enable it to open the ant-hills, on the inhabitants of which it feeds. it then draws its long, flexible tongue, covered with a glutinous saliva, over the swarms of insects who hurry forth to defend their dwelling. the scientific name of this great ant-eater is _myrmecophaga jubata_. there are, however, several smaller ant-eaters, which are arborial--that is, have their habitations in trees. some are only ten inches long. one species is clothed with a greyish-yellow silky hair; another is of a dingy brown colour. they are somewhat similar in their habits to the sloth; and as they are seen clinging with their claws to the trees, or moving sluggishly along, they are easily mistaken for that animal, to which, indeed, they are allied. some are nocturnal, others are seen moving about in the daytime. true seemed to be aware of the narrow escape he had had from the formidable talons of the ant-eater, for after this encounter he kept close behind my heels. i hoped that he had received a useful lesson, and would attack no animal unless at my command, or he might do so some day when no friend was at hand to come to his rescue. we had been walking on after this occurrence for some time in silence, when true pricked up his ears and began to steal forward. i could, however, see nothing. the undergrowth and masses of sipos were here of considerable denseness. still, as he advanced, we followed him. presently the forest became a little more open, when we caught sight of a creature with a long tail and a tawny hide with dark marks. "it is a jaguar," i whispered to john. "it is watching some animal. in a moment we shall see it make its spring." it was so intent on some object before it, that it did not discover our approach. on it went with the stealthy pace of a cat about to pounce on an unwary bird or mouse. it did not make the slightest noise, carefully avoiding every branch in its way. true, after his late adventure with the ant-eater, was less disposed than usual to seek an encounter, and i was therefore able to keep him from dashing forward as he otherwise would have done. "the creature is about to pounce on some deer he sees feeding in the thicket," whispered john; "or perhaps he espies a tapir, and hopes to bring it to the ground." unconscious of our approach, the savage animal crept on and on, now putting one foot slowly forward, now the other. now it stopped, then advanced more quickly. at length it stopped for a moment, and then made one rapid bound forward. a cry reached our ears. "that is a human voice!" exclaimed john; "some unfortunate native caught sleeping." he fired as he spoke, for we could still see the back of the animal through the thick underwood. the jaguar bounded up as it received the wound, and the next moment the tall figure of the recluse appeared, bleeding at the shoulder, but otherwise apparently uninjured. "what, my young friends," he exclaimed, "brought you here? you have saved my life, at all events." "we chanced to lose our way, and are thankful we came up in time to save you from that savage brute." "chance!" exclaimed the recluse. "it is the very point i was considering at the moment;" and he showed us a book in his hand. "your arrival proves to me that there is no such thing as chance. i was reading at the moment, lost in thought, or i should not have been so easily surprised." john then told him how we had waited to see ellen and our young friend off; and then, in attempting to follow our companions, had lost our way. "we should have got thus far sooner had we not been delayed by an attack which a great ant-eater made on our dog." "if you have lost your way, you will wish to find it," said the recluse. "i will put you right, and as we go along, we can speak on the point i mentioned. you have some distance to go, for you should know that you have come almost at right angles to the route you intended to take. no matter; i know this forest, and can lead you by a direct course to the point you wish to gain. but i must ask you before we move forward to bind up my shoulder. here, take this handkerchief. you need not be afraid of hurting me." saying this, he resumed his seat on the log, and john, under his directions, secured the handkerchief over the lacerated limb. he bore the process with perfect composure, deep as were the wounds formed by the jaguar's claws. "what has occurred has convinced me that chance does not exist," he said, resuming his remarks as we walked along. "you delayed some time, you tell me, in watching your friends embark; then, losing your way, you were detained by the ant-eater, and thus arrived at the very moment to save my life. there was no chance in that. had you been sooner you would have passed me by, for i sat so occupied in reading, and ensconced among the roots of the trees, that i should not have heard you. had you delayed longer, the fierce jaguar would have seized me, and my life would have been sacrificed. no, i say again, there is no such thing as chance. he who rules the world ordered each event which has occurred, and directed your steps hither. it is a happy and comforting creed to know that one more powerful than ourselves takes care of us. till the moment the jaguar's sharp claw touched my shoulder, i had doubted this. the author whose book i hold doubts it also, and i was arguing the point with him. your arrival decided the question." while he was speaking i missed true, and now heard him bark violently. i ran back, and found the jaguar we thought had been killed rising to its feet. it was snarling fiercely at the brave dog, and in another moment would have sprung upon him. true stood prepared for the encounter, watching the creature's glaring eyes. i saw the danger of my faithful friend and fired at the head of the savage animal. my shot was more effectual than john's. it fell back dead. john and the recluse came hurrying up. "we should never leave a treacherous foe behind us," observed the latter. "however, he is harmless now. come on. you have a long walk before you; though, for myself, i can find a lodging in the forest, suited to my taste, whenever i please." the recluse, as in our former walk, led the way. for a considerable distance he went on without again speaking. there was much that was strange about him, yet his mind seemed perfectly clear, and i could not help hoping that we might be the means of persuading him to return to civilised society. he walked forward so rapidly that we sometimes had difficulty in keeping up with him; and i remarked, more than i had done before, his strange appearance, as he flourished his sharp axe, now striking on one side, now on the other, at the sipos and vines which interfered with his progress. he was dressed merely in a coarse cotton shirt and light trousers secured round the waist by a sash, while a broad-brimmed straw hat sheltered his head. his complexion was burned almost red; his features were thin, and his eyes sunken; but no tinge of grey could be perceived in his hair, which hung wild and streaming over his shoulders. true, after going on for some time patiently, began to hunt about on either side according to his custom. presently he gave forth one of his loud cheery barks, and off he bounded after a creature which had come out of the hollow of a tree. calling to john, i made chase, getting my gun ready to fire. the ground just there was bare, and i caught sight of an animal the size of a small pig, but its whole back and head were covered with scales. in spite of its awkward appearance, it made good play over the ground, and even true, with all his activity, could scarcely keep up with it. it turned its head here and there, looking apparently for a hole in which to seek shelter. he, however, made desperate efforts to overtake it. the base of a large tree impeded its progress, when, just as he was about to spring on it, it suddenly coiled itself up into a round ball. true kept springing round and round it, wishing to get hold of the creature, but evidently finding no vulnerable part. i ran forward and seized it, when, just as i got hold of the ball, i received so severe a dig in my legs from a pair of powerful claws which it suddenly projected, that i was glad to throw it down again. "you have got hold of an armadillo," said the recluse, who with john at that moment arrived. "if you want a dinner, or wish to make an acceptable present to your indian friends, you may kill and carry it with you; but if not, let the creature go. for my part, i delight to allow the beasts of the forest to roam at large, and enjoy the existence which their maker has given them. the productions of the ground afford me sufficient food to support life, and more i do not require. yet i acknowledge that unless animals were allowed to prey on each other, the species would soon become so numerous that the teeming earth itself could no longer support them: therefore man, as he has the power, so, i own, he has the right to supply himself with food which suits his taste. i speak, therefore, only as regards my own feelings." while he was speaking he seemed to forget that he had just before been in a hurry to proceed on our way, and stood with his arms folded, gazing at the armadillo. the creature, finding itself unmolested, for even true stood at a respectful distance, uncoiled itself, and i then had an opportunity of observing its curious construction. its whole back was covered with a coat of scaly armour of a bony-looking substance, in several parts. on the head was an oval plate, beneath which could be seen a pair of small eyes, winking, as if annoyed by the sunlight. over the shoulders was a large buckler, and a similar one covered the haunches; while between these solid portions could be seen a series of shelly zones, arranged in such a manner as to accommodate this coat of mail to the back and body. the entire tail was shielded by a series of calcareous rings, which made it perfectly flexible. the interior surface, as well as the lower part of the body, was covered with coarse scattered hairs, of which some were seen to issue forth between the joints of the armour. it had a pointed snout, long ears, short, thick limbs, and stout claws. "there are several species of the armadillo," observed our friend. "the creature before us is the _dasypus sexcinctus_. it is a burrowing animal, and so rapidly can it dig a hole, that when chased it has often its way made under ground before the hunter can reach it. its food consists of roots, fruits, and every variety of soft vegetable substances; but it also devours carrion and flesh of all sorts, as well as worms, lizards, ants, and birds which build their nests on the ground. in some parts of the continent the natives cook it in its shell, and esteem it a great delicacy." whilst our friend was giving us this account, the armadillo, suddenly starting forward, ran off at a great rate into the forest, true made chase, but i called him back, and he came willingly, apparently convinced that he should be unable to overtake the creature, or overpower it if he did. we were once more proceeding on our way. the day was drawing to a close, and yet we had not overtaken our companions. "you are scarcely aware of the distance you were from the right road," observed the recluse. "when once a person gets from the direct path, he knows not whither he may wander. it may be a lesson to you. i have learned it from bitter experience." he sighed deeply as he spoke. at length we saw the bright glare of a fire between the trees. "you will find your friends there," said the recluse, "and, directed by that, can now go on." "but surely you are going with us to the camp?" said john. "no; i shall seek a resting-place in the forest," he answered. "i am too much accustomed to solitude to object to be alone, even though i have no sheltering roof over my head. farewell! i know not whether we shall meet again, but i would once more give you the assurance that i do not forget that you were the means of saving my life; and yet i know not why i should set value upon it." in vain john and i entreated him to come on. not another step further would he advance; and he cut us short by turning hastily round and stalking off into the depths of the forest, while we hurried on towards the camp. "oh, there they are! there they are!" exclaimed ellen, running forward to meet us as we appeared. "i have been so anxious about you, and so has arthur! domingos told us he was sure you would come up soon, but i could not help dreading that some accident had happened." we had to confess that we had lost our way, and that, had it not been for the stranger, we should still be wandering in the forest. "and why would he not come to the camp?" she asked. "arthur is longing to see him again. duppo has been telling him of the way in which he rescued him from the anaconda. i was at last obliged to tell him what occurred." arthur now came up. "i must thank him!" he exclaimed. "i will run and overtake him." we had great difficulty in persuading arthur of the hopelessness of finding him, and that he would be more likely to lose his own way in the forest. the indians had been busily employed in putting up huts for our accommodation. ellen and maria, with their pets, had already possession of theirs. we hung up our hammocks in the more open shed which had been prepared for us. chapter thirteen. our new resting-place, and the adventures which befel us there. next morning maono and his people began erecting a more substantial habitation for us, signifying that his white friend, meaning the recluse, had desired him to do so. it was built on the spot we had previously selected near the igarape, and overlooking the main river. a number of stout poles were first driven into the ground, and to their tops others were joined and united in the centre, forming a conical roof, the eaves projecting below to a considerable distance. palm-leaves were then fastened, much in the fashion i have before described, over the roof, layer above layer, till a considerable thickness was attained. the walls were formed by interweaving sipos between the uprights, a space being left for ventilation. we had thus a substantial hut erected, which it would have taken us, unaided, many days to build. while the indians were working outside, john and i, with domingos, formed a partition in the interior, to serve as a room for ellen and maria. "we must manufacture a table and some stools, and then our abode will be complete," said john. some small palms which grew near were split with wedges into planks. out of these we formed, with the assistance of domingos, a table, and as many rough stools as we required. when all was complete, maono begged by signs to know whether we were satisfied. we assured him that we were better accommodated than we expected to be. he seemed highly pleased, and still more so when we presented him and his men each with a piece of cloth, he having three times as much as the others. we gave him also an axe, a knife, and several other articles, besides a number of beads, which we let him understand were for his wife and daughter. he, however, seemed rather to scorn the idea of their being thus adorned in a way superior to himself, it being, as we observed, the custom of most amazonian tribes for the men to wear more ornaments than the women. we understood that his tribe had settled a short way off, in a secluded part of the forest, where they might be less likely to be attacked by their enemies the majeronas. we now tried to make maono understand that we were anxious to have a large canoe built, in which we might proceed down the river. he replied that he would gladly help us, but that he must return to his own people, as they had first to be settled in their new location. to this, of course, we could not object, but we begged him to return as soon as possible to assist us in our work. as soon as he was gone we agreed to hold a consultation as to what we should next do. we took our seats under the verandah in front of our new abode, john acting as president, ellen, arthur, domingos, and i ranging ourselves round him. true, nimble, and toby stood by the side of maria, as spectators, the latter almost as much interested apparently as she was in the discussion, while poll and niger stood perched on the eaves above us. the question was whether we should devote all our energies to constructing a large canoe, or make excursions in the small one we already possessed, as we before proposed? we requested ellen, not only as the lady, but the youngest of the party, to speak first. she was decidedly of opinion that it would be better to build the large canoe, as she was sure that our parents had already proceeded further down the river. "but what reasons have you for so thinking?" asked john. ellen was silent. "pray do not insist upon my giving my reasons," she said at last. "i can only say that i feel sure they have gone further down. if they had not, i think we should have found them before this; indeed, my heart tells me that we shall find them before long if we continue our course down the river." john smiled. "those are indeed very lady-like reasons," he observed. "however, we will record your opinion; and now wish we to know what arthur has to say." "i should like to agree with miss ellen, but at the same time cannot feel sure of a matter of which we have no evidence," said arthur. "we have not examined the banks up the stream or on the opposite side. although we have good reasons for supposing that, after quitting their first location, your family proceeded downwards, as the labour of paddling against the current is very great, yet, as they may have stopped at some intermediate spot, i advise that we examine the banks on both sides of the river between this place and that where we expected to find them." "now, harry, what do you say?" asked john. "i agree with arthur," i replied. "as we came down a considerable distance at night, i say we should examine the shores we then passed. as the greater part of our voyage was performed by daylight, i do not think it at all likely we could have missed them had they been sailing up to meet us. i also advise that we make the excursion we proposed in the small canoe in the first place, while our indian friends are constructing the larger one." domingos had been standing with his arms folded, as was his custom, watching our countenances. he had perfectly understood what was said. taking off his hat, he made a bow to ellen, saying, "i agree with the senora. i feel sure that my honoured master would desire to place his family in safety at a distance from the savage tribe who attacked him, and that, therefore, he has moved further down the river, probably to one of the nearest portuguese settlements on the banks. but knowing his affection for you, his children, i believe he would have sent back messengers to meet us should he have been unable to return himself. it is they, in my opinion, we should look out for; probably, indeed, they have already passed us. i am sorry that we did not leave some signals at our stopping-places, which might show them where we have been, and lead them to us. then, again, as senor fiel might not have been able to procure messengers at once, and as the voyage up the stream is laborious, they may not have got as far as this. thus we are right in remaining at this spot, whence we can see them should they approach. i therefore hold to the opinion that the large canoe should be constructed without delay, in which we might continue our voyage, but that we should keep a look-out both by day and night, lest our friends might pass by without observing us." "it becomes, then, my duty as president to give the casting vote in this important matter," observed john, "as the members of the council are divided in opinion. although the opinion expressed by ellen and domingos has probability on its side, yet it must be considered theoretical; while that given by arthur and harry is undoubtedly of a more practical character. should we on exploring the shores higher up find no traces of our relatives, we shall then proceed with more confidence on our voyage, buoyed up with the hope of overtaking them. in the other ease we might be sailing on with the depressing consciousness that, not having searched for them thoroughly, we might be leaving them behind. i therefore decide that, while our indian friends are engaged in building a canoe, in which work, from our inexperience, we cannot render them any effectual aid, we employ the interval in making the exploring expeditions we proposed. the point to be settled is, how are we to carry out that plan?" "the small canoe will not convey more than three people at the utmost," i observed. "i should like to go with arthur and duppo, as i at first suggested; while you, john, stay to take care of ellen, and superintend the building of the canoe. you will be better able than any of us to keep the indians to their work, and guard ellen, should any danger occur from hostile indians, or of any other description." "i should certainly have liked to have gone myself," said john. "but your argument is a strong one. i am sure i can trust you and arthur, and duppo, from his acuteness, will be of great assistance to you; and yet i do not like you to run the risk of the dangers to which you may be exposed." "it would not be worse for us than for you," remarked arthur. "i would willingly stay to defend miss ellen; but i am afraid i should not manage the indians, or act as you would do in an emergency." i saw that john put considerable restraint on himself when he finally agreed to let us go. yet as we were as well able to manage the canoe as he was, and much lighter, we were better suited to form its crew. at the same time, it seemed evident that ellen would be safer under the protection of two grown-up men, than of lads like arthur and i. it was necessary, however, to wait to arrange provisions for our expedition, and obtain also the advice of maono on the subject. we much regretted that we could not communicate with the recluse, as he would have interpreted for us, and would also have given us his advice. while taking a paddle in our canoe, we agreed that she required considerable alterations to fit her for our intended expedition. our first task was to haul her up, and strengthen her bulwarks; for it will be remembered that they were before put up in a hurried manner, and were already almost torn off. we were thus engaged in front of the hut when we heard ellen exclaim, "there is some one coming." and looking through an opening in the forest, i saw duppo and his sister approaching, carrying baskets on their backs. arthur and i ran forward to meet them. they made signs that they had brought a present of farinha to the young white lady, as they designated ellen; not by words, however, but by putting a piece of white bark on their own brown cheeks. we then conducted them to ellen. "i am so glad to see you," she said, taking oria's hand; and though the indian girl could not understand the words, she clearly comprehended the expression of my young sister's countenance, which beamed with pleasure. maria grinned from ear to ear, not at all jealous of the attention her young mistress paid the pretty native; and all three were soon seated in front of the hut, talking together in the universal language of signs. it was extraordinary how well they seemed to understand each other. oria's garments were certainly somewhat scanty; but in a short time maria ran into the hut, and quickly returned with a petticoat and scarf, part of ellen's wardrobe. nothing could exceed the delight of the young savage (for so i may properly call her) when her white and black sisters robed her in these garments. pretty as was her countenance, it usually wanted animation; but on this occasion it brightened up with pleasure. the clothes seemed at once to put her more on an equality with her companions. when they had talked for a time, ellen called out her pets to introduce them to oria, who signified that if it would gratify her new friend she would undertake to obtain many more. "oh, yes, yes!" exclaimed ellen. "i should so like to have some of those beautiful little humming-birds which have been flying about here lately, feeding on the gay-coloured flowers growing on the open ground around, or hanging by their long tendrils from the trees." neither duppo nor oria could understand these remarks, but they did the signs which accompanied them; and they both answered that they hoped soon to obtain for her what she wished. we then took duppo down to the canoe, and i tried to explain to him our intention of making a voyage in her. this he understood very clearly; indeed, the recluse had, we suspected, already intimated to the indians our anxiety about our missing friends. duppo was of great assistance to us in repairing the canoe and putting on fresh bulwarks. we determined, in addition to the paddles, to have a mast and sail. we had some light cotton among our goods, which would answer the purpose of the sail, and could be more easily handled, and would therefore be less dangerous, than a mat sail. we found that oria had taken the invitation as it was intended, and had come to remain with ellen. "i am so glad," said our sister, when she discovered this. "i shall now be able to teach her english; and, i am sure, we shall be great friends." "but would you not also be able to teach her about the god of the english?" said arthur, in a low voice. "that is of more consequence. she now knows nothing of the god of mercy, love, and truth. from what i can learn, these poor savages are fearfully ignorant." "oh yes," said ellen, looking up. "i shall indeed be glad to do that. i am so thankful to you, arthur, for reminding me." "we should remember that that saviour who died for us died for them also," said arthur; "and it is our duty to make known that glorious truth to them." "it will be a hard task though, i fear," remarked ellen, "as oria does not yet know a word of english; and though we may make signs to show her what we want her to do, i do not see how we can speak of religion until she understands our language." "the more necessity then for teaching her without delay," observed arthur. "she seems very intelligent; and if we lose no opportunity of instructing her, i hope she may soon acquire sufficient knowledge to receive the more simple truths, which, after all, are the most important." "then i will begin at once," said ellen. "she has already been trying to repeat words after me; and i hope before the end of the day to have taught her some more." ellen was in earnest. our dear little sister, though very quiet and gentle, had a determined, energetic spirit. it was very interesting to see her labouring patiently to teach the young indian girl. duppo had already learned a good many words, and seemed to understand many things we said to him. we scarcely ever had to repeat the name of a thing more than two or three times for him to remember it; and he would run with alacrity to fetch whatever we asked for. we had much more trouble in teaching manners to our dumb companions; for in spite of master nimble's general docility, he was constantly playing some trick, or getting into scrapes of all sorts. one day he was seen by duppo trying to pull the feathers out of niger's head; and on another occasion he was discovered in an attempt to pluck poor poll, in spite of her determined efforts to escape from his paws. he often sorely tried true's good-temper; while if a pot or pan was left uncovered, he was sure to have his fingers in it, to examine whether its contents were to his liking. we were working at the canoe one morning when i heard maria's voice calling to us. "see what it is she wants, harry," said john, who was busily employed. i ran up to the hut. "o senor harry!" exclaimed maria, "nimble has scampered off into the woods, and enticed toby to go with him; and senora ellen has run after them, and i do not know what may happen if there is no one near to protect her." i took up my gun on hearing this, and followed ellen, whose dress i caught a glimpse of among the trees. presently i saw her, as i got nearer, throw up her hands, as if she had seen some object which had alarmed her. i hurried on. "what is it, ellen?" i shouted out. "oh, look there, harry!" she exclaimed. "they will catch nimble and toby." i sprang to her side, and then saw, just beyond a thicket of ferns, two huge pumas, which were on the point of springing up a tree, among whose branches were clinging our two pets, nimble and toby, their teeth chattering with terror, while their alarm seemed almost to have paralysed them. in another instant they would have been in the clutches of the pumas. i was more concerned about my dear little sister's safety than for that of her monkeys. at first i thought of telling her to run back to the hut; but then it flashed across me that the pumas might see her and follow. so i exclaimed, "get behind me, ellen; and we will shout together, and try and frighten the beasts. that will, at all events, bring john to our help." we shouted at the top of our voices. i certainly never shouted louder. meantime i raised my gun, to be ready to fire should the pumas threaten to attack us or persist in following our pets. scarcely had our voices ceased, when i heard true's bark, as he came dashing through the wood. the pumas had not till then discovered us, so eagerly had they been watching the monkeys. they turned their heads for a moment. nimble took the opportunity of swinging himself out of their reach. ellen shrieked, for she thought they were going to spring at us. i fired at the nearest, while true dashed boldly up towards the other. my bullet took effect, and the powerful brute rolled over, dead. the sound of the shot startled its companion; and, fortunately for gallant little true, it turned tail, and bounded away through the forest,--john, who had been hurrying up, getting a distant shot as it disappeared among the trees. arthur and the two indians followed john, greatly alarmed at our shouts and the sound of the firearms. nimble and toby, still chattering with fear, came down from their lofty retreat when we called them, and, looking very humble and penitent, followed ellen to the hut; while we, calling domingos to our assistance, set to work to skin the puma. the meat we cooked and found very like veal, and domingos managed to dress the skin sufficiently to preserve it. duppo had clearly understood ellen's wish to have some humming-birds caught alive. we were always up at daybreak, to enjoy the cool air of the morning. he had gone out when the first streaks of dawn appeared in the eastern sky, over the cold grey line of the river. when we could do so with safety, we never failed to take a bath. we had just come out of the water, and were dressing, when duppo ran up, and signed to us to follow him. we called ellen as we passed the hut, and all together went towards the igarape, where, in a more open space than usual, a number of graceful fuschia-looking flowers, as well as others of different forms, hung suspended from long tendrils, intertwined with the branches of the trees. into this spot the rising sun poured its glorious beams with full brilliancy. we cautiously advanced, when the space before us seemed suddenly filled with the most beautiful sparking gems of varied colours, floating here and there in the bright sunlight. i could scarcely believe that the creatures before us belonged to the feathered tribes, so brilliant were their hues, so rapid their movements. sometimes they vanished from sight, as they darted with inconceivable rapidity from branch to branch. now one might be seen for an instant hovering over a flower, its wings looking like two grey filmy fans expanded at its sides. then we could see another dip its long slender bill into the cup of an upright flower. now one would come beneath a suspended blossom. sometimes one of the little creatures would dart off into the air, to catch some insect invisible to the eye; and we could only judge of what it was about by its peculiar movements. as we watched, a tiny bird would perch on a slender twig, and rest there for a few seconds, thus giving us an opportunity of examining its beauties. ellen could scarcely restrain her delight and admiration at the spectacle; for though we had often seen humming-birds before, we had never beheld them to such advantage. the little creature we saw had a crest on the top of its head of a peculiarly rich chestnut, or ruddy tint. the upper surface of the body was of a bronzed green hue, and a broad band of white crossed the lower part, but the wings were purple-black. the chief part of the tail was chestnut. the forehead and throat were also of the same rich hue. on either side of the neck projected a snow-white plume, tipped with the most resplendent metallic green. the effect of these beautiful colours may be imagined as the birds flew rapidly to and fro, or perched on a spray, like the one i have described. another little creature, very similar to it, was to be seen flying about above the heads of the others. it also had a crest, which was of the same colour as the others, but of a somewhat lighter tint; while at the base of each feather, as we afterwards observed, was a round spot of bronzed green, looking like a gem in a dark setting. the crest, which was constantly spread out, appeared very like that of a peacock's tail, though, as ellen observed, it would be a very little peacock to have such a tail. on searching in our book, we found that the first of these humming-birds we had remarked was a tufted coquette (_lophornis ornatus_), while the other, which we seldom saw afterwards, was the spangled coquette. these birds, with several others of similar habits and formation, are classed separately from the _trochilidae_, and belong to the genus _phaethornis_. they are remarkable for the long pointed feathers of their tails, the two central ones being far longer than the rest. we met with a greater number of them than of any other genus on the banks of the amazon. after we had enjoyed the spectacle for some time, duppo begged us to come a little further, when he showed us a beautiful little nest, secured to the innermost point of a palm-leaf. on the top of the leaf a little spangled coquette was watching her eggs within. unlike the nests of the _trochilidae_, which are saucer-shaped, it was of a long, funnel-like form, broad at the top and tapering towards the lower part. the outside, which was composed of small leaves and moss, had a somewhat rugged appearance; but the inside, as we had reason to know, was soft and delicate in the extreme, being thickly lined with silk-cotton from the fruit of the sumauma-tree. below the first was perched a tufted coquette, looking as boldly at us as any town sparrow. the little creatures, indeed, kept hovering about; and one came within a few feet of our faces, as much as to ask how we dared to intrude on its domains. more pugnacious or brave little beings do not exist among the feathered tribes. i cannot hope to describe with any degree of accuracy the numbers of beautiful humming-birds we met with in different places; for though some are migratory, the larger proportion strictly inhabit certain localities, and are seldom met with, we were told, in any other. the humming-birds of the andes, of which there are a great variety, never descend into the plains; nor do those of the plains attempt to intrude on the domains of their mountain relatives. although they may live on the nectar of flowers, they have no objection to the tiny insects they find among their petals, or which fly through the air, while many devour as titbits the minute spiders which weave their gossamer webs among the tall grass or shrubs. "i should not think that any human being could catch one of those little creatures," said ellen, as we returned homewards. "the sharpest-eyed sportsman would find it difficult to hit one with his fowling-piece." "he would certainly blow it to pieces," observed john, "if he made the attempt. they are shot, however, with sand; and perhaps our young indian friend himself will find the means of shooting one, if he cannot capture it in some other way." "oh, i would not have one shot for the world!" exclaimed ellen. "pray let him understand that he must do nothing of the sort for my sake." while we were at breakfast, duppo, who had disappeared, came running up with one of the beautiful little creatures which we had seen in his hand. it seemed much less alarmed than birds usually are in the grasp of a boy. perhaps that was owing to the careful way in which duppo held it. "oh, you lovely little gem!" exclaimed ellen; "but i am sure i shall never be able to take proper care of it." duppo, who seemed to understand her, signified that oria would do so for her. oria, who had been watching us taking sugar with our tea, and had by this time discovered its qualities, mixed a little in a spoon, which she at once put before the bill of the little humming-bird. at first it was far too much alarmed to taste the sweet mess. at length, growing accustomed to the gentle handling of the indian girl, it poked out its beak and took a sip. "ho, ho!" it seemed to say, "that is nice stuff!" and then it took another sip, and very soon seemed perfectly satisfied that it was not going to be so badly off, in spite of its imprisonment. oria intimated that she would in time make the little stranger quite tame. "but we must keep it out of the way of master nimble's paws, for otherwise he would be very likely to treat it with small ceremony," observed john. "why, ellen, you will have a perfect menagerie before long." "yes, i hope so," she answered; "i am not nearly contented yet. i should like to have one of those beautiful little ducks you were telling me of, and as many humming-birds as i can obtain." "perhaps you would like to have a jaguar or puma," said john. "if caught young, i dare say they can be tamed as well as any other animal." "i am afraid they would quarrel with my more harmless pets," answered ellen. "and yet a fine large puma would be a good defence against all enemies." "not against an indian with a poisoned arrow. he would be inconvenient, too, to transport in our canoe. i hope therefore you will confine yourself to small animals, which will not occupy much space. you may have as many humming-birds as you like, and half-a-dozen monkeys, provided they and nimble do not quarrel." "except some pretty little monkeys, i do not wish for any others besides those i already have," said ellen. duppo and oria understood ellen's wish to obtain living creatures, and they were constantly seeking about, and coming back sometimes with a beautiful butterfly or moth, sometimes with parrots and other birds. while we were getting the canoe ready, ellen and maria, with the assistance of oria, had been preparing food for us--baking cakes, and drying the meat of several birds and animals which john had killed. we had hoped to see the large canoe begun before we took our departure, but as the indians had not arrived, we agreed that it would be better to lose no more time, and to start at once. we took an experimental trip in the canoe before finally starting. we could have wished her considerably lighter than she was; at the same time, what she wanted in speed, she possessed in stability. early in the morning we bade ellen and john, with our faithful attendants, good-bye. oria, we thought, exhibited a good deal of anxiety when we were about to shove off, and she came down to the water and had a long talk with her brother, evidently charging him to keep his wits about him, and to take good care of us. dear ellen could scarcely restrain her tears. "oh, do be careful where you venture, harry!" she said. "i dread your falling into the power of those dreadful savages." john also gave us sundry exhortations, to which we promised to attend. we were just in the mouth of the igarape, when we saw in the distance a small canoe coming down it. we therefore waited for her arrival. she drew nearer. we saw that only two people were in her, and we then recognised our friend maono and his wife illora. they were bringing a quantity of plantains and other fruits, with which the centre of the canoe was filled. among others were several crowns of young palm-trees, which, when boiled, are more delicate than cabbages, and are frequently used by the natives. maono was dressed in his usual ornaments of feathers on his arms and head, his hair being separated neatly in the centre, and hanging down on either side. round his neck was a necklace, and his legs were also adorned like his arms. "i have been thinking a good deal lately about the account of the early voyagers, who declared that they met a nation of warrior-women on the banks of this river," observed arthur; "and looking at maono, it strikes me that we have an explanation of the extraordinary circumstance. if a party of strangers were to see a band of such men, with shields on their arms, guarding the shores, they would very likely suppose them, from their appearance, to be females, and consequently, not having had any closer view of them, they would sail away, declaring that they had met a party of amazons, who had prevented their landing. it was thus this mighty river obtained the name of the amazon. the idea would have been confirmed, had they seen in the distance a band of people, without ornaments of any description, carrying burdens on their backs. these the strangers would naturally have supposed to be slaves, taken in war, and employed to carry the baggage of the fighting ladies." i agreed with him that it was very likely to have been the case. as our friends drew near, duppo spoke to them, and told them where we were going. he then explained to us that if we would wait a little longer, they would accompany us and assist us in our search. on reaching the shore, they carried up their present to ellen, illora, i must confess, bearing the larger portion. some of the plantains and fruits they put into our canoe as they passed. they had another long talk, by the usual means of signs, with john and domingos, who managed tolerably well to comprehend their meaning. we asked duppo how it was they came to have a canoe. he replied that they had found one which had been left behind by the majeronas, and, as we understood, they had brought it down through the igarape, which communicated with another river to the north of us, running into the main stream. when i heard this, the idea struck me that we were not yet altogether free from the danger of being attacked by the majeronas, who, having possessed themselves of our canoe and those of our friends, might some night come down and take us by surprise. i jumped on shore and took john aside, so that ellen could not hear me, that i might tell him my fears. "you are right to mention them to me," he answered; "at the same time, i do not think we need be alarmed. i will, however, try and explain your idea to the indians, and get them to place scouts on the watch for such an occurrence. i certainly wish we were further off; but yet, as we are now at a considerable distance from their territory, we shall be able to hear of their approach, should they come, in time to escape. we must make our way through the woods to the hut of the recluse, and i am very sure that he will be able to afford us protection. from what he said, he is well-known among all the surrounding tribes, who appear to treat him with great respect. though we may lose such of our property as we cannot carry off, that will be of minor importance if we save our lives. for my part, however, i am under no apprehension of the sort; and i am very glad you did not mention your fears in the presence of ellen." though i hoped i might be wrong in supposing an attack possible, i was satisfied at having warned john before going away. arthur and i tried to make duppo understand our plans, that he might describe them to his father and mother. they, in return, signified that they would proceed part of the way with us, and make inquiries as they went along, having been requested to do so by their white friend--meaning the recluse. john, ellen, domingos, and maria came down to the edge of the water once more to see us off, accompanied by nimble and toby--toby placed on the shoulders of domingos, while nimble perched himself on john's arm, holding him affectionately round the neck with his tail. poll and niger always accompanied ellen. "we shall soon be back!" i exclaimed, as i shoved off; "and who knows but that we may be accompanied by papa, mamma, fanny, and aunt martha! ellen, you must get out your books, for she will be shocked at finding that you have been so long idle." with these and other cheerful remarks we backed away from the shore, then, turning the canoe's head round, proceeded after our indian friends. by keeping close to the banks we were out of the current, and thus made good way. sometimes i steered, sometimes duppo. arthur always begged that he might keep at his paddle, saying he did not like to take the place of those who had more experience than himself. a light wind at length coming from the eastward, we hoisted our sail, and got ahead of maono and his wife. the wind increasing, we ran the other canoe out of sight; but duppo assured us that his father and mother would soon catch us up, and that we need not therefore wait for them. we looked into every opening in the forest which lined the bank, in the faint hope of seeing the habitation of our friends; but not a hut of any description was visible; indeed, the shores were mostly lined with so dense a vegetation, that in but few places could we even have landed, while often for leagues together there was not a spot on which a hut could have been built. the wind again falling, we were obliged once more to lower our sail and to take to our paddles, when we were quickly rejoined by our indian friends. as it was important to examine every part of the shore carefully, we had agreed, if we could find an island, to land early in the evening on it. chapter fourteen. our exploring expedition--fearful danger. a week had passed away. we had crossed the stream several times to examine the southern bank of the river, and every inch of the northern bank had been explored. sometimes we met maono and his wife to compare notes, and then we again separated to continue our explorations. we were now once more proceeding up the napo, with high clay banks surmounted by lofty forest trees above our heads. "i see some people moving on the shore there. o harry! can it be them?" exclaimed arthur. several persons appeared coming through an opening in the forest, at a spot where the ground sloped down to the water. we could, however, see no habitation. "it is possible," i answered. we passed this part of the river in the dark, and might thus have missed them. having been exploring the western bank, we were crossing the river at that moment. as we paddled on, my heart beat with excitement. if it should be them after all! the people stopped, and seemed to be observing us. we paddled on with all our might, and they came down closer to the water. suddenly duppo lifted up his paddle and exclaimed, "majeronas!" we looked and looked again, still hoping that duppo might have been mistaken; but his eyes were keener than ours. approaching a little nearer, we were convinced that he was right. to go closer to the shore, therefore, would be useless and dangerous. we accordingly paddled back to the side we had just left, where we once more continued our upward course. we had parted two days before this from maono and illora, who were to explore part of the bank we had left unvisited, and to meet us again at the island where we had been so nearly wrecked at the mouth of the igarape. we had almost reached the spot where we had expected to find my father and the rest of our family. the shores of the river were occasionally visited, as we had learned by experience, by the majeronas, though not usually inhabited by them. it was therefore necessary to use great caution when going on shore. we landed, however, whenever we saw a spot where we thought it possible our friends might have touched on their voyage, in the hope that they might there have left some signal or note for us. the banks were here very different from those lower down. in many places they were composed of sand or clay cliffs of considerable height, often completely overhanging the river, as if the water had washed away their bases--indeed, such was undoubtedly the case. frequently the trees grew to the very edge of these cliffs, their branches forming a thick shade over the stream. to avoid the hot sun we were tempted to keep our canoe close under them, as it was very pleasant to be able to paddle on in the comparatively cool air. thus we proceeded, till we arrived at the spot where we had been so bitterly disappointed at not finding my family. no one was to be seen, but we landed, that we might again examine it more carefully. the ground on which the hut had stood still remained undisturbed, though vegetation had almost obliterated all the traces of fire. after hunting about in vain for some time, we took our way back to the canoe. we had nearly reached the water's edge, when arthur exclaimed that he saw something white hanging to the lower branch of a tree, amid the thick undergrowth which grew around. we had some difficulty in cutting our way up to it. we then saw a handkerchief tied up in the shape of a ball. "why, it is only full of dried leaves!" exclaimed arthur, as we opened it. "stay a moment," i answered. "i think there is something within them though." unrolling the leaves, i found a small piece of paper, torn apparently from a pocket-book. on it were written a few lines. they were: "dear brothers,--i trust you will see this. enemies are approaching, and our father has resolved to quit this spot and proceed down the river. we hope to send a messenger up to warn you not to land here, but i leave this in case you should miss him, and do so. where we shall stop, i cannot say; but our father wishes, for our mother's sake and mine, and aunt martha's, not again to settle till we reach a part of the river inhabited by friendly natives. that will, i fear, not be till we get some way down the amazon. i am warned to finish and do this up. the natives are seen in the distance coming towards us." this note, the first assurance we had received that our family had escaped, greatly raised our spirits. we had now only to make the best of our way back to john and ellen with the satisfactory intelligence. we accordingly hurried back to the canoe, and began our downward voyage. we had gone some distance when we saw a small opening in the river, where, on the shore, two or three canoes were hauled up. they might belong to friendly natives, from whom we might obtain some fish or other fresh provisions, of which we were somewhat in want. we were about to paddle in, when we caught sight of several fierce-looking men with bows in their hands, rushing down towards the bank. their appearance and gestures were so hostile that we immediately turned the head of our canoe down the stream again, and paddled away as fast as we could. we had not, however, got far, when, looking back, we saw that they had entered one of the larger canoes, and were shoring off, apparently to pursue us. we did our best to make way, in the hope of keeping ahead of them. i should have said the weather at this time had been somewhat changeable. clouds had been gathering in the sky, and there was every sign of a storm. as i have already described two we encountered, i need not enter into the particulars of the one which now broke over us. under other circumstances we should have been glad to land to escape its fury, but as it was, we were compelled to paddle on as fast as we could go. on looking back, we saw that the indians were actually pursuing us. "never fear," cried arthur. "we shall be able to keep ahead of them!" the lightning flashed vividly, the rain came down in torrents, but through the thick wall of water we could still see our enemies coming rapidly after us. although the current, had we stood out into the middle of the stream, might have carried us faster, the shortest route was by keeping near the bank. the indians followed the same course. true rushed to the stern, and stood up barking defiance at them, as he saw them drawing nearer. i dreaded lest they should begin to shoot with their poisoned arrows. should they get near enough for those fearful weapons to reach us, our fate would be sealed. only for an instant could we afford time to glance over our shoulders at our foes. nearer and nearer they drew. duppo courageously kept his post, steering the canoe, and paddling with all his might. every moment i expected to see them start up and let fly a shower of arrows at us. i might, of course, have fired at them; but this would have delayed us, and probably not have stopped them. our only hope of escape therefore depended upon our being able to distance them. yet they were evidently coming up with us. we strained every nerve; but, try as we might, we could not drive our little canoe faster than we were going. my heart sank within me when, looking back once more, i saw how near they were. in a few minutes more we might expect to have a shower of arrows whizzing by us, and then we knew too well that, though we might receive comparatively slight wounds, the deadly poison in them would soon have effect. this did not make us slacken our exertions, though scarcely any hope of escape remained. still we knew that something unforeseen might intervene for our preservation. i do hold, and always have held, that it is the duty of a man to struggle to the last. "never say die!" is a capital motto in a good cause. the rain poured down in torrents, the lightning flashed, the thunder roared, and gusts of wind swept down the river. we were, however, greatly protected by the bank above us. the storm blew more furiously. we could see overhead branches torn from the trees and carried into the stream. still the indians, with unaccountable pertinacity, followed us. we scarcely now dared look behind us, as all our energies were required to keep ahead; yet once more i turned round. several of our pursuers were standing up and drawing their bows. the arrows flew by us. "oh, i am hit!" cried arthur. "but i wish i had not said that. paddle on! paddle on! i may still have strength to go on for some time." now, indeed, i felt ready to give way to despair; still, encouraged by arthur, i persevered. for a moment only he ceased paddling. it was to pull the arrow from the wound in his shoulder; then again he worked away as if nothing had occurred. the next flight of arrows, i knew, might be fatal to all of us. i could not resist glancing round. once more the indians were drawing their bows; but at that instant a fearful rumbling noise was heard, followed by a terrific crashing sound. the trees above our heads bent forward. "paddle out into the middle of the stream!" cried arthur. duppo seemed to have understood him, and turned the canoe's head away from the shore. the whole cliff above us was giving way. down it came, crash succeeding crash, the water lashed into foam. the spot where the canoe of our savage pursuers had last been seen was now one mass of falling cliff and tangled forest. trees were ahead of us, trees on every side. the next instant i found myself clinging to the branch of a tree. true had leaped up to my ride. duppo was close to me grasping the tree with one hand, while he held my gun above his head in the other. i took it from him and placed it in a cleft of the trunk. without my aid he quickly climbed up out of the water. the canoe had disappeared, and where was arthur? the masses of foam, the thick, down-pouring rain, the leaves and dust whirled by the wind round us, concealed everything from our sight. "arthur!--arthur!--where are you?" i cried out. there was no answer. again i shouted at the top of my voice, "arthur!--arthur!" the tree, detached from the bank, now floated down the stream. i could only hope that it would not turn over in the eddying waters. still the loud crashing sounds of the falling cliff continued, as each huge mass came sliding down into the river. the current, increased in rapidity by the rain, which had probably been falling much heavier higher up the stream, bore us onward. oh, what would i have given to know that my friend had escaped! i could scarcely feel as thankful as i ought to have done for my own preservation, when i thought that he had been lost. the whole river seemed filled with uprooted trees; in some places bound together by the sipos, they formed vast masses--complete islands. on several we could see creatures moving about. here and there several terrified monkeys, which had taken shelter from the storm in a hollow trunk, were now running about, looking out in vain for some means of reaching the shore. ahead of us we distinguished some large animal on a floating mass, but whether jaguar, puma, or tapir, at that distance i could not make out. no trace of the indians or their canoe could we discover. it was evident that they had been entirely overwhelmed; indeed, as far as we could judge, the landslip had commenced close to the spot where we had last seen them, and they could not have had the warning which we received before the cliff was upon them. not for a moment, however, notwithstanding all the terrifying circumstances surrounding me, were my thoughts taken off arthur. wounded as he had been by the poisoned dart, i feared that, even had he not been struck by the bough of a falling tree, he would have sunk through weakness produced by the poison. it made me very sad. duppo was trying to comfort me, but what he said i could not understand. our own position was indeed dangerous in the extreme. any moment the tree might roll over, as we saw others doing round us: we might be unable to regain a position on the upper part. should we escape that danger, and be driven on the bank inhabited by the hostile majeronas, they would very probably put us to death. i had, however, providentially my ammunition-belt round my waist, and my gun had been preserved; i might, therefore, fight for life, and if we escaped, kill some animals for our support. should we not reach the land, and once enter the main river, we might be carried down for hundreds of miles, day after day, and, unable to procure any food, be starved to death. ellen and john would be very anxious at our non-appearance. these and many similar thoughts crossed my mind. i fancied that had arthur been with me i should have felt very differently, but his loss made my spirits sink, and i could hardly keep up the courage which i had always wished to maintain under difficulties. duppo's calmness put me to shame. true looked up in my face, and endeavoured to comfort me by licking my hand, and showing other marks of affection. poor fellow! if we were likely to starve, so was he; but then he did not know that, and was better able to endure hunger than either duppo or me. the rain continued pouring down, hiding all objects, except in the immediate vicinity, from our view. i judged, however, that the falling cliff had sent us some distance from the shore into the more rapid part of the current. providentially it was so, for we could still see the indistinct forms of the trees come sliding down, while the constant loud crashes told us that the destruction of the banks had not yet ceased. thus we floated on till darkness came down upon us, adding to the horror of our position. the rain had by that time stopped. the thunder no longer roared, and the lightning ceased flashing. the storm was over, but i feared, from the time of the year, that we might soon be visited by another. we had climbed up into a broad part of the trunk, where, among the projecting branches, we could sit or lie down securely without danger of falling off. my chief fear arose from what i have already mentioned,--the possibility of the tree turning over. this made me unwilling either to secure myself to the branches, or indeed even to venture to go to sleep. hour after hour slowly passed by. had arthur been saved, i could have kept up my spirits; but every now and then, when the recollection of his loss came across me, i could not help bursting into tears. poor, dear fellow! i had scarcely thought how much i had cared for him. duppo spoke but little; indeed, finding himself tolerably secure, he probably thought little of the future. he expected, i dare say, to get on shore somewhere or other, and it mattered little to him where that was. true coiled himself up by my side, continuing his efforts to comfort me. in spite of my unwillingness to go to sleep, i found myself frequently dropping off; and at last, in spite of my dread of what might occur, my eyes remained closed, and my senses wandered away into the land of dreams. duppo also went to sleep, and, i suspect, so did true. i was awoke by the rays of the sun striking my eyes; when, opening them, i looked about me, wondering where i was. very soon i recollected all that had occurred. then came the sad recollection that arthur had been lost. our tree appeared to be in the position in which it had been when we went to sleep. numerous other trees and masses of wood, some of considerable size, floated around us on either hand. the banks were further off than i had expected to find them. true, pressing his head against me, looked up affectionately in my face, as much as to ask, "what are we to do next, master?" it was a question i was puzzled to answer. i had to call loudly to duppo to arouse him. after looking about for some time, i was convinced that the tree had been drifted into the main stream. on and on it floated. i began to feel very hungry; as did my companions. we were better off than we should have been at sea on a raft, because we could, by scrambling down the branches, quench our thirst. i brought some water up in my cap for true, as i was afraid of letting him go down, lest he should be washed off. i was holding it for him to drink, when duppo pointed, with an expression of terror in his countenance, to the upper end of the tree, and there i saw, working its way towards us along the branches, a huge serpent, which had probably remained concealed in some hollow, or among the forked boughs, during the night. a second glance convinced me that it was a boa. to escape from it was impossible. if we should attempt to swim to the other trees it might follow us, or we might be snapped up by alligators on our way. i might kill it, but if i missed, it would certainly seize one of us. it stopped, and seemed to be watching us. its eye was fixed on true, who showed none of his usual bravery. instinct probably told him the power of his antagonist. instead of rushing forward as he would probably have done even had a jaguar appeared, he kept crouching down by my side. unacquainted with the habits of the boa, i could not tell whether it might not spring upon us. i knelt down on the tree and lifted my rifle; i did not, however, wish to fire till it was near enough to receive the full charge in its body. again it advanced along the boughs. it was within five yards of us. i fired, aiming at its head. as the smoke cleared away, i saw the huge body twisting and turning violently, the tail circling the branch on which it was crawling. duppo uttered a shout of triumph, and, rushing forward with a paddle which he had saved from the canoe, dealt the already mangled head numberless blows with all his might. the creature's struggles were at length over. pointing to the boa, duppo now made signs that we should not be in want of food; but i felt that i must be more hungry than i then was, before i could be tempted to eat a piece of the hideous monster. when i told him so, he smiled, enough to say, "wait a little till you have seen it roasted." i had my axe in my belt. he asked me for it, and taking it in his hand cut away a number of chips from the drier part of the tree, and also some of the smaller branches. having piled them up on a broad part of the trunk near the water, he came back to ask me for a light. i told him that if i had tinder i could get it with the help of the pan of my gun. away he went, scrambling along the branches, and in a short time returned with a bird's nest, which he held up in triumph. it was perfectly dry, and i saw would burn easily. in another minute he had a fire blazing away. i was afraid that the tree itself might ignite. duppo pointed to the water to show that we might easily put it out if it burned too rapidly. he next cut off some slices from the body of the boa, and stuck them on skewers in the indian fashion over the fire. though i had before fancied that i could not touch it, no sooner had i smelt the roasting flesh than my appetite returned. when it was done, duppo ate a piece, and made signs that it was very good. i, at length, could resist no longer; and though it was rather coarse and tough, i was glad enough to get something to stop the pangs of hunger. true ate up the portion we gave him without hesitation. duppo then cut several slices, which, instead of roasting, he hung up on sticks over the fire to dry, throwing the remainder into the water. he tried his best to amuse me by an account of a combat his father once witnessed in the depths of the forest between two huge boas, probably of different species. one lay coiled on the ground, the other had taken post on the branch of a tree. it ended by the former seizing the head of its opponent with its wide open jaws, sucking in a part of its huge body, gradually unwinding it from the tree. it had attempted, however, a dangerous operation. suddenly down came the tail, throwing its coils round the victor, and the two monsters lay twisting and writhing in the most terrific manner, till both were dead. i have given the account as well as i could make it out, but of course i could not understand it very clearly. the clouds had cleared away completely, and the sun's rays struck down with even more than their usual heat. still, from the storms we had had of late, i suspected that the rainy season was about to begin. i could only hope, therefore, that we might reach the shore before the waters descended with their full force. slowly we floated down with the current. on either side of us were several masses of trees, and single trees, such as i have before described. the rate at which we moved differed considerably from many of them. now we drifted towards one; now we seemed to be carried away again from it. this, i concluded, was owing partly to the different sizes of the floating masses, and to the depth they were sunk in the water; and partly to the irregularity of the current. the wind also affected them, those highest out of the water of course feeling it most. chapter fifteen. voyage down the amazon on a tree. all day and another night we drifted on. the flesh of the boa was consumed. unless a strong breeze should get up which might drive us on shore, we must go on for many days without being able to obtain food. i again became anxious on that point, and was sorry we had not saved more of the boa's flesh, unpalatable as i had found it. again the sun rose and found us floating on in the middle of the stream. duppo, although his countenance did not show much animation, was keeping, i saw, a look-out on the water, to get hold of anything that might drift near us. presently i observed the small trunk of a rough-looking tree come floating down directly towards us. as it floated on the surface, being apparently very light, it came at a more rapid rate than we were moving. at length it almost touched the trunk, and duppo, signing to me to come to his assistance, scrambled down towards it. he seized it eagerly, and dragged it up by means of a quantity of rough fibre which hung round it. he then asked me to help him in tearing off the fibre. this i did, and after we had procured a quantity of it, he let the trunk go. when i inquired what he was going to do with it, he made signs that he intended to manufacture some fishing-lines. "but where are the hooks? and where the bait?" i asked, doubling up my finger to show what i meant. "by-and-by make," he answered; and immediately on regaining our usual seat, he set to work splitting the fibre and twisting it with great neatness. i watched him, feeling, however, that i could be of little assistance. he seemed to work so confidently that i hoped he would manage to manufacture some hooks, though of what material i was puzzled to guess. the kind of tree which had so opportunely reached us i afterwards saw growing on shore. it reaches to about the height of thirty feet. the leaves are large, pinnate, shining, and very smooth and irregular. they grow out of the trunk, the whole of which is covered with a coating of fibres hanging down like coarse hair. it is called by the natives _piassaba_. this fibre is manufactured into cables and small ropes. it is also used for brooms and brushes; while out of the finer portions are manufactured artificial flowers, baskets, and a variety of delicate articles. while duppo was working away at the fishing-lines, i was watching the various masses of trees floating near us. one especially i had observed for some time a little ahead of us, and we now appeared to be nearing it. as i watched it i saw something moving about, and at length i discovered that it was a monkey. he kept jumping about from branch to branch, very much astonished at finding himself floating down the river. he was evidently longing to get back to his woods, but how to manage it was beyond his conception. i pointed him out to duppo. "he do," he said, nodding his head. it was a great question, however, whether we should reach the floating island. even when close to it the current might sweep us off in another direction. still, as we had drawn so near, i was in hopes that we should be drifted up to it. had i not been hungry, i should have been very unwilling to shoot the monkey but now, i confess, i longed to get to the island for that very object. the creature would supply us and true with food for a couple of days, at all events. by that time duppo might have finished his fishing-lines, and we might be able to catch some fish. had we been on a raft, we might have impelled it towards an island; but we had no control over the huge tree which supported us. all we could do therefore was to sit quiet and watch its progress. sometimes i doubted whether it was getting nearer, and my hopes of obtaining a dinner off the poor monkey grew less and less. then it received a new impulse, and gradually we approached the island. again for an hour or more we went drifting on, and seemed not to have drawn a foot nearer all the time. duppo every now and then looked up from his work and nodded his head, to signify that he was satisfied with the progress we were making. he certainly had more patience than i possessed. at length i lay down, true by my side, determined not to watch any longer. i fell asleep. duppo shouting awoke me, and looking up i found that our tree had drifted up to the floating mass; that the branches were interlocked, and as far as we could judge we were secured alongside. the monkey, who had been for a brief time monarch of the floating island, now found his dominions invaded by suspicious-looking strangers. for some time, however, i did not like to venture across the boughs; but at length the trunk drove against a solid part of the mass, and duppo leading the way, true and i followed him on to the island. "ocoki! ocoki!" he exclaimed, and ran along the trunk of a tall, prostrate tree of well-nigh one hundred feet in length. on the boughs at the further end grew a quantity of pear-shaped fruit, which he began to pick off eagerly. i did the same, though its appearance was not tempting, as it was covered with an outer skin of a woody texture. as he seemed eager to get it, i did not stop to make inquiries, but collected as much as i could carry in my wallet and pockets. he meantime had filled his arms full, and running back, placed them in a secure place on the trunk of the tree we had left. the monkey had meantime climbed to a bough which rose higher than the rest out of the tangled mass. hunger made me eager to kill the creature. i took good aim, hoping at once to put it out of pain. i hit it, but in falling it caught a bough with its tail, and hung on high up in the air. duppo immediately scrambled away, and before long had mounted the tree. though the monkey was dead, its tail still circled the bough, and he had to use some force to unwind it. he brought it down with evident satisfaction, and now proposed that we should return to our tree and light another fire. we first collected as much dry wood and as many leaves as we could find. duppo quickly had the monkey's skin off. true came in for a portion of his dinner before ours was cooked. i saw duppo examining the smaller bones, which he extracted carefully, as well as a number of sinews, which he put aside. he then stuck some of the meat on to thin spits, and placed it to roast in the usual fashion over the fire. while this operation was going on, he peeled some of the fruit we had collected. inside the rind was a quantity of pulpy matter, surrounding a large black oval stone. i found the pulpy matter very sweet and luscious. i ate a couple, and while engaged in eating a third i felt a burning sensation in my mouth and throat, and, hungry as i was, i was afraid of going on. duppo, however, consumed half-a-dozen with impunity. i may as well say here that this fruit is of a peculiarly acrid character. when, however, the juice is boiled it loses this property, and we frequently employed it mixed with tapioca, when it is called _mingau_ by the natives. it takes, however, a large portion of the fruit to give even a small cup of the mingau. it grows on the top of one of the highest trees of the forest, and as soon as it is ripe it falls to the ground, when its hard woody coating preserves it from injury. the natives then go out in large parties to collect it, as it is a great favourite among them. as may be supposed, we were too hungry to wait till the monkey was very much done. i found that i could eat a little ocoki fruit as a sweet sauce with the somewhat dry flesh. although the island was of some size, yet, as we scrambled about it, we saw that its portions were not firmly knit together, and i thought it very likely, should a storm come on, and should it be exposed to the agitation of the water, it might separate. i therefore resolved to remain on our former tree, that, at all events, having proved itself to be tolerably stable. we were engaged in eating our meal when my ears caught that peculiar sound once heard not easily forgotten--that of a rattlesnake. duppo heard it too, and so did true, who started up and looked eagerly about. at length we distinguished a creature crawling along the boughs of a tree about a dozen yards off. it had possibly been attracted by the smell of the roasting monkey, so i thought. it seemed to be making its way towards us. perhaps it had long before espied the monkey, which it had been unable when alive to get hold of. at all events, it was a dangerous neighbour. i had no wish for it to crawl on to our tree, where it might conceal itself, and keep us constantly on the watch till we had killed it. now i caught sight of it for a moment; now it was hidden among the tangled mass of boughs. still i could hear that ominous rattle as it shook its tail while moving along. though its bite is generally fatal, it is easily avoided on shore, and seldom or never, i have heard, springs on a human being, or bites unless trodden on, or suddenly met with and attacked. in vain i looked for it. it kept moving about under the boughs, as i could tell by the sound of its rattle. now it stopped, then went on again, now stopped again, and i dreaded every instant to see it spring out from its leafy covert toward us. i kept my gun ready to fire on it should i see it coming. i was so engaged in watching for the snake, that i did not observe that the island was turning slowly round. presently there was a rustling and a slightly crashing sound of the boughs, and i found that our tree was once more separated from the island, and just then i saw not only one but several snakes moving about. one of the creatures came along the bough, and lifting its head, hissed as if it would like to spring at us, but by that time we were too far off. again we went floating down with greater speed than the floating island, and, judging from the inhabitants we had seen on it, we had reason to be thankful that we had escaped so soon. duppo, since he had finished eating, had been busy scraping away at some of the monkey bones, and he now produced several, with which he intimated he should soon be able to manufacture some hooks. having put out our fire lest it should ignite the whole tree, we once more scrambled back to our former resting-place. duppo, having got a couple of lines ready, worked away most perseveringly with the monkey bones, till he had manufactured a couple of serviceable-looking hooks. these he bound on with the sinews to the lines. he was going to fasten on some of the knuckle-bones as weights, but i having some large shot in my pocket, they answered the purpose much better. the hooks, baited with the monkey flesh, were now ready for use. duppo, however, before putting them into the water, warned me that i must be very quick in striking, lest the fish should bite the lines through before we hauled them up. as we were floating downwards we cast the lines up the current, taking our seat on a stout bough projecting over the water. there we sat, eagerly waiting for a bite, true looking on with great gravity, as if he understood all about the matter. i almost trembled with eagerness, when before long i felt a tug at my line. i struck at once, but up it came without a fish. again, in a short time, i felt another bite. it seemed a good strong pull, and i hoped that i had caught a fish which would give us a dinner. i hauled it up, but as it rose above the water i saw that it was not many inches in length. still, it was better than nothing. it was of a beautiful grey hue. on getting it into my hand to take it off the hook, what was my surprise to see it swell out till it became a perfect ball. "_mamayacu_!" exclaimed duppo. "no good eat." i thought he was right, for i certainly should not have liked attempting to feed on so odd-looking a creature. when going to unhook it i found that its small mouth was fixed in the meat. when left alone it gradually resumed its former proportions. i soon had another bite, and this time i hoped i should get something worth having. again i hauled in, when up came a fish as long as the other was short and round, with a curious pointed snout. this, too, had been caught by the tough monkey meat, and promised to be of little more service than my first prize. i caught two or three other curious but useless fish, though, if very much pressed for food, we might have managed to scrape a little flesh off them. duppo sat patiently fishing on. though he had got no bites, he escaped being tantalised as i was by the nibbling little creatures which attacked my bait. perhaps he sank his lower down. i could not exactly make it out, but so it was; and at length i saw his line pulled violently. his eyes glistened with eagerness. he had evidently, he thought, got a large fish hooked. he first allowed his line to run to its full length, then gradually he hauled it in, making a sign to me to come to his assistance. he then handed me the line. i felt from the tugging that a fish of a considerable size was hooked. he meantime got an arrow from his quiver and fitted it to his bow. then he signed to me to haul in gently. i did so, dreading every instant that our prize would escape, for i could scarcely suppose that a bone hook could withstand so strong a pull. kneeling down on the trunk, he waited till we could see the dark form of the fish below the surface. at that moment the arrow flew from his bow, and the next all resistance ceased; and now without difficulty i hauled the fish to the surface. stooping down, he got hold of it by the gills, and with my assistance hauled it up to the trunk. it was nearly three feet long, with a flat spoon-shaped head, and beautifully spotted striped skin. from each side of its head trailed thin feelers, half the length of the fish itself. i felt very sure that with such tackle as we had that i should never have been able to secure so fine a fish. we had now food to last us as long as the fish remained good. we had just time to light a fire and cook a portion, as we had dressed the monkey flesh, before darkness came on. the night passed quietly away, and the morning light showed us the same scene as that on which the evening had closed, of the far-off forest, and the wide expanse of water, with single trees and tangled masses of underwood floating on it. after we had lighted a fire, and cooked some more fish for breakfast, duppo put out his lines to try and catch a further supply. not a bite, however, did he get. he hoped, he said, to be more successful in the evening. we therefore hauled in the lines, and i employed the time in teaching him english. i was sure that ellen would be greatly pleased, should we ever return, to find that he had improved. another day was passing by. the wind had been moderate and the river smooth. again it came on to blow, and our tree was so violently agitated that i was afraid it would be thrown over, and that we should be washed off it. as we looked round we saw the other masses with which we had kept company tossed about in the same way, and frequently moving their positions. now we drove on before the wind faster than we had hitherto gone. there was one mass ahead which i had remarked from the first, though at a considerable distance. we were now drifting nearer to it. i had watched it for some hours, when i fancied i saw an object moving about on the upper part. "it must be another monkey," i said to myself. i pointed it out to duppo. he remarked that it moved too slowly for a monkey; that it was more probably a sloth. then again it stopped moving, and i could scarcely distinguish it among the branches of the trees. i hoped that we might drift near enough to get it. it would probably afford us more substantial fare than our fish. after a time i saw duppo eagerly watching the island. suddenly he started up, and waved his hand. i looked as keenly as i could. yes; it seemed to me that the figure on the island was again moving, and waving also. it was a human being; and if so, who else but arthur? my heart bounded at the thought. yet, how could he have escaped? how had he not before been seen by us? again i waved, this time with a handkerchief in my hand. the figure held out a handkerchief also. there was now no doubt about the matter. it was very doubtful, however, whether we should drift much nearer the floating island. the wind increased; a drizzling rain came down and almost concealed it from sight, so that we could not tell whether or not we were continuing to approach it. this increased my anxiety. yet the hope of seeing my friend safe, once kindled, was not to be extinguished; even should we not drive close enough to the island to join each other, we still might meet elsewhere. all we could do, therefore, was to sit quietly on the tree, and wait the course of events. one of the most difficult things to do, i have found, is to wait patiently. hour after hour passed by. the wind blew hard, and often so high did the waves rise that i was afraid we might be swept off. what would become of us during the long, dreary night? i felt the cold, too, more than i had done since we began our voyage. how much more must poor duppo have suffered, with less clothing! i should have liked to have lighted a fire; but with the rain falling, and the tree tossing about, that was impracticable. we all three--duppo, true, and i--sat crouching together in the most sheltered part of the tree. thus the hours of darkness approached, and crept slowly on. did i say my prayers? it may be asked. yes, i did; i may honestly say that i never forgot to do so. i was reminded, too, to ask for protection, from feeling how little able i was, by my own unaided arm, to escape the dangers by which i was surrounded. i tried to get duppo to join me. i thought he understood me; but yet he could scarcely have had the slightest conception of the great being to whom i was addressing my prayers. i hoped, however, when he knew more of our language, that i should be able to impart somewhat of the truth to his hitherto uncultivated mind. in spite of the rain, the darkness, and the movements of our tree, i at length fell asleep, and so, i believe, did duppo and true. i was awoke, after some time, by a crashing sound, similar to that which had occurred when we drove against the floating island. i started up. true uttered a sharp bark. it awoke duppo. presently i heard a voice at no great distance exclaiming, "what is that? who is there?" "who are you?" i shouted out. "i am arthur! and oh, harry! is it you?" "yes," i answered. "how thankful i am that you have escaped!" "and so am i that you have been saved," answered arthur. "but where are you? i cannot find my way among the bough. have you come off to me in the canoe?" i told him in reply how we were situated. "can you join me?" he asked. "i have hurt my foot, and am afraid of falling." "stay where you are," i answered; "we will try to reach you." i made duppo understand that i wished to get to where arthur was. it was necessary to move very cautiously, for fear of slipping off into the water. we could not tell, indeed, whether the butt-end or the boughs of our tree had caught in the floating island; all we could see was a dark mass near us, and a few branches rising up towards the sky. i was afraid, however, that if we did not make haste we might be again separated from it as we had been from the other island. we scrambled first some way along the boughs; but as we looked down we could see the dark water below us, and i was afraid should we get on to the outer ends that they might break and let us fall into it. i thought also of true, for though we might possibly have swung ourselves across the boughs, he would have been unable to follow us. i turned back, and once more made my way towards the root-end, which, by the experience we had before had, i hoped might have driven in closer to the mass we wished to reach. we had to crawl carefully on our hands and knees, for the rain had made the trunk slippery, and we might easily have fallen off. as i got towards the end, i began to hope that it was touching the island. i again called out to arthur. his voice sounded clearer than before. when i got to the end among the tangled mass of roots, i stopped once more to ascertain what duppo advised we should do. i sat some time trying to pierce the gloom. at length i thought i saw a thick bough projecting over the extreme end of our tree. if i could once catch hold of it i might swing myself on to the island. there was one fear, however, that it might give way with my weight. still i saw no other mode of getting to arthur. true, i hoped, might leap along the roots, which were sufficiently buoyant to bear his weight, at all events. having given my rifle to duppo to hold, i cautiously went on. i got nearer and nearer the bough. with one strong effort i might catch hold of it. i sprang up, and seized it with both hands. it seemed firmly fixed in a mass of floating wood. after clambering along for a short distance i let myself down and found footing below me. i now called to duppo, and holding on to the bough above my head with one hand, stepped back till at last i was able to reach the rifle which he held out towards me. true sprang forward, and was in an instant by my side. duppo followed more carefully, and at length we were all three upon the island. "we shall soon find our way to you," i cried out to arthur. "oh, thank you, thank you!" he answered. it was no easy matter, however, to make our way among the tangled mass of trunks and roots and boughs without slipping down into the crevices which yawned at our feet. i could judge pretty well by his voice where arthur was. duppo pulled at my arm. he wished that i would let him go first. this i was glad to do, as i had great confidence in his judgment and activity. following close behind him, we at length got directly under where arthur was perched. "here we are," i cried out, "on a firm trunk. could you not manage to come down?" "i am afraid not," he answered. "stay, then; i will climb up and assist you," i said. putting my gun down, i made my way up the branch. most thankful i was again to press his hand. "i am somewhat sick and hungry," he said; "but now you have come, i shall soon be all right." "well, let me help you down first," i replied. "we have brought some food, and when you have eaten it we will talk more about what has happened to us. i hope we shall manage somehow or other to reach the shore before this island is carried out to sea." "oh yes, i hope so indeed," he said. "i have never thought that likely." i now set to work to help arthur down. duppo stood under the branch and assisted me in placing him at length in a more secure position. "oh, i am so thankful you have come!" he kept repeating; "my only anxiety was about you. still i hoped, as i had so wonderfully escaped, that you might also be safe. all i know is, that i was in the water, and then that i found myself clinging to a bough, and that i gradually pulled myself up out of the water. i believe i fainted, for i found myself lying among a mass of boughs; and when i managed at last to sit up, i discovered that i was floating down the river. not for some time did i feel any sense of hunger. at length, when i did so, i found, greatly to my satisfaction, that i had my wallet over my shoulders, well stored with provisions. they were, to be sure, wet through; but i ate enough to satisfy the cravings of hunger. in the morning i looked about me, hoping to see you on one of the masses of trees which were floating down the stream round me. you may fancy how sad i felt when i could nowhere distinguish you. i knew, however, that it was wrong to give way to despair, so when the sun came forth i dried the remainder of the food, which has supported me hitherto." "but did you feel any pain from your wound?" i asked. "that has been one great anxiety to me. i thought you were truck by a poisoned arrow." "no," he answered. "i pulled it out at once, and had forgotten it, till i felt a pain in my shoulder. then the dreadful thought that it was poisoned came across me, and i expected, for some time, to feel it working within my system. it was perhaps that which made me faint; but as i did not feel any other ill effects, i began to hope that, either in passing through my jacket the poison had been scraped off, or that it has, as i have heard, but slight noxious effects on salt-eating europeans." i agreed with him that this must be the case; indeed, he complained of only a slight pain in the shoulder where the arrow had struck him. in the darkness which surrounded us, i could do no more than give him some of the food we had brought with us. the remainder of the night we sat on the trunk of the tree, duppo and i supporting arthur in our arms, while true crouched down by my side. we could hear the water washing round us, and the wind howling among the branches over our heads. the rain at length ceased, but i felt chilled and cold; and arthur and duppo were, i feared, suffering still more. thus we sat on, doing our best to cheer each other. so long a time had passed since arthur had been struck by the arrow, that i no longer apprehended any dangerous effects from it. still, he was very weak from the long exposure and the want of food, and i became more anxious to get him safe on shore, where, at all events, he might obtain shelter and sufficient nourishment. wherever we might be cast, we should, in all probability, be able to build a hut; and i hoped that with my gun, and duppo's bow, we should obtain an ample supply of game. "now we have found each other, i am afraid of nothing," said arthur. "neither am i," i answered. "still i fear that ellen and john will be very unhappy when they do not see us." we had been talking for some time, when we felt a violent shock. the water hissed and bubbled up below us, and the mass of trees on which we floated seemed as if they were being torn asunder. such, indeed, was the case. duppo uttered a cry of alarm. "what shall we do?" exclaimed arthur. "o harry, do try and save yourself. never mind me. what can have happened?" "we have driven ashore," i answered. "i am nearly certain of it. all we can do till daylight is to cling on to this trunk; or, if you will stay here with duppo, i will try and make my way to the other side, to ascertain where we are." "oh, do not leave me, harry," he said. "i am afraid something may happen to you." we sat on for a few minutes. still the crashing and rending of the boughs and sipos continued. at length i was afraid that we might be swept away by the current, and be prevented from reaching the shore. i therefore told duppo what i wanted to do. he taking arthur by one arm, i supported him by the other, and thus holding him up we tried to force our way among the tangled mass. now we had to hang on by our hands, finding no firm footing for our feet. in vain we tried to force our way onwards. in the darkness i soon saw that it was impossible. a thick wall of sipos impeded our progress. it was not without the greatest difficulty that at length we got back to the trunk we had left. even that was violently tossed about, and i was even now afraid that we might be thrown off it. once more we sat down on the only spot which afforded us any safety. gradually objects became more clear, and then i saw, rising up against the sky, the tall upright stems of trees. they could not be growing on our floating island. i now became aware that the mass on which we sat had swung round. it seemed once more to be moving on. there was no time to be lost. duppo and i again lifted up arthur, and made our way towards the end of the trunk. not till then did i discover that it was in actual contact with the shore. we hurried along. a few feet only intervened between us and the dry land. "stay, i will go first," i exclaimed, and made a sign to duppo to support arthur. i let myself down. how thankful i was to find my feet on the ground, though the water was up to my middle. "here, arthur, get on my back," i cried out. duppo helped him, and in another minute i was scrambling up the bank on the dry ground. duppo let himself down as i had done, and true leaped after us. scarcely were we on shore when the trunk we had left floated off, and we could see the mass, with several detached portions, gliding down the river. where we were we could not tell, but daylight coming on would soon reveal that to us. we sat ourselves down on the bank, thankful that we had escaped from the dangers to which we should have been exposed had we remained longer on the floating island. chapter sixteen. our return. where we had been cast we could not tell. daylight was increasing. the clouds had cleared off. we should soon, we hoped, be able to see our way through the forest, and ascertain our position. we all remained silent for some time, true lying down by my side, and placing his head upon my arm. while thus half between sleeping and waking, i heard a rustling sound, and opening my eyes, half expecting to see a snake wriggling through the grass, they fell on a beautiful little lizard making its way down to the water. at that moment a pile of dry leaves, near which it was passing, was violently agitated, and from beneath them sprung a hairy monster, with long legs and a huge pair of forceps, and seized the lizard by the back of its neck, holding it at the same time with its front feet, while the others were firmly planted in the ground to stop its progress. in vain the lizard struggled to free itself. the monster spider held it fast, digging its forceps deeper and deeper into its neck. i was inclined to go to the rescue of the little saurian, but curiosity prevented me, as i wished to see the result of the attack, while i knew that it had already, in all probability, received its death-wound. the struggles of the lizard grew feebler and feebler. its long tail, which it had kept whisking about, sank to the ground, and the spider began its meal off the yet quivering flesh. i touched arthur, and pointed out what was taking place. "the horrid monster," he exclaimed. "i must punish it for killing that pretty little lizard." before i could prevent him, he had jumped up and dealt the spider a blow on the head. on examining it i found that it was a great crab-spider, one of the formidable _arachnida_, which are said to eat young birds and other small vertebrates, though they generally, like other spiders, live upon insects. this spider--the _mygagle avicularia_--will attack humming-birds, and, indeed, other small specimens of the feathered tribe. when unable to procure its usual food of ants, it lies concealed under leaves as this one had done, and darts out on any passing prey which it believes it can manage; or if not, it climbs trees and seizes the smaller birds when at roost, or takes the younger ones out of their nests. it does not spin a web, but either burrows in the ground, or seeks a cavity in a rock, or in any hollow suited to its taste. i had never seen any creature of the spider tribe so monstrous or formidable. under other circumstances i should have liked to have carried the creature with us to show to my companions. as soon as arthur had killed it, duppo jumped up and cut off the two forceps, which were as hard and strong as those of a crab; and i have since seen such set in metal and used as toothpicks, under the belief that they contain some hidden virtue for curing the toothache. the rest had almost completely cured arthur's sprained ankle, and on examining his shoulder, i found that the arrow had inflicted but a slight wound, it having merely grazed the upper part after passing through his clothes. this, of course accounted for the little inconvenience he had felt. still, i believe, even had the wound been deeper, the poison would not have affected him. i was indeed very thankful to see him so much himself again. we were now aroused, and, getting on our feet, looked about as to settle in which direction we should proceed. we soon found that we were at the western end of an island, and as the distant features of the landscape came into view, we felt sure that it was the very one, near the entrance of the igarape, where we had first landed. we had supposed that we had floated much further down the river. "the first thing we have to do is to build a raft, and to get back to our friends," i said to arthur. "we shall have little difficulty, i hope, in doing that. we must lose no time, and we shall be able to reach them before night." this discovery raised our spirits. we had first, however, to look out for a bed of rushes to form the chief part of the intended construction. the experience we had gained gave us confidence. we explained to duppo what we proposed doing, and set forward along the northern shore of the island. we were more likely to find on that side, in its little bays and inlets, the materials we required. the axe which duppo had saved was of great importance. we had made our way for a quarter of a mile along the beach, when the increasing density of the underwood threatened to impede our further progress. still we had not found what we required. "i think i see the entrance of an inlet, and we shall probably find reeds growing on its banks," said arthur. "we can still, i think, push our way across these fern-like leaves." we pressed forward, though so enormous were the leaves of which he spoke, that a single one was sufficient to hide him from my sight as he made his way among them. duppo and true followed close behind me, but true could only get on by making a succession of leaps, and sometimes duppo had to stop and help him through the forked branches, by which he ran a risk every instant of being caught as in a trap. "i think i see the mouth of the inlet close ahead," said arthur. "if we push on a few yards more we shall reach it. get the axe from duppo and hand it to me; i must cut away some sipos and bushes, and then we shall get there." i did as he requested. i had broken down the vast leaves which intervened between us, when i saw him beginning to use his axe. he had made but a few strokes when a loud savage roar, which came from a short distance off, echoed through the wood. his axe remained uplifted, and directly afterwards a sharp cry reached our ears. "that is a woman's voice," i exclaimed. "where can it come from?" duppo, as i spoke, sprang forward, and endeavoured to scramble through the underwood, as did true. "cut, arthur, cut," i exclaimed. "unless we clear away those sipos we shall be unable to get there." arthur needed no second bidding, and so actively did he wield his axe, that in a few seconds we were able to push onwards. again the savage roar sounded close to us, but the cry was not repeated. "oh, i am afraid the brute has killed the poor creature, for surely that must have been a human being who cried out," exclaimed arthur. we dashed on, when, reaching the water, we saw, scarcely twenty yards off, on the opposite bank, a canoe, in which were two persons. one lay with his head over the gunwale; the other, whom i at once recognised as our friend illora, was standing up, no longer the somewhat retiring, quiet-looking matron, but more like a warrior amazonian--her hair streaming in the wind, her countenance stern, her eyes glaring, and with a sharp spear upraised in her hands, pointed towards a savage jaguar, which, with its paws on the gunwale, seemed about to spring into the canoe. it was too evident that her husband had been seized, and to all appearance killed. what hope could she have of resisting the savage creature with so slight a weapon. that very instant i dreaded it would spring on her. poor duppo shrieked out with terror; but though his mother's ears must have caught the sound, she did not withdraw her glance from the jaguar. she well knew that to do so would be fatal. duppo made signs to me to fire, but i feared that in so doing i might miss the jaguar and wound one of his parents. yet not a moment was to be lost. my rifle, fortunately, was loaded with ball. i examined the priming, and prayed that my arm might be nerved to take good aim. again the brute uttered a savage growl, and seemed on the point of springing forward, when i fired. it rose in the air and fell back among the foliage, while illora thrust her spear at it with all her force. not till then did she seem to be aware of our presence. then waving to us, she seized the paddle and brought the canoe over to where we were standing. duppo leaped in and lifted up his father. the blood had forsaken his dark countenance; his eyes were closed, his head was fearfully torn--the greater part of the hair having been carried away. illora knelt down by his side, resting his head upon her arm. arthur and i felt his pulse. it still beat. we made signs to his wife that he was alive, for she had evidently thought him dead. i fortunately had a large handkerchief in my pocket, and dipping it in water, bound up his head. he appeared to revive slightly. illora then made signs to us that she wished to go down the river. we did not even stop to look what had become of the jaguar, convinced that he was killed. no time was to be lost. having placed maono on some leaves in the stern of the canoe, she seized one of the paddles and urged it out into the main stream. duppo took another paddle. fortunately there were two spare ones at the bottom of the canoe. arthur and i seized them. illora paddled away, knowing well that the life of her husband depended on her exertions. however callous may be the feelings of indians generally, both she and duppo showed that they possessed the same which might have animated the breasts of white people. every now and then i saw her casting looks of anxiety down on her husband's face. he remained unconscious, but still i had hopes that if attended to at once he might recover. "i am thankful a jaguar did not spring out on us as we were passing through that thick underwood," observed arthur. "how utterly unable we should have been to defend ourselves." "yes, indeed; and still more so that we did not take up our abode there," i remarked. "probably the island is infested with jaguars, and we should have run a great chance of being picked off by them." "i doubt if more than one or two would find support there," he remarked. "how that one, indeed, came there is surprising." "possibly he was carried there on a floating island," i answered. "i doubt whether intentionally he would have crossed from the mainland; for though jaguars can swim, i suppose, like other animals, they do not willingly take to the water." this, i suspect, was the case. we tried to learn from illora how her husband had been attacked. she gave us to understand that, after looking about for us, they had put in there for the night, and were still asleep when the savage brute had sprung out of the thicket and seized maono. she heard him cry out, and had sprung to her feet and seized her lance just at the moment we had found them. "we should be doubly thankful that we were cast on the island and arrived in time to rescue our friend," i observed to arthur. as may be supposed, however, we did not speak much, as we had to exert ourselves to the utmost to impel the canoe through the water. i was, however, thankful when at last we saw the roof of our hut in the distance. we shouted as we approached, "ellen! maria!" great was our delight to see ellen and maria, with domingos, come down to the edge of the water to receive us. as i jumped out, my affectionate little sister threw her arms round my neck and burst into tears. "oh, we have been so anxious about you!" she exclaimed; "but you have come at last. and what has happened to the poor indian? have you been attacked again by the majeronas?" i told her briefly what had occurred, and set her anxiety at rest with regard to our parents by giving her fanny's note, and telling her how we had found it. i need not repeat her expressions of joy and thankfulness. i then asked for john, as he understood more about doctoring than any of us. he had gone away with his gun to shoot only just before, and might not be back for some time. the indians were at their own settlement, a couple of miles off. "what can we do with him!" i exclaimed. "why not take him to the recluse?" said ellen. "he will know how to treat him." i made illora comprehend what ellen proposed. she signified that that was what she herself wished to do. "then, ellen, we must leave you again," i said. "we must do our best to save the life of our friend." arthur agreed with me, and entreating ellen to keep up her spirits till our return, we again, greatly to illora's satisfaction, jumped into the canoe. "we hope to be back to-morrow morning!" i cried out, as we shoved off. though somewhat fatigued, we exerted ourselves as much as before, and having the current in our favour, made good progress. examining the banks as we went along, i saw how almost impossible it would have been to have effected a landing on that dreadful night of the storm, when we had the raft in tow, for one dense mass of foliage fringed the whole extent, with the exception of a short distance, where i recognised the sand-bank on which arthur had been nearly killed by the anaconda. maono every now and then uttered a low groan when his wife bathed his head with water--the best remedy, i thought, she could apply. the voyage was longer than i had expected, for nearly two hours had passed before we reached the mouth of the igarape, near which the hut of the recluse stood. having secured the canoe, illora lifted up her husband by the shoulders, while we put the paddles under his body, and his son carried his feet. we then hastened on towards the hut. as we came in sight of it, duppo shouted out to announce our approach to the recluse. no one appeared. the door, i saw, was closed, but the ladder was down. we stopped as we got up to it, when duppo, springing up the steps, knocked at the door. my heart misgave me. the recluse might be ill. then i thought of the ladder being down, and concluded that he was absent from home. again duppo knocked, and obtaining no reply, opened the door and cautiously looked in. no one was within. what were we to do? were we to wait for the return of the owner, or go back to our settlement? i advised that maono should be carried within, and proposed waiting till he appeared. we lifted him up and placed him under the shade of the verandah. meantime duppo collected a number of dried leaves, with which to form a bed, as he was not in a fit state to be placed in a hammock. i then advised illora to send duppo for water, while arthur and i went out and searched for the recluse, in the hope that he might be in the neighbourhood. we first went to his plantation, thinking that he might be there, but could nowhere find him. it appeared, indeed, as if it had not been lately visited, as it was in a far more disordered state than when we had before seen it. we were afraid of going into the forest, lest we should lose our way; we therefore turned back and proceeded up the igarape, which would serve as a guide to us. it grew wilder and wilder as we went on. at length we reached a spot which we could not possibly pass. the trunks of the mighty trees grew close to the water, their roots striking down into it, while thousands of sipos and air-plants hung in tangled masses overhead, and huge ferns with vast leaves formed a dense fringe along the banks. near us the trunk of an aged tree, bending over the water, covered with parasitic plants, had been seized by the sipos from the opposite side, and hung, as it were, caught in their embrace, forming a complete bridge across the igarape. i have already described these wonderful air-plants. they here appeared in greater numbers and more varied form than any we had yet seen. flights of macaws and parroquets flew here and there through the openings, or climbed up and down, cawing and chattering in various tones. although i should have liked to have obtained some, i saw that, should i kill any, they would have fallen where it would be impossible to get at them, for even true could not have made his way through the wood; and i was afraid that if they fell into the water, he might be snapped up by an alligator who might be lurking near. we were on the point of turning away, when arthur exclaimed, "i see something moving high up the igarape, among those huge leaves." i scrambled down to where he was standing, and presently, amid the dim light, a human figure came into view. at first it seemed as if he was standing on the water, but as he slowly approached we saw that a raft of some sort was beneath his feet. he was hauling himself along by the branches, which hung low down, or the tall reeds or leaves fringing the banks. "i do believe it is the recluse," whispered arthur to me. "what can have happened to him?" we waited till he came nearer. he looked even wilder and more careworn than usual. he had no covering on his head except his long hair, while he had thrown off his coat, which lay on the raft. slowly and not without difficulty he worked his way on. he did not perceive us till he was close to where we stood. "can we help you, sir?" i said. "we came to look for you." "what induced you to do that?" he asked. "i thought no human being would care for me." "but we do, sir," said arthur, almost involuntarily. "you can be of service to one of your friends, a poor indian, who has been severely hurt." "ah! there is something to live for then!" he exclaimed, looking up at us. "but i must have your assistance too. i have injured my leg; and had i not been able to reach the igarape and construct this raft, i must have perished in the forest. i have with difficulty come thus far, and should have had to crawl to my hut, as i purposed doing, had you not appeared to assist me. my canoe i had left a league or two further away, and could not reach it." "oh, we will gladly help you, sir," exclaimed arthur; "and if you will let us, we will tow the raft down nearer to the hut." "it is strange that you should have come; and i accept your offer," answered the recluse. we soon cut some long sipos, and fastening them together we secured one end to the raft. the recluse sat down, evidently much exhausted by his previous exertions; and while we towed the raft along, he kept it off the bank with a long pole. when we got down opposite the hut, we assisted him to land. he could not move, however, without great difficulty. "let me go and call mora and duppo, that we may carry you in the litter on which i was brought to your hut," said arthur. "no, no; i can get on, with your assistance, without that," answered the recluse, placing his arms on our shoulders. he groaned several times, showing the pain he suffered; but still he persevered, and at length we reached the hut. we had great difficulty in getting him up the ladder. when he saw maono, he seemed to forget all about himself. "my hurt can wait," he observed. "we must attend to this poor fellow." having examined the indian's head, he produced a salve, which he spread on a cloth, and again bound it up. "a european would have died with such a wound," he observed; "but with his temperate blood, he will, i hope, escape fever." having attended to his guest, he allowed arthur and i to assist him in binding up his leg, and in preparing a couch for him in his own room, instead of the hammock in which he usually slept. he explained to illora how she was to treat her husband, and gave her a cooling draught which he was to take at intervals during the night. having slung his hammock in the outside room, arthur and i lay down, one at each end; while the indian woman sat up to keep watch, and duppo coiled himself away on one of the chests. at daybreak, arthur, hearing the recluse move, got up and asked him if he could be of any service. "yes, my good lad," answered our host; "you can help me to bind this limb of mine afresh. bring me yonder jar of ointment!" i heard what was said, though i could not see what was going forward. "thank you, my lad," said the recluse. "no woman's hand could have done it better. now go and see how the indian has passed the night." arthur came out, and having looked at maono, reported that he was still sleeping quietly. "he must not be disturbed then," was the answer. "when he wakes i will attend to him. now, go and see what food you can obtain. my plantations will afford you some; or if not, your brother will be able to shoot some birds. he will find troops of toucans and parrots not far off. some farinha will be sufficient for me." "harry will, i am sure, do his best to kill some game," said arthur; "but you called him my brother. though he is a dear friend, we are not related. he has father, and mother, and sisters; and the gentleman you saw is his brother; but i have no relations--none to care for me except these kind friends." "i know not if you are to be pitied then," said the recluse. "if you have none to care for you, you are free to take your own way." "oh, but i do care for the kind friends who brought me out here," exclaimed arthur. "and i feel that i care for you; and i ought to do so, as you took care of me and nursed me when i was ill." the recluse was silent, and arthur came into the larger apartment. the recluse was sufficiently recovered during the day to be placed in his more airy hammock in the outer room. his eyes, i observed, were constantly following arthur. "it is strange," i heard him whispering to himself. "there is a resemblance, and yet, it is so unlikely." maono was going on favourably; and the recluse was able to crawl from his hammock to attend to him as often as was necessary. i was very anxious to get back to ellen and john; especially to assist in finishing the canoe, that we might at soon as possible recommence our voyage down the river. i proposed, therefore, that arthur and i should set off at once, as i thought we could find our way through the forest without difficulty. the recluse seemed far from pleased at my proposal. "i would not deprive you of the society of your friend," he said, "but he will be of great assistance to me if he can remain; and you can call for him when you come down the river. instead of him, take the boy duppo with you. he may be of more use in guiding you through the forest. the indian woman will probably wish to remain with her husband." i found that arthur was ready to stay with the recluse. "poor man," he said, "i may, i think, be of some service in soothing his mind, as well as assisting him as he wishes. i do not like to leave you, harry; but if you do not object, i will remain. i wish, however, that you would go in the canoe." "she is too heavy, i fear, to paddle against the stream," i answered; "and if i have duppo as a guide, i would rather return through the forest." i explained this to the indians, who at once consented that duppo should return with me; while illora remained to nurse her husband. as there was time to reach our location before dark, i begged to set off at once. duppo and i stored our wallets with fresh farinha; and i hoped to kill a toucan, or a brace of parrots, on our way, which would afford us sufficient food. as no time was to be lost, we set off at once. duppo showed some affection when parting from his mother. she was certainly less demonstrative, however, than a european would have been. he was evidently very proud of being allowed to attend on me. he led the way with unerring instinct through the forest; and i felt that there was no danger of losing the path, as john and i had done when travelling in the same direction. i kept my eyes about me as we proceeded, hoping to shoot some game, as we had but a limited supply of food. i got a shot at a toucan, which was climbing with bill and claws up a tree above our heads. it hung on to the branch for an instant, and i was afraid i should lose it. its claws and beak, however, soon let go, and down it came, its beautiful plumage shining in the sun as it fell. i could scarcely bring myself to kill it; but i had to confess that necessity has no laws, and should as willingly at that moment have shot the most gaily-coloured macaw or parroquet. it would, however, afford duppo and i, and true, but a scanty meal; i therefore kept my gun ready for another shot. going on a little further, directly in front of us a beautiful deer started up from behind a thicket. true darted forward, and flew at the creature, which turned round and round to defend itself. i thus had the opportunity of having a good aim, and wounded the deer in the neck. duppo started off in pursuit. he had brought his father's blow-pipe instead of his own, which he had lost. it was too heavy, however, for him to manage. i thought we should have lost the deer; but kneeling down, he raised it on a hanging sipo, and let fly an arrow, which struck the animal. he had time to send another shaft before the deer got out of sight. then calling to me, he urged me to pursue it. away we went through the forest, true at the heels of the deer, and i following duppo as closely as i could. still, notwithstanding its wounded condition, there seemed every probability of its escaping. duppo thought otherwise, and continued the pursuit; though i could not perceive either the animal or its track. he was right, however; for in ten minutes we again caught sight of it, moving slowly. just as we reached it, it sank to the ground. it was the first deer we had killed; though i had seen several scampering in the distance through the more open parts of the forest, and i believe they are numerous along the banks of the amazon and its tributaries. we packed up as much of the flesh as we could carry, and hung the remainder on the branch of a tree. we were walking on with our loads, when a loud crashing sound echoed through the forest. i had never seen duppo show any sign of fear before, but he now came close up to me, trembling all over. "what is the matter?" i asked. all was again silent for some minutes. then came from the far distance the melancholy howl, which had often kept us awake at night--the cries, i felt sure, of howling monkeys. they again ceased; and a loud clang sounded through the forest, such as i had read of in that wonderful romance, "the castle of otranto." duppo grew more and more alarmed; and now caught hold of my jacket, as if i could protect him. i was puzzled to account for the sound; but still i saw nothing very alarming in it. when, however, a loud piercing cry rent the air, coming, i could not tell from whence, i confess that i felt somewhat uncomfortable. poor duppo trembled all over, and clung to my arm, exclaiming, "_curupira_! _curupira_!" true pricked up his ears, and barked in return. "do not be afraid, duppo," i said, trying to encourage him. "it may have been only the shriek of a monkey, caught by a jaguar or puma." he, however, seemed in no way disposed to be satisfied by any explanations which i could suggest of the noises we had heard. as we proceeded, he tried to explain to me that he was sure that that part of the forest was haunted by a spirit, which made the noises. it was like a huge monkey, covered with long shaggy hair. he committed, he said, all sorts of mischief. he had a wife and family, whom he taught to do as much harm as himself; and that, if they caught us, they would certainly play us some trick. i tried to laugh away his fears, but not with much success. at last he gained a little more confidence, and walked on ahead to show the way. no other sound was heard. he looked back anxiously to see that i was close to him. among the fruits i observed numbers of a curious bean-like description. several species had pods fully a yard long hanging to delicate stalks, and, of course, very slender. others were four inches wide, and short. while i was looking down to pick up some of the curious beans i have mentioned, i saw the big head of a creature projecting from a hole. for a moment i thought it was a large serpent, but presently out hopped a huge toad in pursuit of some little animal which had incautiously ventured near its den. presently it gave sound to a most extraordinary loud snoring kind of bellow, when true dashed forward and caught it. i rescued the creature before his teeth had crushed it. on recovering its liberty, it croaked away as lustily as before. on measuring it, i found it fully seven inches long, and as many broad. it had a considerable enlargement of the bone over the eyes, while the glands behind the head were of great size. i knew it thus to be the agua toad--_bufa agua_. i had no doubt that he and his brothers produced some of the hideous noises we had heard at night. i have since read that these toads will kill rats, and that a number of them were carried to jamaica for the purpose of keeping down the swarms of rats which devastated the plantations of that island. i found, indeed, the bones of several rodent animals near its den. it was somewhat remarkable, but a few minutes afterwards i saw another toad lying quietly on the ground. i kept true back, not wishing to let him hurt the creature. i saw some small animals moving on its back, and stooping down, what was my surprise to see a number of little toads scrambling out of holes apparently in its skin. first out came one, and slipping down the fat sides of the big toad, hopped along on the ground. another little head directly afterwards burst its way through the skin, and imitated the example of its small brother. several others followed. even duppo, in spite of his late fright, could not help bursting out laughing. the colour of the big toad was a brownish-olive and white below; but the head was most extraordinary, as it had a snout almost pointed, the nostrils forming a kind of leathery tube. the creature was, i at once guessed, the surinam toad--_pipa americana_--which i knew was found, not only in surinam, but in other parts of this region. it is, though one of the ugliest of its race, one of the most interesting. the male toad, as soon as the eggs are laid, takes them in its paws, and places them on the back of the female. here, by means of a glutinous secretion, they adhere, and are imbedded, as it were, in a number of cells formed for them in the skin. ultimately a membrane grows over the cells and closes them up. the eggs are here hatched, and the young remain in them till their limbs have grown and they can manage to take care of themselves. the skin of the back is very thick, and allows room for the formation of the cells, each of which is sufficiently large to contain a small-sized bean placed in it edgeways. as soon as the brood have left the cells, they are again closed, giving a very wrinkled appearance to the back. duppo made signs to me that the creature was good to eat; but i must say, i should have been very hard pressed for food before i should have been tempted to try it. i succeeded in dragging true away, and prevented him interfering with the family arrangements of the wonderful _batrachian_. we met with several other curious frogs and toads, but the creatures which abounded everywhere, and unfortunately surpassed all others in numbers, were the ants--_termites_. the termites, i should remark, differ from the true ants by appearing out of the egg with their limbs formed, and in the same shape they bear through life. some we met with in our walk were an inch and a quarter in length, and stout in proportion. the creatures were marching in single file, coming out from a hole formed in the roots of a small tree. i took up one to examine it, and received a sting for my pains, but the pain soon went off. we all suffered much more from the stings of several smaller ants, especially the fire-ants, by which we had on more than one occasion been attacked. although i had twice before made the trip through the forest, i still felt certain that we were far from the hut, when duppo signified to me that we should soon reach it. just then i heard a shot, and a magnificent macaw fell down a short distance ahead of us. true dashed forward, and directly afterwards i heard john's voice. i hurried on. "yes, we are all well," answered john to my inquiries, as he took my load of venison and slung it over his more sturdy shoulders. "the canoe is finished, and we were only waiting for your return to set out. no positive news about our parents; but the indians describe having seen a canoe with white people, women among them, pass down the river several weeks ago ellen feels sure it was they who were seen; though, as is sometimes the case with her, dear girl, she can give no other reason than her own feelings. i am disappointed at not seeing arthur; but we must put in to take him on board, and save him the journey through the forest." of course john wanted to know all about our adventures, and i briefly recounted them as we walked homewards. "it is, indeed, a mercy that your life was saved," he observed. "i would almost advise you not to tell ellen all the fearful dangers you went through; it will make her nervous, for she even now sometimes dreads that the majeronas will again attack us." "they will certainly not come so far by water," i remarked; "and our friends will give us warning should they venture by land. still, as the canoe is ready, we ought not to delay in commencing our voyage." as soon as we emerged from the thick part of the forest, we caught sight of ellen watching for us in front of the hut. she came running forward, followed by maria and oria, and not only by nimble and toby, but a whole troop of other creatures. john laughed. "there comes our little sister," he said, "with her happy family. she and her young companions have not been idle. it is wonderful how they have contrived to tame all those creatures." in another minute ellen and i were in each other's arms. she looked very well, and glad to see me, but her eye roved about in quest of arthur. she was satisfied, however, when i told her that he had remained behind to attend to the recluse. "i am not surprised at it," she said; "for i could not help fancying that there was some relationship between the two. our strange friend was evidently more interested in arthur than in any of us. in spite of his cold and repelling manner, arthur, too, took greatly to him. however, perhaps i am wrong." "yes; i suspect, ellen, it is but one of your fancies. you would like it to be the case; it would be so interesting and romantic, and so you cannot help thinking that it must be so," observed john. ellen was eager at once to introduce me to her pets. nimble and toby knew me immediately, and climbed up my back without hesitation. "here," said ellen, "is a dear little bird." it was a small heron of a very graceful shape. the plumage was variegated with bars and spots of several colours, as are the wings of certain moths. she called it, and it immediately came up to her with a peculiarly dainty, careful gait. an insect was crawling along the ground. it immediately afterwards pierced it with its slender beak, and gobbled it up. it was the _ardea helias_. john said he had seen the birds perched on the lower branches of trees in shady spots: their note is a soft, long-drawn whistle; they build their nests in trees, of clay, very beautifully constructed. "now i must introduce my _curassow_ turkey," she said, calling another very handsome bird, almost as large as an ordinary turkey. it was of a dark-violet colour, with a purplish-green gloss on the back and breast. the lower part was of the purest white, while the crest was of a bright golden-yellow, greatly increasing the beauty of the bird. john called it the crested curassow--the _crax alector_. "see," she said, "i have greatly increased the number of my feathered friends. look at this beautiful marianna." it was a small parrot, with a black head, a white breast, and orange neck and thighs--a most lovely little creature. as soon as she called it, it came down from its perch and sprang upon her wrist. when she again let it go, off it went, poking its head into the various articles on the verandah, examining a basket of fruits which oria had just brought in, and the pots of which domingos had charge; now pecking at one thing, now another. our indian friend had brought her another parrot called an _anaca_. this was also a beautiful bird, its breast and belly banded with blue and red, while the back of the neck and head were covered with long bright-red feathers margined with blue. true approaching it, up went the crest, looking remarkably handsome. from this crest it obtains the name of the hawk-head parrot. it came when called, but quickly retired in rather a solemn fashion to its perch. "do you know," said ellen, "oria has brought me that beautiful little duck you described. i would rather take that home with me than all the other pets, and yet i should be sorry to lose any of them." "i tell ellen that her menagerie is a mere bait to jaguars or boas, or other prowling animals of the forest," observed john. "what a nice breakfast one of them would make if it found its way into our settlement!" "you shall not frighten me with any such ideas," she answered; "and i hope before we leave the country that i may add many more to my collection. but i have not shown you my humming-bird yet," she said. "i keep it in a cage in the house for fear the others should get at it; but it takes a flight by itself every day, and comes back again when it wants a sip of sirrup, or wishes to go to roost. i must show you some nests of the beautiful little birds which have built not far off. would you like to go and see them at once?" knowing it would please her, while domingos and maria were preparing our evening meal, i accompanied her to a little distance, where, hanging to some long, pendant leaves, she pointed out two little purse-shaped nests, composed, apparently, of some cottony material bound together with spider-web. a graceful little bird was sitting in each of them, with tails having long, pointed feathers. the upper part of their bodies were of a green bronze, except the tail-coverts, which were of a somewhat rusty red; while the tails themselves were of a bronzed tint, broadly tipped with white. i knew them by the shape of their bills and their nests to belong to the genus _phaethornis_. "they are quite accustomed to me now," she said, "and will not fly away even when i go near them." while we were looking, the mate of one of the birds came up and perched close above the nest. as we were going away i saw two others pass by us, of the same size, it seemed to me. another settled on a flower near at hand, when the idea seized me that i could catch it. i struck it with my hat, and down it fell. ellen uttered a cry of sorrow; but stooping down, what was my surprise to find, instead of a humming-bird, a moth so exactly in shape and appearance like the humming-birds, that it was no wonder i had been deceived. "you would not have killed a humming-bird so easily," said ellen; "but i am sorry for the poor moth." the moth, however, though stunned, was not killed. on taking it to the hut i compared it with her tame pet, and was struck by the remarkable similarity in the shape of the head and position of the eye. the extended proboscis represented the long beak of the bird, while at the end of the moth's body was a brush of long hairs, which, as it flew along, being expanded, looked very much like the feathers of the bird's tail. oria, when she saw the moth, told ellen that it would some day turn into a bird; and ellen, i believe, did not succeed in persuading her that such would certainly never happen. the resemblance, of course, is merely superficial, their internal construction being totally different. i have not as yet described nearly all ellen's new pets; but just then, as i was very hungry, i had something else to think of. chapter seventeen. our voyage recommenced. i was awoke the following morning by an unusual commotion among our four-footed and feathered friends. the monkeys were chattering away and running along the rafters, up and down the posts; the parrots were talking energetically together; while true every now and then ran to the door and gave a peculiar bark, coming back again under my hammock. john and domingos were quickly aroused by his barks. "what can be the matter!" i exclaimed. "some animal is outside," answered john, springing out of his hammock. "it has probably been trying to find an entrance into our hut. if a puma or jaguar, we will soon settle him." "oria thinks it is some big serpent, from the way the animals are frightened," said ellen, from her room. "whether big serpent or savage beast, we need not fear it, my sister," answered john, going to the door, which we always kept closed at night for safety's sake. what was our dismay to see a huge serpent coiled round the post of the verandah, with its head moving about as if in march of prey. duppo sprang forward and shut to the door, exclaiming, "_boiguaeu_!" even true ran behind us, not liking to face the monster. from the glimpse we got of it, it seemed of enormous size, and might readily have crushed two or three people together in the folds of its huge body. john and i went back and got our guns ready, while domingos and duppo kept guard at the door. "i said those pets of ellen's would serve as baits some day for one of those creatures!" exclaimed john. "however, if we can hit it in the head, we need not fear its doing us any harm." having carefully examined the loading of our firearms, we told domingos again to open the door. he seemed, however, very unwilling to do so, alleging that the serpent might dart in and seize some one before we could kill it. not till john had insisted upon it would he consent. "oh, my dear young masters, do take care!" he exclaimed. "if you would but wait, perhaps the creature would crawl away. suppose you miss it, you do not know what may happen." "now," cried john, "calm your fears, and open the door." domingos on this pulled open the door, springing back himself at the same time, while john and i stepped forward with our rifles, ready to fire. the serpent was gone. we looked about in every direction. it was not pleasant to know that so dangerous a monster was in our neighbourhood. domingos said he was sure it was hid away somewhere, and duppo agreed with him. we hunted about anxiously, but nowhere could we discover it. believing that it had altogether gone away, we told ellen and her companions that they might venture out. ellen came fearlessly, but maria and the indian girl were evidently far from satisfied, and i saw them glancing round anxiously in every direction. however, as the snake did not appear, we had breakfast, and then went down to work at the canoe. john told me that he had engaged four indians to paddle her, and that he expected them that morning. we were working away, when we heard a low cry, and oria was seen running towards us with looks of terror in her countenance. she uttered a few hurried words to her brother, the meaning of which we could not understand; but he soon showed us by signs that something had happened at the hut. on getting near--for it was concealed where we were at work--we saw, to our dismay, the boa-constrictor coiled as before round one of the outer supports, and evidently intent on making an entrance into the hut. the door was closed. we heard ellen's and maria's voices calling from within. we had unfortunately left our guns in the verandah, and could not get at them without approaching dangerously near to the huge reptile. every moment i dreaded to see it break through the slight door. john and domingos had hatchets in their belts, but we were possessed of no other weapons. how to get rid of the creature was the question. we shouted at the top of our voices, hoping to frighten it away, but our cries had no effect. every moment we knew, too, that it might come down and attack us. ellen and maria were naturally in a great state of alarm. they had secured all their pets, though john suggested that by sacrificing some of them they might possibly satisfy the boa. he shouted out to them a recommendation to that effect. "no, senor john, no!" answered maria from within. "senora ellen says she would remain here for a week, rather than give up one to the horrid monster." as we stood at a respectful distance, the serpent now and then turned his head, as if he would dart at us, when domingos cried out, "oh, my young masters! fly! fly! the boiguaeu is coming!" "we must cut its head off if it does!" exclaimed john, "i have a great mind to dash in and get hold of my gun." i entreated him not to attempt so rash an experiment. while we were watching the serpent, the indians we had been expecting appeared, emerging from the thick part of the forest, duppo and oria ran towards them. they seemed to be telling them about the boa. instead of coming on to our assistance, however, away they started back into the forest. "the cowards!" exclaimed john; "they have run off and left us to fight the battle by ourselves." "i am not quite so certain of that," i answered. we waited. still the boa did not move, but continued watching the door. probably through one of the chinks its eye had caught sight of nimble or true, who had also fortunately been inside. after waiting till our patience was nearly exhausted, the indians re-appeared, carrying between them a young peccary, while others carried long coils of sipos. at some little distance from the hut they stopped, when one of them climbed a tree, to which he secured a loop of sipos, passing through it another long line. at the end of this a loop was formed. with a stake they secured the peccary close to the loop, so that to get at it the serpent must run its head through the noose. the peccary, having its snout tied up, was unable to squeak. as soon as the arrangement was made, they retired to a distance, holding the other end of the line. one of them then unloosed the peccary's muzzle, when the creature instantly began to grunt. at that instant the serpent turned its head, and, unwinding its huge body, made its way towards the animal. in another moment almost the peccary was struck, and the huge serpent began to fold its body round it. its own head, however, was meantime caught in the noose, but this it apparently did not feel, and opening its wide jaws, began to suck in the animal. as it did so the indians pulled the noose tighter and tighter. the teeth of the reptile are so formed that it could not again force the peccary out of its mouth, while the noose prevented it swallowing it. john and i eagerly sprang forward and seized our guns, but duppo now coming up, told us that there was no necessity to use them, as in a short time the boa would be dead. as the boa lay on the ground john boldly rushed up and gave it a blow with his axe. the natives now without fear forced their spears into the creature's mouth, and dragged out the mangled body of the peccary. this done, they hoisted the serpent up by the neck to the branch of the tree, whence it hung down, showing us its full length, which could not have been much less than twenty-five feet. to make sure that it would not come to life again, one of them climbed up, and with his knife split open the body. even during the short time it had coiled itself round the peccary it had broken every bone in the creature's body. i observed that it placed coil above coil, as if to increase the force of the pressure, and it had instantly begun to swallow its prey without first lubricating it, as it is erroneously described as doing. the part of the peccary which had entered the mouth was, however, covered with saliva, but this had only been poured upon it in the act of swallowing. we thanked the indians for the assistance they had given us in killing our enemy. they had come, they said, to finish the canoe, and also to inquire about maono and illora, whose absence had caused the tribe great alarm. they had also brought us some mandioca-flour and a supply of fruits. farinha or flour, i should say, is produced from the same root--cassava, or manioc--as is tapioca, and is like it in appearance, only of a yellower colour, caused by the woody fibre mixed with the pure starch which forms the tapioca. there were also several cabbage-palms, always a welcome addition to our vegetables. among the fruit were some pine-apples, which had been procured in a dry treeless district--so we understood--some miles in the interior. ellen begged that they would remove the body of the serpent to a distance, as she did not at all like seeing it hanging up to the tree near us. fastening sipos to it, they accordingly dragged it away. by the following morning not a particle of it remained, it having furnished a feast to several armadillos, vultures, and other birds of prey. the last evening of our stay had arrived. our provision were ready for embarking, and all our goods packed up. i was awoke by hearing domingos cry out-- "some rats, or other creatures, have got into the hut, and are eating up the farinha." on striking a light, we hurried to the corner in which our provisions were stored, intending to drive out the intruders, when, instead of rats, we found a column of ants passing to and fro between the door and our baskets of food. each of them carried a grain of a tapioca-like substance as big as itself. in vain we tried to drive them off. though hundreds were killed, others came on in a most determined manner, as if they had resolved to rob us at all cost. at last john proposed that we should blow them up. we called out to ellen not to be alarmed, and then spread a train of powder across the column, when we set it on fire. this seemed to stagger them, but others still came on. not till we had performed the operation three times did they seem to discover their danger, when the first coming on turned round and warned those behind, and the whole took their departure. the next morning we traced them to a spot at a considerable distance, where we came upon a mound of earth between two or three feet high, and nearly eleven yards in circumference. this we found was the dome which protected the entrance to the abode of our visitors of the previous night. it was a wonder they had not found us out before. it was of a different colour to the surrounding ground. this was owing to its being composed of the under-soil brought up from below. we perceived a number of small holes in the sides--the commencement of galleries. we discovered, on digging into it, that each led to a broad gallery four feet in diameter. this again led down into the centre of the wonderful habitation. "hilloa!" cried arthur; "here comes birnam wood in miniature." he was at some distance from us. on going up to him we found what looked like a vast number of leaves moving along over the ground. on examining them, we discovered that each was of the size and shape of a small coin, and carried by an ant. on tracing them back we found the tree at which they were at work. it was covered by vast multitudes. each ant was working away at a leaf, cutting out a circle with its sharp scissor-like jaws. as soon as the operation was complete, it lifted it up vertically and marched away towards the mound. as one lot of labourers descended, others ascended and took their places, so that in a short time the tree was denuded of leaves. these leaves were used, we discovered, to thatch the domes of their galleries and halls to keep them dry, and protect the young broods in the nests beneath them. one body of workers was employed in bringing the leaves which they cast down on the hillock, while another placed them so as to form the roof, covering them with a layer of earth brought up in single grains with prodigious labour from the soil below. there appeared to be three different classes of workers--some employed entirely below, others acting as masons or tilers, and others entirely engaged in bringing the materials from a distance. there were, besides, soldiers armed with powerful mandibles, who accompanied the workers for defence, and walked backwards and forwards near them without doing anything. they have also a queen-ant, who dwells in the centre of their castle, and is engaged in laying the eggs, not only to furnish broods for the colony, but to send forth vast numbers of winged ants to form new ones. at the commencement of the year the workers can be seen clearing the galleries, and evidently preparing for some important event. soon afterwards a vast number of winged males and females issue forth, the females measuring two and a quarter inches in expanse of wing, though the males are much smaller. few of them, however, escape to enjoy existence, for they are immediately set upon by numbers of insectivorous animals and devoured. the few females who escape become the mothers of new colonies. while digging, we came upon a snake-like creature about a foot long. directly duppo saw it he entreated us not to touch it, as it was fearfully poisonous, and called it the mother of the saubas. we, however, knew it to be perfectly harmless. he declared that it had a head at each end of its body. we convinced him, however, that he was wrong, by showing him the head and tail. the body was covered with small scales, the eyes were scarcely perceptible, and the mouth was like that of a lizard. he asserted that the sauba-ants are very much attached to the snake, and that, if we took it away, they would all desert the spot. in reality, the snake found a convenient hiding-place in the galleries of the ants, while, when in want of food, it could at all times make a substantial meal off them. when the ant-eater opens one of these galleries, the workers immediately run off and hide themselves, while the soldier-ants rush forth to attack the intruder, and, of course, immediately fall victims; thus preserving, by the sacrifice of their own lives, the rest of the community. the peculiar motion of the snake we found, scientifically called _amphisbaenae_, wriggling as it does backwards and forwards, has given rise to the idea of its having two heads. duppo told us many other stories about it, which i have no space to mention. these ants sometimes form mounds from thirty to forty yards in circumference, and have been known to burrow even under rivers. as they attack fruit-trees, they are a great pest to the inhabitants of the settled parts of the country, and are sometimes destroyed by forcing fumes of sulphur through their galleries. their chief use in the economy of nature seems to be the consumption of decayed vegetable matter, as they are exclusively vegetarians. while the indians were getting the boat down to the water, and ellen and her attendants, assisted by domingos, were packing up, john, duppo, and i took a ramble into the woods to kill some more game, as we were not likely to have anything but fish for some time to come. as we were going along, i heard the twittering of some dull-plumaged birds in the bushes, and was trying to get a shot at them, when i saw john, who was a little way ahead, jumping about in the most extraordinary manner. duppo cried out, on seeing him, "tauoca!" and made a sign to us to run off, himself setting the example. john followed. "i have been attacked by an army of ants," he exclaimed. "see, here are hundreds sticking to me." duppo and i went to his assistance, and we found his legs covered with ants with enormous jaws, holding on so tight to the flesh that, in pulling them off, the heads of many were left sticking in the wounds they had made. we caught sight of the column which was advancing, about six deep, with thinner columns foraging on either side of the main army. creatures of all sorts were getting out of their way with good cause, for whenever they came upon a maggot, caterpillar, or any larvae, they instantly set upon it and tore it to pieces, each ant loading itself with as much as it could carry. a little in front of them was a wasp's nest, on a low shrub. they mounted the twigs, and, gnawing away at the papery covering, quickly got at the larvae and the newly-hatched wasps. these they carried off in spite of the efforts of the enraged parents, who kept flying about them. they were ecitons, or foraging ants, of which there are numerous species. they also came upon a bank, in their course, in which was a nest belonging to a large species of white ant. they forced their way in, attacked them, and dragged out the bodies of the slain. these were cut into three or four pieces, each of which was lifted up by an eciton and carried off. however, a volume could be filled with accounts of the numberless ants and termites of south america, and their curious and varied habits. one species is quite blind; others tunnel as they go, or form ways to enable them to make their attacks in secret. for this purpose the little creatures will form miles of covered ways. some build their nests of clay in trees, and others hollow out abodes under the bark. they vary, too, in size and form. some are half an inch long; some white, others red and black; some sting furiously. the ants inhabiting trees are those which commit depredations in houses chiefly. the most annoying of the species is the fire-ant--a little creature of a shining reddish colour. they live in the sand, where they form subterranean galleries covered by a sandy dome. they enter houses, and attack eatables of all sorts. when they attack human beings they fix their jaws in the flesh, and, doubling up their tails, sting with all their might; and a very fearful sting it is. when we met with them we were obliged to smear the ropes of our hammocks with balsam of _copauba_. eatables are suspended in baskets by ropes covered with the same balsam, and the legs of chairs and footstools are also covered to prevent their climbing up and stinging those sitting on them. villages have sometimes been deserted in consequence of the attacks of these fierce little insects. however, they are only found on the sandy banks of the river and drier parts of the country. after this digression i must continue my narrative. we shot only two or three birds, and then had to hurry back to prepare for our departure. our new canoe floated well, but was smaller than we could have wished. over the centre was an awning of palm-leaves, under which was seated ellen, with her black and brown attendants and her numerous pets, surrounded by our goods and chattels. four indians sat in the bows to paddle, while john and domingos took it by turns to steer. duppo had especial charge of the various pets, while i was glad to be relieved from the labour of paddling. i had my gun ready for a shot, and we kept out our books of natural history, which i wished to search through, and two or three others for reading. we were thankful to be once more on our voyage, but still we could not help looking with some interest and regret at the beautiful spot in which we had spent the last few weeks. "all on board?" cried domingos. "on, boys, on!" and giving a shove with his pole, we left the bank and glided down the stream, our dark-skinned crew keeping time with their paddles to the monotonous song which they struck up. although the wet season was commencing, the weather promised to be fair for a time; and we hoped soon to have arthur on board, and to continue our voyage without interruption till we should at length fall in with those dear ones of whom we were in search. i have already described the broad river, and the wall of strangely varied and lofty trees which border it. we kept along the left bank, not to run the risk of missing the entrance to the igarape of the recluse, as we called it. "do you think we shall persuade him to come with us?" asked ellen. "i should be so delighted if we could draw him out of his strange way of life and restore him to society." john thought there was little chance of our doing so. "if anybody can, i think arthur may," i observed. "then you agree with me in my notion?" said ellen. "it is possible you may be right," i answered; "but yet it would be very strange." the recluse formed the chief subject of our conversation during the day's voyage. at length we approached his igarape. i almost expected to see him and arthur standing on the bank, but looked out in vain. to give them notice of our approach, i fired off my rifle. we had already made the canoe fast at our former landing-place. ellen, john, and i were going towards the hut when arthur appeared. "o arthur will he come--will he come?" cried out ellen. arthur shook his head. "i am very glad to see you," he said; "but if you had delayed a few days longer perhaps he would have made up his mind. however, you must come and try what you can do." "and how is maono?" i asked. "he is wonderfully recovered, but is still unable to move." "i hope he and his wife will not insist on oria remaining with them!" said ellen. "i think not," answered arthur. "were it not for their other children, they would like to come themselves, i suspect, were maono better. but you must come and see our friend; he has been so kind and gentle, and talked a great deal to me. i have been greatly puzzled to know the meaning of some of his questions. sometimes he spoke as if he would like me to remain with him; but when i told him that i could not leave you, my old friends, he agreed that i ought not." as we entered the open space before the hut of the recluse he advanced to meet us, and courteously invited us to remain till the next day. we had wished to push on, as we had still some hours of daylight; but arthur begged us so earnestly to remain, that at last john agreed to do so. the indians built themselves a hut near the canoe, in which domingos remained to watch over our goods; while we passed the night at the hermitage. ellen tried her utmost to persuade our host to accompany us; but he declined, saying that he could not abandon his present mode of life, and would not desert his patient maono till he had recovered. maono and illora showed more pleasure at seeing us than is usually exhibited by indians. his head was still bound up, and both he and his wife appeared clothed in light garments, which, though not so picturesque as their savage want of attire, made them look much more civilised. the next morning we were on foot before daybreak, and having breakfasted, and bid farewell to the chief and his wife, repaired at early dawn to the canoe, attended by the recluse. again arthur entreated him to accompany us, observing that maono had so far recovered that illora might attend to him without his aid. he seemed to hesitate, but finally shook his head, saying, "it cannot be; no, it cannot be!" "then do you wish me to remain with you?" asked arthur, looking up in his face. the recluse seemed to be agitated with contending feelings. "no, boy, no!" he answered. "i cannot allow you to leave friends who have shown that they are interested in your welfare. but take this packet, and do not open it till you have rejoined mr faithful's family. you will, i doubt not, ere long find them, for from the information i have obtained they some time ago proceeded down the river. where they are settled i cannot tell, but two if not more messengers have been despatched by them in search of you, some of whom have either gone higher up the river, or have fallen victims to the treacherous savages." arthur took the packet from the recluse with a look of surprise. "it will explain all," said the latter. "put it by now, and keep it carefully. i have acted for the best, and you will acknowledge that when you come to notice the contents." saying this, he pressed arthur's hand, and assisting ellen into the canoe, waved an adieu, and turning hastily round, with long hasty strides hurried back towards his abode. the indians stood up and saluted him with signs of respect, and then, at the command of domingos, began to ply their paddles, and we once more recommenced our voyage. arthur watched the recluse till he disappeared among the trees. "it is very, very strange," i heard him say to himself; "i cannot understand it." several times he pulled out the packet and looked at it wistfully. "i must not disobey him," he added aloud, "and yet i long to know what he meant by giving me this." "so do i," said ellen; "but i am sure you ought to obey him." arthur started; he seemed not to be aware that he had been speaking aloud. john looked at ellen. "sister," he said rather gravely, "do not utter your ideas; whatever they may be, you are likely to be wrong." ellen was silent. arthur replaced the packet in his wallet, and the subject was not again alluded to. for several hours we glided down the stream without interruption. in the middle of the day we landed to give our crew rest and to cook our dinner. while the men were resting, we rambled through the forest with duppo. we took duppo that we might not run the risk of losing our way. we had gone on for some distance, when he exclaimed, "_jacare tinga_!" i called true close to me, knowing that the words meant alligator. duppo crept cautiously on. every moment we expected to come up with the monster, though on dry ground we knew we had little cause to fear it. "what is that?" exclaimed john, and he fired his rifle at a creature which went bounding through the forest. for a moment i caught sight of a jaguar, and directly afterwards we came on an alligator which had evidently just been killed by the jaguar. i should have liked to have seen the combat in which the fierce mammal had come off victorious. what mighty strength it must have put forth to kill the huge reptile which lay mangled before us, a considerable portion of the interior devoured. duppo, on seeing it, began to search about in the neighbourhood, and came before long on a conical pile of dead leaves, from among which he dug out upwards of twenty eggs. they were nearly twice the size of those of a duck, and of an elliptical shape. the shells were very hard, of the texture of porcelain, and extremely rough on the outside. duppo rubbed them together, producing a loud sound. then he shook his head, as much as to say, "if the mother were alive that would bring her, but there she lies;" and he then told us that it was the way his people had of attracting alligators when they found a nest, knowing that the female is sure to be near, and will come to see what is the matter with her eggs. we carried them on board as a present to our crew, knowing that they would be acceptable, as the natives are very fond of them. at night we landed on an island, and built our huts in the same style that we had done on descending the napo. and thus, with various incidents which i have not space to recount, we proceeded on our voyage for several days without interruption. chapter eighteen. joyful news. day after day we sailed down the mighty amazon, often the opposite shore appearing like a blue line in the distance, and yet we were upwards of twelve hundred miles from the mouth. now it again narrowed into more river-like proportions. sometimes we found ourselves navigating between numerous islands, cut off from the mainland by the rush of waters; but along the whole extent, often for a hundred miles together, not a hut was to be seen, not a sign of a human habitation. whenever we came near the abode of man we landed, and domingos or john and one of the natives approached cautiously to make inquiries; but hitherto without success. here and there we came to a mission establishment of the portuguese. they consisted generally of the priest's house, a larger building for the church, and a few huts scattered about, inhabited by natives. as far as we could judge, these so-called christian natives were but little raised above their still heathen countrymen, while the effect of the religion they had assumed was to make them more idolatrous and superstitious than before. the priests, however, were very civil, but there was nothing to tempt us to remain at their stations; we therefore, after gaining the information we required, pushed on and camped in our usual way. we agreed that our father had probably acted in the same way, for we could gain no certain news of him. we heard, however, what gave us some anxiety--that the country was in a greatly disturbed state, and that the natives had, in several places, risen against the portuguese, and driven them from their settlements. the poor priests, indeed, seemed unhappy about themselves, and not at all confident that their flocks might not rise and treat them in the same way. one, indeed, gave out strong hints that he would like to accompany us, and would undertake to pilot us down the river; but our canoe had already as many on board as she could carry, while our provisions were so greatly diminished that they would not hold out much longer. we frequently avoided the main channel, the navigation of which in bad weather is dangerous, and made our way through some of the numerous channels filled by the rising waters on either side. thus we paddled on through channels sometimes so narrow that the boughs arched almost overhead, at other times spreading out into lake-like expanses. i have already so frequently described the vegetation, the numberless palms and other trees, some of enormous size, with their festoons of air-plants and climbers of all sorts, that i need not again draw the picture. emerging from a narrow path, we entered a calm and beautiful lake, when there appeared before us, floating on the water, a number of vast circular leaves, amid which grow up the most gigantic and beautiful water-lilies. "oh, what flowers!" exclaimed ellen; "do gather some." "surely those cannot be leaves!" exclaimed arthur. "see, a bird with long legs is walking over them!" john fired, and the bird fell in the centre of the leaf on which it was standing, and which still supported it in the water; and taking it off the leaf, alongside which we paddled, we found it to be a jacana, remarkable for the great length of its toes, especially the hinder one, and their spine-like claws. it was a wonderfully light bird also, and these peculiarities enable it to walk over the leaves of the water-plants and procure its food, which consists of worms. the beak was orange colour, but the greater part of the body black, with the back and wing-coverts of a bright chestnut, with a few yellow touches here and there, and the legs of a greenish-ash colour. we heard the shrill and noisy notes of its fellows in the trees near us. "ah, that is a _piosoca_!" said duppo, "and that leaf is its oven;" and so it was in shape like the pans in which the natives roast their mandioca meal. ellen had, in the meantime, been examining one of the beautiful flowers which the boatmen picked for her. the outside of the leaves was of a delicate white, deepening in colour through every shade of rose to the deepest crimson, and then fading again to a creamy-yellowish tint at the heart. many of the leaves were five feet and upwards in diameter, and perfectly smooth on the upper surface, with an upright edge of an inch to two inches all the way round. we managed, though not without difficulty, to pull up some stalks, and found them covered with long sharp spines. the construction of the leaf was very curious, it being supported below by a number of ribs projecting from the stalk, and giving it greater buoyancy and strength. one of the boatmen, plunging down, brought up a young leaf from the bottom. it had the form of a deep cup or vase, and on examining it we discovered the embryo ribs, and could see how, as they grew, their ramifications stretched out in every direction, the leaf letting out one by one its little folds to fill the ever-widening spaces. at last, when it reaches the surface of the water, its pan-like form rests horizontally above it without a wrinkle. this beautiful lily, then unknown to science, has since been called the victoria regia. nothing could exceed the beauty of this calm lake, covered for a considerable distance with these magnificent flowers. among the lilies appeared a variety of other water-plants, some gracefully bending over like bamboos, others with large deep serrated leaves, while the different forest trees in varied forms rose round us, fringed by a broad band of feathery grass. several trees floated on the borders covered with water-fowl, among which were many ducks and ciganas, while amid the lofty branches of the living forest flew numerous macaws of a red, green, and yellow species, and one of the small flock of the still more beautiful blue macaw, appeared to add their lovely tints to the landscape. such was the scenery through which we passed during the greater part of the day. had we felt sure about the safety of our family, how much more should we have enjoyed it. our anxiety again increased. we had good reason to be anxious about ourselves. our stock of provisions was almost exhausted; all our luxuries except coffee had come to an end, and of that we had very little, while we had only a small supply of farinha remaining. we encamped at the end of our day's voyage through that labyrinth of canals on the only spot we could find free from trees, the rising waters having covered nearly all the ground. while looking for some poles for our hut, i saw on the branch of a tree overhanging the water, gazing down upon us, a hideous monster, fully five feet long, which at the first glance i took to be a species of alligator with which i was unacquainted. presently, as i gazed at it, it filled out a large bag under its throat, and opened its hideous mouth. it was covered with scales, had a long tail, the point of which was hid among the branches, and enormous claws at the end of its legs. i beat a quick retreat, calling to john to come to my assistance with his gun, for i fully believed that the creature would leap off and attack me. the indians, hearing my voice, came towards me, and cut down some long thin sipos, at the end of which they formed a running noose. thus prepared, they boldly advanced towards the creature, and one of them throwing up the noose, adroitly caught it round the neck. the others, taking the end, gave it a sudden jerk, and down it came to the ground. as soon as it regained its feet it boldly made at them, but they nimbly leaped out of its way; and as its movements were slow, there seemed but little risk of its catching them. "why, that must be an iguana!" exclaimed john. while some kept hauling at the creature's neck, turning it when it tried to get away, others ran to the canoe and brought their spears, with which they ran it through the neck, and quickly killed it. it was an iguana (_iguana tuberculata_). though the head was very different from that of the alligator, being blunt, yet, from having a number of sharp teeth, it could evidently have given a severe bite. its head was somewhat large, and covered with large scales. it had an enormous wide mouth, while under its chin was a sort of big dew-lap, which, as it had shown me, it could inflate when angry. at the sides of the neck were a number of tubercles, while the tail was very long, thin, and tapering. it was of a dark olive-green, but the tail was marked with brown and green in alternate rings. the creature was nearly six feet long. the indians seemed highly delighted with their prize, and as soon as our huts were built, commenced skinning and cutting it up. domingos assured us that it was very good to eat, and produced a fricassee for supper, which we could not help acknowledging was excellent. a part also was roasted. shortly afterwards i saw another iguana on the ground. true darted at it, and i shouted to him to come back. fortunately for itself, my shouts startled the iguana, which took to the water, and swam away, sculling itself forward by meant of its long tail at a rapid rate. arthur had manufactured a net for catching insects. as soon as we were seated in front of our hut, enjoying the cool air after the sun had set, ellen exclaimed, "oh, see what beautiful fireworks!" at a short distance from us there appeared suddenly to rise thousands of sparks of great brilliancy. arthur ran forward with his net, and quickly returned, placed the hoop on the ground, and lifted up the end, when so bright was the light which came from the interior that we could without difficulty read a page of the book on natural history we had been examining a short time before. on taking out some of the insects he had caught to look at them more narrowly, arthur placed one on its back, when it sprang up with a curious click and pitched again on its feet. on examining it we found that this was produced by the strong spine placed beneath the thorax, fitting into a small cavity on the upper part of the abdomen. it brings this over its head, and striking the ground with great force, can thus regain its natural position. the creature was about an inch and a half long, and of a brown colour. the light proceeded from a smooth, yellow, semi-transparent spot on each side of the thorax. we found that even with a single one passed over the page we could see the letters clearly. ellen ran and brought a vial, into which we put a dozen, when it literally gave forth the light of a bright lamp, sufficient to write by. it is known in the country as the cocuja. it is the elater, or still more scientifically, the _pyrophorus noctilucus_. the forest behind the hut was literally filled at times with brilliant sparks of light, now vanishing, now bursting forth with greater brightness than at first. the brazilian ladies wear these beetles alive secured in their hair, and sometimes on their dresses, which thus glitter brightly as they move about in the dusk. the next morning at daylight duppo was busily employed hunting about in the neighbourhood, and at length shouted to us to bring a basket. we found he had just discovered the nest of an iguana, filled with eggs. he assured us that they were excellent. on boiling some for breakfast, we agreed with him. like those of the turtle, they did not harden by boiling, but only became somewhat thicker, and were filled almost entirely with yellow, having very little albumen. we all set to work to hunt for more, and were fortunate in finding another nest, the eggs being a welcome addition to our scanty supply of food. the indians meantime, while we were finishing breakfast, set off into the forest, and just as we were ready to start came back with another iguana. we were constantly employed in trying to teach duppo english. arthur was explaining to him the animals of our country, and was mentioning the cow, and describing its milk. he seemed much interested, and then gave us to understand that they also had cows in their land, which, instead of walking about on four legs, grew in the ground, and were of great size. after this he was constantly looking out along the banks, and at length he shouted out to the men, "massaranduba!" and they at once paddled in for the bank. one of them accompanied us with an axe. as we passed along we found on the ground a number of woody vessels, which had evidently contained seeds. duppo picked up one of them, and found another piece close by which fitted on to it, and then told us that they were called monkeys' drinking-cups; the portuguese call them _cuyas de macaco_. these shells had contained nuts. when falling off the tree-- the sapucaya--the tops split off, and the nuts are scattered on the ground. duppo made us understand that these cups would serve well to collect the milk from the cow he promised to show us. i may observe that the trees which bear the monkey drinking-cups are closely allied to the brazil-nut tree, the fruit of which we had often seen sold in england under that name. its seeds are also enclosed in large woody vessels, but they, having no lid, fall entire to the ground, and are thus easily collected by the natives. supplied with these vessels, we went on a few yards further, when we stopped under an enormous tree, one of the giants of the forest. its trunk was covered with deeply scored reddish and rugged bark. duppo patted it, saying, "this my cow." another tree of the same species, but much smaller, grew near. he ran to it, and saying, "small cow give better milk," began to attack it with his axe. after making a few strokes, out flowed a perfectly white liquid, which john, kneeling down, caught in the monkey-cup. as soon as it was filled i handed him another, the milk continuing to flow in great abundance, so that we soon had four cups filled full of the tempting liquid. on tasting it we found it sweet, and of a not unpleasant flavour, and wonderfully like milk. we returned to the boat with our prize. domingos had meantime been boiling some coffee; as we had now no sugar, the fresh milk proved a most valuable acquisition. the indians, however, recommended us not to take much of it. we kept it, intending to use it again in the evening, but on taking off the lid of one of the monkey-cups, we found that our milk had thickened into a stiff and excessively tenacious glue. "my cow good?" asked duppo, as he saw us tasting the liquid. when we showed him the gluey substance in the evening, he inquired sagaciously whether the milk of our cow would keep so long, and we confessed that, in that climate, it would be very likely to turn sour. after this, on several occasions we obtained fresh milk from the cow-tree for our breakfasts and suppers. we encamped at night on a bank, and found two sorts of tiger-beetles, with very large heads, running about on the sand. it was extraordinary how rapidly they moved. arthur and i tried to catch them, but each time they baffled us. one was very similar in hue to the sand over which it runs, the other was of a brilliant copper colour. arthur, who was very acute in his remarks, observed that the white species ran far more swiftly than the copper-coloured one. as they only appear in the gloom or night, the white is far more easily seen than the darker one; and this has by the creator greater means afforded it of escaping from its enemies. the dark-coloured one, however, he discovered, is not left without means of defence; for when at last duppo caught one for him, he found that on touching it it emitted a strong, peculiar, and offensive putrid odour, which is not the case with the whiter one. "how delightful it is!" he exclaimed, "to examine the habits of god's creatures, and see how admirably adapted they are to the life they are destined to lead." i must not, however, attempt to describe the numberless insects and creatures of all sorts we met with on our voyage. duppo brought us a large wood-cricket, called the _tanana_, the wonderfully loud and not unmusical notes of which we had often heard. these sounds, we found, were produced by the overlapping edges of the wing-cases, which they rub together. in each wing-case the inner edge, near the lower part, has a horny expansion. on one wing this horny expansion is furnished with a sharp raised margin; on the other, the strong nervure which traverses it on the other side is crossed by a number of short, sharp furrows, like those of a file. when, therefore, the insect rapidly moves its wings, the file of one expansion scrapes sharply across the horny margin of the other, thus producing the curious sounds. the wing-cases, which are of a parchment-like nature, and the hollow drum-formed space which they enclose, assists to give resonance to the tones. the music they make is employed undoubtedly to serenade their mates, for the same object which induces the feathered tribe to utter their varied notes in the forest. we had once more entered the main stream, which, after the confined navigation of the last few days, appeared to our eyes almost like the wide ocean. we landed rather earlier than usual, as a favourable spot appeared, and we could not tell how far off another might be found. we had formed huts as usual, our camp-fire was lighted, and domingos and maria were engaged in cooking our evening meal, making the most of the scanty fare we had remaining. a point was near from which we believed we could get an uninterrupted view for a great distance down the river. as we found we could make our way to it without much difficulty, we begged ellen and oria to accompany us. on reaching the point we sat down on a bank. a small object appeared in the distance on the water. arthur was the first to espy it. i thought it was but a log of wood. we pointed it out to oria. she at once declared that it was a canoe. it was certainly approaching, and at length we made out a small canoe gliding over the smooth water; and as it came near we saw a white man in the stern steering, and ten natives urging her on with rapid strokes. "what if those people should be able to give us news of our father!" exclaimed ellen. "do call them, lest they should pass by." john hailed the canoe. presently we saw the white man stand up and look towards us. instantly the head of the canoe was turned in our direction. we hastened down to the point where they would land, and the white man stepped on shore. he gazed first at one, then at the other, with an inquiring glance. "can you tell me, my friend," asked john, "if an english family are stopping anywhere on the banks down the river?" "indeed i can, senor," answered the white man; "for i have been sent up by the master to look out for some part of his family who ought long since to have arrived. he has already sent two messengers to inquire for them; and his heart, and those of the senora and senorita, are well-nigh worn out with anxiety on their account. at last i begged that he would let me go; and i promised not to return without gaining tidings of them." "why, then you must be antonio, and we are those you are looking for!" said john. "heaven be praised!" exclaimed antonio, our father's old servant, who, rushing forward, seized john in his arms, and gave him a warm embrace. he then turned to me, and gave me the same affectionate yet respectful greeting. "and this is the senorita!" he exclaimed, turning to ellen. "oh, it does my old heart good to see you. how little did i think that before the sun set i should behold those i so longed to find. and domingos and maria; surely they have come with you!" "oh yes," said john; "they are at the camp. send your montaria round the point, and come with us. we shall soon be there." as may be supposed, we had numberless questions to ask about our father and family; how far off they were from us, and all that had happened. "oh, senor, i should like to have a dozen tongues in my head to reply to you," answered antonio. "they are well and safe now, though the times are perilous. and, heaven be praised, they have passed numberless dangers unharmed. it has taken me two weary weeks to come thus far, but i hope that we may descend the river to them in far less time. how could i have expected to meet with you when others, we had cause to fear, had failed. first, a brazilian trader, who was proceeding up in his montaria, undertook the task, promising without fail to find you, and speedily to send down notice; but after waiting and waiting some weary weeks, no news came, and my master, your father, was resolved to go himself, though unwilling to leave the senoras without his protection, when, just then, two young englishmen arrived from para, and made themselves known to your father as friends of yours; and hearing that you were missing, agreed to go up in search of you." "why, those must be our two school-fellows, houlston and tony nyass!" i exclaimed. from the description which antonio had given of them, we had no doubt that this was the case. but what had become of them? a few minutes before i had thought all our anxieties were over, but now they were again aroused on account of our friends. what if they had fallen into the hands of the majeronas, or been exposed to some of the storms we had so narrowly escaped! "you forget how easily they may have passed us," observed arthur. "we might have been not a quarter of a mile apart, and yet have passed without seeing or hearing each other." dear ellen was so agitated with the thoughts of meeting those we loved so soon, that she could scarcely speak. she overheard, however, the remarks between arthur and myself. "and why do you doubt that all will come right in the end?" she exclaimed. "think of the many dangers we have gone through, and how we have been preserved from them all. let us hope the same for our friends." domingos was standing over the fire with his frying-pan when we came round the point with antonio. at that moment he happened to look up, when, forgetting what he was about, he let the frying-pan and its contents fall into the middle of the fire, thereby spoiling a delicious fricassee of iguana, and sprang forward to welcome his fellow-servant, and to make inquiries for their master. the two rushed into each other's arms, and the tears fell from the black man's eyes when he heard that our father was well. we spent the evening at our encampment, hearing from antonio all that had occurred: how our father had received information of the intended attack of the majeronas, and had embarked just in time to escape them. he would have waited for us higher up the river had he not been compelled, for the sake of obtaining assistance for our mother, to proceed downwards. they had all been hospitably received at the farm of a brazilian family, where she having recovered, he determined to wait for our arrival. the first messengers he had despatched not having been heard of, on the arrival of houlston and tony nyass, they had insisted on proceeding upward. as they also had not returned, antonio, with the party we had met, had been sent to search for us. it was the happiest evening we had spent since the commencement of our journey. anxiety about our friends did not damp our spirits, as we hoped that they would hear of us at some of the places at which we had called; and that we should soon all meet, and continue our adventures in company. "fancy tony and i, and old houlston, after all, sailing together on the amazon, just as we used to talk about at school!" i acclaimed. "it will be jolly, will it not, arthur?" chapter nineteen. a happy meeting. a week had passed away. the two canoes keeping in company, we no longer felt the solitude which had oppressed us as we navigated that vast stream, or the intricate labyrinth of channels, often far away from the main shore. several times we had inquired of antonio whether we were approaching the farm of senhor pimento, where our family were living. "paciencia; logo, logo," was his answer--"patience; soon, soon we shall be there." we turned off from the main stream, and ascended an igarape thickly shrouded by palms and other trees, completely shutting out the sky above us. at the end of the vista the bright sunlight shone on an open space, where appeared a small lake, on the opposite side of which we could distinguish several buildings raised on piles--a large one in the centre with a deep verandah, the palm-thatched roof of which extended beyond the walls; the whole surrounded by plantations of mandioca, cacao, peach-palms, and other trees. "is that where we are going?" asked ellen eagerly of antonio. "we shall see--we shall see, senorita!" he answered. rounding a point, we observed a hut beneath a grove of inaja palms; their leaves springing almost from the ground, and spreading slightly out from the slender stem, so as to form an open vase of the most graceful shape. few objects of the vegetable kingdom are more beautiful. "oh, what lovely trees!" exclaimed ellen. "and see! there is some one coming out from among them." as she spoke, a person emerged from the wood, engaged apparently in reading. as his back was towards us, he did not observe the approach of the canoes. "oh, it is papa!" exclaimed ellen; "i am sure of it." and in another instant we were on shore, and ellen flying over the ground. it was indeed a happiness to see her in our father's arms. "and my boys too, safe after all your dangers!" he exclaimed, as he embraced us. "and your young friend too!" maria and domingos came running up to kiss his hand, pleasure beaming in their dark countenances. we hurried forward to the house, and in a few minutes had the happiness of seeing our mother and fanny. even aunt martha, i thought, looked far more kindly than she used to do, and was as gentle and affectionate to ellen as she could be. it was indeed a happy meeting. we, of course, had to recount all our adventures; and thus most of the talking was on our side, as antonio had already told us all that had happened to them. our brazilian friend, senhor pimento, was a fine burly old gentleman, habited in light nankeen jacket and trousers, with a broad-brimmed hat. he was of a somewhat dark hue, and his wife, who was a slight, active old lady, was considerably darker. their family consisted of a son, who was away hunting at the time, and two daughters. i cannot call them fair, but they were attractive, lively girls, who had lived in that remote district all their lives, and knew nothing of the world beyond, believing para, next to rio, to be its largest city. fanny and her portuguese friends were much pleased with oria and duppo, and delighted when they found that they could speak a little english, a language the two latter were trying to learn. the house was of considerable size, built of palm-trees, thatched with palm-leaves; and even the doors and windows were composed of palm-leaves, not opening on hinges, but being hooked up or taken down like mats. there were open galleries round on either side, and several of the rooms were open also; and in these the hammocks of the men of the party were hung up. the floors were also of split palm-trees, and were raised about ten feet above the ground, so as to be at a sufficient elevation during the higher floods which occasionally inundate the larger portion of that region. none of the inmates of the house were idle. senhor pimento was constantly out, superintending his labourers; while donna josefa, his wife, was engaged in household matters. the young ladies, it must be owned, were the least industrious of the family. arthur had said nothing of the packet he had received from the recluse, yet i was sure that he would not lose a moment in opening it after the time had arrived when he had permission to do so. ellen came running to me the following morning, i having gone out before breakfast to look round the farm. i saw by her beaming countenance that she was full of some matter of importance. "it is as i told you, harry!" she exclaimed. "the recluse is arthur's father--i knew it--i was sure of it. arthur read to me last night some of the letter he gave him. poor fellow, he is in a great state of agitation, and blames himself for having come away and left him. the recluse--that is to say, mr mallet--speaks somewhat vaguely of a fearful event which compelled him to leave england; and he says that, though yearning to have his son by his side, he will not take him out of the path which providence has placed him in, and from the protection of kind friends--that he himself, long an outcast from his fellow-men, cannot help him, and that by starting alone in life he will have a far better prospect of success than should it be known whose son he is. these remarks, though arthur is thankful to have found his father, have made him very unhappy. he will talk to you by-and-by, when he has thought the matter over; and do you know, the recluse--i mean, mr mallet--says that papa is an old friend of his, and that arthur may tell him so, as he is sure that though papa may not desire to meet him, he will not in consequence withdraw his protection from his son." "that i am sure papa will not," i exclaimed. "poor arthur! i do not know whether to be sorry or glad at what you have told me. had he spoken to me i might have been better able to advise him." ellen looked into my face. perhaps she thought that i felt a little jealous that arthur had not first consulted me. we agreed not to say anything about the matter, but to let arthur speak to our father himself, being assured that he would do what was kind and generous, and act as he judged for the best. arthur during the day was, i observed, more silent than usual. he was waiting, i suspected, to become more acquainted with our father before venturing to speak to him. i was not present when he did so. the day after our arrival duppo came to me with a countenance of alarm. "we get among witches!" he exclaimed, looking round cautiously. i asked him what he could mean; and he then told me that he had seen the two young ladies in a wood close to the house, amusing themselves by playing with venomous snakes, which he was sure they could not do if they were like other human beings. "come, you see them," he said, wishing to prove his assertion correct; and he led me round the house, through the grove of palms, where, sure enough, seated on a bench, from whence there was a lovely view of the lake, were the two daughters of our host. i confess i was almost startled on seeing them with a number of brilliant looking snakes. one was round each of their necks, while others they had twisted like bracelets, encircling their arms; and one of the girls was holding another in her hand, allowing its forked tongue to dart out towards her face. they were of a bright grass-green colour, with remarkably thin bodies; and it was curious to see the graceful way in which the lithe, active creatures crawled about, or lay coiled up perfectly at home in their laps. unwilling to be an eavesdropper, i was retiring, when i met fanny and ellen, and told them what i had seen, and duppo's suspicions. fanny laughed, saying they were perfectly harmless, and had been tamed by their friends, and returned with me to where the girls were seated. duppo, however, beat a retreat, evidently unwilling to be in such a dangerous neighbourhood. they were highly amused at hearing of duppo's alarm, and showed me that the snakes were perfectly harmless. i took one in my hand, when the creature coiled itself round my arm, and i could admire at leisure its colour, and the beautiful topaz yellow of its eyes. the snakes were between two and three feet long. they were so thoroughly tamed, that though placed on the ground they did not attempt to escape, but came back immediately they were called by their young mistresses. so slender were their bodies, that when coiled completely up i could place one on the palm of my hand. though i told duppo afterwards that i had actually handled the snakes, he was not convinced of their harmless character, and insisted that it was another proof that they had been charmed by the white witches, which he still evidently considered our brazilian friends. oria, however, was far braver; for when she saw fanny and ellen play with the creatures, she without hesitation took one of them up, and allowed it to coil itself round her neck, where it made a pretty ornament on her dark skin. pedro, the son of our host, returned the next day with a boat-load of turtle and fish which he had caught; as well as a number of birds, some of them of exquisite plumage. john, arthur, and i begged to accompany him the next time he set out on a similar expedition; and we found that he proposed starting again the following day. meantime senhora josefa, with the assistance of her slaves, was employed in salting and drying the fish and fowl she had just received. we started in the morning with two canoes, equipped with nets, spears, and lines, bows and arrows, and blow-pipes as well as guns. the lower portion of the banks of the amazon were at this time covered with water on either side, varying in height from one to ten feet, and in some places reaching twenty. this district, known as the gapo, extends from the napo upwards of seventeen hundred miles, to the very borders of peru. it thus becomes a region of countless islands, separated by expanses of water--but not open water, as forest trees appear growing out of it in all directions; while in other parts there are numbers of lakes of all sizes--some many miles in extent, others mere pools, dry in summer, but all abounding in fish of various sorts, in turtles and alligators. we could often, in consequence of the flooded state of the country, make short cuts in our canoe directly through the forest, in some places with a depth of five to ten feet below our keels. as we were paddling on through a scene such as i have described, we passed near a raft secured to the trunks of four trees, on which was an indian family, with a small fire burning on it. the mother was cooking fish, while the father lay in his hammock suspended between the trees. a small, crazy looking canoe was moored to it. the family appeared perfectly contented and unconcerned, and accustomed to the curious mode of life. pedro told us they were muras indians. during the dry season they live on the sand-banks, employed in catching turtle in the large river; and when the rainy season sets in they retire to these solitudes, whence they sally forth in their canoes to catch manatees and turtle, and fish of many sorts. we were proceeding away from the main stream by a broad water-path, with numberless narrower paths leading off in all directions. during the first part of our voyage we could see for a considerable distance through the irregular colonnade of trees; but as we progressed the path became narrower, and the trees grew closer together, their boughs frequently stretching forth over our heads. from many of them beautiful bright yellow flowers hung down, the stems several feet in length, while ferns and numerous air-plants thickly covered the trunks of the palms or drooped over from their summits. now and then we passed through a thicket of bamboos, their slender foliage and gracefully-curving stems having arranged themselves in the most elegant feathery bowers. crossing through the forest, we passed a grove of small palms, their summits being but a few feet above us. they bore bunches of fruit, which our indians cut off with their knives. we found it of an agreeable flavour. the birds feeding overhead now and then sent down showers of fruit, which splashed into the water round us. frequently we heard a rustling in the leaves, and caught sight in many places of troops of monkeys peeping down from among the dense foliage. then off they would go, leaping from bough to bough through the forest. here a flock of paroquets appeared in sight for a few moments. now one of the light-blue chatterers, then a lovely trogon, would seize a fruit as it darted by; or the delicate white wing and claret-coloured plumage of a lovely pompadour would glance from the foliage; or a huge-billed toucan would pitch down on a bough above us, and shake off a fruit into the water. gay flowers, too, were not wanting, of the orchid tribe: some with white and spotted and purple blossoms; the most magnificent of a brilliant purple colour, called by the natives saint ann's flower, four inches across. we plucked some, which emitted a most delightful odour. at last we came out once more into the bright sunshine, at a small lake, the surface of which was adorned in many parts with numberless beautiful water-plants--graceful lilies, yellow bladder-worts, and numbers of a bright blue flower, which contrasted with the green leaves. the whole track, indeed, consisted, we found, of igarapes, lakes, and gapo; here and there patches of high and dry land so mingled together that we could not have told whether we were on the main shore or on an island. at length we reached another lake with higher banks, where pedro told us we would encamp and commence fishing. the little lake extended over an area of about ten acres, and was surrounded by the forest. the borders were somewhat swampy, and covered with a fine grass. on these borders the hunters erected little stages, consisting of long poles, with cross-pieces secured by lianas. the pool abounded with turtle. our hunters mounted the stages, armed with bow and arrow. the arrow was so formed that the head when it struck the animal remained in its body, while the shaft floated to the surface, though remaining attached to it by a long line. we remained in a larger canoe to watch proceedings, while pedro and two indians entered a smaller one. the indians did not even wait for the turtles to come to the surface; but the moment they saw a ripple in the water, the man nearest shot his arrow with unerring aim, and it never failed to pierce the shell. as soon as one was shot, pedro paddled towards it, and, taking the shaft and line in his hand, humoured the creature as a fisherman does a salmon, till, exhausted, it rose to the surface, when it was further secured by another arrow shot at it, and then with the two lines easily hauled into the canoe. john and i tried our skill; but our arrows missed their aim, and i very nearly shot our friend pedro instead of the turtle. another small canoe had been sent for, which now arrived. so rapidly were the turtle shot that both canoes were actively engaged in picking them up. fully forty were thus killed in a short time. the net was then spread at one end of the pool, while the rest of the party began beating the water from the opposite side with long poles, some along the edges and others in the canoes. we could see the backs of the turtles as they swam forward. when they got close to the net the two ends were rapidly drawn together, surrounding a large number of them; and then all hands uniting at the ropes, quickly dragged it towards the shore. as they appeared above the water, the men seized them, and threw them into the canoes, which came up to the spot. many, however, managed to scramble out again before they were turned on their backs. arthur and i rushed in with the rest to assist in their capture, when suddenly i felt an extraordinary sensation in my foot. "oh, i have been bitten by a water-snake!" i exclaimed, leaping up. "and so have i!" cried arthur. and we rushed on shore, both of us looking anxiously down at our legs. no wounds, however, were to be seen. when the net was finally drawn on shore, after a vast number of small turtle had been taken out of it, several curious fish were seen, and among them five or six eel-looking creatures, with large heads. the indians cried out something; but not understanding them, i took up one of the creatures to examine it, when instantly i felt the sensation i had experienced in the water, and now discovered that they were electric eels. to prove it yet further, i took out my knife, and pedro, arthur, and i, with several indians, joined hands, when instantly the rest, greatly to their astonishment, felt the shock as if they had touched the fish itself. we persuaded the other indians to try the experiment; and they were greatly amused and astonished at finding the electric spark pass through their systems. altogether we caught upwards of a hundred turtle. we then moved on to another lake with a sandy shore, where the net was again drawn for the sake of obtaining fish. i had never seen so many and various fish taken together. it would be impossible to describe them. among them was a beautiful oval-shaped fish, which the natives call _acara_. there are numerous species, we heard: some of them deposit their eggs in the sand, and hover over them until the young are hatched; but there are others which take still greater care of them, and have a cavity near the gills, in which the male takes up the eggs and carries them there, not only till they are hatched, but actually keeps the young fry in safety within them. when able to swim they go out and take exercise; but on the approach of danger they rush back into their parents' mouths for protection. this cavity is in the upper part of the bronchial arches. i should scarcely have believed the fact from the report of the natives, had i not actually seen both the eggs and the young fry in their parents' head. there are several species of fish in the waters of the amazon which are thus wonderfully supplied with the means of protecting their young. "you shall now see another way we have of taking fish," said our friend pedro. we paddled off to a still part of the lake. he then poured out of a calabash some coloured liquid. "and now let us land," he said, "and while we take our dinner, watch the result." the liquid, he told us, was produced from a poisonous liana called _tambo_. this is cut up into lengths, washed, and soaked in water, which becomes thus impregnated with the juice. before dinner was over, as we looked out on the pool we saw the surface covered with fish floating on their sides, with their gills wide open. the canoe then pushed off, and collected them in great numbers. the poison appeared to have suffocated the fish, although only a small quantity had been poured into the water. we were as successful in shooting birds, monkeys, and other game, as we were in fishing. one of the indians used his bow in a curious way, which we had not before seen employed. throwing himself on his back, he placed his feet lifted up above his body against the bow, and drew the string to his head with both his hands. it was surprising what a correct aim he could thus take. he quickly brought down several birds on the wing at a great height. he showed us also that he could shoot up in the air, and make the arrow fall wherever he pleased. several times it descended within a few inches of his own head or feet, where it stuck quivering in the ground. we dreaded that it might stick into him; but he laughed at our fears, assuring us that there was not the slightest danger, as he had practised the art from his boyhood, and could perform still more difficult feats. darkness coming on prevented him from exhibiting them. we spent the night on the driest spot we could find on the banks of the lake. blazing fires were lighted to keep jaguars, pumas, and boas at a distance. next morning, loaded with the spoils of the chase, we commenced our voyage homewards. we were passing a dry, thickly-wooded island, when we caught sight of a number of people among the trees, while fires were burning in the centre of several open spots. we asked pedro what they were about. "they are my father's labourers," he said. "you shall come on shore, and we will see how they are employed." we found a number of indians and a few blacks busily engaged in various ways; some in making gashes in the stems of trees, under each of which they placed a little clay cup or a shell, into which trickled the sap issuing from the wound. this sap we found was of the consistency of cream. and now we saw for the first time the india-rubber with which we had only before been acquainted when using it to rub out our pencil strokes when drawing at school. the trees which were thus treated had a bark and foliage not unlike that of the european ash; but the trunks were of great size, and shot up to an immense height before throwing off their branches. people with large bowls were going about from tree to tree, and emptying the contents of the little cups into them. from thence they were carried to their camp. here we found large bowls full of the cream-like sap. the labourers were provided with a number of clay moulds of various shapes, though most of them were in the form of round bottles. these moulds were dipped into the liquid, and then hung up to dry. as soon as one layer was dry the mould was again dipped in, and thus coat after coat was put on. pedro told us it took several days before the coating was considered sufficiently thick. it was then hard and white. this operation being finished, it was passed several times through a thick, black smoke which issued from fires. we found that this smoke was produced by burning the nuts of the inaja and other palm-trees, by which means the dark colour and softness are obtained. the process is now complete; and the moulds being broken, the clay is emptied out, and the rubber is fit for sale. the brazilian india-rubber tree--the _siphonia elastico_ (_caoutchouc_)--differs from the _ficus_ which furnishes the india-rubber of africa and the east indies. it bears a small flower and circular fruit, with strongly-marked divisions in the rind. having left some of our game for provisioning the camp of the india-rubber collectors, we made the best of our way homewards. evening was coming on. we were still at some distance from home. the sky had become overcast, and rain had begun to fall. it seemed impossible that we should find our way through the forest in the darkness. we entered at length a channel, the land on one side of which was elevated some feet above the water. as we were paddling along it, pedro proposed that we should land and camp. just then we caught sight of a fire burning in a shed at some distance from the bank. "we may there find shelter," said pedro, "without having the trouble of building huts, which, after all, would not keep out the rain." we three accompanied him towards the fire. we found two indians standing near it, both busily employed in concocting some mixture in a large pot simmering over the flames. they were evidently, by the manner in which they received us, displeased at our coming. pedro, however, told them that we proposed spending the night at their hut; and sent to the canoe for some game, which put them in better humour. he inquired what they were about. "i see what it is. they are making the wourali poison for tipping the arrows for their bows and blow-pipes. see! we will make them show us the process." after a little talk with the indians, they consented to do as he wished. first they showed us some long sticks of a thin vine--the wourali itself. this, with the root of a plant of a very bitter nature, they scraped together into thin shavings. they were then placed in a sieve, and water poured over them into an earthen pot, the liquid coming through having the appearance of coffee. into this the juice of some bulbous plants of a glutinous nature was squeezed, apparently to serve the purpose of glue. while the pot was simmering, other ingredients were added. among them were some black, venomous ants, and also a little red ant, which stings severely. they seemed to set great value also on the fangs of two snakes, which, when pounded, were added with much ceremony. one, pedro told us, was the venomous _labarri_; and another, the largest among the venomous reptiles in america, known as the _curucu_, or bushmaster (_lachesis mutus_). the indians, however, call it the _couana couchi_. it is of the most beautiful colour. its body is brightly tinted with all the prismatic colours; and sometimes it is to be seen coiled round the branches of a tree, ready to strike its prey. it is allied, i should say, to the fearful _fer de lance_, which strikes its prey with so rapid and straight a stroke that it is impossible to escape it. a quantity of the strongest indian red pepper was lastly added; and as the ingredients boiled, more of the juice of the wourali was poured in as was required. the scum having been taken off, the compound remained on the fire till it assumed the appearance of a thick syrup of a deep brown colour. whether all these ingredients are necessary, i cannot say. others also, i believe, are occasionally used. i should have observed that we, as well as the other indians, were desired to keep at a respectful distance during the operation, as it is considered that even the vapour ascending from the pot is injurious to health. having been pronounced perfectly made, the syrup was poured into a number of little pots, and carefully covered over with skin and leaves. we observed that the two indians who manufactured it washed their hands and faces frequently. pedro purchased several pots which had thus been manufactured, as the poison is an article of commerce throughout the country. the indians' hut was at some distance from the shed. after supper we hung up our hammocks, and after turning into them, went to sleep. little did we think of the fearful danger we ran that night. chapter twenty. another flight. early the next day we arrived at senhor pimento's farm. the turtles were turned into a large tank near the house, staked round so as to prevent the creatures from getting out. here they would live for many months. most of the brazilian, as well as many of the natives' houses, have similar reservoirs attached to them, in which turtle are kept alive, to be taken out as required for use. we found our two sisters seated by the bank of the lake, and little oria with them. they seemed somewhat agitated. oria had been out the previous day, they told me, in the forest to gather fruit, and had unwisely wandered on, without waiting for duppo, who was to follow her. unaccustomed to that part of the country, she had lost her way. as evening approached, she found an indian hut, when, the rain coming down, she crept into it for shelter. no one was there. she had thrown a mat over her, and had dropped off to sleep, when she was awakened by hearing several persons talking. although their dialect was very different from her own, she could understand them. as she listened she became more and more interested. they were speaking of a plot to surprise the whites, and put them to death, so that not a portuguese should remain in the country. this plan, oria understood, was very soon to be carried into execution. fanny and ellen cross-questioned oria, and seemed satisfied that they clearly understood her. they then begged me to go and call our father, that we might have his opinion before alarming our host and hostess. i fortunately found him near the spot. he came to the conclusion that oria's opinion was to be relied on, and at once determined to warn senhor pimento. soon afterwards i met duppo. he drew me aside, with a mysterious look. he, too, evidently had something which he wished to communicate. he in vain, however, tried to find words to explain himself. just then we caught sight of the daughters of our host in the distance. he shook his head at them, and then made signs that no good could come from living with a family who could play with poisonous snakes with impunity; and then pointed to the canoe, and urged us to go away from so dangerous a neighbourhood. i felt sure, however, that he had some other reason, which he was afraid to communicate. i told him so, and i asked him if he did not believe that the natives in the neighbourhood were about to attack the plantation. he looked surprised, evidently not being aware that oria had already warned my sisters. at last he confessed that such was the case, and implored me earnestly to induce my family to fly. on this i went in search of john, who had talked of going out to shoot. i persuaded him, though not without difficulty, to remain at home, and come and consult with our father. he had, in the meantime, found senhor pimento. "i am afraid that i shall be unable to persuade our portuguese friend to take precautions against an attack of the natives. he declares that they have always been on good terms with him, and he sees no reason to be alarmed," he observed. "what, then, do you mean to do, father?" i asked. "to take the wisest course," he answered. "i have directed domingos and antonio to get the montarias ready, and to ascertain the feeling of the tucuna indians who came with you. they are, however, anxious to return homewards; and i have promised them one of the canoes, and additional payment, if they will accompany us in our flight to a place of safety. there is an uninhabited island some way down the river, where, i hope, we may remain concealed, should what we apprehend take place. as delay may be dangerous, i have told senhor pimento that i purpose starting this evening; and i have urged him to have his own montarias ready, and manned by negroes in whom he can place confidence. i shall be very glad if i can, at all events, induce him to take this precaution, so that, should he see any likelihood of his being attacked, he may, at all events, get on board, and save the lives of his family and himself. we will, as soon as the canoes are ready, carry our own property down to them. but we must take care that we are not observed by the natives, who might attempt to stop us, or watch the direction we take. your mother and sisters are engaged in packing up, and i hope that soon all will be ready." though senhor pimento appeared to be incredulous as to the sinister intentions of the natives, i thought that possibly pedro might be induced to believe them. i therefore went in search of him. i told him what we had heard. "it may be," he answered. "i have had many black looks of late from those who used at one time to be ready to kiss my feet. i am, therefore, inclined to agree with you that some mischief is intended. i will try and persuade my father to act prudently; but he has been so long accustomed to look down upon the natives, it will be difficult to persuade him that they will dare to injure a white skin. i think your father is very right to escape from hence, though we shall be sorry to part from you." i thanked pedro for his kind feelings, and urged him to try and induce his father to act with caution. as all the natives on the estate were absent gathering caoutchouc, our operations were conducted with less difficulty than would otherwise have been the case. our own indians had fortunately remained behind. it was settled that two should go in our canoe. john should act as captain of our father's, and domingos of ours. our goods were quickly conveyed on board. we found that senhor pimento had sent a supply of farinha, as well as several turtles and other provisions, on board each of them, as a mark, he said, of his good-will. we bade him and senhora josefa and their two daughters farewell. pedro accompanied us down to the canoe. "do not fear," he said, "about us. i suspect we shall soon be following you. but should nothing happen to us, forget not those who held you in affectionate esteem." i am, of course, only translating his words. the canoes shoved off, and working our paddles, we glided across the lake. it was nearly dark before we reached the entrance to the igarape down which we were to proceed. it was a perfect calm. the tall trees were reflected in the mirror-like expanse of the lake, sprinkled, as it were, with the myriads of stars which shone forth from the clear sky. here and there a night-bird darted from its covert in search of its insect prey. the tree-crickets had begun to utter their evening notes, and from far and near came forth from the forest the numberless sounds which often to the solitary traveller make the night hideous. "oh, what can that be?" we heard ellen exclaim from the other canoe. "see! see!" we looked astern, towards the plantation we had left. bright flames were darting up from among the buildings very instant growing higher, while dreadful cries, coming across the water, struck our ears. "oh, i am afraid our friends have delayed too long to escape," exclaimed arthur. "could we not go back to help them?" i asked our father if he would allow us to do so. he hesitated. "they have their montarias; and should they have been attacked, you can render them no assistance." still, i did not like the thought of deserting our friends, and promised, should we not meet with them, to return at once. at last he consented to our going; and turning the head of our canoe, we paddled back towards the shore we had left. we had nearly reached it, when we saw a boat approaching. it might have our friends on board, or might be manned by natives. we approached cautiously, ready to turn round at a moment's notice. "who goes there?" i asked. i was greatly relieved by hearing senhor pimento's voice. "turn round!" he exclaimed. "fly! fly! i fear we may soon be pursued. we are all on board. i wish we had followed your advice." back we paddled, as fast as we could urge our canoe through the water. meantime the whole plantation appeared in a blaze--not only the buildings, but the fields and groves of fruit-trees seemed to have been set on fire. we made for the mouth of the igarape, where we found our father's canoe waiting for us. away we all went together. the cries and shouts of the indians, as they searched about for the proprietor, reached our ears. we had too much reason to believe that we should be followed. there was sufficient light to enable us to keep in the centre of the water-path. we anxiously looked astern, expecting every moment to see the canoes of our enemies in our wake. in some places the igarape was so narrow, and the trees so completely joined overhead, that we could with difficulty discover our way, and were compelled to paddle at less speed to avoid running among the bushes at its borders. and now, from every side, those sounds which i have so often mentioned burst forth from the forest; yet, though so frequently before heard, their effect was wonderfully depressing. sometimes, indeed, they sounded so exactly like the cries of natives, that we felt sure we were pursued, and expected every moment to discover our enemies close astern of us. we continued our night voyage, paddling as fast as we could venture to move through the darkness. now and then the light penetrated into the centre of the igarape, and allowed us to move faster. ever and anon flights of magnificent fireflies flitted across the igarape, revealing the foliage on either side, amid which sometimes it seemed as if gigantic figures were stalking about, to seize us as we passed. they were, however, only the stems of decayed trees, or distorted branches bending over the waters. thus we went on, hour after hour, not venturing to stop even to rest the weary arms of the paddlers; for we had received too clear a warning of what would be our fate should we fall into the power of the hitherto submissive, but now savage and vindictive natives. it was no slight cause probably which had induced them to revolt. the cruelty and tyranny, the exactions and treachery of the white man had at length raised their phlegmatic natures, and they were about to exact a bitter revenge for long years of oppression and wrong. as in many similar instances, the innocent were doomed to suffer with the guilty; and as far as we had been able to judge, our friend senhor pimento had treated those around him with all kindness and consideration. at length a pale light appeared ahead; and emerging from the dark shades of the igarape, we entered the wide expanse of the amazon, across which at that instant the moon, rising above the line of forest, cast the silvery light of her bright beams. my sisters, and even the brazilian girls, uttered exclamations of admiration. we made our way across the lake-like expanse, which was now just rippled with a light breeze; and after an hour's progress, found ourselves approaching a lofty wall of forest. coasting along it, we entered a narrow channel similar to the one we had quitted. here and there the moonbeams, penetrating amid the branches, enabled us to find our way till we reached an open spot on the shores of a small lake. "here," said our father, "is the place i have selected for our retreat; and as the indians will believe that we have continued down the stream, there is little probability, i think, of their coming here to search for us. if they do, we may escape through the opposite side, and take one of several channels which will again conduct us into the main stream." there was sufficient light to enable us to erect rude huts for the accommodation of the ladies of the party. as there was no fear of the glare of the fires shining through the forest, and thus betraying our position, we could venture to light a sufficient number for the protection of the camp against wild beasts. the next morning found us quietly settled in our new location. my father and mother did their best to comfort senhor pimento and his family for the loss of their property. "think how much worse it would have been," said my father, "had you, and your wife, and daughters, and son been deprived of your lives! we should be thankful for the blessings we receive." "see, it is true--it is true," answered our portuguese friend. "but--" "oh, utter not any `buts,'" observed my father. "`but' is an ungrateful word. it should be discharged from human language." ellen had saved all her pets, even her humming-bird; and she and fanny, with the assistance of their brazilian friends, had plenty of occupation in arranging accommodation for them. my father was anxious to have a larger vessel built, fit to navigate the lower part of the river, over whose sea-like expanse strong winds occasionally blow, which our smaller canoes were but ill-calculated to encounter. the first thing, however, to be done, was to erect huts, in which the party might live till the vessel could be got ready, or till they received information that the voyage could be accomplished without risk of being attacked by the rebels. "i have been thinking, harry," said arthur, "that if houlston and nyass should come down, and make for senhor pimento's farm, would there not be a great risk of their falling into the hands of the rebels, and being killed?" "indeed there would," i answered. "i did not think of that. i wish we could send and stop them." "would it not be better to go ourselves?" asked arthur. "indeed it would," i exclaimed. "we will see what my father says to it." i told john, who agreed with me; and we at once determined to proceed up the stream with our tucuna indians. we promised them that on finding our friends they should have our canoe in which to perform their homeward voyage. they seemed perfectly satisfied, and we congratulated ourselves on the arrangement we had made. as there might not be room to return in their canoe, john, arthur, and i determined to go alone. we would not even take duppo, as he could do little, compared with the other indians, in working our vessel. fanny and ellen were very unhappy at the thoughts of our going. we begged them to look after duppo, and to give him his lessons in english till we should return. we started early in the morning, paddling vigorously up the stream, which we found a very different thing to going down with it. at first we kept along the shore, opposite senhor pimento's sitio, and then crossed over, that we might have a better chance of seeing our friends, should they be coming down. for some time, when the wind was fair, we rigged a sail, and were thus able to run up with ease against the current. at night we always chose a spot where we could command a view of the river, which had so much fallen by this time that we hoped our friends would keep in it instead of branching off among the channels at the side. for several days we continued our voyage, till we began to fear that some accident might have happened, or that, not hearing of us, they might have pushed onwards, with the intention of sailing up the napo. sometimes we slept under the awning in the montaria; sometimes we built huts, according to our usual custom, on the shore. one morning, just as we were embarking, john shot a fine paca, which we took on board, and agreed we would roast during our noon-day meal, when our indians generally lay down to sleep. at the hour we intended, we found a bank, which afforded us a tempting resting-place. arthur and i agreed to act as cooks; while john, who had been up before daybreak with his gun in the forest, said he would rest till dinner was ready. the chief indian, tono, meantime took his blow-pipe and bow, saying he would go into the forest and shoot some more game for supper, our stock having become somewhat scanty; while his companions lay down to sleep in the canoe. john lay down on the grass, away from the fire, though near enough for the smoke to keep the flies at a distance. we had the paca scientifically trussed and spitted, and placed over the fire on two forked sticks. sometime! arthur, sometimes i turned the spit. it was my turn to attend to it, and arthur was sitting near me, when i felt the ground shake, as if some large object had pitched down on it at my side; and what was my horror, on turning my head, to see arthur, in the claws of an enormous puma, being dragged over the ground. we had imprudently left our guns in the montaria. at the same time john awoke, and quickly sprang into the canoe. i felt for my knife--the only weapon i possessed--when i found that i had left it on the other side of the fire, where john had been lying. as i turned my head for an instant, intending to seize it, i saw another puma stealthily approaching. arthur did not cry out, but lay with his face on the ground, the better to avoid the stroke of the puma's paw. horror kept me from moving. the savage beast was dragging arthur away. despair seized me. his death seemed inevitable. all passed in a moment. then i saw john standing up in the montaria, with his rifle pointed at the puma's head. my tongue clove to my mouth. i could not shout out to awake the indians. the second puma was drawing near. i might be its victim. just then john's rifle echoed through the forest: the puma which had seized arthur sprang up in the air, and then down it fell, its claws only a few inches from arthur's body. i now rushed up to him, and dragged him out of the way of its dying struggles, calling to john to look after the other puma. the indians had now started to their feet, uttering loud shrieks. the puma stopped just as i fancied it was about to spring at me, and turning round, bounded into the forest. they then, running up to where the puma lay, quickly despatched it with their spears; while john and i lifted up arthur and carried him to the side of the fire. he was insensible, but groaned heavily. his arm and shoulder were fearfully torn, while his head had received a blow, though comparatively a slight one, or it would inevitably have killed him. "o john, do you think he will recover?" i exclaimed, as we examined his hurts. "if we knew how to treat him, he might," answered john; "but i am a very bad doctor, and i am afraid our indians are not better ones." "then, john, we must go back to the island," i exclaimed; "it would be impossible to continue our voyage with arthur in this state; and though we have been many days coming up, we may hope to get back again in two or three." john agreed with me, and we explained our intentions to the indian boatmen. they looked very dissatisfied, especially tono, who just then returned from his shooting excursion. i had not from the first liked his countenance, and i saw by his gestures that he was endeavouring to incite his companions to disregard our orders. though on their side they mustered four stout, athletic fellows, yet john and i had our rifles, and we agreed, for arthur's sake, to make them do as we thought best. john at once reloaded his rifle; and as soon as he had done so, he told me to hurry down to the boat and seize mine. i got hold of it before the indians were aware of my intention, and quickly rejoined him. our first care was to wash and dress arthur's wounds as well as we could. john covered me with his rifle, while i went down to get the water. "now, harry," he said, "as we do not know when we shall be able to dress another paca, we had better make a good dinner off the portion which has escaped burning during the time you were unable to turn the spit." having finished our meal, and secured a portion for arthur--in the hope he might recover sufficiently to eat it--we handed the rest to our crew. they took it sulkily enough, and returned with it to the montaria. "we must keep a sharp look-out on these fellows; for, depend upon it, they intend to play us a trick," observed john. our chief difficulty was now how to get arthur into the montaria; for while we were occupied in so doing, they might suddenly attack us. "you must guard me, harry, while i lift him up. he is a good weight, but still i can carry him as far as the montaria," observed john. he did so; while i walked by his side, with my rifle ready for action. when the indians saw how much arthur was hurt, they appeared to feel compassion for him, and expressed their sorrow by signs. when we ordered them to shove off, they obeyed at once, and willingly paddled on down the river again. "i really think, after all, we must have been mistaken in our opinion of those men," said john. "i never like to think harm of our fellow-creatures. perhaps, after all, they did not understand us." i was not quite so certain of this. a strong breeze came up the river, and prevented us making as much progress as we had expected. as evening drew on it increased greatly, and signs of a storm appeared in the sky. we were over on the southern shore, and had passed an island near the mainland similar to the one on which our family had lately taken refuge. just then the tempest burst on us. i had observed an opening in the forest, apparently the mouth of a channel, and towards it we now steered. it was not without difficulty, however, that we could keep the canoe before the fast rising seas. had we fallen into the trough, we should instantly have been upset. the indians seemed well aware of our danger, and paddled steadily. i was thankful when at length we found ourselves is calm water, though the wind still whistled and howled through the trees, which bent their tall boughs over our heads, as if they would come down and crush our bark. we paddled on, therefore, for some distance, till we reached a sheltered spot, where we agreed to land and build a hut, that arthur might sleep more comfortably than he could in the canoe. when we told the indians what we wanted, they immediately set to work, with apparent good-will; and in a short time had erected a neat and comfortable hut, with a bed-place of bamboos. on this, having spread several mats brought from the canoe, we placed arthur. "oh, how kind you are," he whispered. i was rejoiced to hear him speak. "i know all about it," he added; "i saw the puma, but had not time to cry out." the indians had consumed the remainder of the paca; and as there was still an hour or more of daylight, they proposed going out to catch some fish. i thought of accompanying them, but i did not like to leave arthur. john then said he would go; but when he got down to the water, the indians had already shoved off. "i dare say i may find some game in the woods, and that may be better for arthur than fish," he observed, coming back. we saw the canoe at a little distance, the indians standing ready, some with their harpoons and others with their bows, to strike any fish which might be passing. now they came nearer to us, and i saw they had struck several fish. with these they returned to the shore, and called to me to come and receive them. tono then made signs that he would go and get some more, and again they paddled off. i became quite vexed at having entertained unjust suspicions of them. after they had got to a little distance, i saw them strike another fish--evidently a large one, by the time they took to haul it in. now they went further and further off. at length i lost sight of them. john had in the meantime gone into the woods with his gun. he returned, just as it was growing dusk, with a couple of birds, which he immediately plucked and prepared for roasting at the fire which i had made up. our pot for boiling fish had been left in the canoe. we could, therefore, only roast a portion of those just caught by the indians. "they ought to be back by this time," observed john, as the shades of night fell over the river. "the fish seemed to be plentiful, and probably they have been tempted to go further off than they proposed," i observed. still we waited and waited, and they did not return. john went a little way along the bank, and shouted loudly; but no answer came to his hail. at length we hung up our hammocks; and having attended to arthur, added fuel to our fire, and placed true at the entrance of our hut to watch, we lay down to rest. still, neither john nor i felt much inclined to sleep. "i am afraid that tono and his people, after all, have gone off in the canoe," i said at last. "i suspect so too," he answered; "but yet they were behaving so well, that i did not think they would play us so treacherous a trick." "we shall soon see, however. i cannot help expecting to hear them return every moment." we waited and waited, anxiety keeping us awake. several times i got up to give arthur a little water, which was all he appeared inclined to take. he was much less feverish than i expected. towards morning, however, he began to ramble in his speech, and talked about his mother and father, and a young sister who had died. "i thought i should find him," i heard him say. "oh, that my mother could have lived to have seen him again! oh, that i could once more be with him! if he were here now, i am sure that i should soon get well." these words were said at intervals, between other less coherent remarks. daylight broke before i had closed my eyes. we again looked out, in the faint hope that the indians might have landed at some spot near us, and encamped for the night; but we could nowhere see them. we were at length convinced that they had made off with our canoe, and deserted us. had we been by ourselves, our position would have been bad enough; but with poor arthur in his wounded state, requiring immediate help, it was still worse. the indians had so long behaved well and faithfully, that we had not supposed them capable of such conduct, although they had showed such discontent on the previous day. "what must we do?" i asked of john. "we must either build a canoe or a raft, or wait till we can hail some passing craft, and get taken off," he answered. "our father will certainly send and look for us by-and-by, when he finds that we do not return; but in the meantime they will all be very anxious, and think that we have been cut off by the rebels." john and i had fortunately brought our guns and ammunition; so that we were better off than we might have been had the indians overpowered us, and put us on shore by force. we were, indeed, able to supply ourselves amply with food, but it was not well suited for arthur. by the end of the day he appeared to have grown worse instead of better. i sat up with him part of the night, forgetting how little sleep i had had for some time. he rambled more than ever. it was painful sometimes to hear him. when he at last dropped to sleep, i began to doze also, till i slipped off my seat, and lay utterly overcome with fatigue on the ground. it was daylight, and i found john lifting me up. i had never seen him look so anxious. "i thought you had swooned, harry," he said; "and poor arthur seems no better. what can we do for him?" i looked at arthur. he was in a troubled sleep, was very pale, and uttering incoherent expressions. i would have given anything to have known what to do; but except moistening his lips with water, there was nothing i could think of likely to benefit him. all day long he remained in that state. i sat by his side, while john occasionally went out with his gun. he was never long absent, as he said he could not bear the thought of being away from arthur, fearing he might be worse. now and then i got up and added fresh fuel to our fire, that i might make some broth with some of the game john had brought in; thinking that might possibly do good to my poor patient. i was thus employed, when i heard john shout out. taking a glance at arthur, i ran forward, when i caught sight of john near the bank, waving his hat, while just beyond him was a montaria, with a number of people in her, among whom i distinguished the tall figure of the recluse standing up and waving in return. the canoe approached the bank just as i reached it; and directly afterwards two other persons jumped up and waved to us, while a dog put his paws on the gunwale and uttered a loud bark. true, who had followed me, barked in return. what was my joy to recognise my two old school-fellows houlston and tony. in a couple of minutes they were on shore, and we were warmly shaking hands; while true and faithful were rubbing noses with equal cordiality. "where is my boy?" exclaimed the recluse--or rather mr mallet, for so i should properly call him. "he is with us. he has been sadly hurt. if any one can do him good, i am sure you can, sir," i said. "oh, take me to him--show me where he is!" exclaimed mr mallet, in an anxious tone. "hand me out that box there! it contains the few medicines i possess--it may be of use." "is it arthur mallet he is speaking of?" asked houlston, following with the chest. "what is the matter with him?" i told him briefly what had occurred. there were several other persons in the canoe, but i was too much interested in my friends to observe them. we hurried back to the hut where arthur was lying. the recluse had hastened on before us, and was now kneeling by the side of his young son. he was perfectly calm, but i saw how much he felt, by the expression of his anxious countenance. arthur opened his eyes and recognised his father. "this is what i was praying for," he whispered. "i have been very ill, and was afraid of leaving the world without once again seeing you. i am so thankful. if it is god's will, i am now ready to die." "oh, but i pray it may not be his will, my boy," said mr mallet. "you must live for my sake, to be a comfort and support to me." "you will not go back, then, and live in the woods by yourself, my dear father?" said arthur. "no; i hope to live wherever you do, my boy," he answered. arthur's pale countenance brightened, and he pressed his father's hand. "you must not talk, however, arthur," said mr mallet. "you require rest, and i may find some remedies which may benefit you." he eagerly looked over the contents of his medicine-chest; and desiring to have some fresh-water brought him, he quickly compounded a draught, which he gave to arthur. we left the father and son together, while we returned to the canoe. on our way houlston and tony recounted to me briefly what had occurred. they had made their way nearly up to the mouth of the napo, when, not finding us, they had determined to visit every spot on the shore where we were likely to have stopped. they had at length put into the creek, near the abode of the recluse. "much to our surprise," said houlston, "we were accosted in english by a tall white man. on telling him our errand, he informed us that you had long since gone down the stream, and seemed very much surprised and grieved to find that we had not encountered you. he at once volunteered to accompany us, saying that he was greatly interested in your welfare, and could not rest satisfied without assisting in our search for you. we were, of course, very glad to have his company; and going back to his hut, he soon returned with two indians--a man and his wife--who also wished to come with us. they are there," and houlston pointed to the canoe. just then one of the indians landed; and though dressed in a shirt and trousers, i recognised him as our friend maono. he was followed by illora, also habited in more civilised costume than when we had at first seen her. they greeted me kindly, and inquired, with more warmth than indians generally exhibit, for their son and daughter. i assured them of their welfare, and of the esteem in which they were held by my family. they appeared to be gratified, and then inquired for the indians who had accompanied us. maono was excessively indignant when we told him of the trick they had played us, and threatened to put them to death when he got back to his people. we entreated him, however, for our sakes, not to punish them so severely; indeed, we told him we would rather he pardoned them altogether, as they had been influenced by a desire to return to their people, and perhaps supposed that we might prevent them from so doing. they had till that moment been faithful and obedient, and we assured him that we had had no cause to complain of them. some time was spent in talking to tony and houlston. on our return to the hut we found mr mallet standing in front of it. he said arthur was improving, but begged that we would remain where we were, as he was unwilling to move him at present. we of course willingly agreed to do what he wished, and forthwith set to work to put up huts for the time we might have to remain on the island. we gave up our hut to mr mallet and arthur, and made a large fire in front of it, while we had another, at which we cooked our suppers. not for a moment, i believe, did the recluse close his eyes during that night, though most of our party slept soundly. whenever i awoke i saw him moving to and fro. once i could not help getting out of my hammock and asking him whether arthur was improving. "i trust he may be," was the answer. "i shall know to-morrow." in the morning arthur certainly appeared better, his wounds having been dressed by the skilful hands of his father. arthur's state, however, was still too precarious to allow of his removal without risk. anxious as we were to get back to our friends, we remained, therefore, three days longer on the island. occasionally john, houlston, tony, and i made excursions to the mainland, finding it inhabited, to shoot; while maono and illora were very successful in their fishing expeditions. "oh, i wish arthur was well!" exclaimed tony. "this is just the sort of fun we were looking forward to; and i say, harry, i hope it is only the beginning of our adventures. our employers, i know, will very gladly send us up the river to purchase produce, and i dare say you can make arrangements to come with us." i of course said i should be very glad to do so, though i could not then say what my father intended to do after reaching para. we shot a good deal of game--quadruped, four-handed, and feathered. among the latter, by-the-by, was a curious bird, which we found feeding on the marshy banks of a lake, to which we made our way, attracted by its loud and peculiar cry. creeping on, we caught sight of it as it stood on the shore. houlston, who first saw it, declared that it was a large crane. it was about the size of a swan, and getting nearer, i saw that it had an extraordinary horn on the top of its head, surrounded by black and white feathers, while the upper part of its wings had two sharp horns projecting from them--formidable weapons of attack or defence. houlston fired, but missed. he had not improved as a sportsman since we parted. john at that moment came up, and sent a ball into the bird's neck. on this true and faithful dashed forward, but still the bird, though unable to run, showed fight with its wings and kept them at bay. it soon, however, sunk down lifeless on the ground. its plumage was very handsome. the head and neck were of a greenish-brown colour, covered with soft feathers. the breast and thighs were of silvery white, and the back was black, with the exception of the upper part, which was brown, with yellow spots. it was, we found, the anhima of the brazils, known also as the horned kamichi, or, more learnedly, _palamedea_. it is sometimes called the horned screamer, from its loud and wild cry. we laughingly told houlston that, as he had missed it, he should have the honour of carrying it; which he very good-naturedly did, though it was a considerable load to bear through the forest. chapter twenty one. conclusion. next morning mr mallet gave us the satisfactory intelligence that arthur was sufficiently well to bear moving. we therefore at once proceeded on our voyage. each day after that he improved; and at length we came in sight of the island where we had left our family. we had some, difficulty in finding our way up the narrow channel which led to their camp. as we approached the spot, we saw a good-sized vessel on the stocks, surrounded by a number of persons. one of them, discovering us as we turned the point, shouted to his companions, when, suddenly leaving their work, they advanced towards us with guns in their hands in a threatening attitude. we shouted out to them, when they, perceiving that we were friends, came forward to meet us. our father was among the first we saw. after he had received us affectionately, and warmly greeted houlston and tony, we told him that mr mallet had come with us. no sooner did my father see him, than, taking his hand, he exclaimed, "what, my old friend and school-fellow! i little expected to find you out here! where have you come from?" "from the wilderness, where i have spent long years of banishment, and from whence my young son succeeded in thus too far dragging me forth. i could not make him lead the life i have so long lived, and i cannot bear the thought of parting from him." "and what could make you wish to think of doing anything of the sort?" exclaimed my father. "you surprised all your friends by leaving england--so my brother long since wrote me word--and no one has been able to account for it." "not account for it!" exclaimed mr mallet. "surely my friends would not have wished me to remain, dishonoured or disgraced, or doomed to a felon's death?" he looked round as he spoke, and seeing that i was nearer than he had supposed, led my father to a distance. meantime our mother, fanny, and ellen, had come down. i need not describe our meeting, or the concern ellen exhibited at hearing of arthur's accident, and saw his still, pale face as we lifted him out of the canoe. he was, however, able to walk with our assistance. we found the whole party very anxious, as information had reached them that the natives had discovered their retreat and intended attacking them. they had therefore been hurrying on the large montaria with all speed, in hopes of getting away before the arrival of the enemy. in a short time our father and mr mallet arrived. a wonderful change had taken place in the countenance of the latter. he now looked bright and cheerful, and a smile played over his features such as i had never before seen them wear. after being introduced to my mother and sisters, and senhor pimento's family, he hurried up to arthur, and as he threw his arms round his neck tears burst from his eyes, but they were evidently tears of joy. "but we must not lose time," said my father, pointing to the vessel, at which domingos and antonio and the other men were still busily working. we soon had occupation given us--ample to employ our minds as well as our hands. arthur was taken good care of by my mother and sisters, and i was glad to see him play with nimble and toby, who at once knew him. we worked away till dark. the fires were lighted, and by their bright blaze we were still able to continue our labours. thus we hoped in a couple of days to have our craft ready for launching. it was decked over astern and forward, so as to afford a cabin to the ladies and shelter for our stores, which required protection from the weather. we had large mat-sails and long oars, so that she was well fitted, we hoped, to encounter the heavy seas we were likely to meet with towards the mouth of the mighty river. john suggested that we should erect a stockade near the vessel, behind which we might defend ourselves, and prevent her from being burned, should the rebels make the threatened attack. this we all set to work to do; and as we had an abundance of materials at hand, a fort was soon erected, of sufficient strength, if defended by firearms, to repel any attack the natives were likely to make against it. "i hope the fellows will come on!" exclaimed tony, who, with houlston, was among the most active in the work. "i should like to be engaged in a skirmish. we have had but a tame life of it. i thought we might have seen some of the fun going forward at santarem; but the whites had all escaped out of the place before we passed by, and the red-skins had possession of it." "i rather think we were fortunate in escaping those same red-skins!" exclaimed houlston. "they murdered all the whites they could find, and they would probably have treated us in the same way if we had fallen in with them. if those fellows had attacked us, depend upon it we should have had to fight hard for our lives." "perhaps, my friend, we can find some better means of keeping the enemy at bay than those you are taking," observed the recluse. "however, follow your own plan. i trust, for the sake of humanity that it may be labour lost." i did not hear john's reply, but he continued the work. scouts were sent out at night to watch the entrance of the channel, lest the rebels might attempt to steal upon us during the hours of darkness; while we all slept with our arms ready for instant use. i was awakened by hearing a shot fired. another followed. "the rebels are coming!" i heard my father shouting out. "to your posts, my friends!" in less than a minute our whole party had assembled, and with my father at our head, we advanced in the direction whence the shots had proceeded. before we had gone many paces, our two scouts came running up with the announcement that several canoes were approaching the mouth of the igarape. daylight was just then breaking, though it had not penetrated into the forest. the two indians were again sent back to watch the further movements of the rebels. we meantime held a council of war, and having conveyed all our stores and provisions within the stockade, retired to it, there to await the enemy. in a short time the scouts came back, reporting that the indians had landed, and were advancing through the forest. "let me now try, my friends, what i can do with these people," said the recluse, standing up in our midst. "i resided among them for some time. they know me, and i trust will be more ready to listen to my arguments than to those with which you are prepared to receive them." "pray do as you judge best," said my father. senhor pimento appeared to have little confidence in his success, and addressing his people, entreated them to fight bravely, as the rebels would certainly give them no quarter. the recluse, without further delay, taking not even a stick in his hand, went forth from the fort, and was soon lost to sight among the shades of the forest. our portuguese friends were in a great state of agitation; but my sisters, especially ellen, remained perfectly calm. i complimented her on her courage. "oh, i am sure arthur's father will accomplish what he undertakes," she answered. "i have therefore no fear of an attack." we, however, could not help looking anxiously for the return of the recluse. the time went slowly by. "i am afraid the wretches will shoot him before he has time to speak to them," observed senhor pimento. pedro, who was of a generous, warm-hearted disposition, proposed that some of us should sally out, and try and overtake him before he reached the enemy. this was overruled by my father. "our friend does not act without judgment," he observed. "he knows the character of the people better perhaps than we do. hark! what is that?" the sound of many voices shouting came faintly through the forest, as from a distance. "hurrah! they are coming on to attack us!" cried tony; "we will give them a warm reception." "i hope rather that those sounds betoken that the indians have recognised our friend," observed my father. still we waited, many of our party looking out, as if they expected to see the rebels approaching in battle array. at length a single figure appeared emerging from the forest. it was the recluse. he hurried forward towards us, and on entering the fort, took my father, john, and i aside. "i have not been so successful as i should wish," he said. "they are perfectly ready to let the english, with whom they have no cause of quarrel, go free, but they insist that the portuguese gentleman and his son should be delivered up to them, though they consent to allow the rest of his family to accompany you if you wish it." "we cannot accept such terms," said my father at once. "we are resolved to defend our friends with our lives!" "i thought as much," said mr mallet. "i promised, however, to convey their message, in order to gain time. is there no way by which your friends can escape by the other end of the igarape?" "there may be, but the indians know it as well as we do," observed my father, "and would probably lie in wait to catch them. i must ask you to return and inform them that we cannot give up our friends who have hospitably entertained us, and that if they insist on attacking the fort, they must take the consequences." the recluse once more went back to the insurgent indians. pedro, on hearing the message, tried to persuade his father to escape with him in one of the small canoes; but the old gentleman declared at once that he would not make the attempt, as he was sure he should thus only fall into the hands of his enemies. we now anxiously awaited the return of our friend. an hour passed by, when we saw among the trees a large number of natives approaching the fort, some armed with muskets, but the greater number with bows and arrows. "we shall have no difficulty in beating back that rabble!" exclaimed tony. "we must first pick off the fellows with firearms, and the others will soon take to flight." i did not feel so confident as my friend. the enemy from their numbers alone were formidable, and if well led, might, i feared, easily overpower us. their numbers increased, and they seemed on the point of making a dash at the fort, when a loud shout was raised behind them. they turned round, looking eagerly in the direction from whence it came. presently three persons came out from among them. one i recognised as the recluse; but the other two i looked at again and again, and at length was convinced that one was don jose, and the other his attendant isoro. don jose, turning to the natives, addressed them in the lingua geral, which they all probably understood. they were sufficiently near for us to hear what was said. "my friends," he exclaimed, "what is it you require? do you seek the blood of these white people? what will that benefit you? listen to pumacagua--a peruvian cacique--who regards with affection the whole indian race; who would wish to see them united as one tribe, prosperous and happy, enjoying all the benefits of our magnificent country. if you destroy these people, you will but bring down the vengeance of the powerful whites on your heads. some among them are my friends. they have never harmed you. they wish you well, i know, and are even now sufferers for the cause of liberty. be advised by me. return to your homes, and seek not by force to obtain your rights. it will, i know too well by bitter experience, be in vain. trust to me and my english friends, who will not rest till we have gained for you the justice you demand." we saw the leaders among the indians consulting together. the recluse now went among them, and addressed them earnestly. his and don jose's words seemed to have a powerful effect. greatly to our relief, they began to retire through the forest. our friends accompanied them to their canoes, while arthur and i followed at a distance to watch what would next take place. the canoes were launched, and the natives, bidding an affectionate farewell to the recluse, and a respectful one to pumacagua, leaped into them, and took their departure to the opposite bank of the river. we hurried on to meet our friends, and soon afterwards my father came out of the fort to welcome don jose. they greeted each other warmly. "finding that i could no longer render service to my countrymen, and that my own life was in constant danger," don jose said, "i was on my way down the river to join you, when i saw a large number of canoes drawn up on the beach, a few people only remaining with them. from them i learned what was taking place, and i at once suspected, from what they told me, who it was they were about to attack. i instantly landed, and overtook the main body of insurgents. the rest you know." our friends then returned to the fort, and all hands at once set to work to complete our vessel. tony alone was somewhat disappointed at so pacific a termination to the affair. the additional hands whom don jose had brought with him were of great assistance, as they were all expert boat-builders; and in less than a couple of days our craft was launched, and ready to proceed on her voyage. don jose and our father had, of course, much to talk about. the former seemed greatly out of spirits at the turn affairs had taken, and in despair of the establishment of true liberty in his country. his affection for my father had induced him to follow us, and he purposed to remain with him at para till a change of affairs in peru might enable him to return. the rainy season was now completely over; though the heat was very great, the weather was fine. at length our new vessel, which we called the _manatee_, with the canoes of don jose and houlston in company, emerging from the igarape, made sail to the eastward. i have not space to describe the voyage. sometimes we navigated a wide expanse of water, where the river's banks were several miles apart; sometimes we passed amid an archipelago, through narrow channels where the branches of the giant trees almost joined overhead. sometimes we sailed on with a favourable breeze, and at other times had to lower our sails and take to the oars. for some hundred miles we had the green forest alone in sight on either side, and here and there long extending sand-banks, in which turtles are wont to lay their eggs. as we passed near the shore, vast numbers of wild fowl were seen on the banks, while the river swarmed with living creatures. dolphins came swimming by, showing their heads above the surface, again to plunge down as they advanced up the stream. now and then we caught sight of a huge manatee, and we saw alligators everywhere basking on the shores or showing their ugly snouts above the surface. at length a high, flat-topped range of hills appeared on our left hand--the spurs, i believe, of the mountains of guiana. the river was now for some distance fully ten miles in width; so wide, indeed, that it looked more like an inland sea or the ocean itself than a fresh-water stream. at length we entered one end of the tajapuru, which is a curious natural canal, extending for one hundred miles or more from the main stream towards the city of para. it is of great depth in some places, and one hundred yards in width; but in others so narrow that the topmost boughs of the trees almost met over our heads. often as we sailed along we were hemmed in by two green walls, eighty feet in height, which made it seem as if we were sailing through a deep gorge. emerging from it, we entered the para river, and sailing on, were soon in a magnificent sea-like expanse, the only shore visible being that of the island of marajo, presenting a narrow blue line far away on our left. we passed a number of curious boats and rafts of various shapes and rigs, bringing produce from the villages and farms scattered along the banks of the many vast rivers which pour their waters into the atlantic. still, all this time, we were navigating merely one of the branches of the mighty amazon; for, though we had long felt the influence of the tide, yet the water, even when it was flowing, was but slightly brackish. at length, entering the sheltered bay of goajara, we, with thankful hearts, saw the city of para stretching out before us along the shore, and our vessel was soon moored in safety alongside the quay. houlston and tony hurried off to their friends, who came down to welcome us and take us to their house. in most places we should have attracted no small amount of curiosity as we proceeded through the streets. each of the ladies, as well as maria and the indian girl, with two or more parrots and other birds on their shoulders; nimble sitting on mine with his tail round my neck; arthur carrying toby; while tony and houlston had a couple of monkeys apiece, which they had obtained on their voyage. such a spectacle, however, was too common in para to attract much attention. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ i must now, as briefly as possible, bring my journal to a conclusion. my father here resolved to establish a house of business, of which mr mallet was to be made chief manager, with arthur as his assistant. maono and illora, after remaining some time with us, considerably, i hope, to their benefit, returned to their people with the intention of showing them the advantages of civilisation, and imparting a knowledge of the true god and his plan of salvation, which they themselves had obtained. we were thankful that they consented to leave duppo and oria with us. the two young indians made rapid progress in english, besides learning portuguese; and ellen and arthur spared no pains in their endeavours to instruct them in the more important truths of religion. don jose and his faithful isoro returned at length to ecuador, when peace was once more established in that long distracted province; and the cacique wrote whenever an opportunity occurred for sending a letter down the amazon. senhor pimento and his family after a time returned to their estate, and we never failed to pay them a visit when we went up the river. the rebellion of the natives was at length happily quelled, with less bloodshed than often occurs under similar circumstances. houlston, arthur, tony, and i made not only one, but several excursions up the mighty river, and throughout many parts of that wonderful region embraced by the brazils. i might give a long account of our adventures, which were not less interesting than those i have already described. perhaps i may some day have an opportunity of doing so. nimble and toby lived to the extreme end of monkey existence--the patriarchs of ellen's ever-increasing menagerie, which was superintended by domingos when she had more important duties to attend to, and guarded, i may add, by the two attached canine brethren, faithful and true. i made two trips to england, each time on board the _inca_, still commanded by captain byles. the first time sam was on board, but on our return to para he obtained his discharge, and settled down in that city, where i often had the pleasure of a long talk with him. "ah, massa harry!" he used to say, "i chose de good part, and god take care of me as he promise; and his promise neber fail. he gib me good t'ings here, and i know him gib me better when i go up dere;" and he pointed to the blue sky, seen through the front of the provision store of which he was the owner. i am thankful to say that the rest of my friends also, as sam had done, chose "the good part." arthur had the happiness of being the means of bringing his father to a knowledge of the truth. his great wish was to make the simple gospel known among the long benighted natives of that magnificent region in which we met with the adventures i have recorded, and, though hitherto opposed by difficulties which have appeared insurmountable, he still cherishes the hope that they may be overcome, and that missionaries with the bible in their hand may, ere long, be found traversing the mighty amazon and its tributaries, now ploughed by numerous steamers up to the very foot of the andes, engaged in opening up to commerce the unmeasured resources of the brazils. i should indeed be thankful if my tale contributes to draw the attention of the christian philanthropist to the unhappy condition of the numerous tribes of that interesting country which i have attempted to describe. oregon and eldorado. oregon and eldorado; or, romance of the rivers. by thomas bulfinch, author of "the age of fable," "the age of chivalry," etc. boston: j. e. tilton and company. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by thomas bulfinch, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. stereotyped by c. j. peters and son. printed by george c. rand and avery. preface. when one observes attentively the maps of south and north america, no feature appears more striking than the provision which nature seems to have made, in both continents, for water-communication across the breadth of each. in the northern continent, this channel of communication is formed by the missouri and columbia rivers, which stretch over an extent of three thousand miles, interrupted only by the ridge of the rocky mountains. in the southern continent, the river amazon, in its path from the andes to the sea, traverses a course of thirty-three hundred miles. in both cases, a few hundred miles of land-carriage will complete the transit from ocean to ocean. the analogy presented in the length and direction of these magnificent water-pathways is preserved in their history. a series of romantic adventures attaches to each. i indulge the hope, that young readers who have so favorably received my former attempts to amuse and instruct them, in my several works reviving the fabulous legends of remote ages, will find equally attractive these true narratives of bold adventure, whose date is comparatively recent. moreover, their scenes are laid, in the one instance, in our own country; and, in the other, in that great and rising empire of brazil to which our distinguished naturalist, prof. agassiz, has gone on a pilgrimage of science. it will enable us better to appreciate the discoveries and observations which the professor will lay before us on his return, to know something beforehand of the history and peculiarities of the region which is the scene of his labors; and, on the other hand, the route across the north-american continent, to which the first part of the volume relates, deprives increased interest, at this time, from the fact that it nearly corresponds to the route of the contemplated northern pacific railroad. boston, june, . t. b. contents. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river chapter ii. lewis and clarke chapter iii. the sioux chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters chapter v. indian tribes chapter vi. the march resumed chapter vii. the journey continued chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia chapter ix. the party in the boats chapter x. the descent of the columbia chapter xi. clarke's river chapter xii. kooskooskee river chapter xiii. winter-quarters chapter xiv. a new year chapter xv. winter life chapter xvi. the return chapter xvii. the rocky mountains chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone eldorado. chapter i. the discovery chapter ii. orellana descends the river chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued chapter iv. sir walter raleigh chapter v. raleigh's first expedition chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition chapter viii. the french philosophers chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued chapter xi. herndon's expedition chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded chapter xv. latest explorations chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon chapter xvii. animated nature oregon. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river. a few years ago, there was still standing in bowdoin square, boston, opposite the revere house, an ancient mansion, since removed to make room for the granite range called the coolidge building. in that mansion, then neither old nor inelegant, but, on the contrary, having good pretensions to rank among the principal residences of the place, was assembled, in the year , a group, consisting of the master of the mansion, dr. bulfinch, his only son charles, and joseph barrell, their neighbor, an eminent merchant of boston. the conversation turned upon the topic of the day,--the voyages and discoveries of capt. cook, the account of which had lately been published. the brilliant achievements of capt. cook, his admirable qualities, and his sad fate (slain by the chance stroke of a sandwich-islander, in a sudden brawl which arose between the sailors and the natives),--these formed the current of the conversation; till at last it changed, and turned more upon the commercial aspects of the subject. mr. barrell was particularly struck with what cook relates of the abundance of valuable furs offered by the natives of the country in exchange for beads, knives, and other trifling commodities valued by them. the remark of capt. cook respecting the sea-otter was cited:-- "this animal abounds here: the fur is softer and finer than that of any other we know of; and therefore the discovery of this part of the continent, where so valuable an article of commerce may be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference." he adds in a note, "the sea-otter skins are sold by the russians to the chinese at from sixteen to twenty pounds each." mr. barrell remarked, "there is a rich harvest to be reaped there by those who shall first go in." the idea thus suggested was followed out in future conversations at the doctor's fireside, admitting other congenial spirits to the discussion, and resulted in the equipping of an expedition consisting of two vessels, the ship "columbia" and sloop "washington," to make the proposed adventure. the partners in the enterprise were joseph barrell, samuel brown, charles bulfinch, john derby, crowell hatch, and j. m. pintard. so important was the expedition deemed by the adventurers themselves, that they caused a medal to be struck, bearing on one side a representation of the two vessels under sail, and on the other the names of the parties to the enterprise. several copies of this medal were made both in bronze and silver, and distributed to public bodies and distinguished individuals. one of these medals lies before the writer as he pens these lines. a representation is subjoined:-- [illustration] the expedition was also provided with sea-letters, issued by the federal government agreeably to a resolution of congress, and with passports from the state of massachusetts; and they received letters from the spanish minister plenipotentiary in the united states, recommending them to the attention of the authorities of his nation on the pacific coast. the "columbia" was commanded by john kendrick, to whom was intrusted the general control of the expedition. the master of the "washington" was robert gray. the two vessels sailed together from boston on the th of september, : thence they proceeded to the cape verde islands, and thence to the falkland islands, in each of which groups they procured refreshments. in january, , they doubled cape horn; immediately after which they were separated during a violent gale. the "washington," continuing her course through the pacific, made the north-west coast in august, near the th degree of latitude. here capt. gray thought he perceived indications of the mouth of a river; but he was unable to ascertain the fact, in consequence of his vessel having grounded, and been attacked by the savages, who killed one of his men, and wounded the mate. but she escaped without further injury, and, on the th of september, reached nootka sound, which had been agreed upon as the port of re-union in case of separation. the "columbia" did not enter the sound until some days afterward. the two vessels spent their winter in the sound; where the "columbia" also lay during the following summer, collecting furs, while capt. gray, in the "washington," explored the adjacent waters. on his return to nootka, it was agreed upon between the two captains that kendrick should take command of the sloop, and remain on the coast, while gray, in the "columbia," should carry to canton all the furs which had been collected by both vessels. this was accordingly done; and gray arrived on the th of december at canton, where he sold his furs, and took in a cargo of tea, with which he entered boston on the th of august, , having carried the flag of the united states for the first time round the world. kendrick, immediately on parting with the "columbia," proceeded with the "washington" to the strait of fuca, through which he sailed, in its whole length, to its issue in the pacific, in lat. . to him belongs the credit of ascertaining that nootka and the parts adjacent are an island, to which the name of vancouver's island has since been given, which it now retains. vancouver was a british commander who followed in the track of the americans a year later. the injustice done to kendrick by thus robbing him of the credit of his discovery is but one of many similar instances; the greatest of all being that by which our continent itself bears the name, not of columbus, but of a subsequent navigator. capt. kendrick, during the time occupied by gray in his return voyage, besides collecting furs, engaged in various speculations; one of which was the collection, and transportation to china, of the odoriferous wood called "sandal," which grows in many of the tropical islands of the pacific, and is in great demand throughout the celestial empire, for ornamental fabrics, and also for medicinal purposes. vancouver pronounced this scheme chimerical; but experience has shown that it was founded on just calculations, and the business has ever since been prosecuted with advantage, especially by americans. another of kendrick's speculations has not hitherto produced any fruit. in the summer of , he purchased from maquinna, wicanish, and other indian chiefs, several large tracts of land near nootka sound, for which he obtained deeds, duly _marked_ by those personages, and witnessed by the officers and men of the "washington." attempts were afterwards made by the owners of the vessel to sell these lands in london, but no purchasers were found; and applications have since been addressed by the legal representatives of the owners to the government of the united states for a confirmation of the title, but hitherto without success. capt. kendrick lost his life by a singular accident. in exchanging salutes with a spanish vessel which they met at the sandwich islands, the wad of the gun of the spaniard struck capt. kendrick as he stood on the deck of his vessel, conspicuous in his dress-coat and cocked hat as commander of the expedition. it was instantly fatal. the ship "columbia" returned to boston from canton under the command of gray, as already stated, arriving on the th of august, ; but the cargo of chinese articles brought by her was insufficient to cover the expenses of her voyage: nevertheless her owners determined to persevere in the enterprise, and refitted the ship for a new voyage of the same kind. the "columbia," under her former captain, gray, left boston, on her second voyage, on the th of september, , and, without the occurrence of any thing worthy of note, arrived at clyoquot, near the entrance of fuca's strait, on the th of june, . there, and in the neighboring waters, she remained through the summer and winter following, engaged in trading and exploring. in the spring of , gray took his departure in the ship, on a cruise southward, along the coast, bent on ascertaining the truth of appearances which had led him in the former voyage to suspect the existence of a river discharging its waters at or about the latitude of degrees. during his cruise, he met the english vessels commanded by commodore vancouver. "on the th of april," vancouver writes in his journal, "at four o'clock, a sail was discovered to the westward, standing in shore. this was a very great novelty, not having seen any vessel but our consort during the last eight months. she soon hoisted american colors, and fired a gun to leeward. at six, we spoke her. she proved to be the ship 'columbia,' commanded by capt. robert gray, belonging to boston, whence she had been absent nineteen months. i sent two of my officers on board to acquire such information as might be serviceable in our future operations. capt. gray informed them of his having been off the mouth of a river, in the latitude of degrees minutes, for nine days; but the outset or reflux was so strong as to prevent his entering." to this statement of capt. gray, vancouver gave little credit. he remarks, "i was thoroughly persuaded, as were also most persons of observation on board, that we could not have passed any safe navigable opening, harbor, or place of security for shipping, from cape mendocino to fuca's strait." after parting with the english ships, gray sailed along the coast of the continent southward; and on the th of may, , he "saw an entrance which had a very good appearance of a harbor." passing through this entrance, he found himself in a bay, "well sheltered from the sea by long sand-bars and spits," where he remained three days trading with the natives, and then resumed his voyage, bestowing on the place thus discovered the name of bulfinch's harbor, in honor of one of the owners of his ship. this is now known as gray's harbor. at daybreak on the th, after leaving bulfinch's harbor, gray observed the entrance of his desired port, bearing east-south-east, distant six leagues; and running into it with all sails set, between the breakers, he anchored at one o'clock in a large river of fresh water, ten miles above its mouth. at this spot he remained three days, engaged in trading with the natives, and filling his casks with water; and then sailed up the river about twelve miles along its northern shore, where, finding that he could proceed no farther from having taken the wrong channel, he again came to anchor. on the th, he recrossed the bar at the mouth of the river, and regained the pacific. on leaving the river, gray gave it the name of his ship, the columbia, which it still bears. he called the southern point of land, at the entrance, cape adams; and the northern, cape hancock. the former of these names retains its place in the maps, the latter does not; the promontory being known as cape disappointment,--a name it received from lieut. meares, an english navigator, who, like capt. gray, judged from appearances that there was the outlet of a river at that point, but failed to find it, and recorded his failure in the name he assigned to the conspicuous headland which marked the place of his fruitless search. note. as the discovery of columbia river was an event of historical importance, the reader will perhaps be gratified to see it as recorded in the words of capt. gray himself, copied from his logbook as follows:-- "may ( ), at eight, p.m., the entrance of bulfinch's harbor bore north, distance four miles. sent up the main-top-gallant yard, and set all sail. at four, a.m., saw the entrance of our desired port, bearing east-south-east, distance six leagues; in steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. at eight, a.m., being a little to windward of the entrance of the harbor, bore away, and ran in east-north-east between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of water. when we were over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered. many canoes came alongside. at one, p.m., came to, with the small bower in ten fathoms black and white sand. the entrance between the bars bore west-south-west, distant ten miles; the north side of the river a half-mile distant from the ship, the south side of the same two and a half miles distance; a village on the north side of the river, west by north, distant three-quarters of a mile. vast numbers of natives came alongside. people employed in pumping the salt water out of our water-casks, in order to fill with fresh, while the ship floated in. so ends." from the mouth of columbia river, gray sailed to nootka sound, where he communicated his recent discoveries to the spanish commandant, quadra; to whom he also gave charts and descriptions of bulfinch's harbor, and of the mouth of the columbia. he departed for canton in september, and thence sailed to the united states. the voyages of kendrick and gray were not profitable to the adventurers, yet not fruitless of benefit to their country. they opened the way to subsequent enterprises in the same region, which were eminently successful. and, in another point of view, these expeditions were fraught with consequences of the utmost importance. gray's discovery of columbia river was the point most relied upon by our negotiators in a subsequent era for establishing the claim of the united states to the part of the continent through which that river flows; and it is in a great measure owing to that discovery that the growing state of oregon is now a part of the american republic. from the date of the discovery of columbia river to the war of , the direct trade between the american coast and china was almost entirely in the hands of the citizens of the united states. the british merchants were restrained from pursuing it by the opposition of their east-india company; the russians were not admitted into chinese ports; and few ships of any other nation were seen in that part of the ocean. the trade was prosecuted by men whose names are still distinguished among us as those of the master-spirits of american commerce,--the thorndikes, the perkinses, lambs, sturgis, cushing, and others of boston, astor and others of new york. the greater number of the vessels sent from the united states were fine ships or brigs laden with valuable cargoes of west-india productions, british manufactured articles, and french, italian, and spanish wines and spirits; and the owners were men of large capital and high reputation in the commercial world, some of whom were able to compete with the british companies, and even to control their movements. during all this period, though constant accessions were made to the knowledge of the coast by means of commercial adventure, the interior of the continent, from the mississippi to the ocean, remained unknown. the intercourse of the people of the united states with the native tribes was restricted by several causes. one was the possession of louisiana by the spaniards; another, the retention by the british of several important posts south of the great lakes, within the acknowledged territory of the union. at length, by the treaty of between great britain and the united states, those posts were given up to the americans; and by treaty with france, in , louisiana, which had come into possession of that power in , was ceded to the united states. from this period, the government and people of the united states ceased to be indifferent to the immense and important region whose destinies were committed to them; and the ensuing narrative will relate the first attempt made by national authority to occupy and explore the country. chapter ii. lewis and clarke. in the year , john ledyard of connecticut, who had been with capt. cook in his voyage of discovery to the north-west coast of america in - , was in paris, endeavoring to engage a mercantile company in the fur-trade of that coast. he had seen, as he thought, unequalled opportunities for lucrative traffic in the exchange of the furs of that country for the silks and teas of china. but his representations were listened to with incredulity by the cautious merchants of europe, and he found it impossible to interest any so far as to induce them to fit out an expedition for the object proposed. disappointed and needy, he applied for advice and assistance to mr. jefferson, at that time the american minister at the court of france. ledyard had no views of pecuniary gain in the contemplated enterprise: he sought only an opportunity of indulging his love of adventure by exploring regions at that time unknown. mr. jefferson, as the guardian of his country's interests and the friend of science, was warmly interested in any scheme which contemplated the opening of the vast interior regions of the american continent to the occupancy of civilized man. since it was impossible to engage mercantile adventurers to fit out an expedition by sea, mr. jefferson proposed to ledyard that he should go as a traveller, by land, through the russian territories, as far as the eastern coast of the continent of asia, and from thence get such conveyance as he could to the neighboring coast of america, and thus reach the spot where his main journey was to begin. ledyard eagerly embraced the proposal. permission was obtained from the empress catharine of russia, and the enterprising traveller, in december, , set forth. he traversed denmark and sweden; passed round the head of the gulf of bothnia, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross it on the ice; and reached st. petersburg in march, , without money, shoes, or stockings, having gone this immense journey on foot in an arctic winter. at st. petersburg he obtained notice, money to the amount of twenty guineas, and permission to accompany a convoy of stores to yakoutsk, in siberia. but, for some unexplained reason, he was arrested at that place by order of the empress, and conveyed back to europe; being cautioned, on his release, not again to set foot within the russian territories, under penalty of death. this harsh treatment is supposed to have arisen from the jealousy of the russian fur-traders, who feared that ledyard's proceedings would rouse up rivals in their trade. mr. jefferson did not, upon this disappointment, abandon the idea of an exploration of the interior of the american continent. at his suggestion, the american philosophical society of philadelphia took measures, in , to send suitable persons to make a similar transit of the continent in the opposite direction; that is, by ascending the missouri, and descending the columbia. nothing was effected, however, at that time, except awakening the attention of capt. meriwether lewis, a young officer in the american army, a neighbor and relative of gen. washington. he eagerly sought to be employed to make the contemplated journey. in , mr. jefferson, being then president of the united states, proposed to congress to send an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source; to cross the highlands, and follow the best water communication which might offer itself, to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposal, and voted a sum of money to carry it into execution. capt. lewis, who had then been two years with mr. jefferson as his private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the expedition. mr. jefferson had now had opportunity of knowing him intimately, and believed him to be brave, persevering, familiar with the indian character and customs, habituated to the hunting life, honest, and of sound judgment. he trusted that he would be careful of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of discipline. on receiving his appointment, capt. lewis repaired to philadelphia, and placed himself under its distinguished professors, with a view to acquire familiarity with the nomenclature of the natural sciences. he selected, as his companion in the proposed expedition, william clarke, a brother-officer, known and esteemed by him. while these things were going on, the treaty with france was concluded, by which the country of louisiana was ceded to the united states. this event, which took place in , greatly increased the interest felt by the people of the united states in the proposed expedition. in the spring of , the preparations being completed, the explorers commenced their route. the party consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united-states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen, an interpreter, a hunter, and a black servant of capt. clarke. in addition to these, a further force of fifteen men attended on the commencement of the expedition to secure safety during the transit through some indian tribes whose hostility was apprehended. the necessary stores were divided into seven bales and one box, the latter containing a small portion of each article in case of a loss of any one of the bales. the stores consisted of clothing, working tools, ammunition, and other articles of prime necessity. to these were added fourteen bales and one box of indian presents, composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs; ornaments of different kinds, particularly beads, looking-glasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the indians. the company embarked on board of three boats. the first was a keel-boat, fifty-five feet long, carrying one large square sail and twenty-two oars. a deck of ten feet, at each end, formed a forecastle and cabin. this was accompanied by two open boats of six oars. two horses were to be led along the banks of the river, for bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. the narrative of the expedition was written by the commanders from day to day, and published after their return. we shall tell the story of their adventures nearly in the language of their own journal, with such abridgments as our plan renders necessary. may , .--all the preparations being completed, they left their encampment this day. the character of the river itself was the most interesting object of examination for the first part of their voyage. having advanced, in two months, about four hundred and fifty miles, they write as follows: "the ranges of hills on opposite sides of the river are twelve or fifteen miles apart, rich plains and prairies, with the river, occupying the intermediate space, partially covered near the river with cotton-wood or balm-of-gilead poplar. the whole lowland between the parallel ranges of hills seems to have been formed of mud of the river, mixed with sand and clay. the sand of the neighboring banks, added to that brought down by the stream, forms sand-bars, projecting into the river. these drive the stream to the opposite bank, the loose texture of which it undermines, and at length deserts its ancient bed for a new passage. it is thus that the banks of the missouri are constantly falling in, and the river changing its bed. "on one occasion, the party encamped on a sand-bar in the river. shortly after midnight, the sleepers were startled by the sergeant on guard crying out that the sand-bar was sinking: and the alarm was timely given; for scarcely had they got off with the boats before the bank under which they had been lying fell in; and, by the time the opposite shore was reached, the ground on which they had been encamped sunk also. "we had occasion here to observe the process of the undermining of these hills by the missouri. the first attacks seem to be made on the hills which overhang the river. as soon as the violence of the current destroys the grass at the foot of them, the whole texture appears loosened, and the ground dissolves, and mixes with the water. at one point, a part of the cliff, nearly three-quarters of a mile in length, and about two hundred feet in height, had fallen into the river. as the banks are washed away, the trees fall in, and the channel becomes filled with buried logs." river scenery. "july .--we remained to-day for the purpose of making lunar observations. capt. clarke sailed a few miles up the namaha river, and landed on a spot where he found numerous artificial mounds. note. a late traveller, rev. samuel parker, speaks thus of these mounds: "the mounds, which some have called the work of unknown generations of men, were scattered here in all varieties of form and magnitude, thousands in number. some of them were conical, some elliptical, some square, and some parallelograms. one group attracted my attention particularly. they were twelve in number, of conical form, with their bases joined, and twenty or thirty feet high. they formed two-thirds of a circle, with an area of two hundred feet in diameter. if these were isolated, who would not say they were artificial? but, when they are only a group among a thousand others, who will presume to say they all are the work of man?... "it is said by those who advocate the belief that they are the work of ancient nations; that they present plain evidence of this in the fact that they contain human bones, articles of pottery, and the like. that some of them have been used for burying-places, is undoubtedly true; but may it not be questioned whether they were _made_, or only _selected_, for burying-places? no one who has ever seen the thousands and ten thousands scattered through the valley of the mississippi will be so credulous as to believe that a hundredth part of them were the work of man." "from the top of the highest mound, a delightful prospect presented itself,--the lowland of the missouri covered with an undulating grass nearly five feet high, gradually rising into a second plain, where rich weeds and flowers were interspersed with copses of the osage plum. farther back from the river were seen small groves of trees, an abundance of grapes, the wild cherry of the missouri,--resembling our own, but larger, and growing on a small bush. the plums are of three kinds,--two of a yellow color, and distinguished by one of the species being larger than the other; a third species of red color. all have an excellent flavor, particularly the yellow kind." pipe-clay rock. "aug. .--we passed the mouth of the great sioux river. our indian interpreter tells us that on the head waters of this river is the quarry of red rock of which the indians make their pipes; and the necessity of procuring that article has introduced a law of nations, by which the banks of the stream are sacred; and even tribes at war meet without hostility at these quarries, which possess a right of asylum. thus we find, even among savages, certain principles deemed sacred, by which the rigors of their merciless system of warfare are mitigated." chapter iii. the sioux. the indian tribes which our adventurers had thus far encountered had been friendly, or at least inoffensive; but they were feeble bands, and all of them lived in terror of their powerful neighbors, the sioux. on the d of september, the party reached a region inhabited by the tetons, a tribe of sioux. the journal gives an account of their intercourse with these new acquaintances as follows:-- "the morning was fine; and we raised a flag-staff, and spread an awning, under which we assembled, with all the party under arms. the chiefs and warriors from the indian camp, about fifty in number, met us; and capt. lewis made a speech to them. after this, we went through the ceremony of acknowledging the chiefs by giving to the grand chief a medal, a flag of the united states, a laced uniform coat, a cocked hat and feather; to the two other chiefs, a medal and some small presents; and to two warriors of consideration, certificates. we then invited the chiefs on board, and showed them the boat, the air-gun, and such curiosities as we thought might amuse them. in this we succeeded too well; for after giving them a quarter of a glass of whiskey, which they seemed to like very much, it was with much difficulty we could get rid of them. they at last accompanied capt. clarke back to shore in a boat with five men; but no sooner had the party landed than three of the indians seized the cable of the boat, and one of the soldiers of the chief put his arms round the mast. the second chief, who affected intoxication, then said that we should not go on; that they had not received presents enough from us. capt. clarke told him that we would not be prevented from going on; that we were not squaws, but warriors; that we were sent by our great father, who could in a moment exterminate them. the chief replied that he, too, had warriors; and was proceeding to lay hands on capt. clarke, who immediately drew his sword, and made a signal to the boat to prepare for action. the indians who surrounded him drew their arrows from their quivers, and were bending their bows, when the swivel in the large boat was pointed towards them, and twelve of our most determined men jumped into the small boat, and joined capt. clarke. this movement made an impression on them; for the grand chief ordered the young men away from the boat, and the chiefs withdrew, and held a short council with the warriors. being unwilling to irritate them, capt. clarke then went forward, and offered his hand to the first and second chiefs, who refused to take it. he then turned from them, and got into the boat, but had not gone more than a stone's-throw, when the two chiefs and two of the warriors waded in after him; and he took them on board. "sept. .--our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with respect; and, as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly, after passing a small island and several sand-bars, we came to on the south shore, where a crowd of men, women, and children, were waiting to receive us. capt. lewis went on shore, and, observing that their disposition seemed friendly, resolved to remain during the night to a dance which they were preparing for us. the captains, who went on shore one after the other, were met on the landing by ten well-dressed young men, who took them up in a robe highly decorated, and carried them to a large council-house, where they were placed on a dressed buffalo-skin by the side of the grand chief. the hall, or council-room, was in the shape of three-quarters of a circle, covered at the top and sides with skins well dressed, and sewed together. under this shelter sat about seventy men, forming a circle round the chief, before whom were placed a spanish flag and the one we had given them yesterday. in the vacant space in the centre, the pipe of peace was raised on two forked sticks about six or eight inches from the ground, and under it the down of the swan was scattered. a large fire, at which they were cooking, stood near, and a pile of about four hundred pounds of buffalo-meat, as a present for us. "as soon as we were seated, an old man rose, and, after approving what we had done, begged us to take pity upon their unfortunate situation. to this we replied with assurances of protection. after he had ceased, the great chief rose, and delivered an harangue to the same effect. then, with great solemnity, he took some of the more delicate parts of the dog, which was cooked for the festival, and held it to the flag by way of sacrifice: this done, he held up the pipe of peace, and first pointed it towards the heavens, then to the four quarters of the globe, and then to the earth; made a short speech; lighted the pipe, and presented it to us. we smoked, and he again harangued his people; after which the repast was served up to us. it consisted of the dog, which they had just been cooking; this being a great dish among the sioux, and used at all festivals. to this was added _pemitigon_, a dish made of buffalo-meat, dried, and then pounded, and mixed raw with fat; and a root like the potato, dressed like the preparation of indian-corn called hominy. of all these luxuries, which were placed before us in platters, with horn spoons, we took the pemitigon and the potato, which we found good; but we could as yet partake but sparingly of the dog. we ate and smoked for an hour, when it became dark. every thing was then cleared away for the dance; a large fire being made in the centre of the house, giving at once light and warmth to the ball-room. the orchestra was composed of about ten men, who played on a sort of tambourine formed of skin stretched across a hoop, and made a jingling noise with a long stick, to which the hoofs of deer and goats were hung. the third instrument was a small skin bag, with pebbles in it. these, with five or six young men for the vocal part, made up the band. "the women then came forward highly decorated; some with poles in their hands, on which were hung the scalps of their enemies; others with guns, spears, or different trophies, taken in war by their husbands, brothers, or connections. having arranged themselves in two columns, as soon as the music began they danced towards each other till they met in the centre; when the rattles were shaken, and they all shouted, and returned back to their places. they have no steps, but shuffle along the ground; nor does the music appear to be any thing more than a confusion of noises, distinguished only by hard or gentle blows upon the buffalo-skin. the song is perfectly extemporaneous. in the pauses of the dance, any man of the company comes forward, and recites, in a low, guttural tone, some little story or incident, which is either martial or ludicrous. this is taken up by the orchestra and the dancers, who repeat it in a higher strain, and dance to it. sometimes they alternate, the orchestra first performing; and, when it ceases, the women raise their voices, and make a music more agreeable, that is, less intolerable, than that of the musicians. "the harmony of the entertainment had nearly been disturbed by one of the musicians, who, thinking he had not received a due share of the tobacco we had distributed during the evening, put himself into a passion, broke one of the drums, threw two of them into the fire, and left the band. they were taken out of the fire: a buffalo-robe, held in one hand, and beaten with the other, supplied the place of the lost drum or tambourine; and no notice was taken of the offensive conduct of the man. we staid till twelve o'clock at night, when we informed the chiefs that they must be fatigued with all these attempts to amuse us, and retired, accompanied by four chiefs, two of whom spent the night with us on board." the sioux. "the tribe which we this day saw are a part of the great sioux nation, and are known by the name of the _teton okandandas_: they are about two hundred men in number, and their chief residence is on both sides of the missouri, between the cheyenne and teton rivers. "the men shave the hair off their heads, except a small tuft on the top, which they suffer to grow, and wear in plaits over the shoulders. to this they seem much attached, as the loss of it is the usual sacrifice at the death of near relations. in full dress, the men of consideration wear a hawk's feather or calumet feather, worked with porcupine-quills, and fastened to the top of the head, from which it falls back. the face and body are generally painted with a mixture of grease and coal. over the shoulders is a loose robe or mantle of buffalo-skin, adorned with porcupine-quills, which are loosely fixed so as to make a jingling noise when in motion, and painted with various uncouth figures unintelligible to us, but to them emblematic of military exploits or any other incident. the hair of the robe is worn next the skin in fair weather; but, when it rains, the hair is put outside. under this robe they wear in winter a kind of shirt, made either of skin or cloth, covering the arms and body. round the middle is fixed a girdle of cloth or elk-skin, about an inch in width, and closely tied to the body. to this is attached a piece of cloth or blanket or skin about a foot wide, which passes between the legs, and is tucked under the girdle both before and behind. from the hip to the ankle, the man is covered with leggings of dressed antelope-skins, with seams at the sides two inches in width, and ornamented by little tufts of hair, the product of the scalps they have taken in war, which are scattered down the leg. "the moccasons are of dressed buffalo-skin, the hair being worn inwards. on great occasions, or whenever they are in full dress, the young men drag after them the entire skin of a polecat, fixed to the heel of the moccason. "the hair of the women is suffered to grow long, and is parted from the forehead across the head; at the back of which it is either collected into a kind of bag, or hangs down over the shoulders. their moccasons are like those of the men, as are also the leggings, which do not reach beyond the knee, where they are met by a long, loose mantle of skin, which reaches nearly to the ankles. this is fastened over the shoulders by a string, and has no sleeves; but a few pieces of the skin hang a short distance down the arm. sometimes a girdle fastens this skin round the waist, and over all is thrown a robe like that worn by the men. "their lodges are very neatly constructed. they consist of about one hundred cabins, made of white buffalo-hide, with a larger cabin in the centre for holding councils and dances. they are built round with poles about fifteen or twenty feet high, covered with white skins. these lodges may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation, wherever they go, by dogs, which bear great burdens. the women are chiefly employed in dressing buffalo-skins. these people seem well-disposed, but are addicted to stealing any thing which they can take without being observed." chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters. sept. , .--the daily progress of the expedition from this date is marked by no incidents of more importance than the varying fortunes of travel, as they found the river more or less favorable to navigation, and the game more or less abundant on the banks. their progress was from twelve to twenty miles a day. in general, their sails served them; but they were sometimes obliged to resort to the use of tow-lines, which, being attached to a tree or other firm object on the shore, enabled the men to pull the boat along. this seems but a slow method of voyaging; yet they found it by no means the slowest, and were sorry when the nature of the banks, being either too lofty or too low, precluded their use of it. their narrative is, however, varied by accounts of the scenery and natural productions of the country through which they passed, and by anecdotes of the indians. while they are making their toilsome advance up the river, let us see what they have to tell us of the strange people and remarkable objects which they found on their way. prairie-dogs. "we arrived at a spot on the gradual descent of the hill, nearly four acres in extent, and covered with small holes. these are the residences of little animals called prairie-dogs, who sit erect near the mouth of the hole, and make a whistling noise, but, when alarmed, take refuge in their holes. in order to bring them out, we poured into one of the holes five barrels of water, without filling it; but we dislodged and caught the owner. after digging down another of the holes for six feet, we found, on running a pole into it, that we had not yet dug half-way to the bottom. we discovered two frogs in the hole; and near it we killed a rattlesnake, which had swallowed a small prairie-dog. we have been told, though we never witnessed the fact, that a sort of lizard and a snake live habitually with these animals. "the prairie-dog is well named, as it resembles a dog in most particulars, though it has also some points of similarity to the squirrel. the head resembles the squirrel in every respect, except that the ear is shorter. the tail is like that of the ground-squirrel; the toe-nails are long, the fur is fine, and the long hair is gray." antelopes. "of all the animals we have seen, the antelope possesses the most wonderful fleetness. shy and timorous, they generally repose only on the ridges, which command a view in all directions. their sight distinguishes the most distant danger; their power of smell defeats the attempt at concealment; and, when alarmed, their swiftness seems more like the flight of birds than the movement of an animal over the ground. capt. lewis, after many unsuccessful attempts, succeeded in approaching, undiscovered, a party of seven, which were on an eminence. the only male of the party frequently encircled the summit of the hill, as if to discover if any danger threatened the party. when capt. lewis was at the distance of two hundred yards, they became alarmed, and fled. he immediately ran to the spot they had left. a ravine concealed them from him; but the next moment they appeared on a second ridge, at the distance of three miles. he doubted whether they could be the same; but their number, and the direction in which they fled, satisfied him that it was the same party: yet the distance they had made in the time was such as would hardly have been possible to the swiftest racehorse." pelican island. " .--this name we gave to a long island, from the numbers of pelicans which were feeding on it. one of them being killed, we poured into his bag five gallons of water." note. "the antelopes are becoming very numerous. their speed exceeds that of any animal i have ever seen. our hounds can do nothing in giving them the chase: so soon are they left far in the rear, that they do not follow them more than ten or twenty rods before they return, looking ashamed of their defeat. our hunters occasionally take the antelope by coming upon them by stealth. when they are surprised, they start forward a very small space, then turn, and, with high-lifted heads, stare for a few seconds at the object which has alarmed them, and then, with a half-whistling snuff, bound off, seeming to be as much upon wings as upon feet. they resemble the goat, but are far more beautiful. though they are of different colors, yet they are generally red, and have a large, fine, prominent eye. their flesh is good for food, and about equals venison."--_parker's tour._ indian villages and agriculture. "we halted for dinner at a deserted village, which we suppose to have belonged to the ricaras. it is situated in a low plain on the river, and consists of about eighty lodges, of an octagon form, neatly covered with earth, placed as close to each other as possible, and picketed round. the skin-canoes, mats, buckets, and articles of furniture, found in the lodges, induce us to suppose that it was left in the spring. we found three different kinds of squashes growing in the village. "another village, which we reached two days later, was situated on an island, which is three miles long, and covered with fields, in which the indians raise corn, beans, and potatoes. we found here several frenchmen living among the indians, as interpreters or traders. the indians gave us some corn, beans, and dried squashes; and we gave them a steel mill, with which they were much pleased. we sat conversing with the chiefs some time, during which they treated us to a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and a large rich bean which they take from the mice of the prairie, who discover and collect it. we gave them some sugar, salt, and a sun-glass." york, the negro. "the object which seemed to astonish the indians most was capt. clarke's servant, york,--a sturdy negro. they had never seen a human being of that color, and therefore flocked round him to examine the monster. by way of amusement, he told them that he had once been a wild animal, and been caught and tamed by his master, and, to convince them, showed them feats of strength, which, added to his looks, made him more terrible than we wished him to be. at all the villages he was an object of astonishment. the children would follow him constantly, and, if he chanced to turn towards them, would run with great terror." stone-idol creek. "we reached the mouth of a creek, to which we gave the name of stone-idol creek; for, on passing up, we discovered, that, a few miles back from the missouri, there are two stones resembling human figures, and a third like a dog; all which are objects of great veneration among the ricaras. their history would adorn the "metamorphoses" of ovid. a young man was in love with a girl whose parents refused their consent to the marriage. the youth went out into the fields to mourn his misfortunes: a sympathy of feeling led the girl to the same spot; and the faithful dog would not fail to follow his master. after wandering together, and having nothing but grapes to subsist on, they were at last converted into stone, which, beginning at the feet, gradually invaded the nobler parts, leaving nothing unchanged but a bunch of grapes, which the female holds in her hands to this day. such is the account given by the ricara chief, which we had no means of testing, except that we found one part of the story very agreeably confirmed; for on the banks of the creek we found a greater abundance of fine grapes than we had seen elsewhere." goats. "great numbers of goats are crossing the river, and directing their course to the westward. we are told that they spend the summer in the plains east of the missouri, and at this season (october) are returning to the black mountains, where they subsist on leaves and shrubbery during the winter, and resume their migrations in the spring. at one place, we saw large flocks of them in the water. they had been gradually driven into the river by the indians, who now lined the shore so as to prevent their escape, and were firing on them; while boys went into the river, and killed them with sticks. they seemed to have been very successful; for we counted fifty-eight which they had killed. in the evening they made a feast, that lasted till late at night, and caused much noise and merriment. "the country through which we passed has wider river-bottoms and more timber than those we have been accustomed to see; the hills rising at a distance, and by gradual ascents. we have seen great numbers of elk, deer, goats, and buffaloes, and the usual attendants of these last,--the wolves, which follow their movements, and feed upon those who die by accident, or are too feeble to keep pace with the herd. we also wounded a white bear, and saw some fresh tracks of those animals, which are twice as large as the tracks of a man." the prairie on fire. "in the evening, the prairie took fire, either by accident or design, and burned with great fury; the whole plain being enveloped in flames. so rapid was its progress, that a man and a woman were burned to death before they could reach a place of safety. another man, with his wife and child, were much burned, and several other persons narrowly escaped destruction. among the rest, a boy of the half-breed escaped unhurt in the midst of the flames. his safety was ascribed by the indians to the great spirit, who had saved him on account of his being white. but a much more natural cause was the presence of mind of his mother, who, seeing no hopes of carrying off her son, threw him on the ground, and, covering him with the fresh hide of a buffalo, escaped herself from the flames. as soon as the fire had passed, she returned, and found him untouched; the skin having prevented the flame from reaching the grass where he lay." a council. "after making eleven miles, we reached an old field, where the mandans had cultivated grain last summer. we encamped for the night about half a mile below the first village of the mandans. as soon as we arrived, a crowd of men, women, and children, came down to see us. capt. lewis returned with the principal chiefs to the village, while the others remained with us during the evening. the object which seemed to surprise them most was a corn-mill, fixed to the boat, which we had occasion to use; while they looked on, and were delighted at observing the ease with which it reduced the grain to powder. "among others who visited us was the son of the grand chief of the mandans, who had both his little fingers cut off at the second joint. on inquiring into this injury, we found that the custom was to express grief for the death of relations by some corporeal suffering, and that the usual mode was to lose a joint of the little finger, or sometimes of other fingers. "oct. , .--the morning was fine, and we prepared our presents and speech for the council. at ten o'clock, the chiefs were all assembled under an awning of our sails. that the impression might be the more forcible, the men were all paraded; and the council opened by a discharge from the swivel of the boat. capt. lewis then delivered a speech, which, like those we had already made, intermingled advice with assurances of friendship and trade. while he was speaking, the ahnahaway chief grew very restless, and observed that he could not wait long, as his camp was exposed to the hostilities of the shoshonees. he was instantly rebuked with great dignity, by one of the chiefs, for this violation of decorum at such a moment, and remained quiet during the rest of the council. this being over, we proceeded to distribute the presents with great ceremony. one chief of each town was acknowledged by the gift of a flag, a medal with the likeness of the president of the united states, a uniform coat, hat, and feather. to the second chiefs we gave a medal representing some domestic animals, and a loom for weaving; to the third chiefs, medals with the impression of a farmer sowing grain. a variety of other products were distributed; but none seemed to give more satisfaction than an iron corn-mill which we gave them. "in the evening, our men danced among themselves to the music of the violin, to the great amusement of the indians." they encamp for the winter. "friday, nov. , .--capt. clarke having examined the shores, and found a position where there was plenty of timber, we encamped, and began to fell trees to build our huts. the timber which we employ is cotton-wood (poplar) and elm, with some ash of inferior size. by the th, our huts were advanced very well; on the th, we unloaded the boat, and stowed away the contents in a storehouse which we had built. "nov. .--this day we moved into our huts, which are now completed. we call our place fort mandan. it is situated on a point of low ground on the north side of the missouri, covered with tall and heavy cotton-wood. the works consist of two rows of huts or sheds, forming an angle where they join each other; each row containing four rooms of fourteen feet square and seven feet high, with plank ceiling, and the roof slanting so as to form a loft above the rooms, the highest part of which is eighteen feet from the ground. the backs of the huts formed a wall of that height; and, opposite the angle, the place of the wall was supplied by picketing. in the area were two rooms for stores and provisions. the latitude, by observation, is ° ´, long. °; and the computed distance from the mouth of the missouri, sixteen hundred miles. "nov. .--we are now settled in our winter habitation, and shall wait with much impatience the first return of spring to continue our journey." chapter v. indian tribes. "the villages near which we are established are the residence of three distinct nations,--the mandans, the ahnahaways, and the minnetarees. the mandans say, that, many years ago, their tribe was settled in nine villages, the ruins of which we passed about eighty miles below. finding themselves wasting away before the small-pox and the sioux, they moved up the river, and planted themselves opposite the ricaras. their numbers are very much reduced, and they now constitute but two villages,--one on each side of the river, and at a distance of three miles from each other. both villages together may raise about three hundred and fifty men." ahnahaways. "four miles from the lower mandan village is one inhabited by the ahnahaways. this nation formerly dwelt on the missouri, about thirty miles below where they now live. the assinaboins and sioux forced them to a spot five miles higher, and thence, by a second emigration, to their present situation, in order to obtain an asylum near the minnetarees. their whole force is about fifty men." minnetarees. "about half a mile from this village, and in the same open plain with it, is a village of minnetarees, who are about one hundred and fifty men in number. one and a half miles above this village is a second of the same tribe, who may be considered the proper minnetaree nation. it is situated in a beautiful plain, and contains four hundred and fifty warriors. the mandans say that this people came out of the water to the east, and settled near them. the minnetarees, however, assert that they grew where they now live, and will never emigrate from the spot; the great spirit having declared, that, if they move, they will all perish. "the inhabitants of these villages, all of which are within the compass of six miles, live in harmony with each other. their languages differ to some extent; but their long residence together has enabled them to understand one another's speech as to objects of daily occurrence, and obvious to the senses. "all these tribes are at deadly feud with the sioux, who are much more powerful, and are consequently objects of continual apprehension. the presence of our force kept the peace for the present. "almost the whole of that vast tract of country comprised between the mississippi, the red river of lake winnipeg, the saskatchawan, and the missouri, is loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is dahcotas, but who are called sioux by the french, sues by the english. they are divided into numerous tribes, named yanktons, tetons, assinaboins, &c. these tribes are sometimes at war with one another, but still acknowledge relationship, and are recognized by similarity of language and by tradition." religion. "the religion of the mandans consists in the belief of one great spirit presiding over their destinies. this being must be in the nature of a good genius, since it is associated with the healing art; and the great spirit is synonymous with great medicine,--a name also applied to every thing they do not comprehend. they also believe in a multiplicity of inferior spirits. each individual selects for himself the particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is either an invisible being, or more commonly some animal, which thenceforward becomes his protector, or his intercessor with the great spirit. to propitiate the medicine, every attention is lavished, and every personal consideration is sacrificed. 'i was lately owner of seventeen horses,' said a mandan; 'but i have offered them all up to my medicine, and am now poor.' he had in reality taken them into the plain, and, turning them loose, committed them to the care of his medicine, and abandoned them. "their belief in a future state is connected with a tradition of their origin. the whole nation, they say, once dwelt in one large village underground. a grape-vine extended its roots down to their habitation; and the earth, being broken round its stem, gave them a view of the light. some of the more adventurous climbed up the vine, and were delighted with the sight of the earth, which they found covered with buffaloes, and rich with every kind of fruit. returning with the grapes they had gathered, their countrymen were so pleased with the taste, that the whole nation resolved to leave their dull residence for the upper region. men, women, and children ascended by means of the vine; but, when about half the nation had reached the surface, a corpulent woman, who was clambering up the vine, broke it with her weight, and, falling, closed up the cavity. those who had reached the surface, thus excluded from their original seats, cherish the hopes of returning there when they die." indian manners. the following extract imparts some traits of indian manners:-- "nov. .--this morning, the sentinel informed us that an indian was about to kill his wife near the fort. we went to the house of our interpreter, where we found the parties, and, after forbidding any violence, inquired into the cause of his intending to commit such an atrocity. it appeared that, some days ago, a quarrel had taken place between him and his wife, in consequence of which she had taken refuge in the house where the wives of our interpreter lived. by running away, she forfeited her life, which might be lawfully taken by the husband. he was now come for the purpose of completing his revenge. we gave him a few presents, and tried to persuade him to take his wife home. the grand chief, too, happened to arrive at the same moment, and reproached him with his violence; till at length husband and wife went off together, but by no means in a state of much apparent connubial felicity." the weather. "dec. , .--the thermometer at sunrise was thirty-eight degrees below zero; on the th, twenty-two below; on the th, forty-five below. on the th, it moderated a little. notwithstanding the cold, we observed the indians at the village engaged, out in the open air, at a game which resembles billiards. the platform, which answered for a table, was formed with timber, smoothed and joined so as to be as level as the floor of one of our houses. instead of balls, they had circular disks made of clay-stone, and flat like checkers." the argali. "dec. .--a number of squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men. among other things, we procured two horns of the animal called by the hunters the rocky-mountain sheep, and by naturalists the argali. the animal is about the size of a small elk or large deer; the horns winding like those of a ram, which they resemble also in texture, though larger and thicker. "dec. .--the weather was fine and warm. we were visited by crowds of indians of all description, who came either to trade, or from mere curiosity. among the rest, kagohami, the little raven, brought his wife and son, loaded with corn; and she entertained us with a favorite mandan dish,--a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, and choke-cherries, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable. "dec. .--christmas day. we were awakened before day by a discharge of fire-arms from the party. we had told the indians not to visit us, as it was one of our great medicine-days; so that the men remained at home, and amused themselves in various ways, particularly with dancing, in which they take great pleasure. the american flag was hoisted for the first time in the fort; the best provisions we had were brought out; and this, with a little brandy, enabled them to pass the day in great festivity." the blacksmith. "dec. .--we were fortunate enough to have among our men a good blacksmith, whom we set to work to make a variety of articles. his operations seemed to surprise the indians who came to see us; but nothing could equal their astonishment at the bellows, which they considered a _very great medicine_." the dying chief. "kagohami came to see us early. his village was afflicted by the death of one of their aged chiefs, who, from his account, must have been more than a hundred years old. just as he was dying, he requested his grand-children to dress him in his best robe, and carry him up to a hill, and seat him on a stone, with his face down the river, towards their old village, that he might go straight to his brother, who had passed before him to the ancient village underground." the medicine-stone. "oheenaw and shahaka came down to see us, and mentioned that several of their countrymen had gone to consult their _medicine-stone_ as to the prospects of the following year. this medicine-stone is the great oracle of the mandans, and whatever it announces is believed with implicit confidence. every spring, and on some occasions during the summer, a deputation visits the sacred spot, where there is a thick, porous stone twenty feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. having reached the place, the ceremony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff themselves, and then present the pipe to the stone. after this, they retire to an adjoining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed all the embassy do not sleep; and, in the morning, they read the destinies of the nation in the white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decipher. the minnetarees have a stone of a similar kind, which has the same qualities, and the same influence over the nation." the indians' endurance of cold. "jan. , .--the weather now exhibited the intensity of cold. this morning, at sunrise, the mercury stood at forty degrees below zero. one of the men, separated from the rest in hunting, was out all night. in the morning he returned, and told us that he had made a fire, and kept himself tolerably warm. a young indian, about thirteen years of age, came in soon after. he had been overtaken by the night, and had slept in the snow, with no covering but a pair of deer-skin moccasons and leggings, and a buffalo-robe. his feet were frozen; but we restored them by putting them in cold water, rendering him every attention in our power. another indian, who had been missing, returned about the same time. although his dress was very thin, and he had slept in the snow, without a fire, he had not suffered any inconvenience. these indians support the rigors of the season in a way which we had hitherto thought impossible." supplies of food. "our supplies are chiefly procured by hunting; but occasional additions are made by the indians, sometimes in the way of gifts, and sometimes in exchange for the services of the blacksmith, who is a most important member of the party. "feb. .--our stock of meat is exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves to vegetable diet till the return of our hunters. for this, however, we are at no loss, since yesterday and to-day our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the indians who came to the fort. "sunday, march .--the men are all employed in preparing the boats. we are visited by a party of indians with corn. a flock of ducks passed up the river to-day. "wednesday, .--we had a fine day, and a south-west wind. many indians came to see us, who are so anxious for battle-axes, that our smiths have not a moment's leisure, and procure us an abundance of corn." hunting buffaloes on the ice. "march , .--a fine day, the wind south-west. the river rose nine inches, and the ice began breaking away. our canoes are now nearly ready, and we expect to set out as soon as the river is sufficiently clear of ice to permit us to pass. "march .--the ice came down this morning in great quantities. we have had few indians at the fort for the last three or four days, as they are now busy in catching the floating buffaloes. every spring, as the river is breaking up, the surrounding plains are set on fire, and the buffaloes tempted to cross the river in search of the fresh grass which immediately succeeds to the burning. on their way, they are often insulated on a large cake or mass of ice which floats down the river. the indians now select the most favorable points for attack, and, as the buffalo approaches, run with astonishing agility across the trembling ice, sometimes pressing lightly a cake of not more than two feet square. the animal is, of course, unsteady, and his footsteps insecure, on this new element, so that he can make but little resistance; and the hunter who has given him his death-wound paddles his icy boat to the shore, and secures his prey." chapter vi. the march resumed. from the st of november, , to the st of april, , the expedition remained stationary at their fort. some of their number had been sent back to the states with despatches to the government, and with specimens of the natural productions of the country. on resuming their march on the th of april, the party consisted of thirty-two persons. besides the commanders, there were three sergeants,--ordway, prior, and gass; twenty-three privates, besides capt. clark's black servant york; two interpreters,--george drewyer and toussaint chaboneau. the wife of chaboneau, an indian woman, with her young child, accompanied her husband. all this party, with the luggage, was stored in six small canoes and two pirogues. they left the fort with fair weather, and, after making four miles, encamped on the north side of the river, nearly opposite the first mandan village. we continue their journal. the river-shore. "april .--the river-banks exhibit indications of volcanic agency. the bluffs which we passed to-day are upwards of one hundred feet high, composed of yellow clay and sand, with horizontal strata of carbonated wood resembling pit-coal, from one to five feet in thickness, scattered through the bluff at different elevations. great quantities of pumice-stone and lava are seen in many parts of the hills, where they are broken and washed into gullies by the rain. we passed a bluff which is on fire, and throws out quantities of smoke, which has a strong, sulphurous smell. on the sides of the hills is a white substance, which appears in considerable quantities on the surface, and tastes like a mixture of common salt with glauber salts. many of the springs which come from the foot of the hills are so impregnated with this substance, that the water has an unpleasant taste, and a purgative effect." the prairie-mice. "april, .--we saw, but could not procure, an animal that burrows in the ground, similar to the burrowing-squirrel, except that it is only one-third of its size. this may be the animal whose works we have often seen in the plains and prairies. they consist of a little hillock of ten or twelve pounds of loose earth, which would seem to have been reversed from a flower-pot; and no aperture is seen in the ground from which it could have been brought. on removing gently the earth, you discover that the soil has been broken in a circle of about an inch and a half in diameter, where the ground is looser, though still no opening is perceptible. when we stopped for dinner, the indian woman went out, and, penetrating with a sharp stick the holes of the mice, brought a quantity of wild artichokes, which the mice collect, and hoard in large quantities. the root is white, of an ovate form, from one to three inches long, and generally of the size of a man's finger; and two, four, and sometimes six roots are attached to a single stalk. its flavor, as well as the stalk that issues from it, resemble those of the jerusalem artichoke, except that the latter is much larger." the yellow-stone river. "certain signs, known to the hunters, induced them to believe that we were at no great distance from the yellow-stone river. in order to prevent delay, capt. lewis determined to go on by land in search of that river, and make the necessary observations, so as to enable us to proceed immediately after the boats should join him. "on leaving the party, he pursued his route along the foot of the hills; ascending which, the wide plains watered by the missouri and the yellow-stone spread themselves before his eye, occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened by the windings of the two rivers, and animated by vast herds of buffaloes, deer, elk, and antelope." natural history. "may, .--we reached the mouth of a river flowing from the north, which, from the unusual number of porcupines near it, we called porcupine river. these animals are so careless and clumsy, that we can approach very near without disturbing them as they are feeding on the young willows. the porcupine is common in all parts of the territory, and for its quills is held in high estimation by the indians. it is interesting to see with how much ingenuity, and in how many various forms, the indians manufacture these quills into ornamental work, such as moccasons, belts, and various other articles." wolves. "the wolves are very numerous, and of two species. first, the small wolf, or burrowing dog of the prairies, which is found in almost all the open plains. it is of an intermediate size, between the fox and dog, very delicately formed, fleet and active. the ears are large, erect, and pointed; the head long and pointed, like that of a fox; the tail long and bushy; the hair and fur of a pale reddish-brown, and much coarser than that of the fox. these animals usually associate in bands of ten or twelve, and are rarely, if ever, seen alone; not being able singly to attack a deer or antelope. they live, and rear their young, in burrows, which they fix near some pass much frequented by game, and sally out in a body against any animal which they think they can overpower, but, on the slightest alarm, retreat to their burrows, making a noise exactly like that of a small dog. "the second species is lower, shorter in the legs, and thicker, than the atlantic wolf. they do not burrow, nor do they bark, but howl; and they frequent the woods and plains, and skulk along the herds of buffaloes, in order to attack the weary or wounded." elk. "among the animals of the deer kind, the elk is the largest and most majestic. it combines beauty with magnitude and strength; and its large, towering horns give it an imposing appearance. its senses are so keen in apprehension, that it is difficult to be approached; and its speed in flight is so great, that it mocks the chase. its flesh resembles beef, but is less highly flavored, and is much sought for by the indians and hunters. its skin is esteemed, and much used in articles of clothing and for moccasons." beavers. "we saw many beavers to-day. the beaver seems to contribute very much to the widening of the river and the formation of islands. they begin by damming up the channels of about twenty yards width between the islands. this obliges the river to seek another outlet; and, as soon as this is effected, the channel stopped by the beaver becomes filled with mud and sand. the industrious animal is thus driven to another channel, which soon shares the same fate; till the river spreads on all sides, and cuts the projecting points of land into islands. "the beaver dams differ in shape, according to the nature of the place in which they are built. if the water in the river or creek have but little motion, the dam is almost straight; but, when the current is more rapid, it is always made with a considerable curve, convex toward the stream. the materials made use of are drift-wood, green willows, birch, and poplars, if they can be got; also mud and stones, intermixed in such a manner as must evidently contribute to the strength of the dam. in places which have been long frequented by beavers undisturbed, their dams, by frequent repairing, become a solid bank, capable of resisting a great force both of water and ice; and as the willow, poplar, and birch generally take root, and shoot up, they, by degrees, form a kind of regular planted hedge, in some places so tall that birds build their nests among the branches. the beaver-houses are constructed of the same materials as their dams, and are always proportioned in size to the number of inhabitants, which seldom exceeds four old and six or eight young ones. the houses are of a much ruder construction than their dams: for, notwithstanding the sagacity of these animals, it has never been observed that they aim at any other convenience in their house than to have a dry place to lie on; and there they usually eat their victuals, such as they take out of the water. their food consists of roots of plants, like the pond-lily, which grows at the bottom of the lakes and rivers. they also eat the bark of trees, particularly those of the poplar, birch, and willow. "the instinct of the beavers leading them to live in associations, they are in an unnatural position, when, in any locality, their numbers are so much reduced as to prevent their following this instinct. the beaver near the settlement is sad and solitary: his works have been swept away, his association broken up, and he is reduced to the necessity of burrowing in the river-bank, instead of building a house for himself. such beavers are called 'terriers.' one traveller says that these solitaries are also called 'old bachelors.'" the white, brown, or grisly bear. "april .--all these names are given to the same species, which probably changes in color with the season, or with the time of life. of the strength and ferocity of this animal, the indians give dreadful accounts. they never attack him but in parties of six or eight persons, and, even then, are often defeated with the loss of some of the party. "may .--one of our men who had been suffered to go ashore came running to the boats with cries and every symptom of terror. as soon as he could command his breath, he told us, that, about a mile below, he had shot a white bear, which immediately turned and ran towards him, but, being wounded, had not been able to overtake him. capt. lewis, with seven men, went in search of the bear, and, having found his track, followed him by the blood for a mile, came up with him, and shot him with two balls through the skull. he was a monstrous animal, and a most formidable enemy. our man had shot him through the centre of the lungs: yet the bear had pursued him furiously for half a mile; then returned more than twice that distance, and, with his talons, dug himself a bed in the earth, two feet deep and five feet long, and was perfectly alive when they found him, which was at least two hours after he received the wound. the fleece and skin of the bear were a heavy burden for two men; and the oil amounted to eight gallons. "the wonderful power of life of these animals, added to their great strength, renders them very formidable. their very track in the mud or sand, which we have sometimes found eleven inches long and seven and a quarter wide, exclusive of the talons, is alarming; and we had rather encounter two indians than a single brown bear. there is no chance of killing them by a single shot, unless the ball is sent through the brain; and this is very difficult to be done, on account of two large muscles which cover the side of the forehead, and the sharp projection of the frontal bone, which is very thick." note. their strength is astonishingly great. lieut. stein of the dragoons, a man of undoubted veracity, told me he saw some buffaloes passing near some bushes where a grisly bear lay concealed: the bear, with one stroke, tore three ribs from a buffalo, and left it dead.--_parker._ although endowed with such strength, and powers of destruction, the grisly bear is not disposed to begin the attack. mr. drummond, a later traveller, states, that, in his excursions over the rocky mountains, he had frequent opportunity of observing the manners of these animals; and it often happened, that in turning the point of a rock, or sharp angle of a valley, he came suddenly upon one or more of them. on such occasions they reared on their hind-legs, and made a loud noise like a person breathing quick, but much harsher. he kept his ground, without attempting to molest them; and they on their part, after attentively regarding him for some time, generally wheeled round, and galloped off: though, from their known disposition, there is little doubt but he would have been torn in pieces, had he lost his presence of mind and attempted to fly. when he discovered them at a distance, he often frightened them away by beating on a large tin box in which he carried his specimens of plants. the black bear. "the black bear, common in the united states, is scarcely more than half the size of the grisly bear. its favorite food is berries of various kinds; but, when these are not to be procured, it lives upon roots, insects, fish, eggs, and such birds and quadrupeds as it can surprise. it passes the winter in a torpid state, selecting a spot for its den under a fallen tree, and, having scratched away a portion of the soil, retires to the place at the commencement of a snow storm, when the snow soon furnishes it with a close, warm covering. its breath makes a small opening in the den, and the quantity of hoar-frost which gathers round the hole serves to betray its retreat to the hunter. in more southern districts, where the timber is of larger size, bears often shelter themselves in hollow trees." buffaloes. "the buffalo is about as large as our domestic cattle; and their long, shaggy, woolly hair, which covers their head, neck, and shoulders, gives them a formidable appearance, and, at a distance, something like that of the lion. in many respects, they resemble our horned cattle; are cloven-footed, chew the cud, and select the same kind of food. their flesh is in appearance and taste much like beef, but of superior flavor. their heads are formed like the ox, perhaps a little more round and broad; and, when they run, they carry them rather low. their horns, ears, and eyes, as seen through their shaggy hair, appear small, and, cleared from their covering, are not large. their legs and feet are small and trim; the fore-legs covered with the long hair of the shoulders, as low down as the knee. though their figure is clumsy in appearance, they run swiftly, and for a long time without much slackening their speed; and, up steep hills or mountains, they more than equal the best horses. they unite in herds, and, when feeding, scatter over a large space; but, when fleeing from danger, they collect into dense columns: and, having once laid their course, they are not easily diverted from it, whatever may oppose. so far are they from being a fierce or revengeful animal, that they are very shy and timid; and in no case did we see them offer to make an attack but in self-defence, and then they always sought the first opportunity to escape. when they run, they lean alternately from side to side. they are fond of rolling upon the ground like horses, which is not practised by our domestic cattle. this is so much their diversion, that large places are found without grass, and considerably excavated by them." note. rev. mr. parker thus describes a buffalo-hunt:-- "to-day we unexpectedly saw before us a large herd of buffaloes. all halted to make preparation for the chase. the young men, and all the good hunters, prepared themselves, selected the swiftest horses, examined the few guns they had, and also took a supply of arrows with their bows. they advanced towards the herd of buffaloes with great caution, lest they should frighten them before they should make a near approach, and also to reserve the power of their horses for the chase, when it should be necessary to bring it into full requisition. when the buffaloes took the alarm, and fled, the rush was made, each indian selecting for himself the one to which he happened to come nearest. all were in swift motion, scouring the valley. a cloud of dust began to rise; firing of guns, and shooting of arrows, followed in close succession. soon, here and there, buffaloes were seen prostrated; and the women, who followed close in the rear, began the work of securing the acquisition, and the men were away again in pursuit of the flying herd. those in the chase, when as near as two rods, shoot and wheel, expecting the wounded animal to turn upon them. the horses seemed to understand the way to avoid danger. as soon as the wounded animal flies again, the chase is renewed; and such is the alternate wheeling and chasing, until the buffalo sinks beneath his wounds." indian method of hunting the buffalo. "may , .--we passed a precipice about one hundred and twenty feet high, under which lay scattered the fragments of at least a hundred carcasses of buffaloes. these buffaloes had been chased down the precipice in a way very common on the missouri, and by which vast herds are destroyed in a moment. the mode of hunting is to select one of the most active and fleet young men, who is disguised by a buffalo-skin round his body; the skin of the head, with the ears and horns, fastened on his own head in such a way as to deceive the buffaloes. thus dressed, he fixes himself at a convenient distance between a herd of buffaloes and any of the river precipices, which sometimes extend for some miles. his companions, in the mean time, get in the rear and side of the herd, and, at a given signal, show themselves, and advance towards the buffaloes. they instantly take the alarm; and, finding the hunters beside them, they run toward the disguised indian, or decoy, who leads them on, at full speed, toward the river; when, suddenly securing himself in some crevice of the cliff which he had previously fixed on, the herd is left on the brink of the precipice. it is then in vain for the foremost to retreat, or even to stop. they are pressed on by the hindmost rank, who, seeing no danger but from the hunters, goad on those before them, till the whole are precipitated over the cliff, and the shore is covered with their dead bodies. sometimes, in this perilous adventure, the indian decoy is either trodden under foot, or, missing his footing in the cliff, is urged down the precipice by the falling herd." which is the true river? "june , .--we came to for the night, for the purpose of examining in the morning a large river which enters opposite to us. it now became an interesting question, which of those two streams is what the indians call ahmateahza, or the missouri, which, they tell us, has its head waters very near to the columbia. on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since, if, after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we have been tracing does not come near the columbia, and be obliged to turn back, we shall have lost the travelling season, and seriously disheartened our men. we determined, therefore, to examine well before deciding on our course, and, for this purpose, despatched two canoes with three men up each of the streams, with orders to ascertain the width, depth, and rapidity of the currents, so as to judge of their comparative bodies of water. parties were also sent out by land to penetrate the country, and discover from the rising grounds, if possible, the distant bearings of the two rivers. while they were gone, the two commanders ascended together the high grounds in the fork of the two rivers, whence they had an extensive prospect of the surrounding country. on every side, it was spread into one vast plain covered with verdure, in which innumerable herds of buffaloes were roaming, attended by their enemies the wolves. some flocks of elk also were seen; and the solitary antelopes were scattered, with their young, over the plain. the direction of the rivers could not be long distinguished, as they were soon lost in the extent of the plain. "on our return, we continued our examination. the width of the north branch is two hundred yards; that of the south is three hundred and seventy-two. the north, though narrower, is deeper than the south: its waters also are of the same whitish-brown color, thickness, and turbidness as the missouri. they run in the same boiling and roaring manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri; and its bed is composed of some gravel, but principally mud. the south fork is broader, and its waters are perfectly transparent. the current is rapid, but the surface smooth and unruffled; and its bed is composed of round and flat smooth stones, like those of rivers issuing from a mountainous country. "in the evening, the exploring parties returned, after ascending the rivers in canoes for some distance, then continuing on foot, just leaving themselves time to return by night. their accounts were far from deciding the important question of our future route; and we therefore determined each of us to ascend one of the rivers during a day and a half's march, or farther, if necessary for our satisfaction. "tuesday, june , .--this morning, capt. lewis and capt. clarke set out, each with a small party, by land, to explore the two rivers. capt. lewis traced the course of the north fork for fifty-nine miles, and found, that, for all that distance, its direction was northward; and, as the latitude we were now in was ° ´, it was highly improbable, that, by going farther north, we should find between this and the saskatchawan any stream which can, as the indians assure us the missouri does, possess a navigable current for some distance within the rocky mountains. "these considerations, with others drawn from the observations of capt. clarke upon the south branch, satisfied the chiefs that the south river was the true missouri; but the men generally were of a contrary opinion, and much of their belief depended upon crusatte, an experienced waterman on the missouri, who gave it as his opinion that the north fork was the main river. in order that nothing might be omitted which could prevent our falling into error, it was agreed that one of us should ascend the southern branch by land until he reached either the falls or the mountains. in the mean time, in order to lighten our burdens as much as possible, we determined to deposit here all the heavy baggage which we could possibly spare, as well as some provisions, salt, powder, and tools. the weather being fair, we dried all our baggage and merchandise, and made our deposit, or cache. our cache is made in this manner: in the high plain on the side of the river, we choose a dry situation, and, drawing a small circle of about twenty inches diameter, remove the sod as carefully as possible. the hole is then sunk perpendicularly a foot deep, or more if the ground be not firm. it is now worked gradually wider as it deepens, till at length it becomes six or seven feet deep, shaped nearly like a kettle, or the lower part of a large still, with the bottom somewhat sunk at the centre. as the earth is dug, it is carefully laid on a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and thrown into the river, so as to leave no trace of it. a floor to the cache is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay, or a hide perfectly dry. the goods, being well aired and dried, are laid on this floor, and prevented from touching the sides by other dried sticks, as the baggage is stowed away. when the hole is nearly full, a skin is laid over the goods; and, on this, earth is thrown, and beaten down, until, with the addition of the sod, the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains no appearance of an excavation. careful measurements are taken to secure the ready recovery of the cache on the return; and the deposit is left in perfect confidence of finding every thing safe and sound after the lapse of months, or even years." the falls of the missouri. "june .--this morning, capt. lewis set out with four men on an exploration, to ascend the southern branch, agreeably to our plan. he left the bank of the river in order to avoid the deep ravines, which generally extend from the shore to a distance of two or three miles in the plain. on the second day, having travelled about sixty miles from the point of departure, on a sudden their ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of falling water; and, as they advanced, a spray which seemed driven by the wind rose above the plain like a column of smoke, and vanished in an instant. towards this point, capt. lewis directed his steps; and the noise, increasing as he approached, soon became too powerful to be ascribed to any thing but the great falls of the missouri. having travelled seven miles after first hearing the sound, he reached the falls. the hills, as he approached the river, were difficult of transit, and two hundred feet high. down these he hurried, and, seating himself on a rock, enjoyed the spectacle of this stupendous object, which, ever since the creation, had been lavishing its magnificence upon the desert, unseen by civilized man. "the river, immediately at its cascade, is three hundred yards wide, and is pressed in by a perpendicular cliff, which rises to about one hundred feet, and extends up the stream for a mile. on the other side, the bluff is also perpendicular for three hundred yards above the falls. for ninety or a hundred yards from the left cliff, the water falls in one smooth, even sheet, over a precipice eighty feet in height. the remaining part of the river rushes with an accelerated current, but, being received as it falls by irregular rocks below, forms a brilliant spectacle of perfectly white foam, two hundred yards in length, and eighty in height. the spray is dissipated into a thousand shapes, on all of which the sun impresses the brightest colors of the rainbow. the principal cascade is succeeded by others of less grandeur, but of exceeding beauty and great variety, for about twenty miles in extent."[ ] a portage. "june .--having reached the falls, we found ourselves obliged to get past them by transporting our boats overland by what is called a _portage_. the distance was eighteen miles. it was necessary to construct a truck or carriage to transport the boats; and the making of the wheels and the necessary framework took ten days. the axle-trees, made of an old mast, broke repeatedly, and the cottonwood tongues gave way; so that the men were forced to carry as much baggage as they could on their backs. the prickly pear annoyed them much by sticking through their moccasons. it required several trips to transport all the canoes and baggage; and, though the men put double soles to their moccasons, the prickly pear, and the sharp points of earth formed by the trampling of the buffaloes during the late rains, wounded their feet; and, as the men were laden as heavily as their strength would permit, the crossing was very painful. they were obliged to halt and rest frequently; and, at almost every stopping-place, they would throw themselves down, and fall asleep in an instant. yet no one complained, and they went on with cheerfulness. "having decided to leave here one of the pirogues, we set to work to fit up a boat of skins, upon a frame of iron which had been prepared at the armory at harper's ferry. it was thirty-six feet long, four feet and a half wide at top, and twenty-six inches wide at bottom. it was with difficulty we found the necessary timber to complete it, even tolerably straight sticks, four and a half feet long. the sides were formed of willow-bark, and, over this, elk and buffalo skins." a narrow escape. "june .--capt. clarke, having lost some notes and remarks which he had made on first ascending the river, determined to go up along its banks in order to supply the deficiency. he had reached the falls, accompanied by his negro-servant york, and by chaboneau, the half-breed indian interpreter, and his wife with her young child. on his arrival there, he observed a dark cloud in the west, which threatened rain; and looked around for some shelter. about a quarter of a mile above the falls he found a deep ravine, where there were some shelving rocks, under which they took refuge. they were perfectly sheltered from the rain, and therefore laid down their guns, compass, and other articles which they carried with them. the shower was at first moderate; it then increased to a heavy rain, the effects of which they did not feel. soon after, a torrent of rain and hail descended. the rain seemed to fall in a solid mass, and, instantly collecting in the ravine, came rolling down in a dreadful torrent, carrying the mud and rocks, and every thing that opposed it. capt. clarke fortunately saw it a moment before it reached them, and springing up, with his gun in his left hand, with his right he clambered up the steep bluff, pushing on the indian woman with her child in her arms. her husband, too, had seized her hand, and was pulling her up the hill, but was so terrified at the danger, that, but for capt. clarke, he would have been lost, with his wife and child. so instantaneous was the rise of the water, that, before capt. clarke had secured his gun and begun to ascend the bank, the water was up to his waist; and he could scarce get up faster than it rose, till it reached the height of fifteen feet, with a furious current, which, had they waited a moment longer, would have swept them into the river, just above the falls, down which they must inevitably have been carried. as it was, capt. clarke lost his compass, chaboneau his gun, shot-pouch, and tomahawk; and the indian woman had just time to grasp her child before the net in which it lay was carried down the current." progress resumed. "july .--the boat was now completed, except what was in fact the most difficult part,--the making her seams secure. having been unsuccessful in all our attempts to procure tar, we have formed a composition of pounded charcoal with beeswax and buffalo-tallow to supply its place. if this resource fail us, it will be very unfortunate, as, in every other respect, the boat answers our purpose completely. although not quite dry, she can be carried with ease by five men: she is very strong, and will carry a load of eight thousand pounds, with her complement of men. "july .--the boat having now become sufficiently dry, we gave it a coat of the composition, then a second, and launched it into the water. she swam perfectly well. the seats were then fixed, and the oars fitted. but after a few hours' exposure to the wind, which blew with violence, we discovered that nearly all the composition had separated from the skins, so that she leaked very much. to repair this misfortune without pitch was impossible; and, as none of that article was to be procured, we were obliged to abandon her, after having had so much labor in the construction. "it now becomes necessary to provide other means for transporting the baggage which we had intended to stow in her. for this purpose, we shall want two canoes; but for many miles we have not seen a single tree fit to be used for that purpose. the hunters, however, report that there is a low ground about eight miles above us by land, and more than twice that distance by water, in which we may probably find trees large enough. capt. clarke has therefore determined to set out by land for that place, with ten of the best workmen, who will be occupied in building the canoes, till the rest of the party, after taking the boat to pieces and making the necessary deposits, shall transport the baggage, and join them with the other six canoes. "capt. clarke accordingly proceeded on eight miles by land; the distance by water being twenty-three miles. here he found two cottonwood-trees, and proceeded to convert them into boats. the rest of the party took the iron boat to pieces, and deposited it in a _cache_, or hole, with some other articles of less importance. "july .--sergeant ordway, with four canoes and eight men, set sail in the morning to the place where capt. clarke had fixed his camp. the canoes were unloaded and sent back, and the remainder of the baggage in a second trip was despatched to the upper camp. "july .--we rose early, embarked all our baggage on board the canoes, which, though eight in number, were heavily laden, and at ten o'clock set out on our journey. "july .--we had now arrived at the point where the missouri emerges from the rocky mountains. the current of the river becomes stronger as we advance, and the spurs of the mountain approach towards the river, which is deep, and not more than seventy yards wide. the low grounds are now but a few yards in width; yet they furnish room for an indian road, which winds under the hills on the north side of the river. the general range of these hills is from south-east to north-west; and the cliffs themselves are about eight hundred feet above the water, formed almost entirely of a hard black rock, on which are scattered a few dwarf pine and cedar trees. "as the canoes were heavily laden, all the men not employed in working them walked on shore. the navigation is now very laborious. the river is deep, but with little current; the low grounds are very narrow; the cliffs are steep, and hang over the river so much, that, in places, we could not pass them, but were obliged to cross and recross from one side of the river to the other in order to make our way." footnote: [ ] dimensions of niagara falls,--american, feet wide, feet high; english, feet wide, feet high. chapter vii. journey continued. july .--since our arrival at the falls, we have repeatedly heard a strange noise coming from the mountains, in a direction a little to the north of west. it is heard at different periods of the day and night, sometimes when the air is perfectly still and without a cloud; and consists of one stroke only, or of five or six discharges in quick succession. it is loud, and resembles precisely the sound of a six-pound piece of ordnance, at the distance of three miles. the minnetarees frequently mentioned this noise, like thunder, which they said the mountains made; but we had paid no attention to them, believing it to be some superstition, or else a falsehood. the watermen also of the party say that the pawnees and ricaras give the same account of a noise heard in the black mountains, to the westward of them. the solution of the mystery, given by the philosophy of the watermen, is, that it is occasioned by the bursting of the rich mines of silver confined within the bosom of the mountain.[ ] "an elk and a beaver are all that were killed to-day: the buffaloes seem to have withdrawn from our neighborhood. we contrived, however, to spread a comfortable table in honor of the day; and in the evening gave the men a drink of spirits, which was the last of our stock." vegetation. "july .--we find the prickly-pear--one of the greatest beauties, as well as one of the greatest inconveniences, of the plains--now in full bloom. the sunflower too, a plant common to every part of the missouri, is here very abundant, and in bloom. the indians of the missouri, and more especially those who do not cultivate maize, make great use of this plant for bread, and in thickening their soup. they first parch, and then pound it between two stones until it is reduced to a fine meal. sometimes they add a portion of water, and drink it thus diluted; at other times they add a sufficient proportion of marmow-fat to reduce it to the consistency of common dough, and eat it in that manner. this last composition we preferred to the rest, and thought it at that time very palatable. "there are also great quantities of red, purple, yellow, and black currants. the currants are very pleasant to the taste, and much preferable to those of our gardens. the fruit is not so acid, and has a more agreeable flavor." the big-horned or mountain ram. "july .--this morning we saw a large herd of the big-horned animals, who were bounding among the rocks in the opposite cliff with great agility. these inaccessible spots secure them from all their enemies; and the only danger they encounter is in wandering among these precipices, where we should suppose it scarcely possible for any animal to stand. a single false step would precipitate them at least five hundred feet into the river. "the game continues abundant. we killed to-day the largest male elk we have yet seen. on placing it in its natural, erect position, we found that it measured five feet three inches from the point of the hoof to the top of the shoulder. "the antelopes are yet lean. this fleet and quick-sighted animal is generally the victim of its curiosity. when they first see the hunters, they run with great velocity. if the hunter lies down on the ground, and lifts up his arm, his hat, or his foot, the antelope returns on a light trot to look at the object, and sometimes goes and returns two or three times, till at last he approaches within reach of the rifle. so, too, they sometimes leave their flock to go and look at the wolves, who crouch down, and, if the antelope be frightened at first, repeat the same manoeuvre, and sometimes relieve each other, till they decoy the antelope from his party near enough to seize it." the gates of the rocky mountains. "july .--during the day, in the confined valley through which we are passing, the heat is almost insupportable; yet, whenever we obtain a glimpse of the lofty tops of the mountains, we are tantalized with a view of the snow. a mile and a half farther on, the rocks approach the river on both sides, forming a most sublime and extraordinary spectacle. for six miles, these rocks rise perpendicularly from the water's edge to the height of nearly twelve hundred feet. they are composed of a black granite near the base; but judging from its lighter color above, and from fragments that have fallen from it, we suppose the upper part to be flint, of a yellowish-brown and cream color. nothing can be imagined more tremendous than the frowning darkness of these rocks, which project over the river, and menace us with destruction. the river, one hundred and fifty yards in width, seems to have forced its channel down this solid mass: but so reluctantly has it given way, that, during the whole distance, the water is very deep even at the edges; and, for the first three miles, there is not a spot, except one of a few yards in extent, on which a man could stand between the water and the towering perpendicular of the mountain. the convulsion of the passage must have been terrible; since, at its outlet, there are vast columns of rock torn from the mountain, which are strewed on both sides of the river, the trophies, as it were, of victory. we were obliged to go on some time after dark, not being able to find a spot large enough to encamp on. this extraordinary range of rocks we called the gates of the rocky mountains." natural productions. "july .--this morning the hunters brought in some fat deer of the long-tailed red kind, which are the only kind we have found at this place. there are numbers of the sandhill-cranes feeding in the meadows. we caught a young one, which, though it had nearly attained its full growth, could not fly. it is very fierce, and strikes a severe blow with its beak. the kingfisher has become quite common this side of the falls; but we have seen none of the summer duck since leaving that place. small birds are also abundant in the plains. here, too, are great quantities of grasshoppers, or crickets; and, among other animals, large ants, with a reddish-brown body and legs, and a black head, which build little cones of gravel ten or twelve inches high, without a mixture of sticks, and with but little earth. in the river we see a great abundance of fish, but cannot tempt them to bite by any thing on our hooks." the forks of the missouri. "july , .--from the height of a limestone cliff, capt. lewis observed the three forks of the missouri, of which this river is one. the middle and south-west forks unite at half a mile above the entrance of the south-east fork. the country watered by these rivers, as far as the eye could command, was a beautiful combination of meadow and elevated plain, covered with a rich grass, and possessing more timber than is usual on the missouri. a range of high mountains, partially covered with snow, is seen at a considerable distance, running from south to west. "to the south-east fork the name of gallatin was assigned, in honor of the secretary of the treasury. on examining the other two streams, it was difficult to decide which was the larger or real missouri: they are each ninety yards wide, and similar in character and appearance. we were therefore induced to discontinue the name of missouri, and to give to the south-west branch the name of jefferson, in honor of the president of the united states and the projector of the enterprise; and called the middle branch madison, after james madison, secretary of state. "july .--we reloaded our canoes, and began to ascend jefferson river. the river soon became very crooked; the current, too, is rapid, impeded with shoals, which consist of coarse gravel. the islands are numerous. on the th of august, we had, with much fatigue, ascended the river sixty miles, when we reached the junction of a stream from the north-west, which we named wisdom river. we continued, however, to ascend the south-east branch, which we were satisfied was the true continuation of the jefferson." the shoshonees, or snake indians. "july .--we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route, we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river, at least such an one as will lead us to the columbia. and, even were we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any wood fit to make canoes; so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. "sacajawea, our indian woman, informs us that we are encamped on the precise spot where her countrymen, the snake indians, had their huts five years ago, when the minnetarees came upon them, killed most of the party, and carried her away prisoner. she does not, however, show any distress at these recollections, nor any joy at the prospect of being restored to her country; for she seems to possess the folly, or the philosophy, of not suffering her feelings to extend beyond the anxiety of having plenty to eat, and trinkets to wear. "aug. .--persuaded of the absolute necessity of procuring horses to cross the mountains, it was determined that one of us should proceed in the morning to the head of the river, and penetrate the mountains till he found the shoshonees, or some other nation, who could assist us in transporting our baggage. immediately after breakfast, capt. lewis took drewyer, shields, and mcneal; and, slinging their knapsacks, they set out, with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long it might be. "aug. .--it was not till the third day after commencing their search that they met with any success. capt. lewis perceived with the greatest delight, at the distance of two miles, a man on horseback coming towards them. on examining him with the glass, capt. lewis saw that he was of a different nation from any we had hitherto met. he was armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows, and mounted on an elegant horse without a saddle; while a small string, attached to the under-jaw, answered as a bridle. convinced that he was a shoshonee, and knowing how much our success depended upon the friendly offices of that nation, capt. lewis was anxious to approach without alarming him. he therefore advanced towards the indian at his usual pace. when they were within a mile of each other, the indian suddenly stopped. capt. lewis immediately followed his example; took his blanket from his knapsack, and, holding it with both hands at the two corners, threw it above his head, and unfolded it as he brought it to the ground, as if in the act of spreading it. this signal, which originates in the practice of spreading a robe or a skin as a seat for guests to whom they wish to show kindness, is the universal sign of friendship among the indians. as usual, capt. lewis repeated this signal three times. still the indian kept his position, and looked with an air of suspicion on drewyer and shields, who were now advancing on each side. capt. lewis was afraid to make any signal for them to halt, lest he should increase the suspicions of the indian, who began to be uneasy; and they were too distant to hear his voice. he therefore took from his pack some beads, a looking-glass, and a few trinkets, which he had brought for the purpose; and, leaving his gun, advanced unarmed towards the indian, who remained in the same position till capt. lewis came within two hundred yards of him, when he turned his horse, and began to move off slowly. capt. lewis then called out to him, as loud as he could, 'tabba bone,'--which, in the shoshonee language, means _white man_; but, looking over his shoulder, the indian kept his eyes on drewyer and shields, who were still advancing, till capt. lewis made a signal to them to halt. this, drewyer obeyed; but shields did not observe it, and still went forward. the indian, seeing drewyer halt, turned his horse about, as if to wait for capt. lewis, who had now reached within one hundred and fifty paces, repeating the words, 'tabba bone,' and holding up the trinkets in his hand; at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was white. the indian suffered him to advance within one hundred paces, then suddenly turned his horse, and, giving him the whip, leaped across the creek, and disappeared in an instant among the willows. they followed his track four miles, but could not get sight of him again, nor find any encampment to which he belonged. "meanwhile the party in the canoes advanced slowly up the river till they came to a large island, to which they gave the name of three-thousand-mile island, on account of its being at that distance from the mouth of the missouri." footnote: [ ] there are many stories, from other sources, confirmatory of these noises in mountainous districts. one solution, suggested by humboldt,--who does not, however, record the fact as of his own observation,--is, that "this curious phenomenon announces a disengagement of hydrogen, produced by a bed of coal in a state of combustion." this solution is applicable only to mountains which contain coal, unless chemical changes in other minerals might be supposed capable of producing a similar effect. chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia. aug. , .--capt. lewis decided to advance along the foot of the mountains, hoping to find a road leading across them. at the distance of four miles from his camp, he found a large, plain, indian road, which entered the valley from the north-east. following this road towards the south-west, the valley, for the first five miles, continued in the same direction; then the main stream turned abruptly to the west, through a narrow bottom between the mountains. we traced the stream, which gradually became smaller, till, two miles farther up, it had so diminished, that one of the men, in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the rivulet, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. four miles from thence, we came to the spot where, from the foot of a mountain, issues the remotest water of the mighty river. "we had now traced the missouri to its source, which had never before been seen by civilized man; and as we quenched our thirst at the pure and icy fountain, and stretched ourselves by the brink of the little rivulet which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean, we felt rewarded for all our labors. "we left reluctantly this interesting spot, and, pursuing the indian road, arrived at the top of a ridge, from whence we saw high mountains, partially covered with snow, still to the west of us. the ridge on which we stood formed, apparently, the dividing-line between the waters of the pacific and atlantic oceans. we followed a descent much steeper than that on the eastern side, and, at the distance of three-quarters of a mile, reached a handsome, bold creek of cold, clear water, running to the westward. we stopped for a moment, to taste, for the first time, the waters of the columbia; and then followed the road across hills and valleys, till we found a spring, and a sufficient quantity of dry willow-brush for fuel; and there halted for the night." they meet with indians. "aug. .--very early in the morning, capt. lewis resumed the indian road, which led him in a western direction, through an open, broken country. at five miles' distance, he reached a creek about ten yards wide, and, on rising the hill beyond it, had a view of a handsome little valley about a mile in width, through which they judged, from the appearance of the timber, that a stream probably flowed. on a sudden, they discovered two women, a man, and some dogs, on an eminence about a mile before them. the strangers viewed them apparently with much attention; and then two of them sat down, as if to await capt. lewis's arrival. he went on till he had reached within about half a mile; then ordered his party to stop, put down his knapsack and rifle, and, unfurling the flag, advanced alone towards the indians. "the women soon retreated behind the hill; but the man remained till capt. lewis came within a hundred yards of him, when he, too, went off, though capt. lewis called out 'tabba bone' ('white man'), loud enough to be heard distinctly. the dogs, however, were less shy, and came close to him. he therefore thought of tying a handkerchief with some beads round their necks, and then to let them loose, to convince the fugitives of his friendly intentions; but the dogs would not suffer him to take hold of them, and soon left him. "he now made a signal to the men, who joined him; and then all followed the track of the indians, which led along a continuation of the same road they had been travelling. it was dusty, and seemed to have been much used lately both by foot-passengers and horsemen. "they had not gone along it more than a mile, when, on a sudden, they saw three female indians, from whom they had been concealed by the deep ravines which intersected the road, till they were now within thirty paces of them. one of them, a young woman, immediately took to flight: the other two, an old woman and little girl, seeing we were too near for them to escape, sat on the ground, and, holding down their heads, seemed as if reconciled to the death which they supposed awaited them. capt. lewis instantly put down his rifle, and, advancing towards them, took the woman by the hand, raised her up, and repeated the words, 'tabba bone,' at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was a white man; for his hands and face had become by exposure quite as dark as their own. "she appeared immediately relieved from her alarm; and, drewyer and shields now coming up, capt. lewis gave her some beads, a few awls, pewter mirrors, and a little paint, and told drewyer to request the woman to recall her companion, who had escaped to some distance, and, by alarming the indians, might cause them to attack him, without any time for explanation. she did as she was desired, and the young woman returned readily. capt. lewis gave her an equal portion of trinkets, and painted the tawny cheeks of all three of them with vermilion, which, besides its ornamental effect, has the advantage of being held among the indians as emblematic of peace. "after they had become composed, he informed them by signs of his wish to go to their camp in order to see their chiefs and warriors. they readily complied, and conducted the party along the same road down the river. in this way they marched two miles, when they met a troop of nearly sixty warriors, mounted on excellent horses, riding at full speed towards them. as they advanced, capt. lewis put down his gun, and went with the flag about fifty paces in advance. the chief, who, with two men, was riding in front of the main body, spoke to the women, who now explained that the party was composed of white men, and showed exultingly the presents they had received. the three men immediately leaped from their horses, came up to capt. lewis, and embraced him with great cordiality,--putting their left arm over his right shoulder, and clasping his back,--applying at the same time their left cheek to his, and frequently vociferating, 'ah-hi-e!'--'_i am glad! i am glad!_' "the whole body of warriors now came forward, and our men received the caresses, and no small share of the grease and paint, of their new friends. after this fraternal embrace, capt. lewis lighted a pipe, and offered it to the indians, who had now seated themselves in a circle around our party. but, before they would receive this mark of friendship, they pulled off their moccasons; a custom which, we afterwards learned, indicates their sincerity when they smoke with a stranger. "after smoking a few pipes, some trifling presents were distributed among them, with which they seemed very much pleased, particularly with the blue beads and the vermilion. "capt. lewis then informed the chief that the object of his visit was friendly, and should be explained as soon as he reached their camp; but that in the mean time, as the sun was oppressive, and no water near, he wished to go there as soon as possible. they now put on their moccasons; and their chief, whose name was cameahwait, made a short speech to the warriors. capt. lewis then gave him the flag, which he informed him was the emblem of peace, and that now and for the future it was to be the pledge of union between us and them. the chief then moved on, our party followed, and the rest of the warriors brought up the rear. "at the distance of four miles from where they had first met the indians, they reached the camp, which was in a handsome, level meadow on the bank of the river. here they were introduced into a leathern lodge which was assigned for their reception. after being seated on green boughs and antelope-skins, one of the warriors pulled up the grass in the centre of the lodge, so as to form a vacant circle of two feet in diameter, in which he kindled a fire. the chief then produced his pipe and tobacco; the warriors all pulled off their moccasons, and our party were requested to take off their own. this being done, the chief lighted his pipe at the fire, and then, retreating from it, began a speech several minutes long; at the end of which he pointed the stem of his pipe towards the four cardinal points of the heavens, beginning with the east, and concluding with the north. after this ceremony, he presented the stem in the same way to capt. lewis, who, supposing it an invitation to smoke, put out his hand to receive the pipe; but the chief drew it back, and continued to repeat the same offer three times; after which he pointed the stem to the heavens, then took three whiffs himself, and presented it again to capt. lewis. finding that this last offer was in good earnest, he smoked a little, and returned it. the pipe was then held to each of the white men, and, after they had taken a few whiffs, was given to the warriors. "the bowl of the pipe was made of a dense, transparent, green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure; the bowl being in the same direction with the stem. the tobacco is of the same kind with that used by the minnetarees and mandans of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the bands who live farther south. "the ceremony of smoking being concluded, capt. lewis explained to the chief the purposes of his visit; and, as by this time all the women and children of the camp had gathered around the lodge to indulge in a view of the first white men they had ever seen, he distributed among them the remainder of the small articles he had brought with him. "it was now late in the afternoon, and our party had tasted no food since the night before. on apprising the chief of this fact, he said that he had nothing but berries to eat, and presented some cakes made of service-berries and choke-cherries which had been dried in the sun. of these, capt. lewis and his companions made as good a meal as they were able. "the chief informed him that the stream which flowed by them discharged itself, at the distance of half a day's march, into another of twice its size; but added that there was no timber there suitable for building canoes, and that the river was rocky and rapid. the prospect of going on by land was more pleasant; for there were great numbers of horses feeding round the camp, which would serve to transport our stores over the mountains. "an indian invited capt. lewis into his lodge, and gave him a small morsel of boiled antelope, and a piece of fresh salmon, roasted. this was the first salmon he had seen, and perfectly satisfied him that he was now on the waters of the pacific. "on returning to the lodge, he resumed his conversation with the chief; after which he was entertained with a dance by the indians. the music and dancing--which were in no respect different from those of the missouri indians--continued nearly all night; but capt. lewis retired to rest about twelve o'clock, when the fatigues of the day enabled him to sleep, though he was awaked several times by the yells of the dancers." chapter ix. the party in the boats. august, .--while these things were occurring to capt. lewis, the party in the boats were slowly and laboriously ascending the river. it was very crooked, the bends short and abrupt, and obstructed by so many shoals, over which the canoes had to be dragged, that the men were in the water three-fourths of the day. they saw numbers of otters, some beavers, antelopes, ducks, geese, and cranes; but they killed nothing except a single deer. they caught, however, some very fine trout. the weather was cloudy and cool; and at eight o'clock a shower of rain fell. next day, as the morning was cold, and the men stiff and sore from the fatigues of yesterday, they did not set out till seven o'clock. the river was shallow, and, as it approached the mountains, formed one continued rapid, over which they were obliged to drag the boats with great labor and difficulty. by these means, they succeeded in making fourteen miles; but this distance did not exceed more than six and a half in a straight line. several successive days were passed in this manner (the daily progress seldom exceeding a dozen miles), while the party anxiously expected to be rejoined by capt. lewis and his men, with intelligence of some relief by the aid of friendly indians. in the mean time, capt. lewis was as anxiously expecting their arrival, to confirm the good impressions he had made on the indians, as well as to remove some lurking doubts they still felt as to his intentions. capt. lewis among the shoshonees. aug. .--in order to give time for the boats to reach the forks of jefferson river, capt. lewis determined to remain where he was, and obtain all the information he could with regard to the country. having nothing to eat but a little flour and parched meal, with the berries of the indians, he sent out drewyer and shields, who borrowed horses of the natives, to hunt. at the same time, the young warriors set out for the same purpose. there are but few elk or black-tailed deer in this region; and, as the common red deer secrete themselves in the bushes when alarmed, they are soon safe from the arrows of the indian hunters, which are but feeble weapons against any animal which the huntsmen cannot previously run down. the chief game of the shoshonees, therefore, is the antelope, which, when pursued, runs to the open plains, where the horses have full room for the chase. but such is this animal's extraordinary fleetness and wind, that a single horse has no chance of outrunning it, or tiring it down; and the hunters are therefore obliged to resort to stratagem. about twenty indians, mounted on fine horses, and armed with bows and arrows, left the camp. in a short time, they descried a herd of ten antelopes. they immediately separated into little squads of two or three, and formed a scattered circle round the herd for five or six miles, keeping at a wary distance, so as not to alarm them till they were perfectly enclosed. having gained their positions, a small party rode towards the herd; the huntsman preserving his seat with wonderful tenacity, and the horse his footing, as he ran at full speed over the hills, and down the ravines, and along the edges of precipices. they were soon outstripped by the antelopes, which, on gaining the other limit of the circle, were driven back, and pursued by fresh hunters. they turned, and flew, rather than ran, in another direction; but there, too, they found new enemies. in this way they were alternately driven backwards and forwards, till at length, notwithstanding the skill of the hunters, they all escaped; and the party, after running two hours, returned without having caught any thing, and their horses foaming with sweat. this chase, the greater part of which was seen from the camp, formed a beautiful scene; but to the hunters it is exceedingly laborious, and so unproductive, even when they are able to worry the animal down and shoot him, that forty or fifty hunters will sometimes be engaged for half a day without obtaining more than two or three antelopes. soon after they returned, our two huntsmen came in with no better success. capt. lewis therefore made a little paste with the flour, and the addition of some berries formed a tolerable repast. having now secured the good-will of cameahwait, capt. lewis informed him of his wish,--that he would speak to the warriors, and endeavor to engage them to accompany him to the forks of jefferson river, where, by this time, another chief, with a large party of white men, were waiting his return. he added, that it would be necessary to take about thirty horses to transport the merchandise; that they should be well rewarded for their trouble; and that, when all the party should have reached the shoshonee camp, they would remain some time among them, and trade for horses, as well as concert plans for furnishing them in future with regular supplies of merchandise. cameahwait readily consented to do as requested; and, after collecting the tribe together, he made a long harangue, and in about an hour and a half returned, and told capt. lewis that they would be ready to accompany him next morning. capt. lewis rose early, and, having eaten nothing yesterday except his scanty meal of flour and berries, felt the pain of extreme hunger. on inquiry, he found that his whole stock of provisions consisted of two pounds of flour. this he ordered to be divided into two equal parts, and one-half of it boiled with the berries into a sort of pudding; and, after presenting a large share to the chief, he and his three men breakfasted on the remainder. cameahwait was delighted with this new dish. he took a little of the flour in his hand, tasted it, and examined it very carefully, asking if it was made of roots. capt. lewis explained how it was produced, and the chief said it was the best thing he had eaten for a long time. breakfast being finished, capt. lewis endeavored to hasten the departure of the indians, who seemed reluctant to move, although the chief addressed them twice for the purpose of urging them. on inquiring the reason, capt. lewis learned that the indians were suspicious that they were to be led into an ambuscade, and betrayed to their enemies. he exerted himself to dispel this suspicion, and succeeded so far as to induce eight of the warriors, with cameahwait, to accompany him. it was about twelve o'clock when his small party left the camp, attended by cameahwait and the eight warriors. at sunset they reached the river, and encamped about four miles above the narrow pass between the hills, which they had noticed in their progress some days before. drewyer had been sent forward to hunt; but he returned in the evening unsuccessful; and their only supply, therefore, was the remaining pound of flour, stirred in a little boiling water, and divided between the four white men and two of the indians. next morning, as neither our party nor the indians had any thing to eat, capt. lewis sent two of his hunters out to procure some provision. at the same time, he requested cameahwait to prevent his young men from going out, lest, by their noise, they might alarm the game. this measure immediately revived their suspicions, and some of them followed our two men to watch them. after the hunters had been gone about an hour, capt. lewis mounted, with one of the indians behind him, and the whole party set out. just then, they saw one of the spies coming back at full speed across the plain. the chief stopped, and seemed uneasy: the whole band were moved with fresh suspicions; and capt. lewis himself was anxious, lest, by some unfortunate accident, some hostile tribe might have wandered that way. the young indian had hardly breath to say a few words as he came up, when the whole troop dashed forward as fast as their horses could carry them; and capt. lewis, astonished at this movement, was borne along for nearly a mile, before he learned, with great satisfaction, that it was all caused by the spy's having come to announce that one of the white men had killed a deer. when they reached the place where drewyer, in cutting up the deer, had thrown out the intestines, the indians dismounted in confusion, and ran, tumbling over each other, like famished dogs: each tore away whatever part he could, and instantly began to devour it. some had the liver, some the kidneys: in short, no part on which we are accustomed to look with disgust escaped them. it was, indeed, impossible to see these wretches ravenously feeding on the refuse of animals, and the blood streaming from their mouths, without deploring how nearly the condition of savages approaches that of the brute creation. yet, though suffering with hunger, they did not attempt to take (as they might have done) by force the whole deer, but contented themselves with what had been thrown away by the hunter. capt. lewis had the deer skinned, and, after reserving a quarter of it, gave the rest of the animal to the chief, to be divided among the indians, who immediately devoured the whole without cooking. they meet the boat party. as they were now approaching the place where they had been told they should see the white men, capt. lewis, to guard against any disappointment, explained the possibility of our men not having reached the forks, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation; so that, if they should not find us at that spot, they might be assured of our being not far below. after stopping two hours to let the horses graze, they remounted, and rode on rapidly, making one of the indians carry the flag, so that the party in the boats might recognize them as they approached. to their great mortification, on coming within sight of the forks, no canoes were to be seen. uneasy, lest at this moment he should be abandoned, and all his hopes of obtaining aid from the indians be destroyed, capt. lewis gave the chief his gun, telling him, if the enemies of his nation were in the bushes, he might defend himself with it; and that the chief might shoot him as soon as they discovered themselves betrayed. the other three men at the same time gave their guns to the indians, who now seemed more easy, but still suspicious. luckily, he had a hold on them by other ties than their generosity. he had promised liberal exchanges for their horses; but, what was still more attractive, he had told them that one of their country-women, who had been taken by the minnetarees, accompanied the party below: and one of the men had spread the report of our having with us a man perfectly black, whose hair was short and curled. this last account had excited a great degree of curiosity; and they seemed more desirous of seeing this monster than of obtaining the most favorable barter for their horses. in the mean time, the boat party under capt. clarke, struggling against rapids and shallows, had made their way to a point only four miles by land, though ten by water, from where capt. lewis and the indians were. capt. clarke had seen from an eminence the forks of the river, and sent the hunters up. they must have left it only a short time before capt. lewis's arrival. aug. .--capt. lewis rose early, and despatched drewyer and the indian down the river in quest of the boats. they had been gone about two hours, and the indians were all anxiously waiting for some news, when an indian who had straggled a short distance down the river returned, with a report that he had seen the white men, who were not far below, and were coming on. the indians were all delighted; and the chief, in the warmth of his affection, renewed his embrace to capt. lewis, who, though quite as much gratified, would willingly have spared that manifestation of it. the report proved true. on commencing the day's progress, capt. clarke, with chaboneau and his wife, walked by the river-side; but they had not gone more than a mile, when capt. clarke saw sacajawea, the indian woman, who was some distance in advance, begin to dance, and show every mark of extravagant joy, pointing to several indians, whom he now saw advancing on horseback. as they approached, capt. clarke discovered drewyer among them, from whom he learned the situation of capt. lewis and his party. while the boats were performing the circuit, capt. clarke went towards the forks with the indians, who, as they went along, sang aloud with the greatest appearance of delight. they soon drew near the camp; and, as they approached it, a woman made her way through the crowd towards sacajawea, when, recognizing each other, they embraced with the most tender affection. the meeting of these two young women had in it something peculiarly touching. they had been companions in childhood, and, in the war with the minnetarees, had both been taken prisoners in the same battle. they had shared the same captivity, till one had escaped, leaving her friend with scarce a hope of ever seeing her again. while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days, capt. clarke went on, and was received by capt. lewis and the chief, who, after the first embraces and salutations, conducted him to a sort of circular tent constructed of willow-branches. here he was seated on a white robe; and the chief tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls,--an ornament highly valued by these people. after smoking, a conference was held, sacajawea acting as interpreter. capt. lewis told them he had been sent to discover the best route by which merchandise could be conveyed to them, and, since no trade would be begun before our return, it was naturally desirable that we should proceed with as little delay as possible; that we were under the necessity of requesting them to furnish us with horses to transport our baggage across the mountains, and a guide to show us the route; but that they should be amply remunerated for their horses, as well as for any other service they should render us. in the mean time, our first wish was that they should immediately collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village, where, at our leisure, we would trade with them for as many horses as they could spare. the speech made a favorable impression. the chief thanked us for our friendly intentions, and declared their willingness to render us every service. he promised to return to the village next day, and to bring all his own horses, and to encourage his people to bring theirs. we then distributed our presents. to cameahwait we gave a medal of the small size, with the likeness of president jefferson, and on the reverse a figure of hands clasped, with a pipe and tomahawk. to this were added a uniform-coat, a shirt, a pair of scarlet leggings, a lump of tobacco, and some small articles. each of the other chiefs received similar presents, excepting the dress-coat. these honorary gifts were followed by presents of paint, moccasons, awls, knives, beads, and looking-glasses. they had abundant sources of surprise in all they saw. the appearance of the men, their arms, their clothing, the canoes, the strange looks of the negro, and the sagacity of our dog, all in turn shared their admiration, which was raised to astonishment by a shot from the air-gun. this was immediately pronounced a _great medicine_, by which they mean something produced by the great spirit himself in some incomprehensible way. chapter x. the descent of the columbia. august, .--our indian information as to the navigation of the columbia was of a very discouraging character. it was therefore agreed that capt. clarke should set off in the morning with eleven men, furnished, besides their arms, with tools for making canoes; that he should take chaboneau and his wife to the camp of the shoshonees, where he was to leave them to hasten the collection of horses; that he was then to lead his men down to the columbia; and if he found it navigable, and the timber in sufficient quantity, should begin to build canoes. as soon as he should have decided on the question of proceeding, whether down the river or across the mountains, he was to send back one of the men, with information of his decision, to capt. lewis, who would tarry meanwhile at the shoshonee village. aug. .--capt. clarke set out at six o'clock. passing through a continuation of hilly, broken country, he met several parties of indians. an old man among them was pointed out, who was said to know more of the nature of the country north than any other person; and capt. clarke engaged him as a guide. the first point to ascertain was the truth of the indian information as to the difficulty of descending the river. for this purpose, capt. clarke and his men set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by his indian guide. at the distance of four miles he crossed the river, and, eight miles from the camp, halted for the night. as capt. lewis was the first white man who had visited its waters, capt. clarke gave the stream the name of lewis's river. aug. .--capt. clarke set out very early; but as his route lay along the steep side of a mountain, over irregular and broken masses of rocks, which wounded the horses' feet, he was obliged to proceed slowly. at the distance of four miles, he reached the river; but the rocks here became so steep, and projected so far into the stream, that there was no mode of passing except through the water. this he did for some distance, though the current was very rapid, and so deep, that they were forced to swim their horses. after following the edge of the stream for about a mile, he reached a small meadow, below which the whole current of the river beat against the shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock, perfectly inaccessible to horses. he therefore resolved to leave the horses and the greater part of the men at this place, and continue his examination of the river on foot, in order to determine if there were any possibility of descending it in canoes. with his guide and three men he proceeded, clambering over immense rocks, and along the sides of precipices which bordered the stream. the river presented a succession of shoals, neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes; and the baggage must therefore be transported for considerable distances over the steep mountains, where it would be impossible to employ horses. even the empty boats must be let down the rapids by means of cords, and not even in this way without great risk both to the canoes and the men. disappointed in finding a route by way of the river, capt. clarke now questioned his guide more particularly respecting an indian road which came in from the north. the guide, who seemed intelligent, drew a map on the sand, and represented this road as leading to a great river where resided a nation called tushepaws, who, having no salmon on their river, came by this road to the fish-wears on lewis's river. after a great deal of conversation, or rather signs, capt. clarke felt persuaded that his guide knew of a road from the shoshonee village they had left, to the great river toward the north, without coming so low down as this, on a road impracticable for horses. he therefore hastened to return thither, sending forward a man on horseback with a note to capt. lewis, apprising him of the result of his inquiries. from the th to the th of august, capt. clarke and his men were occupied in their return to the shoshonee village, where capt. lewis and party were awaiting them. during their march, the want of provisions was such, that if it had not been for the liberality of the indians, who gave them a share of their own scanty supplies, they must have perished. the main dependence for food was upon salmon and berries. it was seldom they could get enough of these for a full meal; and abstinence and the strange diet caused some sickness. capt. lewis, on the contrary, had found the game sufficiently abundant to supply their own party, and to spare some to the indians; so that, when their friends rejoined them, they had it in their power to immediately relieve their wants. the shoshonees. the shoshonees are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians,--a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern parts of the rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side. the shoshonees, with whom we now are, amount to about a hundred warriors, and three times that number of women and children. within their own recollection, they formerly lived in the plains; but they have been driven into the mountains by the roving indians of the saskatchawan country, and are now obliged to visit only occasionally and by stealth the country of their ancestors. from the middle of may to the beginning of september, they reside on the waters of the columbia. during this time, they subsist chiefly on salmon; and, as that fish disappears on the approach of autumn, they are obliged to seek subsistence elsewhere. they then cross the ridge to the waters of the missouri, down which they proceed cautiously till they are joined by other bands of their own nation, or of the flatheads, with whom they associate against the common enemy. being now strong in numbers, they venture to hunt buffaloes in the plains eastward of the mountains, near which they spend the winter, till the return of the salmon invites them to the columbia. in this loose and wandering existence, they suffer the extremes of want: for two-thirds of the year they are forced to live in the mountains, passing whole weeks without meat, and with nothing to eat but a few fish and roots. yet the shoshonees are not only cheerful, but gay; and their character is more interesting than that of any other indians we have seen. they are frank and communicative; fair in their dealings; and we have had no reason to suspect that the display of our new and valuable wealth has tempted them into a single act of theft. while they have shared with us the little they possess, they have always abstained from begging any thing of us. their wealth is in horses. of these they have at least seven hundred, among which are about forty colts, and half that number of mules. the original stock was procured from the spaniards; but now they raise their own, which are generally of good size, vigorous, and patient of fatigue as well as of hunger. every warrior has one or two tied to a stake near his hut day and night, so as to be always prepared for action. the mules are obtained in the course of trade from the spaniards of california. they are highly valued. the worst are considered as worth the price of two horses. the shoshonee warrior always fights on horseback. he possesses a few bad guns, which are reserved for war; but his common arms are the bow and arrow, a shield, a lance, and a weapon called _pogamogon_, which consists of a handle of wood, with a stone weighing about two pounds, and held in a cover of leather, attached to the handle by a leather thong. at the other end is a loop, which is passed round the wrist, so as to secure the hold of the instrument, with which they strike a very severe blow. the bow is made of cedar or pine, covered on the outer side with sinews and glue. sometimes it is made of the horn of an elk, covered on the back like those of wood. the arrows are more slender than those of other indians we have seen. they are kept, with the implements for striking fire, in a narrow quiver formed of different kinds of skin. it is just long enough to protect the arrows from the weather, and is fastened upon the back of the wearer by means of a strap passing over the right shoulder, and under the left arm. the shield is a circular piece of buffalo-skin, about two feet four inches in diameter, ornamented with feathers, with a fringe round it of dressed leather, and adorned with paintings of strange figures. besides these, they have a kind of armor, something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of antelope-skins, united by a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow. the caparison of their horses is a halter and saddle. the halter is made of strands of buffalo-hair platted together; or is merely a thong of raw hide, made pliant by pounding and rubbing. the halter is very long, and is never taken from the neck of the horse when in constant use. one end of it is first tied round the neck in a knot, and then brought down to the under-jaw, round which it is formed into a simple noose, passing through the mouth. it is then drawn up on the right side, and held by the rider in his left hand, while the rest trails after him to some distance. with these cords dangling alongside of them, the horse is put to his full speed, without fear of falling; and, when he is turned to graze, the noose is merely taken from his mouth. the saddle is formed, like the pack-saddles used by the french and spaniards, of two flat, thin boards, which fit the sides of the horse, and are kept together by two cross-pieces, one before and the other behind, which rise to a considerable height, making the saddle deep and narrow. under this, a piece of buffalo-skin, with the hair on, is placed, so as to prevent the rubbing of the board; and, when the rider mounts, he throws a piece of skin or robe over the saddle, which has no permanent cover. when stirrups are used, they consist of wood covered with leather; but stirrups and saddles are conveniences reserved for women and old men. the young warriors rarely use any thing except a small, leather pad stuffed with hair, and secured by a girth made of a leathern thong. in this way, they ride with great expertness; and they have particular dexterity in catching the horse when he is running at large. they make a noose in the rope, and although the horse may be at some distance, or even running, rarely fail to fix it on his neck; and such is the docility of the animal, that, however unruly he may seem, he surrenders as soon as he feels the rope on him. the horse becomes an object of attachment. a favorite is frequently painted, and his ears cut into various shapes. the mane and tail, which are never drawn nor trimmed, are decorated with feathers of birds; and sometimes a warrior suspends at the breast of his horse the finest ornaments he possesses. thus armed and mounted, the shoshonee is a formidable enemy, even with the feeble weapons which he is still obliged to use. when they attack at full speed, they bend forward, and cover their bodies with the shield, while with the right hand they shoot under the horse's neck. indian horses and riders. they are so well supplied with horses, that every man, woman, and child is mounted; and all they have is packed upon horses. small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone, and generally upon colts. they are tied upon the saddle to keep them from falling, especially when they go to sleep, which they often do when they become fatigued. then they lie down upon the horse's shoulders; and, when they awake, they lay hold of their whip, which is fastened to the wrist of their right hand, and apply it smartly to their horses: and it is astonishing to see how these little creatures will guide and run them. children that are still younger are put into an incasement made with a board at the back, and a wicker-work around the other parts, covered with cloth inside and without, or, more generally, with dressed skins; and they are carried upon the mother's back, or suspended from a high knob upon the fore part of their saddles. chapter xi. clarke's river. aug. .--capt. lewis, during the absence of his brother-officer, had succeeded in procuring from the indians, by barter, twenty-nine horses,--not quite one for each man. capt. clarke having now rejoined us, and the weather being fine, we loaded our horses, and prepared to start. we took our leave of the shoshonees, and accompanied by the old guide, his four sons, and another indian, began the descent of the river, which capt. clarke had named lewis's river. after riding twelve miles, we encamped on the bank; and, as the hunters had brought in three deer early in the morning, we did not feel in want of provisions. on the st of august, we made eighteen miles. here we left the track of capt. clarke, and began to explore the new route recommended by the indian guide, and which was our last hope of getting out of the mountains. during all day, we rode over hills, from which are many drains and small streams, and, at the distance of eighteen miles, came to a large creek, called fish creek, emptying into the main river, which is about six miles from us. sept. .--this morning, all the indians left us, except the old guide, who now conducted us up fish creek. we arrived shortly after at the forks of the creek. the road we were following now turned in a contrary direction to our course, and we were left without any track; but, as no time was to be lost, we began to cut our road up the west branch of the creek. this we effected with much difficulty. the thickets of trees and brush through which we were obliged to cut our way required great labor. our course was over the steep and rocky sides of the hills, where the horses could not move without danger of slipping down, while their feet were bruised by the rocks, and stumps of trees. accustomed as these animals were to this kind of life, they suffered severely. several of them fell to some distance down the sides of the hills, some turned over with the baggage, one was crippled, and two gave out exhausted with fatigue. after crossing the creek several times, we had made five miles with great labor, and encamped in a small, stony, low ground. it was not, however, till after dark that the whole party was collected; and then, as it rained, and we killed nothing, we passed an uncomfortable night. we had been too busily occupied with the horses to make any hunting excursion; and, though we saw many beaver-dams in the creek, we saw none of the animals. next day, our experiences were much the same, with the addition of a fall of snow at evening. the day following, we reached the head of a stream which directed its course more to the westward, and followed it till we discovered a large encampment of indians. when we reached them, and alighted from our horses, we were received with great cordiality. a council was immediately assembled, white robes were thrown over our shoulders, and the pipe of peace introduced. after this ceremony, as it was too late to go any farther, we encamped, and continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs till a late hour. next morning, we assembled the chiefs and warriors, and informed them who we were, and the purpose for which we visited their country. all this was, however, conveyed to them in so many different languages, that it was not comprehended without difficulty. we therefore proceeded to the more intelligible language of presents, and made four chiefs by giving a medal and a small quantity of tobacco to each. we received in turn, from the principal chiefs, a present, consisting of the skins of an otter and two antelopes; and were treated by the women to some dried roots and berries. we then began to traffic for horses, and succeeded in exchanging seven, and purchasing eleven. these indians are a band of the tushepaws, a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the head waters of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river. they seemed kind and friendly, and willingly shared with us berries and roots, which formed their only stock of provisions. their only wealth is their horses, which are very fine, and so numerous that this band had with them at least five hundred. we proceeded next day, and, taking a north-west direction, crossed, within a distance of a mile and a half, a small river from the right. this river is the main stream; and, when it reaches the end of the valley, it is joined by two other streams. to the river thus formed we gave the name of clarke's river; he being the first white man who ever visited its waters. we followed the course of the river, which is from twenty-five to thirty yards wide, shallow, and stony, with the low grounds on its borders narrow; and encamped on its right bank, after making ten miles. our stock of flour was now exhausted, and we had but little corn; and, as our hunters had killed nothing except two pheasants, our supper consisted chiefly of berries. the next day, and the next, we followed the river, which widened to fifty yards, with a valley four or five miles broad. at ten miles from our camp was a creek, which emptied itself on the west side of the river. it was a fine bold creek of clear water, about twenty yards wide; and we called it traveller's rest: for, as our guide told us we should here leave the river, we determined to make some stay for the purpose of collecting food, as the country through which we were to pass has no game for a great distance. toward evening, one of the hunters returned with three indians whom he had met. we found that they were tushepaw flatheads in pursuit of strayed horses. we gave them some boiled venison and a few presents, such as a fish hook, a steel to strike fire, and a little powder; but they seemed better pleased with a piece of ribbon which we tied in the hair of each of them. their people, they said, were numerous, and resided on the great river in the plain below the mountains. from that place, they added, the river was navigable to the ocean. the distance from this place is five "sleeps," or days' journeys. on resuming our route, we proceeded up the right side of the creek (thus leaving clarke's river), over a country, which, at first plain and good, became afterwards as difficult as any we had yet traversed. we had now reached the sources of traveller's-rest creek, and followed the road, which became less rugged. at our encampment this night, the game having entirely failed us, we killed a colt, on which we made a hearty supper. we reached the river, which is here eighty yards wide, with a swift current and a rocky channel. its indian name is kooskooskee. kooskooskee river. sept. .--this morning, snow fell, and continued all day; so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. it covered the track so completely, that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. the road is, like that of yesterday, along steep hillsides, obstructed with fallen timber, and a growth of eight different species of pine, so thickly strewed, that the snow falls from them upon us as we pass, keeping us continually wet to the skin. we encamped in a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had made thirteen miles. we were wet, cold, and hungry; yet we could not procure any game, and were obliged to kill another horse for our supper. this want of provisions, the extreme fatigue to which we were subjected, and the dreary prospect before us, began to dispirit the men. they are growing weak, and losing their flesh very fast. after three days more of the same kind of experience, on friday, th september, an agreeable change occurred. capt. clarke, who had gone forward in hopes of finding game, came suddenly upon a beautiful open plain partially stocked with pine. shortly after, he discovered three indian boys, who, observing the party, ran off, and hid themselves in the grass. capt. clarke immediately alighted, and, giving his horse and gun to one of the men, went after the boys. he soon relieved their apprehensions, and sent them forward to the village, about a mile off, with presents of small pieces of ribbon. soon after the boys had reached home, a man came out to meet the party, with great caution; but he conducted them to a large tent in the village, and all the inhabitants gathered round to view with a mixture of fear and pleasure the wonderful strangers. the conductor now informed capt. clarke, by signs, that the spacious tent was the residence of the great chief, who had set out three days ago, with all the warriors, to attack some of their enemies towards the south-west; that, in the mean time, there were only a few men left to guard the women and children. they now set before them a small piece of buffalo-meat, some dried salmon, berries, and several kinds of roots. among these last was one which is round, much like an onion in appearance, and sweet to the taste. it is called _quamash_, and is eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is called _pasheco_. after our long abstinence, this was a sumptuous repast. we returned the kindness of the people with a few small presents, and then went on, in company with one of the chiefs, to a second village in the same plain, at a distance of two miles. here the party was treated with great kindness, and passed the night. the two villages consist of about thirty double tents; and the people call themselves chopunnish, or pierced-nose. the chief drew a chart of the river on the sand, and explained that a greater chief than himself, who governed this village, and was called the twisted-hair, was now fishing at the distance of half a day's ride down the river. his chart made the kooskooskee to fork a little below his camp, below which the river passed the mountains. here was a great fall of water, near which lived white people, from whom they procured the white beads and brass ornaments worn by the women. capt. clarke engaged an indian to guide him to the twisted-hair's camp. for twelve miles, they proceeded through the plain before they reached the river-hills, which are very high and steep. the whole valley from these hills to the rocky mountains is a beautiful level country, with a rich soil covered with grass. there is, however, but little timber, and the ground is badly watered. the plain is so much sheltered by the surrounding hills, that the weather is quite warm (sept. ), while the cold of the mountains was extreme. from the top of the river-hills we descended for three miles till we reached the water-side, between eleven and twelve o'clock at night. here we found a small camp of five women and three children; the chief himself being encamped, with two others, on a small island in the river. the guide called to him, and he came over. capt. clarke gave him a medal, and they smoked together till one o'clock. next day, capt. clarke passed over to the island with the twisted-hair, who seemed to be cheerful and sincere. the hunters brought in three deer; after which capt. clarke left his party, and, accompanied by the twisted-hair and his son, rode back to the village, where he found capt. lewis and his party just arrived. the plains were now crowded with indians, who came to see the white men and the strange things they brought with them; but, as our guide was a perfect stranger to their language, we could converse by signs only. our inquiries were chiefly directed to the situation of the country. the twisted-hair drew a chart of the river on a white elk-skin. according to this, the kooskooskee forks a few miles from this place: two days' journey towards the south is another and larger fork, on which the shoshonee indians fish; five days' journey farther is a large river from the north-west, into which clarke's river empties itself. from the junction with that river to the falls is five days' journey farther. on all the forks, as well as on the main river, great numbers of indians reside; and at the falls are establishments of whites. this was the story of the twisted-hair. provision here was abundant. we purchased a quantity of fish, berries, and roots; and in the afternoon went on to the second village. we continued our purchases, and obtained as much provision as our horses could carry in their present weak condition. great crowds of the natives are round us all night; but we have not yet missed any thing, except a knife and a few other small articles. sept. .--the weather is fair. all round the village the women are busily employed in gathering and dressing the pasheco-root, large quantities of which are heaped up in piles all over the plain. we feel severely the consequence of eating heartily after our late privations. capt. lewis and two of his men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he can hardly sit on his horse. others could not mount without help; and some were forced to lie down by the side of the road for some time. our situation rendered it necessary to husband our remaining strength; and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. capt. clarke therefore set out with twisted-hair and two young men in quest of timber for canoes. sept. , , and .--sickness continued. few of the men were able to work; yet preparations were made for making five canoes. a number of indians collect about us in the course of the day to gaze at the strange appearance of every thing belonging to us. oct. .--the men were now much better, and capt. lewis so far recovered as to walk about a little. the canoes being nearly finished, it became necessary to dispose of the horses. they were therefore collected to the number of thirty-eight, and, being branded and marked, were delivered to three indians,--the two brothers and the son of a chief; the chief having promised to accompany us down the river. to each of these men we gave a knife and some small articles; and they agreed to take good care of the horses till our return. we had all our saddles buried in a _cache_ near the river, about half a mile below, and deposited at the same time a canister of powder and a bag of balls. the voyage down the kooskooskee river. oct. .--this morning, all the canoes were put in the water, and loaded, the oars fitted, and every preparation made for setting out. when we were all ready, the chief who had promised to accompany us was not to be found: we therefore proceeded without him. the kooskooskee is a clear, rapid stream, with a number of shoals and difficult places. this day and the next, we made a distance of fifty miles. we passed several encampments of indians on the islands and near the rapids, which situations are chosen as the most convenient for taking salmon. at one of these camps we found the chief, who, after promising to descend the river with us, had left us. he, however, willingly came on board, after we had gone through the ceremony of smoking. oct. .--a fine morning. we loaded the canoes, and set off at seven o'clock. after passing twenty miles, we landed below the junction of a large fork of the river, from the south. our arrival soon attracted the attention of the indians, who flocked from all directions to see us. being again reduced to fish and roots, we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing a few dogs; and, after having been accustomed to horse-flesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. the chopunnish have great numbers of dogs, but never use them for food; and our feeding on the flesh of that animal brought us into ridicule as dog-eaters. this southern branch is, in fact, the main stream of lewis's river, on whose upper waters we encamped when among the shoshonees. at its mouth, lewis's river is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and its water is of a greenish-blue color. the kooskooskee, whose waters are clear as crystal, is one hundred and fifty yards in width; and, after the union, the joint-stream extends to the width of three hundred yards. the chopunnish, or pierced-nose indians, who reside on the kooskooskee and lewis's rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men. the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the tushepaws. in dress, they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. the buffalo or elk-skin robe, decorated with beads, sea-shells (chiefly mother-of-pearl), attached to an otter-skin collar, is the dress of the men. the same ornaments are hung in the hair, which falls in front in two cues: they add feathers, paints of different colors (principally white, green, and blue), which they find in their own country. in winter, they wear a shirt of dressed skins; long, painted leggings, and moccasons; and a plait of twisted grass round the neck. the dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of the mountain-sheep skin, reaching down to the ankles, without a girdle. to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles; but the head is not at all ornamented. the chopunnish have few amusements; for their life is painful and laborious, and all their exertions are necessary to earn a precarious subsistence. during the summer and autumn, they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. in winter, they hunt the deer on snow-shoes over the plains; and, towards spring, cross the mountains to the missouri in pursuit of the buffalo. the soil of these prairies is a light-yellow clay. it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and the prickly-pear, of which we found three species. the first is the broad-leaved kind, common to this river with the missouri; the second has a leaf of a globular form, and is also frequent on the upper part of the missouri; the third is peculiar to this country. it consists of small, thick leaves of a circular form, which grow from the margin of each other. these leaves are armed with a great number of thorns, which are strong, and appear to be barbed. as the leaf itself is very slightly attached to the stem, as soon as one thorn touches the moccason, it adheres, and brings with it the leaf, which is accompanied with a re-enforcement of thorns. this species was a greater annoyance on our march than either of the others. chapter xii. from the junction of the kooskooskee with lewis's river to the columbia. from the mouth of the kooskooskee to that of the lewis is about a hundred miles; which distance they descended in seven days. the navigation was greatly impeded by rapids, which they passed with more or less danger and difficulty; being greatly indebted to the assistance of the indians, as they thankfully acknowledge. sometimes they were obliged to unload their boats, and to carry them round by land. all these rapids are fishing-places, greatly resorted to in the season. on the th of october ( ), having reached the junction of lewis's river with the columbia, they found by observation that they were in latitude ° ´, and longitude °. they measured the two rivers by angles, and found, that, at the junction, the columbia is yards wide; and lewis's river, : but, below their junction, the joint river is from one to three miles in width, including the islands. from the point of junction, the country is a continued plain, rising gradually from the water. there is through this plain no tree, and scarcely any shrub, except a few willow-bushes; and, even of smaller plants, there is not much besides the prickly-pear, which is abundant. in the course of the day, capt. clarke, in a small canoe, with two men, ascended the columbia. at the distance of five miles, he came to a small but not dangerous rapid. on the bank of the river opposite to this is a fishing-place, consisting of three neat houses. here were great quantities of salmon drying on scaffolds; and, from the mouth of the river upwards, he saw immense numbers of dead salmon strewed along the shore, or floating on the water. the indians, who had collected on the banks to view him, now joined him in eighteen canoes, and accompanied him up the river. a mile above the rapids, he observed three houses of mats, and landed to visit them. on entering one of the houses, he found it crowded with men, women, and children, who immediately provided a mat for him to sit on; and one of the party undertook to prepare something to eat. he began by bringing in a piece of pine-wood that had drifted down the river, which he split into small pieces with a wedge made of the elk's horn, by means of a mallet of stone curiously carved. the pieces were then laid on the fire, and several round stones placed upon them. one of the squaws now brought a bucket of water, in which was a large salmon about half dried; and, as the stones became heated, they were put into the bucket till the salmon was sufficiently boiled. it was then taken out, put on a platter of rushes neatly made, and laid before capt. clarke. another was boiled for each of his men. capt. clarke found the fish excellent. at another island, four miles distant, the inhabitants were occupied in splitting and drying salmon. the multitudes of this fish are almost inconceivable. the water is so clear, that they can readily be seen at the depth of fifteen or twenty feet; but at this season they float in such quantities down the stream, and are drifted ashore, that the indians have nothing to do but collect, split, and dry them. the indians assured him by signs that they often used dry fish as fuel for the common occasions of cooking. the evening coming on, he returned to camp. capt. clarke, in the course of his excursion, shot several grouse and ducks; also a prairie-cock,--a bird of the pheasant kind, about the size of a small turkey. it measured, from the beak to the end of the toe, two feet six inches; from the extremity of the wings, three feet six inches; and the feathers of the tail were thirteen inches long. this bird we have seen nowhere except upon this river. its chief food is the grasshopper, and the seeds of wild plants peculiar to this river and the upper missouri. adventure of capt. clarke. oct. .--having resumed their descent of the columbia, they came to a very dangerous rapid. in order to lighten the boats, capt. clarke landed, and walked to the foot of the rapid. arriving there before either of the boats, except a canoe, he sat down on a rock to wait for them; and, seeing a crane fly across the river, shot it, and it fell near him. several indians had been, before this, passing on the opposite side; and some of them, alarmed at his appearance or the report of the gun, fled to their houses. capt. clarke was afraid that these people might not have heard that white men were coming: therefore, in order to allay their uneasiness before the whole party should arrive, he got into the canoe with three men, and rowed over towards the houses, and, while crossing, shot a duck, which fell into the water. as he approached, no person was to be seen, except three men; and they also fled as he came near the shore. he landed before five houses close to each other; but no person appeared: and the doors, which were of mat, were closed. he went towards one of them with a pipe in his hand, and, pushing aside the mat, entered the lodge, where he found thirty-two persons, men and women, with a few children, all in the greatest consternation; some hanging down their heads; others crying, and wringing their hands. he went up to them all, and shook hands with them in the most friendly manner. their apprehensions gradually subsided, but revived on his taking out a burning-glass (there being no roof to the lodge), and lighting his pipe. having at length restored some confidence by the gift of some small presents, he visited some other houses, where he found the inhabitants similarly affected. confidence was not completely attained until the boats arrived, and then the two chiefs who accompanied the party explained the friendly intentions of the expedition. the sight of chaboneau's wife also dissipated any remaining doubts, as it is not the practice among the indians to allow women to accompany a war-party. to account for their fears, they told the two chiefs that they had seen the white men fall from the sky. having heard the report of capt. clarke's rifle, and seen the birds fall, and not having seen him till after the shot, they fancied that he had himself dropped from the clouds. this belief was strengthened, when, on entering the lodge, he brought down fire from heaven by means of his burning-glass. we soon convinced them that we were only mortals; and, after one of our chiefs had explained our history and objects, we all smoked together in great harmony. our encampment that night was on the river-bank opposite an island, on which were twenty-four houses of indians, all of whom were engaged in drying fish. we had scarcely landed when about a hundred of them came over to visit us, bringing with them a present of some wood, which was very acceptable. we received them in as kind a manner as we could, smoked with them, and gave the principal chief a string of wampum; but the highest satisfaction they enjoyed was in the music of our two violins, with which they seemed much delighted. they remained all night at our fires. an indian burying-place. we walked to the head of the island for the purpose of examining a vault, or burying-place, which we had remarked in coming along. the place in which the dead are deposited is a building about sixty feet long and twelve feet wide, formed by placing in the ground poles, or forks, six feet high, across which a long pole is extended the whole length of the structure. against this ridge-pole are placed broad boards, and pieces of wood, in a slanting direction, so as to form a shed. the structure stands east and west, open at both ends. on entering the western end, we observed a number of bodies wrapped carefully in leather robes, and arranged in rows on boards, which were then covered with a mat. this part of the building was destined for those who had recently died. a little farther on, limbs, half decayed, were scattered about; and in the centre of the building was a large pile of them heaped promiscuously. at the eastern extremity was a mat, on which twenty-one skulls were arranged in a circular form: the mode of interment being first to wrap the body in robes; and, as it decays, the bones are thrown into the heap, and the skulls placed together in order. from the different boards and pieces of wood which form the vault were suspended on the inside fishing-nets, baskets, wooden bowls, robes, skins, trenchers, and trinkets of various kinds, intended as offerings of affection to deceased relatives. on the outside of the vault were the skeletons of several horses, and great quantities of bones in the neighborhood, which induced us to believe that these animals were sacrificed at the funeral-rites of their masters. in other parts of the route, the travellers found a different species of cemetery. the dead were placed in canoes, and these canoes were raised above the ground by a scaffolding of poles. the motive was supposed to be to protect them from wild beasts. falls of the columbia. about a hundred and fifty miles below the junction of lewis's river, we reached the great falls. at the commencement of the pitch, which includes the falls, we landed, and walked down to examine them, and ascertain on which side we could make a portage most easily. from the lower end of the island, where the rapids begin, to the perpendicular fall, is about two miles. here the river contracts, when the water is low, to a very narrow space; and, with only a short distance of swift water, it makes its plunge twenty feet perpendicularly; after which it rushes on, among volcanic rocks, through a channel four miles in length, and then spreads out into a gentle, broad current. we will interrupt the narrative here to introduce from later travellers some pictures of the remarkable region to which our explorers had now arrived. it was not to be expected that capts. lewis and clarke should have taxed themselves, in their anxious and troubled march, to describe natural wonders, however striking. lieut. frémont thus describes this remarkable spot:-- the dalles.--"in a few miles we descended to the river, which we reached at one of its highly interesting features, known as the dalles of the columbia. the whole volume of the river at this place passes between the walls of a chasm, which has the appearance of having been rent through the basaltic strata which form the valley-rock of the region. at the narrowest place, we found the breadth, by measurement, fifty-eight yards, and the average height of the walls above the water twenty-five feet, forming a trough between the rocks; whence the name, probably applied by a canadian voyageur." the same scene is described by theodore winthrop in his "canoe and saddle:"-- "the dalles of the columbia, upon which i was now looking, must be studied by the american dante, whenever he comes, for imagery to construct his purgatory, if not his inferno. at walla-walla, two great rivers, clarke's and lewis's, drainers of the continent north and south, unite to form the columbia. it flows furiously for a hundred and twenty miles westward. when it reaches the dreary region where the outlying ridges of the cascade chain commence, it finds a great, low surface, paved with enormous polished sheets of basaltic rock. these plates, in french, _dalles_, give the spot its name. the great river, a mile wide not far above, finds but a narrow rift in this pavement for its passage. the rift gradually draws its sides closer, and, at the spot now called the dalles, subdivides into three mere slits in the sharp-edged rock. at the highest water, there are other minor channels; but generally this continental flood is cribbed and compressed within its three chasms suddenly opening in the level floor, each chasm hardly wider than a leap a hunted fiend might take." it is not easy to picture to one's self, from these descriptions, the peculiar scenery of the dalles. frémont understands the name as signifying a _trough_; while winthrop interprets it as _plates_, or _slabs_, of rock. the following description by lieut. (now gen.) henry l. abbot, in his "report of explorations for a railroad route," &c., will show that the term, in each of its meanings, is applicable to different parts of the channel:-- "at the dalles of the columbia, the river rushes through a chasm only about two hundred feet wide, with vertical, basaltic sides, rising from twenty to thirty feet above the water. steep hills closely border the chasm, leaving in some places scarcely room on the terrace to pass on horseback. the water rushes through this basaltic trough with such violence, that it is always dangerous, and in some stages of the water impossible, for a boat to pass down. the contraction of the river-bed extends for about three miles. near the lower end of it, the channel divides into several sluices, and then gradually becomes broader, until, where it makes a great bend to the south, it is over a quarter of a mile in width." after this interruption, the journal is resumed:-- "we soon discovered that the nearest route was on the right side, and therefore dropped down to the head of the rapid, unloaded the canoes, and took all the baggage over by land to the foot of the rapid. the distance is twelve hundred yards, part of it over loose sands, disagreeable to pass. the labor of crossing was lightened by the indians, who carried some of the heavy articles for us on their horses. having ascertained the best mode of bringing down the canoes, the operation was conducted by capt. clarke, by hauling the canoes over a point of land four hundred and fifty-seven yards to the water. one mile farther down, we reached a pitch of the river, which, being divided by two large rocks, descends with great rapidity over a fall eight feet in height. as the boats could not be navigated down this steep descent, we were obliged to land, and let them down as gently as possible by strong ropes of elk-skin, which we had prepared for the purpose. they all passed in safety, except one, which, being loosed by the breaking of the ropes, was driven down, but was recovered by the indians below." our travellers had now reached what have since been called the cascade mountains; and we must interrupt their narrative to give some notices of this remarkable scenery from later explorers. we quote from abbot's report:-- "there is great similarity in the general topographical features of the whole pacific slope. the sierra nevada in california, and the cascade range in oregon, form a continuous wall of mountains nearly parallel to the coast, and from one hundred to two hundred miles distant from it. the main crest of this range is rarely elevated less than six thousand feet above the level of the sea, and many of its peaks tower into the region of eternal snow." lieut. abbot thus describes a view of these peaks and of the columbia river:-- "at an elevation of five thousand feet above the sea, we stood upon the summit of the pass. for days we had been struggling blindly through dense forests; but now the surrounding country lay spread out before us for more than a hundred miles. the five grand snow-peaks, mount st. helens, mount ranier, mount adams, mount hood, and mount jefferson, rose majestically above a rolling sea of dark fir-covered ridges, some of which the approaching winter had already begun to mark with white. on every side, as far as the eye could reach, terrific convulsions of nature had recorded their fury; and not even a thread of blue smoke from the camp-fire of a wandering savage disturbed the solitude of the scene." the columbia river.--"the columbia river forces its way through the cascade range by a pass, which, for wild and sublime natural scenery, equals the celebrated passage of the hudson through the highlands. for a distance of about fifty miles, mountains covered with clinging spruces, firs, and pines, where not too precipitous to afford even these a foothold, rise abruptly from the water's edge to heights varying from one thousand to three thousand feet. vertical precipices of columnar basalt are occasionally seen, rising from fifty to a hundred feet above the river level. in other places, the long mountain-walls of the river are divided by lateral cañons (pronounced _canyons_), containing small tributaries, and occasionally little open spots of good land, liable to be overflowed at high water." caÃ�ons.--the plains east of the cascade mountains, through the whole extent of oregon and california, are covered with a volcanic deposit composed of trap, basalt, and other rocks of the same class. this deposit is cleft by chasms often more than a thousand feet deep, at the bottom of which there usually flows a stream of clear, cold water. this is sometimes the only water to be procured for the distance of many miles; and the traveller may be perishing with thirst while he sees far below him a sparkling stream, from which he is separated by precipices of enormous height and perpendicular descent. to chasms of this nature the name of _cañons_ has been applied, borrowed from the spaniards of mexico. we quote lieut. abbot's description of the cañon of des chutes river, a tributary of the columbia:-- "sept. .--as it was highly desirable to determine accurately the position and character of the cañon of des chutes river, i started this morning with one man to follow down the creek to its mouth, leaving the rest of the party in camp. having yesterday experienced the inconveniences of travelling in the bottom of a cañon, i concluded to try to-day the northern bluff. it was a dry, barren plain, gravelly, and sometimes sandy, with a few bunches of grass scattered here and there. tracks of antelopes or deer were numerous. after crossing one small ravine, and riding about five miles from camp, we found ourselves on the edge of the vast cañon of the river, which, far below us, was rushing through a narrow trough of basalt, resembling the dalles of the columbia. we estimated the depth of the cañon at a thousand feet. on each side, the precipices were very steep, and marked in many places by horizontal lines of vertical, basaltic columns, fifty or sixty feet in height. the man who was with me rolled a large rock, shaped like a grindstone, and weighing about two hundred pounds, from the summit. it thundered down for at least a quarter of a mile,--now over a vertical precipice, now over a steep mass of detritus, until at length it plunged into the river with a hollow roar, which echoed and re-echoed through the gorge for miles. by ascending a slight hill, i obtained a fine view of the surrounding country. the generally level character of the great basaltic table-land around us was very manifest from this point. bounded on the west by the cascade mountains, the plain extends far towards the south,--a sterile, treeless waste." the cascades.--"about forty miles below the dalles, all navigation is suspended by a series of rapids called the cascades. the wild grandeur of this place surpasses description. the river rushes furiously over a narrow bed filled with bowlders, and bordered by mountains which echo back the roar of the waters. the descent at the principal rapids is thirty-four feet; and the total fall at the cascades, sixty-one feet. salmon pass up the river in great numbers; and the cascades, at certain seasons of the year, are a favorite fishing resort with the indians, who build slight stagings over the water's edge, and spear the fish, or catch them in rude dip-nets, as they slowly force their way up against the current." we now return to our travellers. indian mode of packing salmon. near our camp are five large huts of indians engaged in drying fish, and preparing it for market. the manner of doing this is by first opening the fish, and exposing it to the sun on scaffolds. when it is sufficiently dried, it is pounded between two stones till it is pulverized, and is then placed in a basket, about two feet long and one in diameter, neatly made of grass and rushes, and lined with the skin of the salmon, stretched and dried for the purpose. here they are pressed down as hard as possible, and the top covered with skins of fish, which are secured by cords through the holes of the basket. these baskets are then placed in some dry situation, the corded part upwards; seven being usually placed as close as they can be together, and five on the top of them. the whole is then wrapped up in mats, and made fast by cords. twelve of these baskets, each of which contains from ninety to a hundred pounds, form a stack, which is now left exposed till it is sent to market. the fish thus preserved are kept sound and sweet for several years; and great quantities of it, they inform us, are sent to the indians who live lower down the river, whence it finds its way to the whites who visit the mouth of the columbia. we observe, both near the lodges and on the rocks in the river, great numbers of stacks of these pounded fish. beside the salmon, there are great quantities of salmon-trout, and another smaller species of trout, which they save in another way. a hole of any size being dug, the sides and bottom are lined with straw, over which skins are laid. on these the fish, after being well dried, is laid, covered with other skins, and the hole closed with a layer of earth, twelve or fifteen inches deep. these supplies are for their winter food. the stock of fish, dried and pounded, was so abundant, that capt. clarke counted one hundred and seven stacks of them, making more than ten thousand pounds. the indian boatmen. the canoes used by these people are built of white cedar or pine, very light, wide in the middle, and tapering towards the ends; the bow being raised, and ornamented with carvings of the heads of animals. as the canoe is the vehicle of transportation, the indians have acquired great dexterity in the management of it, and guide it safely over the roughest waves. we had an opportunity to-day of seeing the boldness of the indians. one of our men shot a goose, which fell into the river, and was floating rapidly towards the great shoot, when an indian, observing it, plunged in after it. the whole mass of the waters of the columbia, just preparing to descend its narrow channel, carried the bird down with great rapidity. the indian followed it fearlessly to within a hundred and fifty feet of the rocks, where, had he arrived, he would inevitably have been dashed to pieces; but, seizing his prey, he turned round, and swam ashore with great composure. we very willingly relinquished our right to the bird in favor of the indian, who had thus secured it at the hazard of his life. he immediately set to work, and picked off about half the feathers, and then, without opening it, ran a stick through it, and carried it off to roast. indian houses. while the canoes were coming on, impeded by the difficulties of the navigation, capt. clarke, with two men, walked down the river-shore, and came to a village belonging to a tribe called echeloots. the village consisted of twenty-one houses, scattered promiscuously over an elevated position. the houses were nearly equal in size, and of similar construction. a large hole, twenty feet wide and thirty in length, is dug to the depth of six feet. the sides are lined with split pieces of timber in an erect position, rising a short distance above the surface of the ground. these timbers are secured in their position by a pole, stretched along the side of the building, near the eaves, supported by a post at each corner. the timbers at the gable-ends rise higher, the middle pieces being the tallest. supported by these, there is a ridge-pole running the whole length of the house, forming the top of the roof. from this ridge-pole to the eaves of the house are placed a number of small poles, or rafters, secured at each end by fibres of the cedar. on these poles is laid a covering of white cedar or arbor-vitæ, kept on by strands of cedar-fibres. a small distance along the whole length of the ridge-pole is left uncovered for the admission of light, and to permit the smoke to escape. the entrance is by a small door at the gable-end, thirty inches high, and fourteen broad. before this hole is hung a mat; and on pushing it aside, and crawling through, the descent is by a wooden ladder, made in the form of those used among us. one-half of the inside is used as a place of deposit for their dried fish, and baskets of berries: the other half, nearest the door, remains for the accommodation of the family. on each side are arranged, near the walls, beds of mats, placed on platforms or bedsteads, raised about two feet from the ground. in the middle of the vacant space is the fire, or sometimes two or three fires, when, as is usually the case, the house contains several families. the inhabitants received us with great kindness, and invited us to their houses. on entering one of them, we saw figures of men, birds, and different animals, cut and painted on the boards which form the sides of the room, the figures uncouth, and the workmanship rough; but doubtless they were as much esteemed by the indians as our finest domestic adornments are by us. the chief had several articles, such as scarlet and blue cloth, a sword, a jacket, and hat, which must have been procured from the whites. on one side of the room were two wide split boards, placed together so as to make space for a rude figure of a man, cut and painted on them. on pointing to this, and asking what it meant, he said something, of which all we understood was "good," and then stepped to the image, and brought out his bow and quiver, which, with some other warlike implements, were kept behind it. the chief then directed his wife to hand him his _medicine-bag_, from which he brought out fourteen fore-fingers, which he told us had once belonged to the same number of his enemies. they were shown with great exultation; and after an harangue, which we were left to presume was in praise of his exploits, the fingers were carefully replaced among the valuable contents of the red medicine-bag. this bag is an object of religious regard, and it is a species of sacrilege for any one but its owner to touch it. in all the houses are images of men, of different shapes, and placed as ornaments in the parts of the house where they are most likely to be seen. a submerged forest. oct. .--the river is now about three-quarters of a mile wide, with a current so gentle, that it does not exceed a mile and a half an hour; but its course is obstructed by large rocks, which seem to have fallen from the mountains. what is, however, most singular, is, that there are stumps of pine-trees scattered to some distance in the river, which has the appearance of having been dammed below, and forced to encroach on the shore. note. rev. s. parker says, "we noticed a remarkable phenomenon,--trees standing in their natural position in the river, where the water is twenty feet deep. in many places, they were so numerous, that we had to pick our way with our canoe as through a forest. the water is so clear, that i had an opportunity of examining their position down to their spreading roots, and found them in the same condition as when standing in their native forest. it is evident that there has been an uncommon subsidence of a tract of land, more than twenty miles in length, and more than a mile in width. that the trees are not wholly decayed down to low-water mark, proves that the subsidence is comparatively of recent date; and their undisturbed natural position proves that it took place in a tranquil manner, not by any tremendous convulsion of nature." the river widens.--they meet the tide. nov. , .--longitude about °. at this point the first tidewater commences, and the river widens to nearly a mile in extent. the low grounds, too, become wider; and they, as well as the mountains on each side, are covered with pine, spruce, cotton-wood, a species of ash, and some alder. after being so long accustomed to the dreary nakedness of the country above, the change is as grateful to the eye as it is useful in supplying us with fuel. the ponds in the low grounds on each side of the river are resorted to by vast quantities of fowls, such as swans, geese, brants, cranes, storks, white gulls, cormorants, and plover. the river is wide, and contains a great number of sea-otters. in the evening, the hunters brought in game for a sumptuous supper, which we shared with the indians, great numbers of whom spent the night with us. during the night, the tide rose eighteen inches near our camp. a large village.--columbia valley. nov. .--next day, we landed on the left bank of the river, at a village of twenty-five houses. all of these were thatched with straw, and built of bark, except one, which was about fifty feet long, built of boards, in the form of those higher up the river; from which it differed, however, in being completely above ground, and covered with broad split boards. this village contains about two hundred men of the skilloot nation, who seem well provided with canoes, of which there were fifty-two (some of them very large) drawn up in front of the village. on landing, we found an indian from up the river, who had been with us some days ago, and now invited us into a house, of which he appeared to own a part. here he treated us with a root, round in shape, about the size of a small irish potato, which they call _wappatoo_. it is the common arrowhead, or sagittifolia, so much esteemed by the chinese, and, when roasted in the embers till it becomes soft, has an agreeable taste, and is a very good substitute for bread. here the ridge of low mountains running north-west and south-east crosses the river, and forms the western boundary of the plain through which we have just passed.[ ] this great plain, or valley, is about sixty miles wide in a straight line; while on the right and left it extends to a great distance. it is a fertile and delightful country, shaded by thick groves of tall timber, watered by small ponds, and lying on both sides of the river. the soil is rich, and capable of any species of culture; but, in the present condition of the indians, its chief production is the wappatoo-root, which grows spontaneously and exclusively in this region. sheltered as it is on both sides, the temperature is much milder than that of the surrounding country. through its whole extent, it is inhabited by numerous tribes of indians, who either reside in it permanently, or visit its waters in quest of fish and wappatoo-roots. we gave it the name of the columbia valley. coffin rock. among some interesting islands of basalt, there is one called coffin rock, situated in the middle of the river, rising ten or fifteen feet above high-freshet water. it is almost entirely covered with canoes, in which the dead are deposited, which gives it its name. in the section of country from wappatoo island to the pacific ocean, the indians, instead of committing their dead to the earth, deposit them in canoes; and these are placed in such situations as are most secure from beasts of prey, upon such precipices as this island, upon branches of trees, or upon scaffolds made for the purpose. the bodies of the dead are covered with mats, and split planks are placed over them. the head of the canoe is a little raised, and at the foot there is a hole made for water to escape. they reach the ocean. next day we passed the mouth of a large river, a hundred and fifty yards wide, called by the indians cowalitz. a beautiful, extensive plain now presented itself; but, at the distance of a few miles, the hills again closed in upon the river, so that we could not for several miles find a place sufficiently level to fix our camp upon for the night. thursday, nov. .--the morning was rainy, and the fog so thick, that we could not see across the river. we proceeded down the river, with an indian for our pilot, till, after making about twenty miles, the fog cleared off, and we enjoyed the delightful prospect of the ocean, the object of all our labors, the reward of all our endurance. this cheering view exhilarated the spirits of all the party, who listened with delight to the distant roar of the breakers. for ten days after our arrival at the coast, we were harassed by almost incessant rain. on the th, a violent gale of wind arose, accompanied with thunder, lightning, and hail. the waves were driven with fury against the rocks and trees, which had till then afforded us a partial defence. cold and wet; our clothes and bedding rotten as well as wet; the canoes, our only means of escape from the place, at the mercy of the waves,--we were, however, fortunate enough to enjoy good health. saturday, nov. .--the morning was clear and beautiful. we put out our baggage to dry, and sent several of the party to hunt. the camp was in full view of the ocean. the wind was strong from the south-west, and the waves very high; yet the indians were passing up and down the bay in canoes, and several of them encamped near us. the hunters brought in two deer, a crane, some geese and ducks, and several brant. the tide rises at this place eight feet six inches, and rolls over the beach in great waves. an excursion down the bay. capt. clarke started on monday, th november, on an excursion by land down the bay, accompanied by eleven men. the country is low, open, and marshy, partially covered with high pine and a thick undergrowth. at the distance of about fifteen miles they reached the cape, which forms the northern boundary of the river's mouth, called cape disappointment, so named by capt. meares, after a fruitless search for the river. it is an elevated circular knob, rising with a steep ascent a hundred and fifty feet or more above the water, covered with thick timber on the inner side, but open and grassy in the exposure next the sea. the opposite point of the bay is a very low ground, about ten miles distant, called, by capt. gray, point adams. the water for a great distance off the mouth of the river appears very shallow; and within the mouth, nearest to point adams, there is a large sand-bar, almost covered at high tide. we could not ascertain the direction of the deepest channel; for the waves break with tremendous force across the bay. mr. parker speaks more fully of this peculiarity of the river:-- "a difficulty of such a nature as is not easily overcome exists in regard to the navigation of this river; which is, the sand-bar at its entrance. it is about five miles, across the bar, from cape disappointment out to sea. in no part of that distance is the water upon the bar over eight fathoms deep, and in one place only five, and the channel only about half a mile in width. so wide and open is the ocean, that there is always a heavy swell: and, when the wind is above a gentle breeze, there are breakers quite across the bar; so that there is no passing it, except when the wind and tide are both favorable. outside the bar, there is no anchorage; and there have been instances, in the winter season, of ships lying off and on thirty days, waiting for an opportunity to pass: and a good pilot is always needed. high, and in most parts perpendicular, basaltic rocks line the shores." the following is theodore winthrop's description of the columbia, taken from his "canoe and saddle:"-- "a wall of terrible breakers marks the mouth of the columbia,--achilles of rivers. "other mighty streams may swim feebly away seaward, may sink into foul marshes, may trickle through the ditches of an oozy delta, may scatter among sand-bars the currents that once moved majestic and united; but to this heroic flood was destined a short life and a glorious one,--a life all one strong, victorious struggle, from the mountains to the sea. it has no infancy: two great branches collect its waters up and down the continent. they join, and the columbia is born--to full manhood. it rushes forward jubilant through its magnificent chasm, and leaps to its death in the pacific." footnote: [ ] since called the coast range. chapter xiii. winter-quarters. november, .--having now examined the coast, it becomes necessary to decide on the spot for our winter-quarters. we must rely chiefly for subsistence upon our arms, and be guided in the choice of our residence by the supply of game which any particular spot may offer. the indians say that the country on the opposite side of the river is better supplied with elk,--an animal much larger, and more easily killed, than the deer, with flesh more nutritive, and a skin better fitted for clothing. the neighborhood of the sea is, moreover, recommended by the facility of supplying ourselves with salt, and the hope of meeting some of the trading-vessels, which are expected about three months hence, from which we may procure a fresh supply of trinkets for our journey homewards. these considerations induced us to determine on visiting the opposite side of the bay; and, if there was an appearance of plenty of game, to establish ourselves there for the winter. monday, th november, we set out; but, as the wind was too high to suffer us to cross the river, we kept near the shore, watching for a favorable change. on leaving our camp, seven clatsops in a canoe accompanied us, but, after going a few miles, left us, and steered straight across through immense, high waves, leaving us in admiration at the dexterity with which they threw aside each wave as it threatened to come over their canoe. next day, with a more favorable wind, we began to cross the river. we passed between some low, marshy islands, and reached the south side of the columbia, and landed at a village of nine large houses. soon after we landed, three indians came down from the village with wappatoo-roots, which we purchased with fish-hooks. we proceeded along the shore till we came to a remarkable knob of land projecting about a mile and a half into the bay, about four miles round, while the neck of land which unites it to the main is not more than fifty yards across. we went round this projection, which we named point william; but the waves then became so high, that we could not venture any farther, and therefore landed on a beautiful shore of pebbles of various colors, and encamped near an old indian hut on the isthmus. discomforts. nov. .--it rained hard all next day, and the next, attended with a high wind from the south-west. it was impossible to proceed on so rough a sea. we therefore sent several men to hunt, and the rest of us remained during the day in a situation the most cheerless and uncomfortable. on this little neck of land, we are exposed, with a miserable covering which does not deserve the name of a shelter, to the violence of the winds. all our bedding and stores are completely wet, our clothes rotting with constant exposure, and no food except the dried fish brought from the falls, to which we are again reduced. the hunters all returned hungry, and drenched with rain; having seen neither deer nor elk, and the swans and brants too shy to be approached. at noon, the wind shifted to the north-west, and blew with such fury, that many trees were blown down near us. the gale lasted with short intervals during the whole night; but towards morning the wind lulled, though the rain continued, and the waves were still high. th.--the hunters met with no better success this day and the next, and the weather continued rainy. but on monday, d december, one of the hunters killed an elk at the distance of six miles from the camp, and a canoe was sent to bring it. this was the first elk we had killed on the west side of the rocky mountains; and, condemned as we have been to the dried fish, it forms a most acceptable food. the rain continued, with brief interruptions, during the whole month of december. there were occasional falls of snow, but no frost or ice. winter-quarters. capt. lewis returned from an excursion down the bay, having left two of his men to guard six elks and five deer which the party had shot. he had examined the coast, and found a river a short distance below, on which we might encamp for the winter, with a sufficiency of elk for our subsistence within reach. this information was very satisfactory, and we decided on going thither as soon as we could move from the point; but it rained all night and the following day. saturday, th december, , was fair. we therefore loaded our canoes, and proceeded: but the tide was against us, and the waves very high; so that we were obliged to proceed slowly and cautiously. we at length turned a point, and found ourselves in a deep bay. here we landed for breakfast, and were joined by a party sent out three days ago to look for the six elk. after breakfast, we coasted round the bay, which is about four miles across, and receives two rivers. we called it meriwether's bay, from the christian name of capt. lewis, who was, no doubt, the first white man who surveyed it. on reaching the south side of the bay, we ascended one of the rivers for three miles to the first point of highland, on its western bank, and formed our camp in a thick grove of lofty pines about two hundred yards from the water, and thirty feet above the level of the high tides. the clatsops at home. capt. clarke started on an expedition to the seashore, to fix upon a place for the salt-works. he took six men with him; but three of them left in pursuit of a herd of elk. he met three indians loaded with fresh salmon, which they had taken, and were returning to their village, whither they invited him to accompany them. he agreed; and they brought out a canoe hid along the bank of a creek. capt. clarke and his party got on board, and in a short time were landed at the village, consisting of twelve houses, inhabited by twelve families of clatsops. these houses were on the south exposure of a hill, and sunk about four feet deep into the ground; the walls, roof, and gable-ends being formed of split-pine boards; the descent through a small door down a ladder. there were two fires in the middle of the room, and the beds disposed round the walls, two or three feet from the floor, so as to leave room under them for their bags, baskets, and household articles. the floor was covered with mats. capt. clarke was received with much attention. as soon as he entered, clean mats were spread, and fish, berries, and roots set before him on small, neat platters of rushes. after he had eaten, the men of the other houses came and smoked with him. they appeared much neater in their persons than indians generally are. towards evening, it began to rain and blow violently; and capt. clarke therefore determined to remain during the night. when they thought his appetite had returned, an old woman presented him, in a bowl made of light-colored horn, a kind of sirup, pleasant to the taste, made from a species of berry common in this country, about the size of a cherry, called by the indians _shelwel_. of these berries a bread is also prepared, which, being boiled with roots, forms a soup, which was served in neat wooden trenchers. this, with some cockles, was his repast. the men of the village now collected, and began to gamble. the most common game was one in which one of the company was banker, and played against all the rest. he had a piece of bone about the size of a large bean; and, having agreed with any one as to the value of the stake, he would pass the bone with great dexterity from one hand to the other, singing at the same time to divert the attention of his adversary. then, holding up his closed hands, his antagonist was challenged to say in which of them the bone was, and lost or won as he pointed to the right or wrong hand. to this game of hazard they abandon themselves with great ardor. sometimes every thing they possess is sacrificed to it; and this evening several of the indians lost all the beads which they had with them. this lasted for three hours; when, capt. clarke appearing disposed to sleep, the man who had been most attentive, and whose name was cuskalah, spread two new mats by the fire; and, ordering his wife to retire to her own bed, the rest of the company dispersed at the same time. capt. clarke then lay down, and slept as well as the fleas would permit him. next morning was cloudy, with some rain. he walked on the seashore, and observed the indians walking up and down, and examining the shore. he was at a loss to understand their object till one of them explained that they were in search of fish, which are thrown on shore by the tide; adding, in english, "sturgeon is good." there is every reason to suppose that these clatsops depend for their subsistence during the winter chiefly on the fish thus casually thrown on the coast. after amusing himself for some time on the beach, capt. clarke returned toward the village. one of the indians asked him to shoot a duck which he pointed out. he did so; and, having accidentally shot off its head, the bird was brought to the village, and all the indians came round in astonishment. they examined the duck, the musket, and the very small bullet (a hundred to the pound); and then exclaimed in their language, "good musket: don't understand this kind of musket." they now placed before him their best roots, fish, and sirup; after which he bought some berry-bread and a few roots in exchange for fish-hooks, and then set out to return by the same route by which he came. he was accompanied by cuskalah and his brother part of the way, and proceeded to the camp through a heavy rain. the party had been occupied during his absence in cutting down trees and in hunting. next day, two of our hunters returned with the pleasing intelligence of their having killed eighteen elk about six miles off. our huts begin to rise; for, though it rains all day, we continue our labors, and are glad to find that the beautiful balsam-pine splits into excellent boards more than two feet in width. dec. .--capt. clarke, with sixteen men, set out in three canoes to get the elk which were killed. after landing as near the spot as possible, the men were despatched in small parties to bring in the game; each man returning with a quarter of an animal. it was accomplished with much labor and suffering; for the rain fell incessantly. the fort completed. we now had the meat-house covered, and all our game carefully hung up in small pieces. two days after, we covered in four huts. five men were sent out to hunt, and five others despatched to the seaside, each with a large kettle, in order to begin the manufacture of salt. the rest of the men were employed in making pickets and gates for our fort. dec. .--as if it were impossible to have twenty-four hours of pleasant weather, the sky last evening clouded up, and the rain began, and continued through the day. in the morning, there came down two canoes,--one from the wahkiacum village; the other contained three men and a squaw of the skilloot nation. they brought wappatoo and shanatac roots, dried fish, mats made of flags and rushes, dressed elk-skins, and tobacco, for which, particularly the skins, they asked an extravagant price. we purchased some wappatoo and a little tobacco, very much like that we had seen among the shoshonees, put up in small, neat bags made of rushes. these we obtained in exchange for a few articles, among which fish-hooks are the most esteemed. one of the skilloots brought a gun which wanted some repair; and, when we had put it in order, we received from him a present of about a peck of wappatoo. we then gave him a piece of sheepskin and blue cloth to cover the lock, and he very thankfully offered a further present of roots. there is an obvious superiority of these skilloots over the wahkiacums, who are intrusive, thievish, and impertinent. our new regulations, however, and the appearance of the sentinel, have improved the behavior of all our indian visitors. they left the fort before sunset, even without being ordered. chapter xiv. a new year. we were awaked at an early hour by the discharge of a volley of small-arms to salute the new year. this is the only way of doing honor to the day which our situation admits; for our only dainties are boiled elk and wappatoo, enlivened by draughts of water. next day, we were visited by the chief, comowool, and six clatsops. besides roots and berries, they brought for sale three dogs. having been so long accustomed to live on the flesh of dogs, the most of us have acquired a fondness for it; and any objection to it is overcome by reflecting, that, while we subsisted on that food, we were fatter, stronger, and in better health, than at any period since leaving the buffalo country, east of the mountains. the indians also brought with them some whale's blubber, which they obtained, they told us, from their neighbors who live on the sea-coast, near one of whose villages a whale has recently been thrown and stranded. it was white, and not unlike the fat of pork, though of a more porous and spongy texture; and, on being cooked, was found to be tender and palatable, in flavor resembling the flesh of the beaver. two of the five men who were despatched to make salt returned. they had formed an establishment about fifteen miles south-west of our fort, near some scattered houses of the clatsops, where they erected a comfortable camp, and had killed a stock of provisions. they brought with them a gallon of the salt of their manufacture, which was white, fine, and very good. it proves to be a most agreeable addition to our food; and, as they can make three or four quarts a day, we have a prospect of a plentiful supply. the whale. the appearance of the whale seemed to be a matter of importance to all the neighboring indians; and in hopes that we might be able to procure some of it for ourselves, or at least purchase some from the indians, a small parcel of merchandise was prepared, and a party of men got in readiness to set out in the morning. as soon as this resolution was known, chaboneau and his wife requested that they might be permitted to accompany us. the poor woman urged very earnestly that she had travelled a great way with us to see the great water, yet she had never been down to the coast; and, now that this monstrous fish also was to be seen, it seemed hard that she should not be permitted to see either the ocean or the whale. so reasonable a request could not be denied: they were therefore suffered to accompany capt. clarke, who next day, after an early breakfast, set out with twelve men in two canoes. he proceeded down the river on which we are encamped into meriwether bay; from whence he passed up a creek three miles to some high, open land, where he found a road. he there left the canoes, and followed the path over deep marshes to a pond about a mile long. here they saw a herd of elk; and the men were divided into small parties, and hunted them till after dark. three of the elk were wounded; but night prevented our taking more than one, which was brought to the camp, and cooked with some sticks of pine which had drifted down the creeks. the weather was beautiful, the sky clear, and the moon shone brightly,--a circumstance the more agreeable, as this is the first fair evening we have enjoyed for two months. thursday, jan. .--there was a frost this morning. we rose early, and taking eight pounds of flesh, which was all that remained of the elk, proceeded up the south fork of the creek. at the distance of two miles we found a pine-tree, which had been felled by one of our salt-makers, on which we crossed the deepest part of the creek, and waded through the rest. we then went over an open, ridgy prairie, three-quarters of a mile to the sea-beach; after following which for three miles, we came to the mouth of a beautiful river, with a bold, rapid current, eighty-five yards wide, and three feet deep in its shallowest crossings. on its north-east side are the remains of an old village of clatsops, inhabited by only a single family, who appeared miserably poor and dirty. we gave the man two fish-hooks to ferry the party over the river, which, from the tribe on its banks, we called clatsop river. the creek which we had passed on a tree approaches this river within about a hundred yards, and, by means of a portage, supplies a communication with the villages near point adams. after going on for two miles, we found the salt-makers encamped near four houses of clatsops and killimucks, who, though poor and dirty, seemed kind and well-disposed. we persuaded a young indian, by the present of a file and a promise of some other articles, to guide us to the spot where the whale lay. he led us for two and a half miles over the round, slippery stones at the foot of a high hill projecting into the sea, and then, suddenly stopping, and uttering the word "peshack," or bad, explained by signs that we could no longer follow the coast, but must cross the mountain. this threatened to be a most laborious undertaking; for the side was nearly perpendicular, and the top lost in clouds. he, however, followed an indian path, which wound along, and favored the ascent as much as possible; but it was so steep, that, at one place, we were forced to draw ourselves up for about a hundred feet by means of bushes and roots. clarke's point of view. at length, after two hours' labor, we reached the top of the mountain, where we looked down with astonishment on the height of ten or twelve hundred feet which we had ascended. we were here met by fourteen indians loaded with oil and blubber, the spoils of the whale, which they were carrying in very heavy burdens over this rough mountain. on leaving them, we proceeded over a bad road till night, when we encamped on a small run. we were all much fatigued: but the weather was pleasant; and, for the first time since our arrival here, an entire day has passed without rain. in the morning we set out early, and proceeded to the top of the mountain, the highest point of which is an open spot facing the ocean. it is situated about thirty miles south-east of cape disappointment, and projects nearly two and a half miles into the sea. here one of the most delightful views imaginable presents itself. immediately in front is the ocean, which breaks with fury on the coast, from the rocks of cape disappointment as far as the eye can discern to the north-west, and against the highlands and irregular piles of rock which diversify the shore to the south-east. to this boisterous scene, the columbia, with its tributary waters, widening into bays as it approaches the ocean, and studded on both sides with the chinook and clatsop villages, forms a charming contrast; while immediately beneath our feet are stretched rich prairies, enlivened by three beautiful streams, which conduct the eye to small lakes at the foot of the hills. we stopped to enjoy the romantic view from this place, which we distinguished by the name of clarke's point of view, and then followed our guide down the mountain. the whale. the descent was steep and dangerous. in many places, the hillsides, which are formed principally of yellow clay, have been loosened by the late rains, and are slipping into the sea in large masses of fifty and a hundred acres. in other parts, the path crosses the rugged, perpendicular, basaltic rocks which overhang the sea, into which a false step would have precipitated us. the mountains are covered with a very thick growth of timber, chiefly pine and fir; some trees of which, perfectly sound and solid, rise to the height of two hundred and ten feet, and are from eight to twelve in diameter. intermixed is the white cedar, or arbor-vitæ, and some trees of black alder, two or three feet thick, and sixty or seventy in height. at length we reached the sea-level, and continued for two miles along the sand-beach, and soon after reached the place where the waves had thrown the whale on shore. the animal had been placed between two villages of killimucks; and such had been their industry, that there now remained nothing but the skeleton, which we found to be a hundred and five feet in length. capt. clarke named the place ecola, or whale creek. the natives were busied in boiling the blubber in a large square trough of wood by means of heated stones, preserving the oil thus extracted in bladders and the entrails of the whale. the refuse pieces of the blubber, which still contained a portion of oil, were hung up in large flitches, and, when wanted for use, were warmed on a wooden spit before the fire, and eaten, either alone, or with roots of the rush and shanatac. the indians, though they had great quantities, parted with it very reluctantly, at such high prices, that our whole stock of merchandise was exhausted in the purchase of about three hundred pounds of blubber and a few gallons of oil. next morning was fine, the wind from the north-east; and, having divided our stock of the blubber, we began at sunrise to retrace our steps in order to reach our encampment, which we called fort clatsop, thirty-five miles distant, with as little delay as possible. we met several parties of indians on their way to trade for blubber and oil with the killimucks: we also overtook a party returning from the village, and could not but regard with astonishment the heavy loads which the women carry over these fatiguing and dangerous paths. as one of the women was descending a steep part of the mountain, her load slipped from her back; and she stood holding it by a strap with one hand, and with the other supporting herself by a bush. capt. clarke, being near her, undertook to replace the load, and found it almost as much as he could lift, and above one hundred pounds in weight. loaded as they were, they kept pace with us till we reached the salt-makers' camp, where we passed the night, while they continued their route. next day, we proceeded across clatsop river to the place where we had left our canoes, and, as the tide was coming in, immediately embarked for the fort, at which place we arrived about ten o'clock at night. drewyer, the hunter. jan. , .--two hunters had been despatched in the morning; and one of them, drewyer, had, before evening, killed seven elks. we should scarcely be able to subsist, were it not for the exertions of this excellent hunter. the game is scarce; and none is now to be seen except elk, which, to almost all the men, are very difficult to be procured. but drewyer, who is the offspring of a canadian frenchman and an indian woman, has passed his life in the woods, and unites in a wonderful degree the dexterous aim of the frontier huntsman with the sagacity of the indian in pursuing the faintest tracks through the forest. all our men have indeed become so expert with the rifle, that, when there is game of any kind, we are almost certain of procuring it. monday, jan. .--capt. lewis took all the men who could be spared, and brought in the seven elk, which they found untouched by the wolves. the last of the candles which we brought with us being exhausted, we now began to make others of elk-tallow. we also employed ourselves in jerking the meat of the elk. we have three of the canoes drawn up out of the reach of the water, and the other secured by a strong cord, so as to be ready for use if wanted. jan. .--to-day we finished curing our meat; and having now a plentiful supply of elk and salt, and our houses dry and comfortable, we wait patiently for the moment of resuming our journey. chapter xv. winter life. jan. , .--we are all occupied in dressing skins, and preparing clothes for our journey homewards. this morning, we sent out two parties of hunters in different directions. we were visited by three clatsops, who came merely for the purpose of smoking and conversing with us. jan. .--two of the hunters came back with three elks, which form a timely addition to our stock of provision. the indian visitors left us at twelve o'clock. the clatsops and other nations have visited us with great freedom. having acquired much of their language, we are enabled, with the assistance of gestures, to hold conversations with great ease. we find them inquisitive and loquacious; by no means deficient in acuteness. they are generally cheerful, but seldom gay. every thing they see excites their attention and inquiries. their treatment of women and old men depends very much on the usefulness of these classes. thus, among the clatsops and chinooks, who live upon fish and roots, which the women are equally expert with the men in procuring, the women have a rank and influence far greater than they have among the hunting tribes. on many subjects their judgments and opinions are respected; and, in matters of trade, their advice is generally asked and followed. so with the old men: when one is unable to pursue the chase, his counsels may compensate for his want of activity; but in the next state of infirmity, when he can no longer travel from camp to camp as the tribe roams about for subsistence, he is found to be a burden. in this condition they are abandoned among the sioux and other hunting-tribes of the missouri. as the tribe are setting out for some new excursion where the old man is unable to follow, his children or nearest relations place before him a piece of meat and some water; and telling him that he has lived long enough, that it is now time for him to go home to his relations, who can take better care of him than his friends on earth, they leave him without remorse to perish, when his little supply is exhausted. though this is doubtless true as a general rule, yet, in the villages of the minnetarees and ricaras, we saw no want of kindness to old men: on the contrary, probably because in villages the more abundant means of subsistence renders such cruelty unnecessary, the old people appeared to be treated with attention; and some of their feasts, particularly the buffalo-dances, were intended chiefly as an occasion of contribution for the old and infirm. flathead indians. the custom of flattening the head by artificial pressure during infancy prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the rocky mountains. to the east of that barrier the fashion is so perfectly unused, that they designate the western indians, of whatever tribe, by the common name of flatheads. the practice is universal among the killimucks, clatsops, chinooks, and cathlamahs,--the four nations with whom we have had most intercourse. soon after the birth of her child, the mother places it in the compressing-frame, where it is kept for ten or twelve months. the operation is so gradual, that it is not attended with pain. the heads of the children, when they are released from the bandage, are not more than two inches thick about the upper edge of the forehead: nor, with all its efforts, can nature ever restore their shape; the heads of grown persons being often in a straight line from the tip of the nose to the top of the forehead. temperance.--gambling. their houses usually contain several families, consisting of parents, sons and daughters, daughters-in-law and grand-children, among whom the provisions are in common, and harmony seldom interrupted. as these families gradually expand into tribes, or nations, the paternal authority is represented by the chief of each association. the chieftainship is not hereditary: the chief's ability to render service to his neighbors, and the popularity which follows it, is the foundation of his authority, which does not extend beyond the measure of his personal influence. the harmony of their private life is protected by their ignorance of spirituous liquors. although the tribes near the coast have had so much intercourse with the whites, they do not appear to possess any knowledge of those dangerous luxuries; at least, they have never inquired of us for them. indeed, we have not observed any liquor of an intoxicating quality used among any indians west of the rocky mountains; the universal beverage being pure water. they, however, almost intoxicate themselves by smoking tobacco, of which they are excessively fond. but the common vice of all these people is an attachment to games of chance, which they pursue with a ruinous avidity. the game of the pebble has already been described. another game is something like the play of ninepins. two pins are placed on the floor, about the distance of a foot from each other, and a small hole made in the earth behind them. the players then go about ten feet from the hole, into which they try to roll a small piece resembling the men used at checkers. if they succeed in putting it into the hole, they win the stake. if the piece rolls between the pins, but does not go into the hole, nothing is won or lost; but the wager is lost if the checker rolls outside the pins. entire days are wasted at these games, which are often continued through the night round the blaze of their fires, till the last article of clothing or the last blue bead is lost and won. trees. the whole neighborhood of the coast is supplied with great quantities of excellent timber. the predominant growth is the fir, of which we have seen several species. the first species grows to an immense size, and is very commonly twenty-seven feet in circumference, six feet above the earth's surface. they rise to the height of two hundred and thirty feet, and one hundred and twenty of that height without a limb. we have often found them thirty-six feet in circumference. one of our party measured one, and found it to be forty-two feet in circumference at a point beyond the reach of an ordinary man. this tree was perfectly sound; and, at a moderate calculation, its height may be estimated at three hundred feet. the second is a much more common species, and constitutes at least one-half of the timber in this neighborhood. it resembles the spruce, rising from one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty feet; and is from four to six feet in diameter, straight, round, and regularly tapering. the stem of the black alder arrives at a great size. it is sometimes found growing to the height of sixty or seventy feet, and is from two to four in diameter. there is a tree, common on the columbia river, much resembling the ash, and another resembling the white maple, though much smaller. the undergrowth consists of honeysuckle, alder, whortleberry, a plant like the mountain-holly, green brier, and fern. animals. the beaver of this country is large and fat: the flesh is very palatable, and, at our table, was a real luxury. on the th of january, our hunter found a beaver in his trap, of which he made a bait for taking others. this bait will entice the beaver to the trap as far as he can smell it; and this may be fairly stated to be at the distance of a mile, as their sense of smelling is very acute. the sea-otter resides only on the sea-coast or in the neighborhood of the salt water. when fully grown, he attains to the size of a large mastiff dog. the ears, which are not an inch in length, are thick, pointed, fleshy, and covered with short hair; the tail is ten inches long, thick at the point of insertion, and partially covered with a deep fur on the upper side; the legs are very short, covered with fur, and the feet with short hair. the body of this animal is long, and of the same thickness throughout. from the extremity of the tail to the nose, they measure five feet. the color is a uniform dark brown, and when in good condition, and in season, perfectly black. this animal is unrivalled for the beauty, richness, and softness of his fur. the inner part of the fur, when opened, is lighter than the surface in its natural position. there are some black and shining hairs intermixed with the fur, which are rather longer, and add much to its beauty. horses and dogs. the horse is confined chiefly to the nations inhabiting the great plains of the columbia, extending from latitude forty to fifty north, and occupying the tract of country lying between the rocky mountains and a range of mountains which crosses the columbia river about the great falls. in this region they are very numerous. they appear to be of an excellent race, lofty, well formed, active, and enduring. many of them appear like fine english coursers. some of them are pied, with large spots of white irregularly scattered, and intermixed with a dark-brown bay. the greater part, however, are of a uniform color, marked with stars, and white feet. the natives suffer them to run at large in the plains, the grass of which affords them their only winter subsistence; their masters taking no trouble to lay in a winter's store for them. they will, nevertheless, unless much exercised, fatten on the dry grass afforded by the plains during the winter. the plains are rarely moistened by rain, and the grass is consequently short and thin. whether the horse was originally a native of this country or not, the soil and climate appear to be perfectly well adapted to his nature. horses are said to be found wild in many parts of this country. the dog is small, about the size of an ordinary cur. he is usually party-colored; black, white, brown, and brindle being the colors most predominant. the head is long, the nose pointed, the eyes small, the ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf. the hair is short and smooth, excepting on the tail, where it is long and straight, like that of the ordinary cur-dog. the natives never eat the flesh of this animal, and he appears to be in no other way serviceable to them but in hunting the elk. to us, on the contrary, it has now become a favorite food; for it is found to be a strong, healthy diet, preferable to lean deer or elk, and much superior to horse-flesh in any state. burrowing squirrel. there are several species of squirrels not different from those found in the atlantic states. there is also a species of squirrel, evidently distinct, which we denominate the burrowing squirrel. he measures one foot five inches in length, of which the tail comprises two and a half inches only. the neck and legs are short; the ears are likewise short, obtusely pointed, and lie close to the head. the eyes are of a moderate size, the pupil black, and the iris of a dark, sooty brown. the teeth, and indeed the whole contour, resemble those of the squirrel. these animals associate in large companies, occupying with their burrows sometimes two hundred acres of land. the burrows are separate, and each contains ten or twelve of these inhabitants. there is a little mound in front of the hole, formed of the earth thrown out of the burrow; and frequently there are three or four distinct holes, forming one burrow, with their entrances around the base of a mound. these mounds, about two feet in height and four in diameter, are occupied as watch-towers by the inhabitants of these little communities. the squirrels are irregularly distributed about the tract they thus occupy,--ten, twenty, or thirty yards apart. when any person approaches, they make a shrill whistling sound, somewhat resembling "tweet, tweet, tweet;" the signal for their party to take the alarm, and to retire into their intrenchments. they feed on the grass of their village, the limits of which they never venture to exceed. as soon as the frost commences, they shut themselves up in their caverns, and continue until the spring opens. birds. the grouse, or prairie-hen.--this is peculiarly the inhabitant of the great plains of the columbia, but does not differ from those of the upper portion of the missouri. in the winter season, this bird is booted to the first joint of the toes. the toes are curiously bordered on their lower edges with narrow, hard scales, which are placed very close to each other, and extend horizontally about one-eighth of an inch on each side of the toes, adding much to the broadness of the feet,--a security which nature has furnished them for passing over the snow with more ease,--and, what is very remarkable, in the summer season these scales drop from the feet. the color of this bird is a mixture of dark brown, reddish, and yellowish brown, with white confusedly mixed. the reddish-brown prevails most on the upper parts of the body, wings, and tail; and the white, under the belly and the lower parts of the breast and tail. they associate in large flocks in autumn and winter; and, even in summer, are seen in companies of five or six. they feed on grass, insects, leaves of various shrubs in the plains, and the seeds of several species of plants which grow in richer soils. in winter, their food consists of the buds of the willow and cottonwood, and native berries. the cock of the plains is found on the plains of the columbia in great abundance. the beak is large, short, covered, and convex; the upper exceeding the lower chap. the nostrils are large, and the back black. the color is a uniform mixture of a dark-brown, resembling the dove, and a reddish or yellowish brown, with some small black specks. the habits of this bird resemble those of the grouse, excepting that his food is the leaf and buds of the pulpy-leaved thorn. the flesh is dark, and only tolerable in point of flavor. horned frog. the horned lizard, or horned frog, called, for what reason we never could learn, the prairie buffalo, is a native of these plains as well as of those of the missouri. the color is generally brown, intermixed with yellowish spots. the animal is covered with minute scales, interspersed with small horny points, or prickles, on the upper surface of the body. the belly and throat resemble those of the frog, and are of a light yellowish-brown. the edge of the belly is likewise beset with small horny projections. the eye is small and dark. above and behind the eyes there are several bony projections, which resemble horns sprouting from the head. these animals are found in greatest numbers in the sandy, open plains, and appear most abundant after a shower of rain. they are sometimes found basking in the sunshine, but generally conceal themselves in little holes of the earth. this may account for their appearance in such numbers after rain, as their holes may thus be rendered untenantable. chapter xvi. the return. march, .--many reasons had inclined us to remain at fort clatsop till the st of april. besides the want of fuel in the columbian plains, and the impracticability of crossing the mountains before the beginning of june, we were anxious to see some of the foreign traders, from whom, by our ample letters of credit, we might recruit our exhausted stores of merchandise. about the middle of march, however, we became seriously alarmed for the want of food. the elk, our chief dependence, had at length deserted its usual haunts in our neighborhood, and retreated to the mountains. we were too poor to purchase food from the indians; so that we were sometimes reduced, notwithstanding all the exertions of our hunters, to a single day's provision in advance. the men too, whom the constant rains and confinement had rendered unhealthy, might, we hoped, be benefited by leaving the coast, and resuming the exercise of travelling. we therefore determined to leave fort clatsop, ascend the river slowly, consume the month of march in the woody country, where we hoped to find subsistence, and in this way reach the plains about the st of april, before which time it will be impossible to cross them. during the winter, we have been very industrious in dressing skins; so that we now have a sufficient quantity of clothing, besides between three and four hundred pairs of moccasons. but the whole stock of goods on which we are to depend for the purchase of horses or of food, during the long journey of four thousand miles, is so much diminished, that it might all be tied in two handkerchiefs. we therefore feel that our chief dependence must be on our guns, which, fortunately, are all in good order, as we took the precaution of bringing a number of extra locks, and one of our men proved to be an excellent gunsmith. the powder had been secured in leaden canisters; and, though on many occasions they had been under water, it remained perfectly dry: and we now found ourselves in possession of one hundred and forty pounds of powder, and twice that weight of lead,--a stock quite sufficient for the route homewards. we were now ready to leave fort clatsop; but the rain prevented us for several days from calking the canoes, and we were forced to wait for calm weather before we could attempt to pass point william, which projects about a mile and a half into the sea, forming, as it were, the dividing-line between the river and the ocean; for the water below is salt, while that above is fresh. on march , at one o'clock in the afternoon, we took a final leave of fort clatsop. we doubled point william without any injury, and at six o'clock reached the mouth of a small creek, where we found our hunters. they had been fortunate enough to kill two elks, which were brought in, and served for breakfast next morning. next day, we were overtaken by two wahkiacums, who brought two dogs, for which they wanted us to give them some tobacco; but, as we had very little of that article left, they were obliged to go away disappointed. we received at the same time an agreeable supply of three eagles and a large goose, brought in by the hunters. we passed the entrance of cowalitz river, seventy miles from our winter camp. this stream enters the columbia from the north; is one hundred and fifty yards wide; deep and navigable, as the indians assert, for a considerable distance; and probably waters the country west and north of the cascade mountains, which cross the columbia between the great falls and rapids. during the day, we passed a number of fishing-camps on both sides of the river, and were constantly attended by small parties of skilloots, who behaved in the most orderly manner, and from whom we purchased as much fish and roots as we wanted, on moderate terms. the night continued as the day had been,--cold, wet, and disagreeable; which is the general character of the weather in this region at this season. march .--at an early hour, we resumed our route, and halted for breakfast at the upper end of an island where is properly the commencement of the great columbian valley. we landed at a village of fourteen large wooden houses. the people received us kindly, and spread before us wappatoo and anchovies; but, as soon as we had finished enjoying this hospitality (if it deserves that name), they began to ask us for presents. they were, however, perfectly satisfied with the small articles which we distributed according to custom, and equally pleased with our purchasing some wappatoo, twelve dogs, and two sea-otter skins. we also gave the chief a small medal, which he soon transferred to his wife. april .--we met a number of canoes filled with families descending the river. these people told us that they lived at the great rapids, but that a scarcity of provisions there had induced them to come down in hopes of finding subsistence in this fertile valley. all those who lived at the rapids, as well as the nations above them, they said, were in much distress for want of food, having consumed their winter store of dried fish, and not expecting the return of the salmon before the next full moon, which will be on the d of may. this intelligence was disagreeable and embarrassing. from the falls to the chopunnish nation, the plains afford no deer, elk, or antelope, on which we can rely for subsistence. the horses are very poor at this season; and the dogs must be in the same condition, if their food, the fish, have failed. on the other hand, it is obviously inexpedient to wait for the return of the salmon, since, in that case, we may not reach the missouri before the ice will prevent our navigating it. we therefore decided to remain here only till we collect meat enough to last us till we reach the chopunnish nation, with whom we left our horses on our downward journey, trusting that we shall find the animals safe, and have them faithfully returned to us; for, without them, the passage of the mountains will be almost impracticable. april , .--several canoes arrived to visit us; and among the party were two young men who belonged to a nation, which, they said, resides at the falls of a large river which empties itself into the south side of the columbia, a few miles below us; and they drew a map of the country with a coal on a mat. in order to verify this information, capt. clarke persuaded one of the young men, by the present of a burning-glass, to accompany him to the river, in search of which he immediately set out with a canoe and seven of our men. in the evening, capt. clarke returned from his excursion. after descending about twenty miles, he entered the mouth of a large river, which was concealed, by three small islands opposite its entrance, from those who pass up or down the columbia. this river, which the indians call multnomah, from a nation of the same name residing near it on wappatoo island, enters the columbia one hundred and forty miles above the mouth of the latter river. the current of the multnomah, which is also called willamett, is as gentle as that of the columbia; and it appears to possess water enough for the largest ship, since, on sounding with a line of five fathoms, they could find no bottom. capt. clarke ascended the river to the village of his guide. he found here a building two hundred and twenty-six feet in front, entirely above ground, and all under one roof; otherwise it would seem more like a range of buildings, as it is divided into seven distinct apartments, each thirty feet square. the roof is formed of rafters, with round poles laid on them longitudinally. the whole is covered with a double row of the bark of the white cedar, secured by splinters of dried fir, inserted through it at regular distances. in this manner, the roof is made light, strong, and durable. in the house were several old people of both sexes, who were treated with much respect, and still seemed healthy, though most of them were perfectly blind. on inquiring the cause of the decline of their village, which was shown pretty clearly by the remains of several deserted buildings, an old man, father of the guide, and a person of some distinction, brought forward a woman very much marked with the small-pox, and said, that, when a girl, she was near dying with the disorder which had left those marks, and that the inhabitants of the houses now in ruins had fallen victims to the same disease. wappatoo island and root. wappatoo island is a large extent of country lying between the multnomah river and an arm of the columbia. the island is about twenty miles long, and varies in breadth from five to ten miles. the land is high, and extremely fertile, and on most parts is supplied with a heavy growth of cottonwood, ash, and willow. but the chief wealth of this island consists of the numerous ponds in the interior, abounding with the common arrowhead (_sagittaria sagittifolia_), to the root of which is attached a bulb growing beneath it, in the mud. this bulb, to which the indians give the name of _wappatoo_, is the great article of food, and almost the staple article of commerce, on the columbia. it is never out of season; so that, at all times of the year, the valley is frequented by the neighboring indians who come to gather it. it is collected chiefly by the women, who employ for the purpose canoes from ten to fourteen feet in length, about two feet wide, and nine inches deep, tapering from the middle, where they are about twenty inches wide. they are sufficient to contain a single person and several bushels of roots; yet so light, that a woman can carry one with ease. she takes one of these canoes into a pond where the water is as high as the breast, and, by means of her toes, separates from the root this bulb, which, on being freed from the mud, rises immediately to the surface of the water, and is thrown into the canoe. in this manner, these patient females remain in the water for several hours, even in the depth of winter. this plant is found through the whole extent of the valley in which we now are, but does not grow on the columbia farther eastward. scenery of the river and shores. above the junction of the multnomah river, we passed along under high, steep, and rocky sides of the mountains, which here close in on each side of the river, forming stupendous precipices, covered with the fir and white cedar. down these heights frequently descend the most beautiful cascades,--one of which, a large stream, throws itself over a perpendicular rock, three hundred feet above the water; while other smaller streams precipitate themselves from a still greater elevation, and, separating into a mist, again collect, and form a second cascade before they reach the bottom of the rocks. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, generally abrupt and craggy, and in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, hard, basaltic rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends itself, in level plains, to a very great distance. to one remarkable elevation we gave the name of beacon rock. it stands on the north side of the river, insulated from the hills. the northern side has a partial growth of fir or pine. to the south, it rises in an unbroken precipice to the height of seven hundred feet, where it terminates in a sharp point, and may be seen at the distance of twenty miles. this rock may be considered as the point where tidewater commences. april .--we formed our camp at the foot of the long narrows, a little above a settlement of skilloots. their dwellings were formed by sticks set in the ground, and covered with mats and straw, and so large, that each was the residence of several families. the whole village was filled with rejoicing at having caught a salmon, which was considered as the harbinger of vast quantities that would arrive in a few days. in the belief that it would hasten their coming, the indians, according to their custom, dressed the fish, and cut it into small pieces, one of which was given to every child in the village; and, in the good humor excited by this occurrence, they parted, though reluctantly, with four horses, for which we gave them two kettles, reserving to ourselves only one. we resumed our route, and soon after halted on a hill, from the top of which we had a commanding view of the range of mountains in which mount hood stands, and which continued south as far as the eye could reach; their summits being covered with snow. mount hood bore south thirty degrees west; and another snowy summit, which we have called mount jefferson, south ten degrees west. capt. clarke crossed the river, with nine men and a large part of the merchandise, to purchase, if possible, twelve horses to transport our baggage, and some pounded fish, as a reserve, on the passage across the mountains. he succeeded in purchasing only four horses, and those at double the price that had been paid to the shoshonees. april .--as it was much for our interest to preserve the good will of these people, we passed over several small thefts which they had committed; but this morning we learned that six tomahawks and a knife had been stolen during the night. we addressed ourselves to the chief, who seemed angry with his people; but we did not recover the articles: and soon afterwards two of our spoons were missing. we therefore ordered them all from the camp. they left us in ill-humor, and we therefore kept on our guard against any insult. april .--we began our march at seven o'clock. we had just reached the top of a hill near the village, when the load of one of the horses turned; and the animal, taking fright at a robe which still adhered to him, ran furiously toward the village. just as he came there, the robe fell, and an indian made way with it. the horse was soon caught; but the robe was missing, and the indians denied having seen it. these repeated acts of knavery had quite exhausted our patience; and capt. lewis set out for the village, determined to make them deliver up the robe, or to burn their houses to the ground. this retaliation was happily rendered unnecessary; for on his way he met two of our men, who had found the robe in one of the huts, hid behind some baggage. april .--the indians had promised to take our canoes in exchange for horses; but, when they found that we were resolved on travelling by land, they refused giving us any thing for them, in hopes that we would be forced to leave them. disgusted at this conduct, we determined rather to cut them in pieces than suffer these people to possess them; and actually began to do so, when they consented to give us several strands of beads for each canoe. we had now a sufficient number of horses to carry our baggage, and therefore proceeded wholly by land. passing between the hills and the northern shore of the river, we had a difficult and fatiguing march over a road alternately sandy and rocky. the country through which we have passed for several days is of uniform character. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, solid rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends, in level plains, to a very great distance, and, though not as fertile as land near the falls, produces an abundant supply of low grass, which is an excellent food for horses. the grass must indeed be unusually nutritious: for even at this season of the year, after wintering on the dry grass of the plains, and being used with greater severity than is usual among the whites, many of the horses were perfectly fat; nor had we seen a single one that was really poor. having proceeded thirty-one miles, we halted for the night not far from some houses of the walla-wallas. soon after stopping, we were joined by seven of that tribe, among whom we recognized a chief by the name of yellept, who had visited us in october last, when we gave him a medal. he appeared very much pleased at seeing us again, and invited us to remain at his village three or four days, during which he would supply us with such food as they had, and furnish us with horses for our journey. after the cold, inhospitable treatment we had lately received, this kind offer was peculiarly acceptable. after having made a hasty meal, we accompanied him to his village. immediately on our arrival, yellept, who proved to be a man of much influence, collected the inhabitants, and after having made an harangue to them, the object of which was to induce them to treat us hospitably, set them an example by bringing himself an armful of wood, and a platter containing three roasted mullets. they immediately followed the example by furnishing us with an abundance of the only sort of fuel they use,--the stems of shrubs growing in the plains. we then purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on short allowance for two days previously. we learned from these people, that, opposite to their village, there was a route which led to the mouth of the kooskooskee; that the road was good, and passed over a level country well supplied with water and grass; and that we should meet with plenty of deer and antelope. we knew that a road in that direction would shorten our route eighty miles; and we concluded to adopt this route. fortunately there was among these walla-wallas a prisoner belonging to a tribe of the shoshonee indians. our shoshonee woman, sacajawea, though she belonged to another tribe, spoke the same language as this prisoner; and by their means we were enabled to explain ourselves to the indians, and to answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and the object of our journey. our conversation inspired them with such confidence, that they soon brought several sick persons for whom they requested our assistance. we splintered the broken arm of one, gave some relief to another whose knee was contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought would be useful for ulcers and eruptions of the skin on various parts of the body, which are very common disorders among them. but our most valuable medicine was eye-water, which we distributed, and which, indeed, they very much required; for complaints of the eyes, occasioned by living so much on the water, and aggravated by the fine sand of the plains, were universal among them. we were by no means dissatisfied at this new resource for obtaining subsistence, as the indians would give us no provisions without merchandise, and our stock was very much reduced. we carefully abstained from giving them any thing but harmless medicines; and our prescriptions might be useful, and were therefore entitled to some remuneration. may .--almost the only instance of rudeness we encountered in our whole trip occurred here. we made our dinner on two dogs and a small quantity of roots. while we were eating, an indian standing by, and looking with great derision at our eating dog's-flesh, threw a half-starved puppy almost into capt. lewis's plate, laughing heartily at the humor of it. capt. lewis took up the animal, and flung it back with great force into the fellow's face, and, seizing his tomahawk, threatened to cut him down if he dared to repeat such insolence. he went off, apparently much mortified; and we continued our dog-repast very quietly. here we met our old chopunnish guide and his family; and soon afterward one of our horses, which had been separated from the others in the charge of twisted-hair, was caught, and restored to us. the walla-walla. we reached (may ) a branch of the walla-walla river. the hills of this creek are generally abrupt and rocky; but the narrow bottom bordering the stream is very fertile, and both possess twenty times as much timber as the columbia itself. indeed, we now find, for the first time since leaving fort clatsop, an abundance of firewood. the growth consists of cotton-wood, birch, the crimson haw, willow, choke-cherry, yellow currants, gooseberry, honeysuckle, rose-bushes, sumac, together with some corn-grass and rushes. the advantage of a comfortable fire induced us, as the night was come, to halt at this place. we were soon supplied by drewyer with a beaver and an otter; of which we took only a part of the beaver, and gave the rest to the indians. the otter is a favorite food, though much inferior, in our estimation, to the dog, which they will not eat. the horse, too, is seldom eaten, and never except when absolute necessity compels. this fastidiousness does not, however, seem to proceed so much from any dislike to the food as from attachment to the animal; for many of them eat very freely of the horse-beef we give them. there is very little difference in the general face of the country here from that of the plains on the missouri, except that the latter are enlivened by vast herds of buffaloes, elks, and other animals, which are wanting here. over these wide bottoms we continued, till, at the distance of twenty-six miles from our last encampment, we halted for the night. we had scarcely encamped, when three young men from the walla-walla village came in with a steel-trap, which we had inadvertently left behind, and which they had come a whole day's journey on purpose to restore. this act of integrity was the more pleasing because it corresponds perfectly with the general behavior of the walla-wallas, among whom we had lost carelessly several knives, which were always returned as soon as found. we may, indeed, justly affirm, that, of all the indians whom we have met, the walla-wallas were the most hospitable, honest, and sincere. twisted-hair. on wednesday, the th of may, we reached the kooskooskee, and found it much more navigable than when we descended it last year. the water was risen, and covered the rocks and shoals. here we found the chief, named twisted-hair, in whose charge we had left our horses in our outward journey. we had suspicions that our horses, and especially our saddles, might not be easily recoverable after our long absence. the twisted-hair was invited to come, and smoke with us. he accepted the invitation, and, as we smoked our pipes over the fire, informed us, that, according to his promise, he had collected the horses, and taken charge of them; but another chief, the broken-arm, becoming jealous of him because the horses were confided to his care, was constantly quarrelling with him. at length, being an old man, and unwilling to live in perpetual disputes, he had given up the care of the horses, which had consequently become scattered. the greater part of them were, however, still in this neighborhood. he added, that on the rise of the river, in the spring, the earth had fallen from the door of the _cache_, and exposed the saddles, some of which had probably been lost; but, as soon as he was acquainted with the situation of them, he had had them buried in another place, where they were now. he promised that he would, on the morrow, send his young men, and collect such of the horses as were in the neighborhood. he kept his word. next day, the indians brought in twenty-one of the horses, the greater part of which were in excellent order; and the twisted-hair restored about half the saddles we had left in the _cache_, and some powder and lead which were buried at the same place. chapter xvii. the rocky mountains. may .--the country along the rocky mountains, for several hundred miles in length and fifty in width, is a high level plain; in all its parts extremely fertile, and in many places covered with a growth of tall, long-leaved pine. nearly the whole of this wide tract is covered with a profusion of grass and plants, which are at this time as high as the knee. among these are a variety of esculent plants and roots, yielding a nutritious and agreeable food. the air is pure and dry; the climate as mild as that of the same latitudes in the atlantic states, and must be equally healthy, since all the disorders which we have witnessed may fairly be imputed to other causes than the climate. of course, the degrees of heat and cold obey the influence of situation. thus the rains of the low grounds are snows in the high plains; and, while the sun shines with intense heat in the confined river-bottoms, the plains enjoy a much cooler air; and, at the foot of the mountains, the snows are even now many feet in depth. crossing the mountains. an attempt to cross the mountains in the early part of june failed on account of the snow, which still covered the track. it was plain we should have no chance of finding either grass or underwood for our horses. to proceed, therefore, would be to hazard the loss of our horses; in which case, if we should be so fortunate as to escape with our lives, we should be obliged to abandon our papers and collections. it was accordingly decided not to venture farther; to deposit here all the baggage and provisions for which we had no immediate use, and to return to some spot where we might live by hunting till the snow should have melted, or a guide be procured to conduct us. we submitted, june , to the mortification of retracing our steps three days' march. on the th june, having been so fortunate as to engage three indians to go with us to the falls of the missouri for the compensation of two guns, we set out on our second attempt to cross the mountains. on reaching the place where we had left our baggage, we found our deposit perfectly safe. it required two hours to arrange our baggage, and prepare a hasty meal; after which the guides urged us to set off, as we had a long ride to make before we could reach a spot where there was grass for our horses. we mounted, and followed their steps; sometimes crossed abruptly steep hills, and then wound along their sides, near tremendous precipices, where, had our horses slipped, we should have been irrecoverably lost. our route lay along the ridges which separate the waters of the kooskooskee and chopunnish, and above the heads of all the streams; so that we met no running water. late in the evening, we reached a spot where we encamped near a good spring of water. it was on the steep side of a mountain, with no wood, and a fair southern aspect, from which the snow seemed to have disappeared for about ten days, and an abundant growth of young grass, like greensward, had sprung up. there was also a species of grass not unlike flag, with a broad succulent leaf, which is confined to the upper parts of the mountains. it is a favorite food with the horses; but it was then either covered with snow, or just making its appearance. june .--we continued our route over the high and steep hills of the same great ridge. at eight miles' distance, we reached an eminence where the indians have raised a conical mound of stone six or eight feet high. from this spot we have a commanding view of the surrounding mountains, which so completely enclose us, that, although we have once passed them, we should despair of ever escaping from them without the assistance of the indians; but our guides traverse this trackless region with a kind of instinctive sagacity. they never hesitate; they are never embarrassed; yet so undeviating is their step, that, wherever the snow has disappeared for even a hundred paces, we find the summer road. with their aid, the snow is scarcely a disadvantage; for although we are often obliged to slide down, yet the fallen timber and the rocks, which are now covered up, were much more troublesome when we passed in the autumn. note. a later traveller through this region writes, "the mountains are indeed _rocky_. they are rocks heaped upon rocks, with no vegetation, excepting a few cedars growing out of the crevices near their base. their tops are covered with perpetual snow. the main ridge of the mountains is of _gneiss_ rock; yet, to-day, parallel ridges of a rock, nearly allied to _basalt_, have abounded. these ridges appear to be volcanic, forced up in _dikes_ at different distances from each other, running from east-north-east to west-south-west. the strata are mostly vertical; but some are a little dipped to the south. "our encampment was near a small stream which runs through a volcanic chasm, which is more than a hundred feet deep, with perpendicular sides. here was a passage made for the _water_ by _fire_." the party agree to separate. july , .--it was agreed here that the expedition should be divided, to unite again at the confluence of the missouri and the yellowstone. the separation took place near the point where clarke's river is crossed by the forty-seventh parallel of latitude. capt. lewis, with nine men, was to cross the mountains in a direction as nearly due east as possible, expecting to find some tributary of the missouri, by following which he might reach that river, and by it retrace his way homeward. capt. clarke, with the remainder of the party, was to seek the head waters of the yellowstone, and follow that stream to the proposed place of re-union. in conformity with this arrangement, capt. lewis, under the guidance of friendly indians, crossed the mountains by a route which led him, after travelling one hundred and four miles, to medicine river, and by that river to the missouri. he reached the falls of the missouri on the th of july, and leaving there a portion of his party, under sergt. gass, to make preparations for transporting their baggage and canoes round the falls, set out, accompanied by drewyer and the two brothers fields, with six horses, to explore maria's river, to ascertain its extent toward the north. from the th to the th, they were engaged in this exploration. on the eve of their return, an event occurred, which, being the only instance in which the expedition was engaged in any conflict with the indians with loss of life, requires to be particularly related. conflict with the indians. we were passing through a region frequented by the minnetarees, a band of indians noted for their thievish propensities and unfriendly dispositions. capt. lewis was therefore desirous to avoid meeting with them. drewyer had been sent out for game, and capt. lewis ascended a hill to look over the country. scarcely had he reached the top, when he saw, about a mile on his left, a collection of about thirty horses. by the aid of his spy-glass, he discovered that one-half of the horses were saddled, and that, on the eminence above the horses, several indians were looking down towards the river, probably at drewyer. this was a most unwelcome sight. their probable numbers rendered any contest with them of doubtful issue. to attempt to escape would only invite pursuit; and our horses were so bad, that we must certainly be overtaken: besides which, drewyer could not yet be aware that indians were near; and, if we ran, he would most probably be sacrificed. we therefore determined to make the best of our situation, and advance towards them in a friendly manner. the flag which we had brought in case of such an emergency was therefore displayed, and we continued slowly our march towards them. their whole attention was so engaged by drewyer, that they did not immediately discover us. as soon as they did so, they appeared to be much alarmed, and ran about in confusion. when we came within a quarter of a mile, one of the indians mounted, and rode towards us. when within a hundred paces of us, he halted; and capt. lewis, who had alighted to receive him, held out his hand, and beckoned him to approach: but he only looked at us, and then, without saying a word, returned to his companions. the whole party now descended the hill, and rode towards us. as yet we saw only eight, but presumed that there must be more behind, as there were several more horses saddled. capt. lewis had with him but two men; and he told them his fears that these were indians of the minnetaree tribe, and that they would attempt to rob us, and advised them to be on the alert, should there appear any disposition to attack us. when the two parties came within a hundred yards of each other, all the indians, except one, halted. capt. lewis therefore ordered his two men to halt, while he advanced, and, after shaking hands with the indian, went on and did the same with the others in the rear, while the indian himself shook hands with our two men. they all now came up; and, after alighting, the indians asked to smoke with us. capt. lewis, who was very anxious for drewyer's safety, told them that the man who had gone down the river had the pipe, and requested, that, as they had seen him, one of them would accompany r. fields to bring him back. to this they assented; and fields went with a young man in search of drewyer, who returned with them. as it was growing late, capt. lewis proposed that they should encamp with us; for he was glad to see them, and had a great deal to say to them. they assented; and, being soon joined by drewyer, the evening was spent in conversation with the indians, in which capt. lewis endeavored to persuade them to cultivate peace with their neighbors. finding them very fond of the pipe, capt. lewis, who was desirous of keeping a constant watch during the night, smoked with them to a late hour; and, as soon as they were all asleep, he woke r. fields, and ordering him to rouse us all in case any indian left the camp, as he feared they would attempt to steal our horses, he lay down by the side of drewyer in the tent with the indians, while the brothers fields were stretched near the fire at the mouth of the tent. at sunrise, the indians got up, and crowded round the fire, near which j. fields, who was then on watch, had carelessly left his rifle, near the head of his brother, who was asleep. one of the indians slipped behind him, and, unperceived, took his brother's and his own rifle; while at the same time two others seized those of drewyer and capt. lewis. as soon as fields turned round, he saw the indian running off with the rifles; and, instantly calling his brother, they pursued him for fifty or sixty yards; and just as they overtook him, in the scuffle for the rifles, r. fields stabbed him through the heart with his knife. the indian ran a few steps, and fell dead. they recovered their rifles, and ran back to the camp. the moment the fellow touched his gun, drewyer, who was awake, jumped up, and wrested it from him. the noise awoke capt. lewis, who instantly started from the ground, and reached to seize his gun, but found it gone, and, turning about, saw the indian running off with it. he followed, and called to him to lay down the gun; which he did. by this time, the rest of the indians were endeavoring to drive off our horses; and capt. lewis ordered his men to follow them, and fire upon the thieves if they did not release our horses. the result was, that we recovered four of our horses, and as many of theirs which they had left behind; so that we were rather gainers by the contest. besides the indian killed by fields, one other was badly wounded. we had no doubt but that we should be immediately pursued by a much larger party. our only chance of safety was in rejoining our friends, who were many miles distant. we therefore pushed our horses as fast as we could; and, fortunately for us, the indian horses proved very good. the plains were level, free from stones and prickly-pears, and in fine order for travelling over from the late rains. we commenced our ride in the early morning. at three o'clock, we had ridden, by estimate, sixty-three miles. we halted for an hour and a half to refresh our horses; then pursued our journey seventeen miles farther, when, as night came on, we killed a buffalo, and again stopped for two hours. the sky was now overclouded; but, as the moon gave light enough to show us the route, we continued for twenty miles farther, and then, exhausted with fatigue, halted at two in the morning. next day, we rejoined the main body of our party in safety. capt. lewis with his companions pursued their way down the missouri, passing those points already noticed in their ascent. our narrative, therefore, will leave them here, and attend the course of capt. clarke and his party down the yellowstone. chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone. july , .--the party under capt. clarke, consisting of fifteen men, with fifty horses, set out through the valley of clarke's river, along the western side of which they rode in a southern direction. the valley is from ten to fifteen miles in width, and is diversified by a number of small open plains, abounding with grass and a variety of sweet-scented plants, and watered by numerous streams rushing from the western mountains. these mountains were covered with snow about one-fifth of the way from the top; and some snow was still to be seen in the hollows of the mountains to the eastward. july .--they reached wisdom river, and stopped for dinner at a hot spring situated in the open plain. the bed of the spring is about fifteen yards in circumference, and composed of loose, hard, gritty stones, through which the water boils in large quantities. it is slightly impregnated with sulphur, and so hot, that a piece of meat, about the size of three fingers, was completely cooked in twenty-five minutes. july .--they arrived at jefferson's river, where they had deposited their goods in the month of august the year before. they found every thing safe, though some of the goods were a little damp, and one of the canoes had a hole in it. they had now crossed from traveller's-rest creek to the head of jefferson's river, which seems to form the best and shortest route over the mountains during almost the whole distance of one hundred and sixty-four miles. it is, in fact, an excellent road; and, by cutting down a few trees, it might be rendered a good route for wagons, with the exception of about four miles over one of the mountains, which would require a little levelling. july .--the boats were now loaded, and capt. clarke divided his men into two bands. sergt. ordway, with nine men, in six canoes, was to descend the river; while capt. clarke, with the remaining ten, the wife and child of chaboneau, and fifty horses, were to proceed by land to the yellowstone. the latter party set out at five in the afternoon from the forks of the missouri, in a direction nearly east. the plain was intersected by several great roads leading to a gap in the mountain about twenty miles distant, in a direction east-north-east; but the indian woman, who was acquainted with the country, recommended another gap more to the south, through which capt. clarke determined to proceed. they started early the next morning, and, pursuing the route recommended by the squaw, encamped in the evening at the entrance of the gap mentioned by her. through this gap they passed next day, and, at the distance of six miles, reached the top of the dividing ridge which separates the waters of the missouri from those of the yellowstone. nine miles from the summit, they reached the yellowstone itself, about a mile and a half below where it issues from the rocky mountains. the distance from the head of the missouri to this place is forty-eight miles, the greater part of which is through a level plain. they halted for three hours to rest their horses, and then pursued the buffalo road along the banks of the river. although but just emerging from a high, snowy mountain, the yellowstone is here a bold, rapid, and deep stream, one hundred and twenty yards in width. they continued their course along the river till the d, when the party embarked on board of two canoes, each of which was twenty-eight feet long, sixteen or eighteen inches deep, and from sixteen to twenty-four inches wide. sergt. prior, with two men, was directed to take the horses to the mandans for safe keeping until the re-union of the expedition. july .--at eight o'clock, capt. clarke and the remainder of his party embarked, and proceeded very steadily down the river. they passed the mouths of several large rivers emptying into the yellowstone; one of which was called the big-horn, from the numbers of that remarkable species of sheep seen in its neighborhood. next day, capt. clarke landed to examine a curious rock, situated in an extensive bottom on the right, about two hundred and fifty paces from the shore. it is nearly two hundred paces in circumference, two hundred feet high, and accessible only from the north-east; the other sides consisting of perpendicular cliffs, of a light-colored, gritty stone. the soil on the summit is five or six feet deep, of a good quality, and covered with short grass. from this height, the eye ranges over a wide extent of variegated country. on the south-west are the rocky mountains, covered with snow; on the north, a lower range, called the little wolf mountains. the low grounds of the river extend nearly six miles to the southward, when they rise into plains, reaching to the mountains. the north side of the river is bounded by jutting, romantic cliffs, beyond which the plains are open and extensive, and the whole country enlivened by herds of buffaloes, elks, and wolves. after enjoying the prospect from this rock, to which capt. clarke gave the name of pompey's pillar, he descended, and continued his route. at the distance of six or seven miles, he stopped to secure two bighorns, which had been shot from the boat, and, while on shore, saw in the face of the cliff, about twenty feet above the water, a fragment of the rib of a fish, three feet long, and nearly three inches round, embedded in the rock itself. beavers, buffaloes, mosquitoes. the beavers were in great numbers along the banks of the river, and through the night were flapping their tails in the water round the boats. aug. .--the buffaloes appeared in vast numbers. a herd happened to be on their way across the river. such was the multitude of these animals, that although the river, including an island over which they passed, was a mile in width, the herd stretched, as thick as they could swim, completely from one side to the other. our party, descending the river, was obliged to stop for an hour to let the procession pass. we consoled ourselves for the delay by killing four of the herd, and then proceeded, till, at the distance of forty-five miles, two other herds of buffaloes, as numerous as the first, crossed the river in like manner. aug. .--the camp became absolutely uninhabitable, in consequence of the multitude of mosquitoes. the men could not work in preparing skins for clothing, nor hunt in the low grounds: in short, there was no mode of escape, except by going on the sand bars in the river, where, if the wind should blow, the insects do not venture. but when there is no wind, and particularly at night, when the men have no covering except their worn-out blankets, the pain they inflict is scarcely to be endured. on one occasion, capt. clarke went on shore, and ascended a hill after one of the bighorns; but the mosquitoes were in such multitudes, that he could not keep them from the barrel of his rifle long enough to take aim. this annoyance continued, till, on the th of september, they write, "we are no longer troubled with mosquitoes, which do not seem to frequent this part of the river; and, after having been persecuted with them during the whole route from the falls, it is a most happy exemption. their noise was very agreeably exchanged for that of the wolves, which were howling in various directions all round us." aug. , .--the party continued to descend the river. one of their canoes had, by accident, a small hole made in it; and they halted for the purpose of covering it with a piece of elk-skin. while there, about noon, they were overjoyed at seeing the boats of capt. lewis's party heave in sight. the whole expedition being now happily re-united, at about three o'clock all embarked on board the boats; but as the wind was high, accompanied with rain, we did not proceed far before we halted for the night. they part with some of their companions. on the th august, having now reached a part of the river where we occasionally met the boats of adventurous traders ascending the river, capt. lewis was applied to by one of the men, colter, who was desirous of joining two trappers, who proposed to him to accompany them, and share their profits. the offer was an advantageous one; and as he had always performed his duty, and his services might be dispensed with, capt. lewis consented to his going, provided none of the rest would ask or expect a similar indulgence. to this they cheerfully answered, that they wished colter every success, and would not apply for a discharge before we reached st. louis. we therefore supplied him, as did his comrades also, with powder and lead, and a variety of articles which might be useful to him; and he left us the next day. the example of this man shows how easily men may be weaned from the habits of civilized life, and brought to relish the manners of the woods. this hunter had now been absent many years from his country, and might naturally be presumed to have some desire to return to his native seats; yet, just at the moment when he is approaching the frontiers, he is tempted by a hunting-scheme to go back to the solitude of the woods. a few days after this, chaboneau, with his wife and child, concluded to follow us no longer, as he could be no longer useful to us. we offered to take him with us to the united states; but he said that he had there no acquaintance, and preferred remaining among the indians. this man has been very serviceable to us, and his wife particularly so, among the shoshonees. she has borne with a patience truly admirable the fatigues of our long journey, encumbered with the charge of an infant, which is now only nineteen months old. we paid him his wages, amounting to five hundred dollars and thirty-three cents, including the price of a horse and a lodge purchased of him, and pursued our journey without him. they reach home. sept. , .--we reached council bluffs, and stopped for a short time to examine the situation of the place, and were confirmed in our belief that it would be a very eligible spot for a trading establishment.[ ] being anxious to reach the junction of the platte river, we plied our oars so well, that by night we had made seventy-eight miles, and landed at our old encampment, on the ascent, twelve miles above that river. we had here occasion to remark the wonderful evaporation from the missouri. the river does not appear to contain more water, nor is its channel wider, than at the distance of one thousand miles nearer its source, although within that space it receives about twenty rivers (some of them of considerable width), and a great number of smaller streams. a few days more brought us to the mouth of the kansas river. about a mile below it, we landed to view the country. the low grounds are delightful, the whole country exhibiting a rich appearance; but the weather was oppressively warm. descending as we had done from a high, open country, between the latitudes of forty-six and forty-nine degrees, to the wooded plains in thirty-eight and thirty-nine degrees, the heat would have been intolerable, had it not been for the constant winds from the south and the south-west. on the th september, we reached the mouth of osage river. a few miles lower down, we saw on the banks some cows feeding; and the whole party involuntarily raised a shout of joy at the sight of this evidence of civilization and domestic life. we soon after reached the little french village of la charette, which we saluted with a discharge of four guns and three hearty cheers. we landed, and were received with kindness by the inhabitants, as well as by some traders who were on their way to traffic with the osages. they were all surprised and pleased at our arrival; for they had long since abandoned all hopes of ever seeing us return. the third day after this,--viz., on tuesday, the d of september, ,--we arrived at st. louis, and, having fired a salute, went on shore, and received the heartiest and most hospitable welcome from the whole village. conclusion. the successful termination of the expedition was a source of surprise and delight to the whole country. the humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience for the information it would furnish. their anxieties, too, for the safety of the party, had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumors, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters or other direct information, from the time when the party left the mandan towns, on their ascent up the river, in , until their actual return to st. louis. the courage, perseverance, and discretion displayed by the commanders, and the fidelity and obedience of the men, were the theme of general approbation, and received the favorable notice of government. a donation of lands was made to each member of the party; capt. lewis was appointed governor of louisiana, which, at that time, embraced the whole country west of the mississippi, within the boundaries of the united states; and capt. clarke was made superintendent of indian affairs. it was not until some years after, however, that the world was put in possession of the detailed history of the expedition. capt. lewis, in the midst of other cares, devoted what time he could to the preparation of his journals for publication, and, in , was on his way to philadelphia for that purpose, but, at a village in tennessee, was taken ill, and prevented from proceeding. here the energetic mind, which had encountered so unfalteringly the perils and sufferings of the desert, gave way. constitutional despondency overcame him: it is probable he lost his reason; for, in a rash moment, he applied a pistol to his head, and destroyed his life. his journals were published under the charge of paul allen of philadelphia. footnote: [ ] now the site of omaha city. eldorado. eldorado chapter i. the discovery. what is meant by eldorado? is there such a country? and, if there be, where is it? the name literally means "the golden country," and was given to an unknown region in south america by the spaniards, who had heard from the indians marvellous tales of such a land lying in the interior of the continent, where gold and precious stones were as common as rocks and pebbles in other countries, and to be had for the trouble of picking them up. it was also a land of spices and aromatic gums. the first notion of this favored region was communicated by an indian chief to gonzalo pizarro, brother of the conqueror of peru, whose imagination was captivated by the account, and his ambition fired with a desire to add this, which promised to be the most brilliant of all, to the discoveries and conquests of his countrymen. he found no difficulty in awakening a kindred enthusiasm in the bosoms of his followers. in a short time, he mustered three hundred and fifty spaniards, and four thousand indians. one hundred and fifty of his company were mounted. the indians were to carry the baggage and provisions, and perform the labors of the expedition. a glance at the map of south america will give us a clear idea of the scene of the expedition. the river amazon, the largest river of the globe, rises in the highest ranges of the andes, and flows from west to east through nearly the whole breadth of the continent. pizarro's expedition started in the year from quito, near the sources of the great river, and, marching east, soon became entangled in the deep and intricate passes of the mountains. as they rose into the more elevated regions, the icy winds that swept down the sides of the cordilleras benumbed their limbs, and many of the natives found a wintry grave in the wilderness. on descending the eastern slope, the climate changed; and, as they came to a lower level, the fierce cold was succeeded by a suffocating heat, while tempests of thunder and lightning poured on them with scarcely any intermission day or night. for more than six weeks, the deluge continued unabated; and the forlorn wanderers, wet, and weary with incessant toil, were scarcely able to drag their limbs along the soil, broken up as it was, and saturated with the moisture. after months of toilsome travel, they reached the region where grew the spice-trees. their produce resembled the cinnamon of the east in taste, but was of inferior quality. they saw the trees bearing the precious bark spreading out into broad forests; yet, however valuable it might be for future commerce, it was of but little worth to them. but, from the savages whom they occasionally met, they learned, that at ten days' distance was a rich and fruitful land, abounding with gold, and inhabited by populous nations. the spaniards were so convinced of the existence of such a country, that if the natives, on being questioned, professed their ignorance of it, they were supposed to be desirous of concealing the fact, and were put to the most horrible tortures, and even burnt alive, to compel them to confess. it is no wonder, therefore, if they told, in many instances, such stories as the spaniards wished to hear, which would also have the effect of ridding their own territories of their troublesome guests by inducing them to advance farther. pizarro had already reached the limit originally proposed for the expedition; but these accounts induced him to continue on. as they advanced, the country spread out into broad plains, terminated by forests, which seemed to stretch on every side as far as the eye could reach. the wood was thickly matted with creepers and climbing plants, and at every step of the way they had to hew open a passage with their axes; while their garments, rotting from the effects of the drenching rains, caught in every bush, and hung about them in shreds. their provisions failed, and they had only for sustenance such herbs and roots as they could gather in the forest, and such wild animals as, with their inadequate means, they could capture. at length they came to a broad expanse of water, from whence flowed a stream,--one of those which discharge their waters into the great river amazon. the sight gladdened their hearts, as they hoped to find a safer and more practicable route by keeping along its banks. after following the stream a considerable distance, the party came within hearing of a rushing noise, that seemed like thunder issuing from the bowels of the earth. the river tumbled along over rapids with frightful velocity, and then discharged itself in a magnificent cataract, which they describe as twelve hundred feet high. doubtless this estimate must be taken with some allowance for the excited feelings of the spaniards, keenly alive to impressions of the sublime and the terrible. for some distance above and below the falls, the bed of the river contracted; so that its width did not exceed twenty feet. they determined to cross, in hopes of finding a country that might afford them better sustenance. a frail bridge was constructed by throwing trunks of trees across the chasm, where the cliffs, as if split asunder by some convulsion of nature, descended sheer down a perpendicular depth of several hundred feet. over this airy causeway, the men and horses succeeded in effecting their passage; though one spaniard, made giddy by heedlessly looking down, lost his footing, and fell into the boiling surges below. they gained little by the exchange. the country wore the same unpromising aspect: the indians whom they occasionally met in the pathless wilderness were fierce and unfriendly, and the spaniards were engaged in perpetual conflict with them. from these they learned that a fruitful country was to be found down the river, at the distance of only a few days' journey; and the spaniards held on their weary way, still hoping, and still deceived, as the promised land flitted before them, like the rainbow, receding as they advanced. at length, spent with toil and suffering, pizarro resolved to construct a bark large enough to transport the weaker part of his company and his baggage. the forests furnished him with timber; the shoes of the horses, which had died on the road, or been slaughtered for food, were converted into nails; gum, distilled from the trees, took the place of pitch; and the tattered garments of the soldiers served for oakum. at the end of two months, the vessel was ready, and the command given to francisco orellana. the troops now moved forward through the wilderness, following the course of the river; the vessel carrying the feebler soldiers. every scrap of provisions had long since been consumed. the last of their horses had been devoured; and they greedily fed upon toads, serpents, and even insects, which that country, teeming with the lower forms of animal life, abundantly supplied. the natives still told of a rich district, inhabited by a populous nation. it was, as usual, at the distance of several days' journey; and pizarro resolved to halt where he was, and send orellana down in his brigantine to procure a stock of provisions, with which he might return, and put the main body in condition to resume their march. orellana, with fifty of the adventurers, pushed off into the middle of the river, where the stream ran swiftly; and his bark, taken by the current, shot forward as with the speed of an arrow, and was soon out of sight. days and weeks passed away, yet the vessel did not return; and no speck was to be seen on the waters as the spaniards strained their eyes to the farthest point, till the banks closed in, and shut the view. detachments were sent out, and, though absent several days, came back without intelligence of their comrades. weary of suspense, pizarro determined to continue their march down the river, which they did, with incredible suffering, for two months longer, till their doubts were dispelled by the appearance of a white man, wandering, half naked, in the woods, in whose famine-stricken countenance they recognized the features of one of their countrymen. orellana had passed swiftly down the river to the point of its confluence with the amazon, where he had been led to expect that he should find supplies for the wants of himself and his companions, but found none. nor was it possible to return as he had come, and make head against the current of the river. in this dilemma, a thought flashed across his mind: it was, to leave the party under pizarro to their fate, and to pursue his course down the great river on which he had entered; to explore eldorado for himself, and make the best of his way home to spain to claim the glory and reward of discovery. his reckless companions readily consented to this course, with the exception of the individual whom pizarro found; and him, when he remonstrated, they put ashore, and left to shift for himself. pizarro and his party, deserted in the wilderness, unable to advance farther, had no alternative but to remain, or retrace their miserable way to quito, the place they had started from more than a year before. they chose the latter, and commenced their return march with heavy hearts. they took a more northerly route than that by which they had approached the amazon; and, though it was attended with fewer difficulties, they experienced yet greater distresses, from their greater inability to overcome them. their only food was such scanty fare as they could pick up in the forest, or happily meet with in some forsaken indian settlement, or wring by violence from the natives. some sickened and sank down by the way, and perished where they fell; for there was none to help them. intense misery had made them selfish; and many a poor wretch was abandoned to his fate, to die alone in the wilderness, or, more probably, to be devoured, while living, by the wild animals which roamed over it. it took them a year to measure back their way to quito; and the miseries they had endured were testified to by their appearance when they arrived, in sadly reduced numbers, at the place of their starting. their horses gone, their arms broken and rusted, the skins of wild animals their only clothes, their long and matted locks streaming wildly down their shoulders, their faces blackened by the tropical sun, their bodies wasted by famine and disfigured by scars, it seemed as if the charnel-house had given up its dead, as, with unsteady step, they crept slowly onwards. more than half of the four thousand indians who had accompanied the expedition had perished; and of the spaniards, only eighty, and many of these irretrievably broken in constitution, found their way back to quito. meanwhile, orellana glided down the stream, which then was nameless and unknown, but which has since been called by his name, though it is more generally known by a name derived from a story which orellana told, in his account of his voyage, of a nation of amazons inhabiting its banks. but an account of orellana's adventures must be reserved for our next chapter. chapter ii. orellana descends the river. when orellana, in his ill-appointed bark, and with his crew enfeebled by famine, had reached the junction of the river napo with the amazon, and found no sources of supply which he had been led to expect, he had no difficulty in satisfying his companions that their only chance of preservation was in continuing their descent of the river, and leaving the party under pizarro to their fate. he then formally renounced the commission which pizarro had given him, and received the command anew from the election of his men, that so he might make discoveries for himself, and not, holding a deputed authority, in the name of another. it was upon the last day of december, , that this voyage was begun,--one of the most adventurous that has ever been undertaken. the little stock of provisions with which they had parted from the army was already exhausted, and they boiled their leathern girdles and the leather of their shoes with such herbs as seemed most likely to be nourishing and harmless; for it was only by experiment that they were able to distinguish the wholesome from the poisonous. on the th of january, being reduced almost to the last extremity with hunger, they heard before daylight an indian drum,--a joyful sound; for be the natives what they would, friendly or hostile, this they knew, that it must be their own fault now if they should die of hunger. at daybreak, being eagerly upon the lookout, they perceived four canoes, which put back upon seeing the brigantine; and presently they saw a village where a great body of the natives were assembled, and appeared ready to defend it. the spaniards were too hungry to negotiate. orellana bade them land in good order, and stand by each other. they attacked the indians like men who were famishing, and fought for food, put them speedily to the rout, and found an immediate supply. while they were enjoying the fruits of their victory, the indians came near them, more to gratify curiosity than resentment. orellana spoke to them in some indian language which they partly understood. some of them took courage, and approached him. he gave them a few european trifles, and asked for their chief, who came without hesitation, was well pleased with the presents which were given him, and offered them any thing which it was in his power to supply. provisions were requested; and presently peacocks, partridges, fish, and other things, were brought in great abundance. the next day, thirteen chiefs came to see the strangers. they were gayly adorned with feathers and gold, and had plates of gold upon the breast. orellana received them courteously, required them to acknowledge obedience to the crown of castile, took advantage as usual of their ignorance to affirm that they consented, and took possession of their country in the emperor's name. such is orellana's own account of this first interview. it was his object to create a high idea of the riches of the provinces which he had discovered. it is not probable that these tribes had any gold; for later discoveries showed that none of the tribes on the amazon were so far advanced as to use it. it was here that they heard the first accounts of the rich and powerful nation composed wholly of women, whom, in recollection of the female warriors of classic antiquity, they called the amazons. here the spaniards built a better brigantine than the frail one in which they were embarked. all fell to work, orellana being the first at any exertion that was required. they calked it with cotton; the natives supplied pitch; and in thirty-five days the vessel was launched. on the th of april, they once more embarked. for eighty leagues, the banks were peopled with friendly tribes; then the course of the river lay between desert mountains, and they were fain to feed upon herbs and parched corn, not even finding a place where they could fish. thus far they seem to have found the natives friendly, or not actively hostile; but, as they descended, they came to a populous province, belonging to a chief called omagua, if, as is conjectured, that is not rather the name of the tribe itself than of their chief. one morning, a fleet of canoes was seen advancing with hostile demonstrations. the indians carried shields made of the skins of the alligator. they came on with beat of tambour and with war-cries, threatening to devour the strangers. the spaniards brought their two vessels close together, that they might aid one another in the defence. but, when they came to use their powder, it was damp, and they had nothing but their cross-bows to trust to; and, plying these as well as they could, they continued to fall down the stream, fighting as they went. presently they came to an indian town. half the spaniards landed to attack it, leaving their companions to maintain the fight upon the water. they won the town, and loaded themselves with provisions; but eighteen of the party were wounded, and one killed. they had neither surgeon nor any remedy for the wounded. nothing could be done for them except "psalming;" that is, repeating some verses of the psalms over the wound. this mode of treatment was not unusual; and, as it was less absurd than the methods which were ordinarily in use at that day, it is no wonder if it proved more successful. for two days and two nights after this, they were constantly annoyed by the canoes of the natives following, and endeavoring to board them. but the spaniards had now dried some powder; and one of them, getting a steady mark at the chief of the indians, shot him in the breast. his people gathered round him; and, while they were thus occupied, the brigantines shot ahead. thus they proceeded with alternate good and evil fortune, now finding the indians friendly, and supplies of provisions abundant; and then encountering hostile tribes which assailed them with all their power, or long regions of unpeopled country, where they were reduced to the utmost straits for want of food. six months had now been consumed on their voyage, and as yet no appearance of eldorado; though, if their accounts may be trusted, they several times came upon populous places, which had many streets, all opening upon the river, and apparently leading to some greater city in the interior. on the d of june, on turning an angle of the river, they saw the country far before them, and great numbers of people collected, seemingly with hostile intentions. orellana offered them trinkets, at which they scoffed; but he persisted in making towards the shore to get food, either by persuasion or force. a shower of arrows was discharged from the shore, which wounded five of the crew. they nevertheless landed, and, after a hot contest, repulsed the natives, killing some seven or eight of them. the historian of the voyage, who was one of the adventurers, affirms that ten or twelve amazons fought at the head of these people, who were their subjects, and fought desperately; because any one who fled in battle would be beaten to death by these female tyrants. he describes the women as very tall and large-limbed, white of complexion, the hair long, platted, and banded round the head. it is amusing to observe how this story was magnified by later narrators, who learned it only by tradition. it is stated in these late accounts that orellana fought on this occasion with a great army of women. of a prisoner whom they took, orellana asked questions about eldorado and the amazons, and got, as usual, such answers as he expected. this may partly be set down to the score of self-deception, and partly to the fact that they conversed with these people by signs, and by means of the few words of their language which the spaniards knew, or supposed they knew, the meaning of. he learned from the prisoner that the country was subject to women, who lived after the manner of the amazons of the ancients, and who possessed gold and silver in abundance. there were in their dominions fine temples of the sun, all covered with plates of gold. their houses were of stone, and their cities walled. we can hardly doubt that the desire to tempt adventurers to join him in his subsequent expedition to conquer and colonize those countries had its effect in magnifying these marvels. shortly after this, the spaniards thought they perceived the _tide_. after another day's voyage, they came to some inhabited islands, and, to their infinite joy, saw that they had not been mistaken; for the marks of the tide here were certain. here they lost another of their party in a skirmish with the natives. from this place the country was low; and they could never venture to land, except upon the islands, among which they sailed, as they supposed, about two hundred leagues; the tide coming up with great force. one day the smaller vessel struck upon a snag, which stove in one of her planks, and she filled. they, however, landed to seek for provisions; but the inhabitants attacked them with such force, that they were forced to retire; and, when they came to their vessels, they found that the tide had left the only serviceable one dry. orellana ordered half his men to fight, and the other half to thrust the vessel into the water: that done, they righted the old brigantine, and fastened in a new plank, all which was completed in three hours, by which time the indians were weary of fighting, and left them in peace. the next day they found a desert place, where orellana halted to repair both vessels. this took them eighteen days, during which they suffered much from hunger. as they drew near the sea, they halted again for fourteen days, to prepare for their sea-voyage; made cordage of herbs; and sewed the cloaks, on which they slept, into sails. on the th of august, they proceeded again, anchoring with stones when the tide turned, though it sometimes came in such strength as to drag these miserable anchors. here the natives were happily of a milder mood than those whom they had lately dealt with. from them they procured roots and indian corn; and, having laid in what store they could, they made ready to enter upon the sea in these frail vessels, with their miserable tackling, and with insufficient food, without pilot, compass, or any knowledge of the coast. it was on the th of august that they sailed out of the river, passing between two islands, which were about four leagues asunder. the whole length of the voyage from the place where they had embarked to the sea they computed at eighteen hundred leagues. thus far their weather had been always favorable, and it did not fail them now. they kept along the coast to the northward, just at safe distance. the two brigantines parted company in the night. they in the larger one got into the gulf of paria, from whence all their labor at the oar for seven days could not extricate them. during this time, they lived upon a sort of plum called "nogos," being the only food they could find. at length they were whirled through those tremendous channels which columbus called the "dragon's mouths," and, september the th, not knowing where they were, reached the island of cubagua, where they found a colony of their countrymen. the old brigantine had arrived at the same place two days before them. here they were received with the welcome which their wonderful adventure deserved; and from hence orellana proceeded to spain, to give the king an account of his discoveries in person. chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued. orellana arrived safe in spain, and was favorably received. his act of insubordination in leaving his commander was forgotten in the success of his achievement; for it had been successful, even if the naked facts only had been told, inasmuch as it was the first event which led to any certain knowledge of the immense regions that stretch eastward from the andes to the ocean, besides being in itself one of the most brilliant adventures of that remarkable age. but orellana's accounts went far beyond these limits, and confirming all previous tales of the wonderful eldorado, with its temples roofed with gold, and its mountains composed of precious stones, drew to his standard numerous followers. every thing promised fairly. the king granted him a commission to conquer the countries which he had explored. he raised funds for the expedition, and even found a wife who was willing to accompany him in may, , he set sail with four ships and four hundred men. but the tide of orellana's fortune had turned. he stopped three months at teneriffe, and two at the cape de verde, where ninety-eight of his people died, and fifty were invalided. the expedition proceeded with three ships, and met with contrary winds, which detained them till their water was exhausted; and, had it not been for heavy rains, all must have perished. one ship put back in this distress, with seventy men and eleven horses on board, and was never heard of after. the remaining two reached the river. having ascended about a hundred leagues, they stopped to build a brigantine. provisions were scarce here, and fifty-seven more of his party died. these men were not, like his former comrades, seasoned to the climate, and habituated to the difficulties of the new world. one ship was broken up here for the materials: the other met with an accident, and became unserviceable; and they cut her up, and made a bark of the timbers. orellana meanwhile, in the brigantine, was endeavoring to discover the main branch of the river, which it had been easy to keep when carried down by the stream, but which he now sought in vain for thirty days among a labyrinth of channels. when he returned from this fruitless search, he was ill, and told his people that he would go back to point st. juan; and there he ordered them to seek him when they had got the bark ready. but he found his sickness increase upon him, and determined to abandon the expedition, and return to europe. while he was seeking provisions for the voyage, the indians killed seventeen of his men. what with vexation and disorder, he died in the river. this sealed the fate of the expedition. the survivors made no further exertions to reach eldorado, but returned to their own country as they could. such was the fate of orellana, who, as a discoverer, surpassed all his countrymen; and though, as a conqueror, he was unfortunate, yet neither is he chargeable with any of those atrocities toward the unhappy natives which have left such a stain on the glories of cortes and pizarro. the next attempt we read of to discover eldorado was made a few years after, under hernando de ribera, by ascending the la plata, or river of paraguay. he sailed in a brigantine with eighty men, and encountered no hostility from the natives. they confirmed the stories of the amazons with their golden city. "how could they get at them?" was the next question: "by land, or by water?"--"only by land," was the reply. "but it was a two-months' journey; and to reach them now would be impossible, because the country was inundated." the spaniards made light of this obstacle, but asked for indians to carry their baggage. the chief gave ribera twenty for himself, and five for each of his men; and these desperate adventurers set off on their march over a flooded country. eight days they travelled through water up to their knees, and sometimes up to their middle. by slinging their hammocks to trees, and by this means only, could they find dry positions for the night. before they could make a fire to dress their food, they were obliged to raise a rude scaffolding; and this was unavoidably so insecure, that frequently the fire burned through, and food and all fell into the water. they reached another tribe, and were told that the amazons' country was still nine days farther on; and then still another tribe, who told them it would take a month to reach them. perhaps they would still have advanced; but here an insuperable obstacle met them. the locusts for two successive years had devoured every thing before them, and no food was to be had. the spaniards had no alternative but to march back. on their way, they were reduced to great distress for want of food; and from this cause, and travelling so long half under water, the greater number fell sick, and many died. of eighty men who accompanied ribera upon this dreadful march, only thirty recovered from its effects. this expedition added a few items to the story of eldorado. ribera declares under oath that the natives told him of a nation of women, governed by a woman, and so warlike as to be dreaded by all their neighbors. they possessed plenty of white and yellow metal: their seats, and all the utensils in their houses, were made of them. they lived on a large island, which was in a huge lake, which they called the "mansion of the sun," because the sun sank into it. the only way of accounting for these stories is, that the spaniards furnished, in the shape of questions, the information which they fancied they received in reply; the indians assenting to what they understood but imperfectly, or not at all. martinez. another expedition, not long after orellana's, was that conducted by don diego ordaz, of which sir walter raleigh, in his "history of guiana," gives an account. the expedition failed; ordaz being slain in a mutiny of his men, and those who went with him being scattered. the only noticeable result was in the adventures of one martinez, an officer of ordaz, who had charge of the ammunition. we tell the story in the language of sir walter, slightly modernized:-- "it chanced, that while ordaz, with his army, rested at the port of morequito, by some negligence the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire; and martinez, having the chief charge thereof, was condemned by the general to be executed forthwith. martinez, being much favored by the soldiers, had all means possible employed to save his life; but it could not be obtained in other way but this,--that he should be set into a canoe alone, without any food, and so turned loose into the great river. but it pleased god that the canoe was carried down the stream, and that certain of the guianians met it the same evening: and, not having at any time seen any european, they carried martinez into the land to be wondered at; and so from town to town until he came to the great city of manoa, the seat and residence of inga, the emperor. the emperor, when he beheld him, knew him to be a christian of those who had conquered the neighboring country of peru, and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. he lived seven months in manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. he was also brought thither all the way blindfolded by the indians, until he came to the entrance of manoa itself. he avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face; and that he travelled all that day till night through the city, ere he came to the palace of inga. "after martinez had lived seven months in manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, inga asked him whether he desired to return to his own country, or would willingly abide with him. martinez, not desirous to stay, obtained permission of inga to depart, who sent with him some guianians to conduct him to the river of orinoco, with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to martinez at his departure. but, when he arrived at the river's side, the natives, being at that time at war with inga, robbed him and his guianians of all his treasure, save only two bottles made of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold, which those people thought to contain his drink or food, with which he was at liberty to depart. so, in a canoe, he passed down by the river to trinidad, and from thence to porto rico, where he died. in the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the hands of his confessor, he delivered this relation of his travels, and also called for his calabazas, or gourds of gold beads, which he gave to the church and the friars, to be prayed for. "this martinez was the one who christened the city of manoa by the name 'eldorado,' and upon this occasion. at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouses with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is thus: all those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsam very precious. when they are anointed all over, certain servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes upon their naked bodies until they be all shining from the head to the foot. upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armors, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it eldorado." such is sir walter's narrative of one of the traditions which fired his enthusiasm to undertake the conquest of eldorado. he asserts that he read it in "the chancery of saint juan de porto rico," of which berrio had a copy. it is pretty plainly tinctured with fable, but probably had an historical foundation. after this, a good many years elapsed before any other expedition of note was fitted out in search of eldorado. but the story grew, notwithstanding. an imaginary kingdom was shaped out. it was governed by a potentate who was called the great paytiti, sometimes the great moxu, sometimes the enim, or great pará. an impostor at lima affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of manoa, where not fewer than three thousand workmen were employed in the silversmiths' street. he even produced a map of the country, in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and a third of salt. the columns of the palace were described as of porphyry and alabaster, the galleries of ebony and cedar: the throne was of ivory, and the ascent to it by steps of gold. the palace was built of white stone. at the entrance were two towers, and between them a column twenty-five feet in height. on its top was a large silver moon; and two living lions were fastened to its base with chains of gold. having passed by these keepers, you came into a quadrangle planted with trees, and watered by a silver fountain, which spouted through four golden pipes. the gate of the palace was of copper, and its bolt was received in the solid rock. within, a golden sun was placed upon an altar of silver; and four lamps were kept burning before it day and night. it may surprise us that tales so palpably false as these should have deceived any, to such an extent as to lead them to get up costly and hazardous expeditions to go in search of the wonder; but we must remember, that what the spaniards had already realized and demonstrated to the world in their conquests of mexico and peru was hardly less astonishing than these accounts. it is therefore no wonder that multitudes should be found willing to admit so much of the marvels of eldorado as to see in them a sufficient inducement to justify the search; and others less credulous were perhaps willing to avail themselves of the credulity of the multitude to accomplish plans of conquest and ambition for themselves. of the latter class, we may imagine the celebrated sir walter raleigh to be one, who, at this time, undertook an expedition for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. chapter iv. sir walter raleigh. walter raleigh was born in the year in devonshire, england, and received a good education, completed by a residence of two years at the university of oxford. at the age of seventeen, he joined a volunteer corps of english to serve in france in aid of the protestant cause. afterwards he served five years in the netherlands. in , he accompanied his half-brother, sir humphrey gilbert, on an expedition to colonize some part of north america; which expedition was unsuccessful. we next find him commanding a company of the royal troops in ireland during the rebellion raised by the earl of desmond. in consequence of some serious differences which arose between him and his superior officer, he found it necessary to repair to court to justify himself. it was at this time that an incident occurred which recommended him to the notice of queen elizabeth, and was the foundation of his fortunes. raleigh stood in the crowd one day where the queen passed on foot; and when she came to a spot of muddy ground, and hesitated for a moment where to step, he sprang forward, and, throwing from his shoulders his handsome cloak ("his clothes being then," says a quaint old writer, "a considerable part of his estate"), he spread it over the mud, so that the queen passed over dry-shod, doubtless giving an approving look to the handsome and quick-witted young officer. there is another story which is not less probable, because it is not less in character with both the parties. finding some hopes of the queen's favor glancing on him, he wrote, on a window where it was likely to meet her eye,-- "fain would i climb, but that i fear to fall." and her majesty, espying it, wrote underneath,-- "if thy heart fail thee, wherefore climb at all?" his progress in the queen's favor was enhanced by his demeanor when the matter in dispute between him and his superior officer was brought before the privy council, and each party was called upon to plead his own cause. "what advantage he had in the case in controversy," says a contemporary writer, "i know not; but he had much the better in the manner of telling his tale." the result was, that he became a man of "no slight mark;" "he had gotten the queen's ear in a trice;" "she took him for a kind of oracle," and "loved to hear his reasons to her demands," or, in more modern phrase, "his replies to her questions." the reign of queen elizabeth has been called the heroic age of england. and, let us remember, the england of that day is ours as much as theirs who still bear the name of englishmen. the men whose gallant deeds we now record were our ancestors, and their glory is our inheritance. the reformation in religion had awakened all the energies of the human mind. it had roused against england formidable enemies, among which spain was the most powerful and the most intensely hostile. she fitted out the famous armada to invade england; and england, on her part, sent various expeditions to annoy the spaniards in their lately acquired possessions in south america. these expeditions were generally got up by private adventurers; the queen and her great nobles often taking a share in them. when there was nominal peace with spain, such enterprises were professedly for discovery and colonization, though the adventurers could not always keep their hands off a rich prize of spanish property that fell in their way; but, for the last fifteen years of elizabeth's reign, there was open war between the two powers: and then these expeditions had for their first object the annoyance of spain, and discovery and colonization for their second. we find raleigh, after fortune began to smile upon him, engaged in a second expedition, with sir humphrey gilbert, for discovery and colonization in america. he furnished, from his own means, a ship called "the raleigh," on board of which he embarked; but when a few days out, a contagious disease breaking out among the crew, he put back into port, and relinquished the expedition. sir humphrey, with the rest of the squadron, consisting of five vessels, reached newfoundland without accident, took possession of the island, and left a colony there. he then set out exploring along the american coast to the south, he himself doing all the work in his little ten-ton cutter; the service being too dangerous for the larger vessels to venture on. he spent the summer in this labor till toward the end of august, when, in a violent storm, one of the larger vessels, "the delight," was lost with all her crew. "the golden hind" and "squirrel" were now left alone of the five ships. their provisions were running short, and the season far advanced; and sir humphrey reluctantly concluded to lay his course for home. he still continued in the small vessel, though vehemently urged by his friends to remove to the larger one. "i will not forsake my little company, going homeward," said he, "with whom i have passed so many storms and perils." on the th of september, the weather was rough, and the cutter was with difficulty kept afloat, struggling with the violence of the waves. when the vessels came within hearing distance, sir humphrey cried out to his companions in "the hind," "be of good courage: we are as near to heaven by sea as by land." "that night, at about twelve o'clock," writes the historian of the voyage, who was himself one of the adventurers, "the cutter being ahead of us in 'the golden hind,' suddenly her lights were out, and the watch cried, 'the general is cast away!' which was too true." so perished a christian hero. it was a fine end for a mortal man. let us not call it sad or tragic, but heroic and sublime. raleigh, not discouraged by the ill success of this expedition, shortly after obtained letters-patent for another enterprise of the same kind, on the same terms as had been granted to sir humphrey. two barks were sent to explore some undiscovered part of america north of florida, and look out for a favorable situation for the proposed colony. this expedition landed on roanoke island, near the mouth of albemarle sound. having taken formal possession of the country for the queen of england and her servant sir walter raleigh, they returned, and gave so favorable an account of the country, that her majesty allowed it to be called virginia, after herself, a virgin queen. the next year, raleigh sent out a second expedition, and left a colony of a hundred men, which was the first colony planted by englishmen on the continent of america. soon after, raleigh sent a third expedition with a hundred and fifty colonists; but having now expended forty thousand pounds upon these attempts, and being unable to persist further, or weary of waiting so long for profitable returns, he assigned over his patent to a company of merchants, and withdrew from further prosecution of the enterprise. the years which followed were the busiest of raleigh's adventurous life. he bore a distinguished part in the defeat of the spanish armada; and, in the triumphant procession to return thanks at st. paul's for that great deliverance, he was conspicuous as commander of the queen's guard. he was a member of parliament, yet engaged personally in two naval expeditions against the spaniards, from which he reaped honor, but no profit; and was at the height of favor with the queen. but, during his absence at sea, the queen discovered that an intrigue existed between raleigh and one of the maids of honor, which was an offence particularly displeasing to elizabeth, who loved to fancy that all her handsome young courtiers were too much attached to herself to be capable of loving any other object. raleigh, on his return, was committed a prisoner to the tower, and, on being released after a short confinement, retired to his estate in dorsetshire. it was during this retirement that he formed his scheme for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. it had long been a subject of meditation to raleigh, who declares in the dedication of his "history of guiana," published after his return, that "many years since, he had knowledge, by relation, of that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana, and of that great and golden city which the spaniards call eldorado, and the naturals manoa."--"it is not possible," says one of the historians of these events, "that raleigh could have believed the existence of such a kingdom. credulity was not the vice of his nature; but, having formed the project of colonizing guiana, he employed these fables as baits for vulgar cupidity." other writers judge him more favorably. it is probably true that he believed in the existence of such a country as eldorado; but we can hardly suppose that he put faith in all the marvellous details which accompanied the main fact in popular narration. chapter v. raleigh's first expedition. as the attempts of pizarro and orellana were made by the route of the river of the amazons, and that of ribera by the river of paraguay, raleigh's approach was by the orinoco, a river second in size only to the amazons, and which flows in a course somewhat parallel to that, and some five or ten degrees farther to the north. the region of country where this river discharges itself into the atlantic was nominally in possession of the spaniards, though they had but one settlement in what was called the province of guiana,--the town of st. joseph, then recently founded; and another on the island of trinidad, which lies nearly opposite the mouth of the river. raleigh, arriving at trinidad, stopped some days to procure such intelligence as the spaniards resident there could afford him respecting guiana. he then proceeded to the main land, destroyed the town which the spaniards had lately built there, and took the governor, berrio, on board his own ship. he used his prisoner well, and "gathered from him," he says, "as much of guiana as he knew." berrio seems to have conversed willingly upon his own adventures in exploring the country, having no suspicion of raleigh's views. he discouraged raleigh's attempts to penetrate into the country, telling him that he would find the river unnavigable for his ships, and the nations hostile. these representations had little weight with raleigh, as he attributed them to a very natural wish on berrio's part to keep off foreigners from his province; but, on trying to find the entrance to the river, he discovered berrio's account to be true, so far as related to the difficulties of the navigation. after a thorough search for a practicable entrance, he gave up all hopes of passing in any large vessel, and resolved to go with the boats. he took in his largest boat, with himself, sixty men, including his cousin, his nephew, and principal officers. another boat carried twenty, and two others ten each. "we had no other means," he says in his account afterward published, "but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat." the orinoco, at nearly forty leagues from the sea, forms, like the nile, a kind of fan, strewed over with a multitude of little islands, that divide it into numerous branches and channels, and force it to discharge itself through this labyrinth into the sea by an infinity of mouths, occupying an extent of more than sixty leagues. "the indians who inhabit those islands," says raleigh, "in the summer, have houses upon the ground, as in other places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages: for, between may and september, the river rises to thirty feet upright, and then are those islands overflowed twenty feet high above the level of the ground; and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. they use the tops of palmitos for bread; and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance." raleigh's account is confirmed by later travellers. humboldt says, "the navigator, in proceeding along the channels of the delta of the orinoco at night, sees with surprise the summits of the palm-trees illuminated by large fires. these are the habitations of the guaraons, which are suspended from the trees. these tribes hang up mats in the air, which they fill with earth, and kindle, on a layer of moist clay, the fire necessary for their household wants." passing up with the flood, and anchoring during the ebb, raleigh and his companions went on, till on the third day their galley grounded, and stuck so fast, that they feared their discovery must end there, and they be left to inhabit, like rooks upon trees, with these nations; but on the morrow, after casting out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro, they got her afloat. after four days more, they got beyond the influence of the tide, and were forced to row against a violent current, till they began to despair; the weather being excessively hot, and the river bordered with high trees, that kept away the air. their provisions began to fail them; but some relief they found by shooting birds of all colors,--carnation, crimson, orange, purple, and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed. an old indian whom they had pressed into their service was a faithful guide to them, and brought them to an indian village, where they got a supply of bread, fish, and fowl. they were thus encouraged to persevere, and next day captured two canoes laden with bread, "and divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat." probably these roots were no other than potatoes; for the mountains of quito, to which sir walter was now approaching, were the native country of the potato, and the region from whence it was first introduced into europe. the spaniards and portuguese introduced it earlier than the english; but to raleigh belongs the credit of making it known to his countrymen. the story is, that sir walter, on his return home, had some of the roots planted in his garden at youghal, in ireland, and that his gardener was sadly disappointed in autumn on tasting the apples of the "fine american fruit," and proceeded to root up the "useless weeds," when he discovered the tubers. raleigh treated the natives with humanity, and, in turn, received friendly treatment from them. the chiefs told him fine stories about the gold-mines; but, unfortunately, the gold was not to be had without labor, and the adventurers were in no condition to undertake mining operations. what they wanted was to find a region like mexico or peru, only richer, where gold might be found, not in the rocks or the bowels of the earth, but in possession of the natives, in the form of barbaric ornaments that they would freely barter for european articles, or images of their gods, such as christians might seize and carry away with an approving conscience. thus far, their search for such a region had been unsuccessful, and their only hope was of reaching it by farther explorations. but the river was rising daily, and the current flowed with such rapidity, that they saw clearly, if it went on to increase as it had done for some time past, it must soon debar all farther progress. raleigh found by talking with the chiefs that they were all hostile to the spaniards, and willing enough to promise him their aid in driving them out of the country. he accordingly told them that he was sent by a great and virtuous queen to deliver them from the tyranny of the spaniards. he also learned that the indians with whom he was conversing were an oppressed race, having been conquered by a nation who dwelt beyond the mountains,--a nation who wore large coats, and hats of crimson color, and whose houses had many rooms, one over the other. they were called the eperumei; and against them all the other tribes would gladly combine, for they were the general oppressors. moreover, the country of these eperumei abounded in gold and all other good things. he continued to make daily efforts to ascend the river, and to explore the tributary streams, but found his progress debarred in some quarters by the rapid current of the swollen streams, and in others by falls in the rivers. the falls of one of the tributaries of the orinoco, the caroli, he describes as "a wonderful breach of waters, running in three parts; and there appeared some ten or twelve over-falls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church-tower." he was informed that the lake from which the river issued was above a day's journey for one of their canoes to cross, which he computed at about forty miles; that many rivers fall into it, and great store of grains of gold was found in those rivers. on one of these rivers, he was told, a nation of people dwell "whose heads appear not above their shoulders;" which, he says, "though it may be thought a mere fable, yet, for my own part, i am resolved it is true, because every child in those provinces affirm the same. they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair growth backward between their shoulders." raleigh adds, "it was not my chance to hear of them till i was come away. if i had but spoken one word of it while i was there, i might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt." it might have been more satisfactory for the philosophers if he had done so; but his word was quite enough for the poets. one of that class, and the greatest of all, william shakspeare, was, at that very time, writing plays for the gratification of raleigh's gracious mistress and her subjects, and eagerly availed himself of this new-discovered tribe to introduce one of them in his play of "the tempest," under the name of caliban. he also makes othello tell the gentle desdemona "of most disastrous chances, and of the cannibals that each other eat; the anthropophagi, and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders." nor are these the only instances in which we think we trace the influence of the romantic adventurer on the susceptible poet. the name of the divinity whom caliban calls "my dam's god setebos" occurs in raleigh's narrative as the name of an indian tribe; and trinculo's plan of taking caliban to england to make a show of him seems borrowed from this hint of raleigh's. in his days of prosperity, raleigh instituted a meeting of intellectual men at "the mermaid," a celebrated tavern. to this club, shakspeare, beaumont, fletcher, jonson, selden, donne, and other distinguished literary men, were accustomed to repair; and here doubtless the adventures and discoveries of sir walter, set forth with that talent of which his writings furnish abundant proof, often engaged the listening group. raleigh was then forty-eight, and shakspeare thirty-six, years old. but, in justice to raleigh, it should be added, that he did not invent these stories, and that later travellers and missionaries testify that such tales were current among the indians, though as yet no specimen of the tribe has been seen by trustworthy narrators. raleigh now found that he must bring his westward progress to a conclusion: "for no half-day passed but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully; and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance, and men began to cry out for want of shift; for no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that which he wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the most part ten times a day; and we had now been near a month, every day passing to the westward, farther from our ships." they turned back, therefore, and, passing down the stream, went, without labor and against the wind, little less than one hundred miles a day. they stopped occasionally, both for provisions, and for conference with the natives. in particular, one old chief, with whom he had conferred formerly on his ascent, gave him the confidential communication, that the attempt to attack the city of manoa, at that time, was desperate; for neither the time of the year was favorable, nor had he nearly a sufficient force. he advised, that, forbearing any further attempts at that time, raleigh should rest satisfied with the information he had gained, and return to his own country for a larger force, with which to come again the next year, and unite all the tribes which were hostile to the eperumei, or people of manoa, and by their aid make an easy conquest of them. the old chief added, that, for his part and his people's, they wanted no share of the spoils of gold or precious stones: they only wanted to be avenged on their enemies, and to rescue from them their women whom the eperumei had carried away in their frequent incursions; "so that, whereas they were wont to have ten or twelve wives apiece, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four." raleigh met with no material misadventure in his way down the river; and, though a storm attacked them the same night, they anchored in the mouth of the river; so that, in spite of every shelter they could derive from the shores, the galley "had as much to do to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her:" yet next day they arrived safe at the island of trinidad, and found the ships at anchor, "than which," says raleigh, "there was never to us a more joyful sight." raleigh was not favorably received by the queen on his return, nor was he welcomed with any popular applause; for he had brought home no booty, and his account of the riches of the land into which he had led the way was received with suspicion. he published it under this boastful title: "the discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana; with a relation of the great and golden city of manoa, which the spaniards call eldorado. performed by sir walter raleigh." in spite of all the great promises which he held out, the acknowledgment that he had made a losing voyage tended to abate that spirit of cupidity and enterprise which he wished to excite. sir walter's history of his expedition contains, besides the marvels already cited, numerous others, some of which have a basis of fact, others not. of the former kind is his account of oysters growing on trees. he says, "we arrived at trinidado the d of march, casting anchor at port curiapan. i left the ships, and kept by the shore in my barge, the better to understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island. in the way, i passed divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river, that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees. all their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground. the like is commonly seen in the west indies and elsewhere." upon this narrative, sir robert schomburgh, a late explorer, has the following remark: "the first accounts brought to europe, of oysters growing on trees, raised as great astonishment as the relation of eldorado itself; and to those who were unacquainted with the fact that these mollusks select the branches of the tree, on which they fix themselves during high water, when the branches are immersed, it may certainly sound strange, that shells, which we know live in europe on banks in the depths of the sea, should be found in the west indies on the branches of trees. they attach themselves chiefly to the mangrove-tree, which grows along the shore of the sea, and rivers of brackish water, and covers immense tracts of coast; rooting and vegetating in a manner peculiar to itself, even as far as low-water mark. the water flowing off during ebb leaves the branches, with the oysters attached to them, high and dry." respecting the republic of amazons, sir walter says, "i made inquiry among the most ancient and best travelled of the orenoqueponi; and i was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not. i will set down what hath been delivered me for truth of those women; and i spake with a cacique, or lord of people, who said that he had been in the river, and beyond it also. the nations of those women are on the south side of the river, in the province of topago; and their chiefest strengths and retreats are in the islands of said river. they accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which, i gather from their relation, to be in april. at that time, all the kings of the borders assemble, and the queens of the amazons; and, after the queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. this one month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and, the moon being done, they all depart to their own provinces. if a son be born, they return him to the father; if a daughter, they nourish it and retain it, all being desirous to increase their own sex and kind. they carry on wars, and are very blood-thirsty and cruel." sir robert schomburgh, who explored these regions extensively between the years and , says, in reference to this subject, "the result of this fatiguing and perilous journey has only strengthened our conviction that this republic of women was one of those inventions, designed merely to enhance the wonders, of which the new world was regarded as the seat." it would, however, be unjust to condemn raleigh's proneness to a belief in their existence, when we find that condamine believed in them; that humboldt hesitated to decide against them; and that even southey, the learned historian of brazil, makes this remark, "had we never heard of the amazons of antiquity, i should, without hesitation, believe in those of america. their existence is not the less likely for that reason; and yet it must be admitted, that the probable truth is made to appear suspicious by its resemblance to a known fable." chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued. when raleigh, on his first arrival, broke up the spanish settlement in trinidad, he took berrio, the governor, prisoner, and carried him with him in his voyage up the river. berrio seems to have borne his fate with good temper, and conciliated the good will of raleigh; so that, when the expedition returned to the mouth of the river, he was set at liberty, and collected his little colony again. berrio probably shared the same belief as raleigh in the existence of the kingdom of eldorado within the limits of his province, and was naturally desirous to avail himself of the respite which he gained by the termination of raleigh's expedition, until it should return in greater force to penetrate to eldorado, and take possession for himself and his countrymen. with these views, he sent an officer of his, domingo de vera, to spain, to levy men; sending, according to raleigh's account, "divers images, as well of men as of beasts, birds, and fishes, cunningly wrought in gold," in hopes to persuade the king to yield him some further help. this agent was more successful than raleigh in obtaining belief. he is described as a man of great ability, and little scrupulous as to truth. having been favorably received by the government, he attracted notice by appearing in a singular dress, which, as he was of great stature, and rode always a great horse, drew all eyes, and made him generally known as the indian chief of eldorado and the rich lands. some trinkets in gold he displayed, of indian workmanship, and some emeralds, which he had brought from america, and promised stores of both; and, by the aid of influential persons, he obtained seventy thousand dollars at madrid, and five thousand afterwards at seville, authority to raise any number of adventurers (though berrio had asked only for three hundred men), and five good ships to carry them out. adventurers flocked to him in toledo, la mancha, and estremadura. the expedition was beyond example popular. twenty captains of infantry, who had served in italy and flanders, joined it. not only those who had their fortunes to seek were deluded: men of good birth and expectations left all to engage in the conquest of eldorado; and fathers of families gave up their employments, and sold their goods, and embarked with their wives and children. solicitations and bribes were made use of by eager volunteers. the whole expedition consisted of more than two thousand persons. they reached trinidad after a prosperous voyage, and took possession of the town. the little mischief which raleigh had done had been easily repaired; for indeed there was little that he could do. the place did not contain thirty families, and the strangers were to find shelter as they could. rations of biscuit and salt meat, pulse, or rice, were served out to them; but, to diminish the consumption as much as possible, detachments were sent off in canoes to the main land, where berrio had founded the town of st. thomas. some flotillas effected their progress safely; but one, which consisted of six canoes, met with bad weather, and only three succeeded in entering the river, after throwing their cargoes overboard. the others made the nearest shore, where they were descried by the caribs, a fierce tribe of natives, who slew them all, except a few women whom they carried away, and one soldier, who escaped to relate the fate of his companions. the city of st. thomas contained at that time four hundred men, besides women and children. berrio, to prepare the way for the discovery and conquest of eldorado, sent out small parties of the new-comers under experienced persons, that they might be seasoned to the difficulties which they would have to undergo, and learn how to conduct themselves in their intercourse with the indians. they were to spread the news that the king had sent out many spaniards, and a large supply of axes, caps, hawk-bells, looking-glasses, combs, and such other articles of traffic as were in most request. they saw no appearance of those riches which raleigh had heard of, nor of that plenty which he had found. the people with whom they met had but a scanty subsistence for themselves, and so little of gold or silver or any thing else to barter for the hatchets and trinkets of the spaniards, that they were glad of the chance to labor as boatmen, or give their children, in exchange for them. berrio was not discouraged by the result of these journeys. like raleigh, he was persuaded that the great and golden city stood on the banks of a great lake, from which the river caroli issued, about twelve leagues east of the mouth whereof his town was placed. a force of eight hundred men was now ordered on the discovery. the command was given to correa, an officer accustomed to indian warfare. three franciscan monks, and a lay brother of the same order, accompanied the expedition. having reached a spot where the country was somewhat elevated, and the temperature cooler than in the region they had passed, they hutted themselves on a sort of prairie, and halted there in the hope that rest might restore those who began to feel the effect of an unwholesome climate. the natives not only abstained from any acts of hostility, but supplied them with fruits, and a sort of cassava (tapioca). this they did in sure knowledge that disease would soon subdue these new-come spaniards to their hands. it was not long before a malignant fever broke out among the adventurers, which carried off a third part of their number. one comfort only was left them: the friars continued every day to perform mass in a place where all the sufferers could hear it; and no person died without performing and receiving all the offices which the romish church has enjoined. correa himself sank under the disease. he might possibly have escaped it, acclimated as he was, if he had not overtasked himself when food was to be sought from a distance, and carried heavy loads to spare those who were less equal to the labor: for now the crafty indians no longer brought supplies, but left the weakened spaniards to provide for themselves as they could; and when correa was dead, of whom, as a man accustomed to indian war, they stood in fear, they collected their forces, and fell upon the spaniards, who apprehended no danger, and were most of them incapable of making any defence. the plan appears to have been concerted with a young indian chief who accompanied the spaniards under pretence of friendship; and the women whom the indians brought with them to carry home the spoils of their enemies bore their part with stones and stakes in the easy slaughter. the spaniards who escaped the first attack fled with all speed, some without weapons, and some without strength to use them. the friars were the last to fly. with the soldiers to protect them, they brought off their portable altar, two crosses, and a crucifix. no attempt at resistance was made, except when a fugitive fell by the way. the word then passed for one of the fathers: some soldiers stood with their muskets to protect him while he hastily confessed and absolved the poor wretch, whom his countrymen then commended to god, and left to the mercy of the indians. in some places, the enemy set fire to the grass and shrubbery, which in that climate grow with extreme luxuriance; by which means many of this miserable expedition perished. not quite thirty out of the whole number got safe back to the town of st. thomas. that place was in a deplorable state, suffering at once from a contagious disease and from a scarcity of provisions. to add to the distress, about a hundred persons more had just arrived from trinidad. they came of necessity; for there were no longer supplies of food at trinidad to sustain them. but they came with high-raised hopes, only repining at their ill luck in not having been in the first expedition, by which they supposed the first spoils of eldorado had already been shared. they arrived like skeletons at a city of death. not only were provisions scarce, but the supply of salt had altogether failed; and, without it, health in that climate cannot be preserved. to add to their misery, the shoes had all been consumed, and the country was infested by that insect (the chigua) which burrows in the feet, and attacks the flesh wherever the slightest wound gives it access. the torment occasioned by these insects was such, that the men willingly submitted to the only remedy they knew of, and had the sores cauterized with hot iron. among those who had come from spain to enter upon this land of promise, there was a "beata," or pious woman, who had been attached to a convent in madrid, and accompanied a married daughter and her husband on this unhappy adventure, and devoted herself to the service of the sick. some of the women, and she among them, looking upon the governor, berrio, as the cause of their miseries, and thinking, that, as long as he lived, there was no hope of their escaping from this fatal place, resolved to murder him, and provided themselves with knives for the purpose. the indignation against him was so general, that they hesitated not to impart their design to one of the friars; and, luckily for berrio, he interposed his influence to prevent it. one of the women who had sold her possessions in spain to join the expedition made her way to the governor when the officers and friars were with him, and, emptying upon the ground before him a bag which contained one hundred and fifty doubloons, said, "tyrant, take what is left, since you have brought us here to die." berrio replied, with less of anger than of distress in his countenance, "i gave no orders to domingo de vera that he should bring more than three hundred men." he offered no opposition to the departure of such as would. many who had strength or resolution enough trusted themselves to the river in such canoes as they could find, without boatmen or pilot, and endeavored to make their way back to trinidad; some perishing by the hands of the natives, others by drowning, others by hunger, on the marshy shores which they reached. vera soon died of a painful disease in trinidad; and berrio did not long survive him. such was the issue of this great attempt for the conquest of the golden empire; "of which," says an old spanish historian, "it may be said, that it was like nebuchadnezzar's image, beginning in gold, but continuing through baser metal, till it ended in rude iron and base clay." chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition. raleigh's first voyage disappointed every one but himself. he pretended to have obtained satisfactory evidence of the existence of eldorado, and information of the place where it was; also proof of the existence of mines of gold; and to have conciliated the good will of the natives, and secured their co-operation with him in any future attempt. but he had brought home no gold; the shining stones which his followers had abundantly supplied themselves with were found to be worthless: and there was no evidence of the existence of a native sovereignty as far advanced in civilization and refinement as the mexicans and peruvians, the conquest of which would reflect as much glory upon the english name as the achievements of cortez and pizarro had reflected upon that of spain. raleigh's boastful representations, therefore, failed of effect. none of his countrymen were inclined to join with him in a further prosecution of the enterprise; and the subject was dropped for the time. raleigh was soon restored to favor, and employed in the naval expeditions against spain which took place at this time. he greatly distinguished himself on several occasions, and was in high favor with queen elizabeth till her death; but, with the accession of james, his fortunes fell. he was accused (whether justly or not is still doubtful) of being concerned in treasonable plots against the king, and was brought to trial, found guilty, condemned to death, and committed prisoner to the tower to await the execution of his sentence. raleigh, withdrawn from active labors by his imprisonment, was not idle. he turned to intellectual pursuits, and, with many minor pieces in prose and verse, executed his greatest work, "the history of the world,"--a project of such vast extent, that the bare idea of his undertaking it excites our admiration. as an author, he stands on an eminence as high as that which he obtained in other paths. hume says, "he is the best model of our ancient style;" and hallam confirms the judgment. his imprisonment lasted thirteen years. at the expiration of that time, he had influence to have his sentence so far remitted as to allow him to go on a second expedition in search of eldorado. twenty years had elapsed since the former expedition; and the present was of a magnitude more like a national enterprise than a private one. sir walter's own ship, "the destiny," carried thirty-six guns and two hundred men. there were six other vessels, carrying from twenty-five guns to three each. raleigh embarked all his means in this expedition. his eldest son commanded one of the ships; and eighty of his companions were gentlemen volunteers and adventurers, many of them his relations. those who have thoughtfully considered raleigh's career have seen reason to doubt whether he really believed the stories which he was so anxious to impress upon others. they have thought it more likely that his real object was to emulate the fame of cortez and pizarro; to dispossess spain of some portion of her conquests in south america, and transfer them to his own country. this latter object was admissible at the time of his first expedition, because spain and england were then at war; but was not so on the second, as the two nations were then at peace. but raleigh had reason to think, that, if he could succeed in his object, there was no danger of his being called to very strict account respecting his measures. he arrived off the coast of guiana on the th of november, ; having had a long and disastrous voyage. one ship had left him, and returned home; another had foundered; forty-two of his men had died; many were suffering from sickness, and himself among the number. but he found the indians friendly, and not forgetful of his former visit. he writes to his wife, "to tell you that i might be here king of the country were a vanity; but my name hath still lived among them here. they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the country yields. all offer to obey me." being too feeble from sickness to go himself, he sent forward an expedition, under capt. keymis, to enter the orinoco, and take possession of the mines. five companies of fifty men each, in five shallops, composed the expedition; raleigh, with the remainder of his vessels, repairing to trinidad to await the result. since raleigh's former expedition, the spaniards had made a settlement upon the main land, and founded a town to which they gave the name of st. thomas. the governor resided there, and there were in all about five hundred inhabitants. on the th of january, the english flotilla reached a part of the river twelve leagues from st. thomas; and an indian fisherman carried the alarm to that place. the governor, palameque, mustered immediately the little force which he had at hand. this consisted of fifty-seven men only. messengers were sent to summon those men who were at their farms, and two horsemen were sent out to watch the invaders' movements. at eleven in the forenoon, the vessels anchored about a league from the town. the men landed, and the scouts hastened back with the intelligence. a spanish officer, with ten men, was placed in ambush near the city. as soon as he was informed of the direction which the english were taking, he cut a match-cord in pieces, which he lighted at dark, and placed at intervals, where they might deceive the invaders by presenting the appearance of a greater force. the first discharge was from two pieces of cannon against the boats. the spaniard, with his little band, then opened his fire upon the troops, and kept it up from the bushes as he retired before them. this skirmishing continued about an hour and a half, till he had fallen back to the place where the governor and his people were drawn up, at the entrance of the city, to make a stand. it was now nine at night. raleigh says, in his account of the action, that some of the english, at the first charge, began to pause and recoil shamefully; whereupon his son, not tarrying for any musketeers, ran up at the head of a company of pikemen, and received a shot wound. pressing then upon a spanish captain with his sword, the spaniard, taking the small end of his musket in his hand, struck him on the head with the stock, and felled him. his last words were, "lord, have mercy upon me, and prosper the enterprise!" and his death was instantly avenged by his sergeant, who thrust the spaniard through with his halberd. in the heat of the fight, and in the confusion which the darkness occasioned, the spanish commander was separated from his people, and slain. the spaniards, however, had the advantage of knowing the ground; and, betaking themselves to the houses, they fired from them on the english, and killed many, till the assailants set fire to the houses; thus depriving themselves of that booty which was their main object. the english were now masters of the place; the remainder of the defendants, with the women and children, under the command of grados, the officer who had deported himself so well in the first ambush, effecting their escape across the river. grados stationed them at a place about ten miles distant from the town, where a few slight huts were erected for the women and children. the captors searched in vain for gold in the city; but they had an idea that there was a rich gold-mine a short distance up the river. accordingly, two launches, with twenty or thirty men in each, were despatched up the orinoco. they came to the mouth of the creek, which led to the place where grados had hutted the women and children; and the largest of the launches was about to enter, when grados, who had posted nine of the invalids in ambush there, with about as many indian bowmen, fired upon them so unexpectedly, and with such good aim, that only one of the crew is said to have escaped unhurt. the other launch also suffered some loss. three days after, three launches were sent to take vengeance for this defeat; but grados had removed his charge some two leagues into the country, and these vessels went up the river about a hundred leagues, treating with the indians, to whom they made presents and larger promises, and after eighteen or twenty days returned, having effected nothing of importance. the english had now been four weeks in the city, annoyed by the spaniards and indians, and losing many of their men, cut off in their foraging excursions by ambushes. after the unsuccessful attempt to discover the mine, no further effort was made for that purpose; keymis alleging in his excuse, that "the spaniards, being gone off in a whole body, lay in the woods between the mine and us, and it was impossible, except they had been beaten out of the country, to pass up the woods and craggy hills without the loss of the commanders, without whom the rest would easily be cut to pieces." the english, accordingly, retreated from the city, setting fire to the few houses that remained, and promising the indians, as they went, that they would return next year, and complete the destruction of the spaniards. raleigh was by no means satisfied with keymis's excuses for his failure to discover the mine, and reproached him with so much severity, that keymis, after the interview, retired to his cabin, and shot himself through the heart. when raleigh arrived in england, he found that the tidings of his attack on the spaniards, and the utter failure of his expedition, had reached there before him. the spanish ambassador was clamorous for punishment on what he called a piratical proceeding; and the king and the nation, who might have pardoned a successful adventurer, had no indulgence to extend to one so much the reverse. finding a proclamation had been issued for his arrest, raleigh endeavored to escape to france, but was taken in the attempt, and committed close prisoner to the tower. he was made a victim to court intrigue. the weak king, james, was then negotiating a spanish match for his son, and, to gratify the king of spain and his court, sacrificed one of the noblest of his subjects. without being put on trial for his late transactions, raleigh's old sentence, which had been suspended sixteen years, was revived against him; and on the th of october, , four months after his arrival, he was beheaded on the scaffold. the fate of raleigh caused a great sensation at the time, and has not yet ceased to excite emotion. the poet thomson, in his "summer," finely alludes to the various circumstances of his history, which we have briefly recorded:-- "but who can speak the numerous worthies of the 'maiden reign'? in raleigh mark their every glory mixed,-- raleigh, the scourge of spain, whose breast with all the sage, the patriot, and the hero, burned. nor sunk his vigor when a coward reign the warrior fettered, and at last resigned to glut the vengeance of a vanquished foe: then, active still and unrestrained, his mind explored the vast extent of ages past, and with his prison-hours enriched the world; yet found no times in all the long research so glorious or so base as those he proved in which he conquered and in which he bled." chapter viii. the french philosophers. after so many abortive attempts to reach the golden empire, the ardor of research greatly abated. no expeditions, composed of considerable numbers, have since embarked in the enterprise; but from time to time, for the century succeeding raleigh's last attempt, private expeditions were undertaken and encouraged by provincial governors; and several hundred persons perished miserably in those fruitless endeavors. the adventure we are now about to record was of an entirely different character in respect to its objects and the means employed; but it occupied the same field of action, and called into exercise the same qualities of courage and endurance. in , the french academy of science made arrangements for sending out two commissions of learned men to different and distant parts of the world to make measurements, with a view to determining the dimensions and figure of the earth. the great astronomer, sir isaac newton, had deduced from theory, and ventured to maintain, that the earth was not a perfect globe, but a spheroid; that is, a globe flattened at the poles. for a long time after newton's splendid discoveries in astronomy, a degree of national jealousy prevented the french philosophers from accepting his conclusions; and they were not displeased to find, when they could, facts opposed to them. now, there were some supposed facts which were incompatible with this idea of newton's, that the earth was flattened at the poles. the point was capable of being demonstrated by measurements, with instruments, on the surface; for, if his theory was true, a degree of latitude would be longer in the northern parts of the globe than in the regions about the equator. we must not allow our story to become a scientific essay; and yet we should like to give our readers, if we could, some idea of the principle on which this process, which is called the measurement of an arc of the meridian, was expected to show the magnitude and form of the earth. we all know that geographical latitude means the position of places north or south of the equator, and is determined by reference to the north or pole star. a person south of the equator would not see the pole-star at all. one at the equator, looking at the pole-star, would see it, if no intervening object prevented, in the horizon. advancing northward, he would see it apparently rise, and advance toward him. as he proceeded, it would continue to rise. when he had traversed half the distance to the pole, he would see the pole-star about as we see it in boston; that is, nearly midway between the horizon and the zenith: and, when he had reached the pole, he would see the pole-star directly over his head. dividing the quarter circle which the star has moved through into ninety parts, we say, when the star has ascended one-ninetieth part, that the observer has travelled over one degree of latitude. when the observer has reached boston, he has passed over somewhat more than forty-two degrees, and, when he has reached the north-pole, ninety degrees, of latitude. thus we measure our latitude over the earth's surface by reference to a circle in the heavens; and, because the portions into which we divide that circle are equal, we infer that the portions of the earth's surface which correspond to them are equal. this would be true if the earth were a perfect globe: but if the earth be a spheroid, as newton's theory requires it to be, it would _not_ be true; for that portion of the earth's surface which is flattened will have less curvature than that which is not so, and less still than that portion which is protuberant. the degrees of least curvature will be longest, and those of greatest curvature shortest; that is, one would have to travel farther on the flattened part of the earth to see any difference in the position of the north-star than in those parts where the curvature is greater. so a degree of latitude near the pole, if determined by the position of the north-star, would be found, by actual measurement, to be longer than one similarly determined at the equator. it was to ascertain whether the fact was so that the two scientific expeditions were sent out. the party which was sent to the northern regions travelled over snow and ice, swamps and morasses, to the arctic circle, and fixed their station at tornea, in lapland. the frozen surface of the river afforded them a convenient level for fixing what is called by surveyors the base line. the cold was so intense, that the glass froze to the mouth when they drank, and the metallic measuring rod to the hand. in spite, however, of perils and discomforts, they persevered in their task, and brought back careful measurements of a degree in latitude ° north, to be compared with those made by the other party at the equator, whose movements we propose more particularly to follow. before we take leave of the northern commissioners, however, we will mention another method they took of demonstrating the same fact. if the earth be depressed at the poles, it must follow that bodies will weigh heavier there, because they are nearer the centre of the earth. but how could they test this fact, when all weights would be increased alike,--the pound of feathers and the pound of lead? the question was settled by observing the oscillation of a pendulum. the observers near the pole found that the pendulum vibrated faster than usual, because, being nearer the centre of the earth, the attracting power was increased. to balance this, they had to lengthen the pendulum; and the extent to which they had to do this measured the difference between the earth's diameter at the poles, and that in the latitude from which they came. the commissioners who were sent to the equatorial regions were messrs. bouguer, la condamine, and godin, the last of whom was accompanied by his wife. two spanish officers, messrs. juan and de ulloa, joined the commission. the party arrived at quito in june, , about two hundred years after gonzalo pizarro started from the same place in his search for eldorado. in the interval, the country had become nominally christian. the city was the seat of a bishopric, an audience royal, and other courts of justice; contained many churches and convents, and two colleges. but the population was almost entirely composed of indians, who lived in a manner but very little different from that of their ancestors at the time of the conquest. cuença was the place next in importance to the capital; and there, or in its neighborhood, the chief labors of the commission were transacted. they were conducted under difficulties as great as those of their colleagues in the frozen regions of the north, but of a different sort. the inhabitants of the country were jealous of the french commissioners, and supposed them to be either heretics or sorcerers, and to have come in search of gold-mines. even persons connected with the administration employed themselves in stirring up the minds of the people, till at last, in a riotous assemblage at a bullfight, the surgeon of the french commissioners was killed. after tedious and troublesome legal proceedings, the perpetrators were let off with a nominal punishment. notwithstanding every difficulty, the commissioners completed their work in a satisfactory manner, spending in all eight years in the task, including the voyages out and home. the commissioners who had made the northern measurements reported the length of the degree at ° north latitude to be . toises; messrs. bouguer and la condamine, the equatorial degree, . toises; showing a difference of toises, or , -¾ feet. the difference, as corrected by later measurements, is stated by recent authorities at , english feet; by which amount the polar degree exceeds the equatorial. thus newton's theory was confirmed. his scientific labors having been finished, la condamine conceived the idea of returning home by way of the amazon river; though difficulties attended the project, which we who live in a land of mighty rivers, traversed by steamboats, can hardly imagine. the only means of navigating the upper waters of the river was by rafts or canoes; the latter capable of containing but one or two persons, besides a crew of seven or eight boatmen. the only persons who were in the habit of passing up and down the river were the jesuit missionaries, who made their periodical visits to their stations along its banks. a young spanish gentleman, don pedro maldonado, who at first eagerly caught at the idea of accompanying the french philosopher on his homeward route by way of the river, was almost discouraged by the dissuasives urged by his family and friends, and seemed inclined to withdraw from the enterprise; so dangerous was the untried route esteemed. it was, however, at length resolved that they should hazard the adventure; and a place of rendezvous was appointed at a village on the river. on the th of july, , la condamine commenced his descent of one of the streams which flow into the great river of the amazons. the stream was too precipitous in its descent to be navigated by boats of any kind, and the only method used was by rafts. these are made of a light kind of wood, or rather cane, similar to the bamboo, the single pieces of which are fastened together by rushes, in such a manner, that they yield to every shock of moderate violence, and consequently are not subject to be separated even by the strongest. on such a conveyance, the french philosopher glided down the stream of the chuchunga, occasionally stopping on its banks for a day or two at a time to allow the waters to abate, and admit of passing a dangerous rapid more safely; and sometimes getting fast on the shallows, and requiring to be drawn off by ropes by the indian boatmen. it was not till the th of july that he entered the main river at laguna, where he found his friend maldonado, who had been waiting for him some weeks. on the d of july, , they embarked in two canoes of forty-two and forty-four feet long, each formed out of one single trunk of a tree, and each provided with a crew of eight rowers. they continued their course night and day, in hopes to reach, before their departure, the brigantines of the missionaries, in which they used to send once a year, to pará, the cacao which they collected in their missions, and for which they got, in return, supplies of european articles of necessity. on the th of july, la condamine and his companion passed the village of a tribe of indians lately brought under subjection, and in all the wildness of savage life: on the th, they reached another more advanced in civilization, yet not so far as to have abandoned their savage practices of artificially flattening their heads, and elongating their ears. the st of august, they landed at a missionary station, where they found numerous indians assembled, and some tribes so entirely barbarous as to be destitute of clothing for either sex. "there are in the interior," the narration goes on to say, "some tribes which devour the prisoners taken in war; but there are none such on the banks of the river." after leaving this station, they sailed day and night, equal to seven or eight days' journey, without seeing any habitation. on the th of august, they arrived at the first of the portuguese missionary stations, where they procured larger and more commodious boats than those in which they had advanced hitherto. here they began to see the first signs of the benefits of access to european sources of supply, by means of the vessel which went every year from pará to lisbon. they tarried six days at the last of the missionary stations, and again made a change of boats and of indian crews. on the th august, being yet six hundred miles from the sea, they perceived the ebb and flow of the tide. on the th september, they arrived at pará, which la condamine describes as a great and beautiful city, built of stone, and enjoying a commerce with lisbon, which made it flourishing and increasing. he observes, "it is, perhaps, the only european settlement where silver does not pass for money; the whole currency being cocoa." he adds in a note, "specie currency has been since introduced." the portuguese authorities received the philosophers with all the civilities and hospitalities due to persons honored with the special protection and countenance of two great nations,--france and spain. the cannon were fired; and the soldiers of the garrison, with the governor of the province at their head, turned out to receive them. the governor had received orders from the home government to pay all their expenses, and to furnish them every thing requisite for their comfort and assistance in their researches. la condamine remained three months at pará; and then, declining the urgent request of the governor to embark in a portuguese vessel for home by way of lisbon, he embarked in a boat rowed by twenty-two indians, under the command of a portuguese officer, to coast along the shores of the continent to the french colony of cayenne. the city of pará from whence he embarked is not situated upon the amazon river, but upon what is called the river of pará, which branches off from the amazon near its mouth, and discharges itself into the sea at a distance of more than a hundred miles east of the amazon. the intervening land is an island called marajo, along the coast of which la condamine and his party steered till they came to the place where the amazon river discharges into the sea that vast bulk of waters which has been swelled by the contributions of numerous tributaries throughout a course of more than three thousand miles in length. it here meets the current which runs along the north-eastern coast of brazil, and gives rise to that phenomenon which is called by the indians pororoca. the river and the current, having both great rapidity, and meeting nearly at right angles, come into contact with great violence, and raise a mountain of water to the height of one hundred and eighty feet. the shock is so dreadful, that it makes all the neighboring islands tremble; and fishermen and navigators fly from it in the utmost terror. the river and the ocean appear to contend for the empire of the waves: but they seem to come to a compromise; for the sea-current continues its way along the coast of guiana to the island of trinidad, while the current of the river is still observable in the ocean at a distance of five hundred miles from the shore. la condamine passed this place of meeting in safety by waiting for a favorable course of tides, crossing the amazon at its mouth, steering north; and after many delays, caused by the timidity and bad seamanship of his indian crew, arrived at last safe at cayenne on the th february, , having been eight months on his voyage, two of which were spent in his passage from pará, a passage which he avers a french officer and crew, two years after him, accomplished in six days. la condamine was received with all possible distinction at cayenne, and in due time found passage home to france, where he arrived th february, . chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon. one of the french commissioners, m. godin, had taken with him on his scientific errand to peru his wife; a lady for whom we bespeak the kind interest of our readers, for her name deserves honorable mention among the early navigators of the amazon. the labors of the commission occupied several years; and when, in the year , those labors were happily brought to a conclusion, m. godin was prevented, by circumstances relating to himself individually, from accompanying his colleagues in their return to france. his detention was protracted from year to year, till at last, in , he repaired alone to the island of cayenne to prepare every thing necessary for the homeward voyage of himself and his wife. from cayenne he wrote to paris to the minister of marine, and requested that his government would procure for him the favorable interposition of the court of portugal to supply him with the means of ascending the river amazon to bring away his wife from peru, and descend the stream with her to the island of cayenne. thirteen years had rolled by since their arrival in the country, when at last madame godin saw her earnest wish to return home likely to be gratified. all that time, she had lived apart from her husband; she in peru, he in the french colony of cayenne. at last, m. godin had the pleasure to see the arrival of a galoot (a small vessel having from sixteen to twenty oars on a side, and well adapted for rapid progress), which had been fitted out by the order of the king of portugal, and despatched to cayenne for the purpose of taking him on his long-wished-for journey. he immediately embarked; but, before he could reach the mouth of the amazon river, he was attacked by so severe an illness, that he saw himself compelled to stop at oyapoc, a station between cayenne and the mouth of the river, and there to remain, and to send one tristan, whom he thought his friend, in lieu of himself, up the river to seek madame godin, and escort her to him. he intrusted to him also, besides the needful money, various articles of merchandise to dispose of to the best advantage. the instructions which he gave him were as follows:-- the galiot had orders to convey him to loreto about half-way up the amazon river, the first spanish settlement. from there he was to go to laguna, another spanish town about twelve miles farther up, and to give mr. godin's letter, addressed to his wife, in charge to a certain ecclesiastic of that place, to be forwarded to the place of her residence. he himself was to wait at laguna the arrival of madame godin. the galiot sailed, and arrived safe at loreto. but the faithless tristan, instead of going himself to laguna, or sending the letter there, contented himself with delivering the packet to a spanish jesuit, who was going to quite another region on some occasional purpose. tristan himself, in the mean while, went round among the portuguese settlements to sell his commodities. the result was, that m. godin's letter, passing from hand to hand, failed to reach the place of its destination. meanwhile, by what means we know not, a blind rumor of the purpose and object of the portuguese vessel lying at loreto reached peru, and came at last, but without any distinctness, to the ears of madame godin. she learned through this rumor that a letter from her husband was on the way to her; but all her efforts to get possession of it were fruitless. at last, she resolved to send a faithful negro servant, in company with an indian, to the amazon, to procure, if possible, more certain tidings. this faithful servant made his way boldly through all hinderances and difficulties which beset his journey, reached loreto, talked with tristan, and brought back intelligence that he, with the portuguese vessel and all its equipments, were for her accommodation, and waited her orders. now, then, madame godin determined to undertake this most perilous and difficult journey. she was staying at the time at riobamba, about one hundred and twenty miles south of quito, where she had a house of her own with garden and grounds. these, with all other things that she could not take with her, she sold on the best terms she could. her father, m. grandmaison, and her two brothers, who had been living with her in peru, were ready to accompany her. the former set out beforehand to a place the other side of the cordilleras to make arrangements for his daughter's journey on her way to the ship. madame godin received about this time a visit from a certain mr. r., who gave himself out for a french physician, and asked permission to accompany her. he promised, moreover, to watch over her health, and to do all in his power to lighten the fatigues and discomforts of the arduous journey. she replied, that she had no authority over the vessel which was to carry her, and therefore could not answer for it that he could have a place in it. mr. r., thereupon, applied to the brothers of madame godin; and they, thinking it very desirable that she should have a physician with her, persuaded their sister to consent to take him in her company. so, then, she started from riobamba, which had been her home till this time, the st of october, , in company of the above-named persons, her black man, and three indian women. thirty indians, to carry her baggage, completed her company. had the luckless lady known what calamities, sufferings, and disappointments awaited her, she would have trembled at the prospect, and doubted of the possibility of living through it all, and reaching the wished-for goal of her journey. the party went first across the mountains to canelos, an indian village, where they thought to embark on a little stream which discharges itself into the amazon. the way thither was so wild and unbroken, that it was not even passable for mules, and must be travelled entirely on foot. m. grandmaison, who had set out a whole month earlier, had stopped at canelos no longer than was necessary to make needful preparations for his daughter and her attendants. then he had immediately pushed on toward the vessel, to still keep in advance, and arrange matters for her convenience at the next station to which she would arrive. hardly had he left canelos, when the small-pox, a disease which in those regions is particularly fatal, broke out, and in one week swept off one-half of the inhabitants, and so alarmed the rest, that they deserted the place, and plunged into the wilderness. consequently, when madame godin reached the place with her party, she found, to her dismay, only two indians remaining, whom the fury of the plague had spared; and, moreover, not the slightest preparation either for her reception, or her furtherance on her journey. this was the first considerable mishap which befell her, and which might have served to forewarn her of the greater sufferings which she was to encounter. a second followed shortly after. the thirty indians who thus far had carried the baggage, and had received their pay in advance, suddenly absconded, whether from fear of the epidemic, or that they fancied, having never seen a vessel except at a distance, that they were to be compelled to go on board one, and be carried away. there stood, then, the deserted and disappointed company, overwhelmed, and knowing not what course to take, or how to help themselves. the safest course would have been to leave all their baggage to its fate, and return back the way they came; but the longing of madame godin for her beloved husband, from whom she had now been separated so many years, gave her courage to bid defiance to all the hinderances which lay in her way, and even to attempt impossibilities. she set herself, therefore, to persuade the two indians above mentioned to construct a boat, and, by means of it, to take her and her company to andoas, another place about twelve days' journey distant. they willingly complied, receiving their pay in advance. the boat was got ready; and all the party embarked in it under the management of the two indians. after they had run safely two days' journey down the stream, they drew up to the bank to pass the night on shore. here the treacherous indians took the opportunity, while the weary company slept, to run away; and, when the travellers awoke next morning, they were nowhere to be found. this was a new and unforeseen calamity, by which their future progress was rendered greatly more hazardous. without a knowledge of the stream or the country, and without a guide, they again got on board their boat, and pushed on. the first day went by without any misadventure. the second, they came up with a boat which lay near the shore, alongside of an indian hut built of branches of trees. they found there an indian, just recovered from the sickness, and prevailed on him, by presents, to embark with them to take the helm. but fate envied them this relief: for, the next day, mr. r.'s hat fell into the water; and the indian, in endeavoring to recover it, fell overboard, and was drowned, not having strength to swim to the shore. now was the vessel again without a pilot, and steered by persons, not one of whom had the least knowledge of the course. ere long, the vessel sprung a leak; and the unhappy company found themselves compelled to land, and build a hut to shelter them. they were yet five or six days' journey from andoas, the nearest place of destination. mr. r. offered, for himself and another frenchman his companion, to go thither, and make arrangements, that, within fourteen days, a boat from there should arrive and bring them off. his proposal was approved of. madame godin gave him her faithful black man to accompany him. he himself took good care that nothing of his property should be left behind. fourteen days were now elapsed; but in vain they strained their eyes to catch sight of the bark which mr. r. had promised to send to their relief. they waited twelve days longer, but in vain. their situation grew more painful every day. at last, when all hope in this quarter was lost, they hewed trees, and fastened them together as well as they could, and made in this way a raft. when they had finished it, they put on their baggage, and seated themselves upon it, and suffered it to float down the stream. but even this frail bark required a steersman acquainted with navigation; but they had none such. in no long time, it struck against a sunken log, and broke to pieces. the people and their baggage were cast into the river. great, however, as was the danger, no one was lost. madame godin sunk twice to the bottom, but was at last rescued by her brothers. wet through and through, exhausted, and half dead with fright, they at last all gained the shore. but only imagine their lamentable, almost desperate, condition! all their supplies lost; to make another raft impossible; even their stock of provisions gone! and where were they when all these difficulties overwhelmed them? in a horrid wilderness, so thick grown up with trees and bushes, that one could make a passage through it no other way than by axe and knife; inhabited only by fiercest tigers, and by the most formidable of serpents,--the rattlesnake. moreover, they were without tools, without weapons! could their situation be more deplorable? chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued. the unfortunate travellers had now but the choice of two desperate expedients,--either to wait where they were the termination of their wretched existence, or try the almost impossible task of penetrating along the banks of the river, through the unbroken forest, till they might reach andoas. they chose the latter, but first made their way back to their lately forsaken hut to take what little provisions they had there left. having accomplished this, they set out on their most painful and dangerous journey. they observed, when they followed the shore of the river, that its windings lengthened their way. to avoid this, they endeavored, without leaving the course of the river, to keep a straight course. by this means, they lost themselves in the entangled forest; and every exertion to find their way was ineffectual. their clothes were torn to shreds, and hung dangling from their limbs; their bodies were sadly wounded by thorns and briers; and, as their scanty provision of food was almost gone, nothing seemed left to them but to sustain their wretched existence with wild fruit, seeds and buds of the palm-trees. at last, they sank under their unremitted labor. wearied with the hardships of such travel, torn and bleeding in every part of their bodies, and distracted with hunger, terror, and apprehensions, they lost the small remnant of their energy, and could do no more. they sat down, and had no power to rise again. in three or four days, one after another died at this stage of their journey. madame godin lay for the space of twenty-four hours by the side of her exhausted and helpless brothers and companions: she felt herself benumbed, stupefied, senseless, yet at the same time tormented by burning thirst. at last, providence, on whom she relied, gave her courage and strength to rouse herself and seek for a rescue, which was in store for her, though she knew not where to look for it. around lay the dead bodies of her brothers and her other companions,--a sight which at another time would have broken her heart. she was almost naked. the scanty remnants of her clothing were so torn by the thorns as to be almost useless. she cut the shoes from her dead brothers' feet, bound the soles under her own, and plunged again into the thicket in search of something to allay her raging hunger and thirst. terror at seeing herself so left alone in such a fearful wilderness, deserted by all the world, and apprehension of a dreadful death constantly hovering before her eyes, made such an impression upon her, that her hair turned gray. it was not till the second day after she had resumed her wandering that she found water, and, a little while after, some wild fruit, and a few eggs of birds. but her throat was so contracted by long fasting, that she could hardly swallow. these served to keep life in her frame. eight long days she wandered in this manner hopelessly, and strove to sustain her wretched existence. if one should read in a work of fiction any thing equal to it, he would charge the author with exaggeration, and violation of probability. but it is history; and, however incredible her story may sound, it is rigidly conformed to the truth in all its circumstances, as it was afterwards taken down from the mouth of madame godin herself. on the eighth day of her hopeless wandering, the hapless lady reached the banks of the bobonosa, a stream which flows into the amazon. at the break of day, she heard at a little distance a noise, and was alarmed at it. she would have fled, but at once reflected that nothing worse than her present circumstances could happen to her. she took courage, and went towards the place whence the sound proceeded; and here she found two indians, who were occupied in shoving their boat into the water. madame godin approached, and was kindly received by them. she told to them her desire to be conveyed to andoas; and the good savages consented to carry her thither in their boat. they did so; and now behold her arrived at that place which the mean and infamous treachery of mr. r. was the only cause of her not having reached long ago. this base fellow had, with unfeeling cruelty, thrown to the winds his promise to procure them a boat, and had gone on business of his own to omaguas, a spanish mission station, without in the least troubling himself about his pledged word, and the rescue of the unfortunates left behind. the honest negro was more true to duty, though he was born and bred a heathen, and the other a christian. while the civilized and polished frenchman unfeelingly went away, and left his benefactress and her companions to languish in the depths of misery, the sable heathen ceased not his exertions till he had procured two indians to go up the river with him, and bring away his deserted mistress and her companions. but, most unfortunately, he did not reach the hut where he had left them before they had carried into execution the unlucky determination to leave the hut, and seek their way through the wilderness. so he had the pain of failing to find her on his arrival. even then, the faithful creature did not feel as if all was done. he, with his indian companions, followed the traces of the party till he came to the place where the bodies of the perished adventurers lay, which were already so decayed, that he could not distinguish one from the other. this pitiable sight led him to conclude that none of the company could have escaped death. he returned to the hut to take away some things of madame godin's which were left there, and carried them not only back with him to andoas, but from thence (another touching proof of his fidelity) to omaguas, that he might deposit the articles, some of which were of considerable value, in the hands of the unworthy mr. r., to be by him delivered to the father of his lamented mistress. and how did this unworthy mr. r. behave when he was apprised by the negro of the lamentable death of those whom he had so unscrupulously given over to destitution? did he shudder at the magnitude and baseness of his crime? oh, no! like a heartless knave, he added dishonesty to cruelty, took the things into his keeping, and, to secure himself in the possession of them, sent the generous negro back to quito. joachim--for that was the name of this honest and noble black man--had unluckily set out on his journey back before madame godin arrived at andoas. thus he was lost to her; and her affliction at the loss of such a tried friend showed that the greatness of her past misfortunes had not made her incapable of feeling new distresses. in andoas she found a christian priest, a spanish missionary; and the behavior of this unchristian christian contrasts with the conduct of her two indian preservers, as that of the treacherous r. with that of the generous negro. for instance, when madame godin was in embarrassment how to show her gratitude to the good indians who had saved her life, she remembered, that, according to the custom of the country, she wore around her neck a pair of gold chains, weighing about four ounces. these were her whole remaining property; but she hesitated not a moment, but took them off, and gave one to each of her benefactors. they were delighted beyond measure at such a gift; but the avaricious and dishonest priest took them away from them before the face of the generous giver, and gave them instead some yards of coarse cotton cloth, which they call, in that country, tukujo. and this man was one of those who were sent to spread christianity among the heathen, and one from whom those same indians whom he had treated so dishonestly would hear the lesson, "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods"! madame godin felt, at seeing such unchristian and unmanly behavior, such deep disgust, that, as soon as she was somewhat recruited from the effects of so many sufferings, she longed for a sight of some boat to enable her to escape from the companionship of this unjust priest, and get to laguna, one of the aforementioned spanish mission stations. a kind indian woman made her a petticoat of cotton cloth, though madame godin had nothing to give her in payment for it. but this petticoat was to her, afterwards, a sacred thing, that she would not have parted with for any price. she laid it carefully away with the slippers which she made of her brothers' shoes, and never could, in after-times, look at the two without experiencing a rush of sad and tender recollections. at laguna she had the good fortune to find a missionary of better disposition. this one received her with kindness and sympathy, and exerted himself every way he could to restore her health, shattered by so much suffering. he wrote also on her behalf to the governor of omaguas, to beg him to aid in expediting her journey. by this means, the elegant mr. r. learned that she was still alive; and as she was not likely in future to be burdensome to him, while he might, through her means, get a passage in the portuguese vessel, he failed not to call upon her at laguna. he delivered to her there some few of the things which joachim had left in his charge; but to the question, "what had become of the rest?" he had no other answer to make but "they were spoilt." the knave forgot, when he said this, that gold bracelets, snuff-boxes, ear-rings, and pearls, of which this property consisted, are not apt to spoil. madame godin could not forbear making to him the well-merited reproach that he was the cause of her late sufferings, and guilty of the mournful death of her brothers and her other companions. she desired to know, moreover, why he had sent away her faithful servant, the good joachim; and his unworthy reply was, he had apprehensions that he would murder him. to the question, how he could have such a suspicion against a man whose tried fidelity and honest disposition were known to him, he knew not what to answer. the good missionary explained to madame godin, after she was somewhat recruited from her late sufferings, the frightful length of the way, and the labors and dangers of her journey yet to come, and tried hard to induce her to alter her intention, and return to rio bambas, her former residence, instead of setting forth to encounter a new series of disappointments and perils. he promised, in that case, to convey her safely and with comfort. but the heroic woman rejected the proposal with immovable firmness. "god, who had so wonderfully protected her so far," she said, "would have her in his keeping for the remainder of her way. she had but one wish remaining, and that was to be re-united to her husband; and she knew no danger terrible enough to induce her to give up this one ruling desire of her heart." the missionary, therefore, had a boat got ready to carry her to the portuguese vessel. the governor of omaguas furnished the boat, and supplied it well with provisions: and, that the commander of the portuguese galiot might be informed of her approach, he sent a smaller boat with provisions, and two soldiers by land, along the banks of the river, and betook himself to loreto, where the galiot had been so long lying; and there he waited till madame godin arrived. she still suffered severely from the consequences of the injuries which she had sustained during her wanderings in the wilderness. particularly, the thumb of one hand, in which she had thrust a thorn, which they had not been able to get out, was in a bad condition. the bone itself was become carious, and she found it necessary to have the flesh cut open to allow fragments of the bone to come out. as for the rest, she experienced from the commander of the portuguese vessel all possible kindness, and reached the mouth of the amazon river without any further misadventure. mr. godin, who still continued at oyapoc (the same place where on account of sickness he had been obliged to stop), was no sooner informed of the approach of his wife than he went on board a vessel, and coasted along the shore till he met the galiot. the joy of again meeting, after a separation of so many years, and after such calamities undergone, was, as may well be supposed, on both sides, indescribably great. their re-union seemed like a resurrection from the dead, since both of them had more than once given up all hope of ever seeing the other in this life. the happy husband now conveyed his wife to oyapoc, and thence to cayenne; whence they departed on their return to france, in company with the venerable mr. de grandmaison. madame godin remained, however, constantly sad, notwithstanding her present ample cause for joy; and every endeavor to raise her spirits was fruitless, so deep and inextinguishable an impression had the terrible sufferings she had undergone made upon her mind. she spoke unwillingly of all that she had suffered; and even her husband found out with difficulty, and by little and little, the circumstances which we have narrated, taken from accounts under his own hand. he thought he could thereby infer that she had kept to herself, to spare his feelings, many circumstances of a distressing nature, which she herself preferred to forget. her heart, too, was, by reason of her sufferings, so attuned to pity and forbearance, that her compassion even extended to the base and wicked men who had treated her with such injustice. she would therefore add nothing to induce her husband to invoke the vengeance of the law against the faithless tristan, the first cause of all her misfortunes, who had converted to his own use many thousand dollars' worth of property which had been intrusted to him. she had even allowed herself to be persuaded to take on board the boat from omaguas down, for a second time, the mean-souled mr. r. so true is it that adversity and suffering do fulfil the useful purpose of rendering the human heart tender, placable, and indulgent. chapter xi. herndon's expedition. in the month of august, , lieut. herndon, of the united-states navy, being on board the frigate "vandalia," then lying at anchor in the harbor of valparaiso, received information that he was designated by the secretary of the navy to explore the valley of the amazon. on the th of april, being then at lima, he received his orders, and, on the st of may, commenced his land journey to the highest point on the amazon navigable for boats, which is about three hundred miles from its source; in which distance there are twenty-seven rapids, the last of which is called the pongo (or falls) de manseriche. over these the water rushes with frightful rapidity; but they are passed, with great peril and difficulty, by means of rafts. from the pongo de manseriche, lieut. herndon states that an unbroken channel of eighteen feet in depth may be found to the atlantic ocean,--a distance of three thousand miles. the party consisted of lieut. herndon, commander; passed-midshipman gibbon; a young master's mate named richards; a young peruvian, who had made the voyage down the amazon a few years before, who was employed as interpreter to the indians; and mauricio, an indian servant. they were mounted on mules; and their baggage of all kinds, including looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets for the indians, and some supplies of provisions, were carried also on muleback, under the charge of an _arriero_, or muleteer, who was an indian. the party were furnished with a tent, which often came in use for nightly shelter, as the roadside inns furnished none, and the haciendas, or farm-houses, which they sometimes availed themselves of, afforded but poor accommodation. the following picture of the lieutenant's first night's lodgings, not more than ten miles from lima, is a specimen: "the house was built of _adobe_, or sun-dried bricks, and roofed with tiles. it had but one room, which was the general receptacle for all comers. a mud projection, of two feet high and three wide, stood out from the walls of the room all around, and served as a permanent bedplace for numbers. others laid their blankets and cloaks, and stretched themselves, on the floor; so that, with whites, indians, negroes, trunks, packages, horse-furniture, game-cocks, and guinea-pigs, we had quite a caravansera appearance." the lieutenant found the general answer to his inquiry for provisions for his party, and of fodder for their animals, was, "no hay" (there is none). the refusal of the people to sell supplies of these indispensable articles was a source of continued inconvenience. it arose probably from their fear to have it known that they had possessions, lest the hand of authority should be laid upon them, and their property be taken without payment. the cultivators, it must be remembered, are native indians, under the absolute control of their spanish masters, and have no recognized rights protected by law. while this state of things continues, civilization is effectually debarred progress. the usual day's travel was twelve to fifteen miles. the route ascended rapidly; and the river rimac, along whose banks their road lay, was soon reduced to a mountain torrent, raging in foam over the fragments of the rocky cliffs which overhung its bed. the road occasionally widened out, and gave room for a little cultivation. may .--they had now reached a height of ten thousand feet above the level of the sea. here the traveller feels that he is lifted above the impurities of the lower regions of the atmosphere, and is breathing air free from taint. the stars sparkled with intense brilliancy. the temperature at night was getting cool, and the travellers found they required all their blankets. but by day the heat was oppressive until tempered by the sea-breeze, which set in about eleven o'clock in the morning. the productions of the country are indian corn, alfalfa (a species of lucern), and potatoes. the potato, in this its native country, is small, but very fine. they saw here a vegetable of the potato kind called _oca_. boiled or roasted, it is very agreeable to the taste, in flavor resembling green corn. here they entered upon the mining region. "the earth here shows her giant skeleton bare: mountains, rather than rocks, rear their gray heads to the skies; and proximity made the scene more striking and sublime." lieut. herndon had brought letters to the superintendent of the mines, who received the travellers kindly and hospitably. this establishment is managed by a superintendent and three assistants, and about forty working hands. the laborers are indians,--strong, hardy-looking fellows, though low in stature, and stupid in expression. the manner of getting the silver from the ore is this: the ore is broken into pieces of the size of an english walnut, and then ground to a fine powder. the ground ore is then mixed with salt, at the rate of fifty pounds of salt to every six hundred of ore, and taken to the ovens to be toasted. after being toasted, the ore is laid in piles of about six hundred pounds upon the stone floor. the piles are then moistened with water, and quicksilver is sprinkled on them through a woollen cloth. the mass is well mixed by treading with the feet, and working with hoes. a little calcined iron pyrites, called _magistral_, is also added. the pile is often examined to see if the amalgamation is going on well. it is left to stand for eight or nine days until the amalgamation is complete; then carried to an elevated platform, and thrown into a well, or cavity: a stream of water is turned on, and four or five men trample and wash it with their feet. the amalgam sinks to the bottom, and the mud and water are let off by an aperture in the lower part of the well. the amalgam is then put into conical bags of coarse linen, which are hung up; and the weight of the mass presses out a quantity of quicksilver, which oozes through the linen, and is caught in vessels below. the mass, now dry, and somewhat harder than putty, is carried to the ovens, where the remainder of the quicksilver is driven off by heat, and the residue is _plata pina_, or pure silver. the proportion of pure silver in the amalgam is about twenty-two per cent. this is an unusually rich mine. returning from the mine, the party met a drove of llamas on their way from the hacienda. this is quite an imposing sight, especially when the drove is encountered suddenly at a turn of the road. the leader, who is always selected on account of his superior height, has his head decorated with tufts of woollen fringe, hung with little bells; and his great height (often six feet), gallant and graceful carriage, pointed ear, restless eye, and quivering lip, as he faces you for a moment, make him as striking an object as one can well conceive. upon pressing on him, he bounds aside either up or down the cliff, and is followed by the herd, scrambling over places that would be impassable for the mule or the ass. the llama travels not more than nine or ten miles a day, his load being about one hundred and thirty pounds. he will not carry more, and will be beaten to death rather than move when he is overloaded or tired. the males only are worked: they appear gentle and docile, but, when irritated, have a very savage look, and spit at the object of their resentment. the guanaco, or alpaca, is another species of this animal, and the vicunia a third. the guanaco is as large as the llama, and bears a fleece of long and coarse wool. the vicunia is much smaller, and its wool is short and fine: so valuable is it, that it brings at the port of shipment a dollar a pound. our travellers saw no guanacos, but now and then, in crossing the mountains, caught a glimpse of the wild and shy vicunia. they go in herds of ten or fifteen females, accompanied by one male, who is ever on the alert. on the approach of danger, he gives warning by a shrill whistle; and his charge make off with the speed of the wind. on the st of may, the thermometer stood at thirty-six degrees at five, a.m. this, it must be remembered, was in the torrid zone, in the same latitude as congo in africa, and sumatra in asia; yet how different the climate! this is owing to the elevation, which at this water-shed of the continent, which separates the rivers of the atlantic from those of the pacific, was about sixteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. the peaks of the cordillera presented the appearance of a hilly country at home on a winter's day; while the lower ranges were dressed in bright green, with placid little lakes interspersed, giving an air of quiet beauty to the scene. the travellers next arrived at morococha, where they found copper-mining to be the prevailing occupation. the copper ore is calcined in the open air, in piles consisting of ore and coal, which burn for a month. the ore thus calcined is taken to the ovens; and sufficient heat is employed to melt the copper, which runs off into moulds below. the copper, in this state, is impure, containing fifty per cent of foreign matter; and is worth fifteen cents the pound in england, where it is refined. there is a mine of fine coal near the hacienda, which yields an abundant supply. the travellers passed other mining districts, rich in silver and copper. a large portion of the silver which forms the circulation of the world is dug from the range of mountains which they were now crossing, and chiefly from that slope of them which is drained off into the amazon. their descent, after leaving the mining country, was rapid. on june , we find them at the head of a ravine leading down to the valley of tarma. the height of this spot above the level of the sea was , feet. as they rode down the steep descent, the plants and flowers that they had left on the other side began to re-appear. first the short grass and small clover, then barley, lucern, indian corn, beans, turnips, shrubs, bushes, trees, flowers, growing larger and gayer in their colors, till the pretty little city of tarma, imbosomed among the hills, and enveloped in its covering of willows and fruit-trees, with its long lawns of _alfalfa_ (the greenest of grasses) stretching out in front, broke upon their view. it is a place of seven thousand inhabitants, beautifully situated in an amphitheatre of mountains, which are clothed nearly to the top with waving fields of barley. the lieutenant gives an attractive description of this mountain city, whose natural productions extend from the apples and peaches of the temperate zone to the oranges and pine-apples of the tropics; and whose air is so temperate and pure, that there was but one physician to a district of twenty thousand people, and he was obliged to depend upon government for a part of his support. the party left tarma on the th of june, and resumed their descent of the mountains. the ride was the wildest they had yet had. the ascents and descents were nearly precipitous; and the scene was rugged, wild, and grand beyond description. at certain parts of the road, it is utterly impossible for two beasts to pass abreast, or for one to turn and retreat; and the only remedy, when they meet, is to tumble one off the precipice, or to drag him back by the tail until he reaches a place where the other can pass. they met with a considerable fright in this way one day. they were riding in single file along one of those narrow ascents where the road is cut out of the mountain-side, and the traveller has a perpendicular wall on one hand, and a sheer precipice of many hundreds of feet upon the other. mr. gibbon was riding ahead. just as he was about to turn a sharp bend of the road, the head of a bull peered round it, on the descent. when the bull came in full view, he stopped; and the travellers could see the heads of other cattle clustering over his quarters, and hear the shouts of the cattle-drivers far behind, urging on their herd. the bull, with lowered crest, and savage, sullen look, came slowly on, and actually got his head between the perpendicular rock and the neck of gibbon's mule. but the sagacious beast on which he was mounted, pressing her haunches hard against the wall, gathered her feet close under her, and turned as upon a pivot. this placed the bull on the outside (there was room to pass, though no one would have thought it); and he rushed by at the gallop, followed in single file by the rest of the herd. the lieutenant owns that he and his friend "felt frightened." on the th of june, they arrived at the first hacienda, where they saw sugar-cane, yucca, pine-apples, and plantains. besides these, cotton and coffee were soon after found in cultivation. the laborers are native indians, nominally free, but, by the customs of the country, pretty closely held in subjection to their employers. their nominal wages are half a dollar a day; but this is paid in articles necessary for their support, which are charged to them at such prices as to keep them always in debt. as debtors, the law will enforce the master's claim on them; and it is almost hopeless for them to desert; for, unless they get some distance off before they are recognized, they will be returned as debtors to their employers. freedom, under such circumstances, is little better than slavery; but it _is_ better, for this reason,--that it only requires some improvement in the intelligence and habits of the laborers to convert it into a system of free labor worthy of the name. the _yucca_ (cassava-root) is a plant of fifteen or twenty feet in height. it is difficult to distinguish this plant from the _mandioc_, which is called "wild yucca;" and this, "sweet yucca." this may be eaten raw; but the other is poisonous until subjected to heat in cooking, and then is perfectly wholesome. the yucca answers the same purpose in peru that the mandioc does in brazil. it is the general substitute for bread, and, roasted or boiled, is very pleasant to the taste. the indians also make from it an intoxicating drink. each plant will give from twenty to twenty-five pounds of the eatable root, which grows in clusters like the potato, and some tubers of which are as long and thick as a man's arm. chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued. on the th of july, the travellers arrived at the great mining station of cerro pasco. the weather was so cold, that the lieutenant, not being quite well, sat by the fire all day, trying to keep himself warm. the town is a most curious-looking place, entirely honey-combed, and having the mouths of mines, some of them two or three yards in diameter, gaping everywhere. from the top of a hill, the best view is obtained of the whole. vast pits, called tajos, surround this hill, from which many millions of silver have been taken; and the miners are still burrowing, like so many rabbits, in their bottoms and sides. the hill is penetrated in every direction; and it would not be surprising if it should cave in, any day, and bury many in its ruins. the falling-in of mines is of frequent occurrence: one caved in, some years ago, and buried three hundred persons. an english company undertook mining here in , and failed. vast sums have been spent in constructing tunnels, and employing steam machinery to drain the mines; and the parties still persevere, encouraged by discovering, that, the lower they penetrate, the richer are the ores. the yield of these mines is about two million dollars' worth a year, which is equal to the yield of all the other mines of peru together. the lieutenant found the leading people here, as well as at tarma, enthusiastic on the subject of opening the amazon to foreign commerce. it will be a great day for them, they say, when the americans get near them with a steamer. on the th of july, they arrived at a spot of marshy ground, from which trickled in tiny streams the waters, which, uniting with others, swell till they form the broad river huallaga, one of the head tributaries of the amazon. their descent was now rapid; and the next day they found themselves on a sudden among fruit-trees, with a patch of sugar-cane, on the banks of the stream. the sudden transition from rugged mountain-peaks, where there was no cultivation, to a tropical vegetation, was marvellous. two miles farther on, they came in sight of a pretty village, almost hidden in the luxuriant vegetation. the whole valley here becomes very beautiful. the land, which is a rich river-bottom, is laid off into alternate fields of sugar-cane and alfalfa. the blended green and yellow of this growth, divided by willows, interspersed with fruit-trees, and broken into wavy lines by the serpentine course of the river, presented a scene which filled them with pleasurable emotions, and indicated that they had exchanged a semi-barbarous for a civilized society. the party had had no occasion to complain of want of hospitality in any part of their route; but here they seemed to have entered upon a country where that virtue flourished most vigorously, having at its command the means of gratifying it. the owner of the hacienda of quicacan, an english gentleman named dyer, received the lieutenant and his large party exactly as if it were a matter of course, and as if they had quite as much right to occupy his house as they had to enter an inn. the next day they had an opportunity to compare with the englishman a fine specimen of the peruvian country gentleman. col. lucar is thus described: "he is probably the richest and most influential man in the province. he seems to have been the father of husbandry in these parts, and is the very type of the old landed proprietor of virginia, who has always lived upon his estates, and attended personally to their cultivation. seated at the head of his table, with his hat on to keep the draught from his head, and which he would insist upon removing unless i would wear mine; his chair surrounded by two or three little negro children, whom he fed with bits from his plate; and attending with patience and kindness to the clamorous wants of a pair of splendid peacocks, a couple of small parrots of brilliant and variegated plumage, and a beautiful and delicate monkey,--i thought i had never seen a more perfect pattern of the patriarch. his kindly and affectionate manner to his domestics, and to his little grand-children, a pair of sprightly boys, who came in the evening from the college, was also very pleasing." the mention of a college in a region in some respects so barbarous may surprise our readers; but such there is. it has a hundred pupils, an income of seventy-five thousand dollars yearly, chemical and philosophical apparatus, and one thousand specimens of european minerals. ijurra, our lieutenant's peruvian companion, had written to the governor of the village of tingo maria, the head of canoe navigation on the huallaga, to send indians to meet the travellers here, and take their luggage on to the place of embarkation. july .--the indians came shouting into the farm-yard, thirteen in number. they were young, slight, but muscular-looking fellows, and wanted to shoulder the trunks, and be off at once. the lieutenant, however, gave them some breakfast; and then the party set forward, and, after a walk of six miles, reached the river, and embarked in the canoe. two indian laborers, called _peons_, paddled the canoe, and managed it very well. the peons cooked their dinner of cheese and rice, and made them a good cup of coffee. they are lively, good-tempered fellows, and, properly treated, make good and serviceable travelling companions. the canoe was available only in parts of the river where the stream was free from rapids. where these occur, the cargo must be landed, and carried round. lieut. herndon and his party were compelled to walk a good part of the distance to tingo maria, which was thirty-six miles from where they first took the canoe. "i saw here," says our traveller, "the _lucernago_, or fire-fly of this country. it is a species of beetle, carrying two white lights in its eyes, or rather in the places where the eyes of insects generally are, and a red light between the scales of the belly; so that it reminded me somewhat of the ocean steamers. they are sometimes carried to lima (enclosed in an apartment cut into a sugar-cane), where the ladies at balls or theatres put them in their hair for ornament." at tingo maria, their arrival was celebrated with much festivity. the governor got up a ball for them, where there was more hilarity than ceremony. the next morning, the governor and his wife accompanied our friends to the port. the governor made a short address to the canoe-men, telling them that their passengers were "no common persons; that they were to have a special care of them; to be very obedient," &c. they then embarked, and stood off; the boatmen blowing their horns, and the party on shore waving their hats, and shouting their adieus. the party had two canoes, about forty feet long by two and a half broad, each hollowed out of a single log. the rowers stand up to paddle, having one foot in the bottom of the boat, and the other on the gunwale. there is a man at the bow of the boat to look out for rocks or sunken trees ahead; and a steersman, who stands on a little platform at the stern of the boat, and guides her motions. when the river was smooth, and free from obstruction, they drifted with the current, the men sitting on the trunks and boxes, chatting and laughing with each other; but, when they approached a "bad place," their serious looks, and the firm position in which each one planted himself at his post, showed that work was to be done. when the bark had fairly entered the pass, the rapid gestures of the bow-man, indicating the channel; the graceful position of the steersman, holding his long paddle; and the desperate exertions of the rowers, the railroad rush of the canoes, and the wild screaming laugh of the indians as the boat shot past the danger,--made a scene so exciting as to banish the sense of danger. after this specimen of their travel, let us take a glimpse of their lodging. "at half-past five, we camped on the beach. the first business of the boatmen, when the canoe is secured, is to go off to the woods, and cut stakes and palm-branches to make a house for the 'commander.' by sticking long poles in the sand, chopping them half-way in two about five feet above the ground, and bending the upper parts together, they make in a few minutes the frame of a little shanty, which, thickly thatched with palm-leaves, will keep off the dew or an ordinary rain. some bring the drift-wood that is lying about the beach, and make a fire. the provisions are cooked and eaten, the bedding laid down upon the leaves that cover the floor of the shanty, the mosquito nettings spread; and after a cup of coffee, a glass of grog, and a cigar (if they are to be had), everybody retires for the night by eight o'clock. the indians sleep round the hut, each under his narrow mosquito curtain, which glisten in the moonlight like so many tombstones." the indians have very keen senses, and see and hear things that would escape more civilized travellers. one morning, they commenced paddling with great vigor; for they said they heard monkeys ahead. it was not till after paddling a mile that they reached the place. "when we came up to them," says the lieutenant, "we found a gang of large red monkeys in some tall trees by the river-side, making a noise like the grunting of a herd of hogs. we landed; and, in a few moments, i found myself beating my way through the thick undergrowth, and hunting monkeys with as much excitement as i had ever felt in hunting squirrels when a boy." they found the game hard to kill, and only got three,--the lieutenant, with his rifle, one; and the indians, with their blow-guns, two. the indians roasted and ate theirs, and lieut. herndon tried to eat a piece; but it was so tough, that his teeth would make no impression upon it. aug. .--the party arrived at tarapoto. it is a town of three thousand five hundred inhabitants, and the district of which it is the capital numbers six thousand. the principal productions are rice, cotton, and tobacco; and cotton-cloth, spun and woven by the women, with about as little aid from machinery as the women in solomon's time, of whom we are told, "she layeth her hands to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff." the little balls of cotton thread which the women spin in this way are used as currency (and this in a land of silver-mines), and pass for twenty-five cents apiece in exchange for other goods, or twelve and a half cents in money. most of the trade is done by barter. a cow is sold for one hundred yards of cotton cloth; a fat hog, for sixty; a large sheep, twelve; twenty-five pounds of salt fish, for twelve; twenty-five pounds of coffee, six; a head of plantains, which will weigh from forty to fifty pounds, for three needles; and so forth. all transportation of merchandise by land is made upon the backs of indians, for want of roads suitable for beasts of burden. the customary weight of a load is seventy-five pounds: the cost of transportation to moyobamba, seventy miles, is six yards of cloth. it is easy to obtain, in the term of six or eight days, fifty or sixty peons, or indian laborers, for the transportation of cargoes, getting the order of the governor, and paying the above price, and supporting the peons on the way. the town is the most important in the province of mainas. the inhabitants are called civilized, but have no idea of what we call comfort in their domestic arrangements. the houses are of mud, thatched with palm, and have uneven earth floors. the furniture consists of a grass hammock, a standing bedplace, a coarse table, and a stool or two. the governor of this populous district wore no shoes, and appeared to live pretty much like the rest of them. vessels of five feet draught of water may ascend the river, at the lowest stage of the water, to within eighteen miles of tarapoto. our travellers accompanied a large fishing-party. they had four or five canoes, and a large quantity of barbasco; a root which has the property of stupefying, or intoxicating, the fish. the manner of fishing is to close up the mouth of an inlet of the river with a network made of reeds; and then, mashing the barbasco-root to a pulp, throw it into the water. this turns the water white, and poisons it; so that the fish soon begin rising to the surface, dead, and are taken into the canoes with small tridents, or pronged sticks. almost at the moment of throwing the barbasco into the water, the smaller fish rise to the surface, and die in one or two minutes; the larger fish survive longer. the salt fish, which constitutes an important article of food and also of barter trade, is brought from down the river in large pieces of about eight pounds each, cut from the _vaca marina_, or sea-cow, also found in our florida streams, and there called _manatee_. it is found in great numbers in the amazon and its principal tributaries. it is not, strictly speaking, a fish, but an animal of the whale kind, which nourishes its young at the breast. it is not able to leave the water; but, in feeding, it gets near the shore, and raises its head out. it is most often taken when feeding. our travellers met a canoe of indians, one man and two women, going up the river for salt. they bought, with beads, some turtle-eggs, and proposed to buy a monkey they had; but one of the women clasped the little beast in her arms, and set up a great outcry, lest the man should sell it. the man wore a long cotton gown, with a hole in the neck for the head to come through, and short, wide sleeves. he had on his arm a bracelet of monkeys' teeth, and the women had nose-rings of white beads. their dress was a cotton petticoat, tied round the waist; and all were filthy. sept. .--they arrived at laguna. here they found two travelling merchants, a portuguese and a brazilian. they had four large boats, of about eight tons each, and two or three canoes. their cargo consisted of iron and iron implements, crockery-ware, wine, brandy, copper kettles, coarse short swords (a very common implement of the indians), guns, ammunition, salt, fish, &c., which they expected to exchange for straw hats, cotton cloth, sugar, coffee, and money. they were also buying up all the sarsaparilla they could find, and despatching it back in canoes. they invited our travellers to breakfast; and the lieutenant says, "i thought that i never tasted any thing better than the _farinha_, which i saw now for the first time." farinha is a general substitute for bread in all the course of the amazon below the brazilian frontier. it is used by all classes; and the boatmen seemed always contented with plenty of salt fish and farinha. the women make it in this way: they soak the root of the _mandioc_ in water till it is softened a little, when they scrape off the skin, and grate the root upon a board, which is made into a rude grater by being smeared with some of the adhesive gums of the forest, and then sprinkled with pebbles. the white grated pulp is put into a conical-shaped bag made of the coarse fibres of the palm. the bag is hung up to a peg driven into a post of the hut; a lever is put through a loop at the bottom of the bag; the short end of the lever is placed under a chock nailed to the post below; and the woman hangs her weight on the long end. this elongates the bag, and brings a heavy pressure upon the mass within, causing the juice to ooze out through the wicker-work of the bag. when sufficiently pressed, the mass is put on the floor of a mud oven; heat is applied, and it is stirred with a stick till it granulates into very irregular grains, and is sufficiently toasted to drive off all the poisonous qualities which it has in a crude state. it is then packed in baskets (lined and covered with palm-leaves) of about sixty-four pounds' weight, which are generally sold all along the river at from seventy-five cents to one dollar. the sediment of the juice is tapioca, and is used to make custards, puddings, starch, &c. it will surprise some of our readers to be told that the juice extracted in the preparation of these wholesome and nutritive substances is a powerful poison, and used by the indians for poisoning the points of their arrows. chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued. the huallaga is navigable, for vessels drawing five feet depth of water, miles; and forty miles farther for canoes. our travellers had now arrived at its junction with the amazon; and their first sight of its waters is thus described: "the march of the great river in its silent grandeur was sublime; but in the untamed might of its turbid waters, as they cut away its banks, tore down the gigantic denizens of the forest, and built up islands, it was awful. i was reminded of our mississippi at its topmost flood; but this stream lacked the charm which the plantation upon the bank, the city upon the bluff, and the steamboat upon the waters, lend to its fellow of the north. but its capacities for trade and commerce are inconceivably great; and to the touch of steam, settlement, and cultivation, this majestic stream and its magnificent water-shed would start up in a display of industrial results that would make the valley of the amazon one of the most enchanting regions on the face of the earth." lieut. herndon speaks of the valley of the amazon in language almost as enthusiastic as that of sir walter raleigh: "from its mountains you may dig silver, iron, coal, copper, zinc, quicksilver, and tin; from the sands of its tributaries you may wash gold, diamonds, and precious stones; from its forests you may gather drugs of virtues the most rare, spices of aroma the most exquisite, gums and resins of the most varied and useful properties, dyes of hue the most brilliant, with cabinet and building woods of the finest polish and the most enduring texture. its climate is an everlasting summer, and its harvest perennial." sept. .--the party encamped at night on an island near the middle of the river. "the indians, cooking their big monkeys over a large fire on the beach, presented a savage and most picturesque scene. they looked more like devils roasting human beings, than any thing mortal." we ask ourselves, on reading this, whether some such scene may not have given rise to the stories of cannibalism which raleigh and others record. they arrived at nauta, a village of a thousand inhabitants, mostly indians. the governor of the district received them hospitably. each district has its governor, and each town its lieutenant-governor. these are of european descent. the other authorities of a town are _curacas_, captains, alcades, and constables. all these are indians. the office of curaca is hereditary, and is not generally interfered with by the white governor. the indians treat their curaca with great respect, and submit to corporal punishment at his mandate. sarsaparilla is one of the chief articles of produce collected here. it is a vine of sufficient size to shoot up fifteen or twenty feet from the root without support. it thus embraces the surrounding trees, and spreads to a great distance. the main root sends out many tendrils, generally about the thickness of a straw, and five feet long. these are gathered, and tied up in bundles of about an _arroba_, or thirty-two pounds' weight. it is found on the banks of almost every river of the region; but many of these are not worked, on account of the savages living on them, who attack the parties that come to gather it. the price in nauta is two dollars the arroba, and in europe from forty to sixty dollars. from nauta, lieut. herndon ascended the ucayali, a branch of the amazon, stretching to the north-west in a direction somewhat parallel to the huallaga. there is the essential difference between the two rivers, as avenues for commerce, that the ucayali is still in the occupation of savage tribes, unchristianized except where under the immediate influence of the mission stations planted among them; while the population of the huallaga is tolerably advanced in civilization. the following sentences will give a picture of the indians of the ucayali: "these people cannot count, and i can never get from them any accurate idea of numbers. they are very little removed above 'the beasts that perish.' they are filthy, and covered with sores. the houses are very large, between thirty and forty feet in length, and ten or fifteen in breadth. they consist of immense roofs of small poles and canes, thatched with palm, and supported by short stakes, four feet high, planted in the ground three or four feet apart, and having the spaces, except between two in front, filled in with cane. they have no idea of a future state, and worship nothing. but they can make bows and canoes; and their women weave a coarse cloth from cotton, and dye it. their dress is a long cotton gown. they paint the face, and wear ornaments suspended from the nose and lower lip." next let us take a view of the means in operation to elevate these people to civilization and christianity. sarayacu is a missionary station, governed by four franciscan friars, who are thus described: "father calvo, meek and humble in personal concerns, yet full of zeal and spirit for his office, clad in his long serge gown, belted with a cord, with bare feet and accurate tonsure, habitual stoop, and generally bearing upon his shoulder a beautiful and saucy bird of the parrot kind, was my beau-ideal of a missionary monk. bregati is a young and handsome italian, whom father calvo sometimes calls st. john. lorente is a tall, grave, and cold-looking catalan. a lay-brother named maguin, who did the cooking, and who was unwearied in his attentions to us, made up the establishment. i was sick here, and think that i shall ever remember with gratitude the affectionate kindness of these pious and devoted friars of st. francis." the government is paternal. the indians recognize in the "padre" the power to appoint and remove curacas, captains, and other officers; to inflict stripes, and to confine in the stocks. they obey the priests' orders readily, and seem tractable and docile. the indian men are drunken and lazy: the women do most of the work; and their reward is to be maltreated by their husbands, and, in their drunken frolics, to be cruelly beaten, and sometimes badly wounded. our party returned to the amazon; and we find occurring in their narrative names which are familiar to us in the history of our previous adventurers. they touched at omaguas, the port where madame godin found kind friends in the good missionary and the governor, and where she embarked on her way to the galiot at loreto; and they passed the mouth of the napo, which enters the amazon from the north,--the river down which orellana passed in the first adventure. the lieutenant says, "we spoke two canoes that had come from near quito by the napo. there are few christianized towns on the napo; and the rowers of the boats were a more savage-looking set than i had seen,"--so slow has been the progress of civilization in three hundred years. the amazon seems to be the land of monkeys. our traveller says, "i bought a young monkey of an indian woman to-day. it had coarse gray and white hair; and that on the top of its head was stiff, like the quills of the porcupine, and smoothed down in front as if it had been combed. i offered the little fellow some plantain; but, finding he would not eat, the woman took him, and put him to her breast, when he sucked away manfully and with great gusto. she weaned him in a week, so that he would eat plantain mashed up, and put into his mouth in small bits; but the little beast died of mortification because i would not let him sleep with his arms around my neck." they got from the indians some of the milk from the cow-tree. this the indians drink, when fresh; and, brought in a calabash, it had a foamy appearance, as if just drawn from the cow. it, however, coagulates very soon, and becomes as hard and tenacious as glue. it does not appear to be as important an article of subsistence as one would expect from the name. dec. .--they arrived at loreto, the frontier town of the peruvian territory, and which reminds us again of madame godin, who there joined the portuguese galiot. loreto is situated on an eminence on the left bank of the river, which is here three-fourths of a mile wide, and one hundred feet deep. there are three mercantile houses in loreto, which do a business of about ten thousand dollars a year. the houses at loreto are better built and better furnished than those of the towns on the river above. the population of the place is two hundred and fifty, made up of brazilians, mulattoes, negroes, and a few indians. at the next town, tabatinga, the lieutenant entered the territory of brazil. when his boat, bearing the american flag, was descried at that place, the brazilian flag was hoisted; and when the lieutenant landed, dressed in uniform, he was received by the commandant, also in uniform, to whom he presented his passport from the brazilian minister at washington. as soon as this document was perused, and the lieutenant's rank ascertained, a salute of seven guns was fired from the fort; and the commandant treated him with great civility, and entertained him at his table, giving him roast beef, which was a great treat. it was quite pleasant, after coming from the peruvian villages, which are all nearly hidden in the woods, to see that tabatinga had the forest cleared away from about it; so that a space of forty or fifty acres was covered with green grass, and had a grove of orange-trees in its midst. the commandant told him that the trade of the river was increasing very fast; that, in , scarce one thousand dollars' worth of goods passed up; in , two thousand five hundred dollars; and this year, six thousand dollars. the sarsaparilla seems thus far to have been the principal article of commerce; but here they find another becoming of importance,--_manteca_, or oil made of turtle-eggs. the season for making manteca generally ends by the st of november. a commandant is appointed every year to take care of the beaches, prevent disorder, and administer justice. sentinels are placed at the beginning of august, when the turtles commence depositing their eggs. they see that no one wantonly interferes with the turtles, or destroys the eggs. the process of making the oil is very disgusting. the eggs are collected, thrown into a canoe, and trodden into a mass with the feet. water is poured on, and the mass is left to stand in the sun for several days. the oil rises to the top, is skimmed off, and boiled in large copper boilers. it is then put in earthen pots of about forty-five pounds' weight. each pot is worth, on the beach, one dollar and thirty cents; and at pará, from two and a half to three dollars. the beaches of the amazon and its tributaries yield from five to six thousand pots annually. it is used for the same purposes as lard with us. chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded. on jan. , at about the point of the junction of the purus river with the amazon, lieut. herndon remarks, "the banks of the river are now losing the character of savage and desolate solitude that characterizes them above, and begin to show signs of habitation and cultivation. we passed to-day several farms, with neatly framed and plastered houses, and a schooner-rigged vessel lying off several of them." they arrived at the junction of the river negro. this is one of the largest of the tributaries of the amazon, and derives its name from the blackness of its waters. when taken up in a tumbler, the water is a light-red color, like a pale juniper-water, and is probably colored by some such berry. this river, opposite the town of barra, is about a mile and a half wide, and very beautiful. it is navigable for almost any draughts to the masaya, a distance of about four hundred miles: there the rapids commence, and the farther ascent must be made in boats. by this river, a communication exists with the orinoco, by means of a remarkable stream, the cassaquiare, which seems to have been formed for the sole purpose of connecting these two majestic rivers, and the future dwellers upon them, in the bonds of perpetual union. humboldt, the great traveller and philosopher, thus speaks of it, "the cassaquiare, as broad as the rhine, and whose course is one hundred and eighty miles in length, will not much longer form in vain a navigable canal between two basins of rivers which have a surface of one hundred and ninety thousand square leagues. the grain of new grenada will be carried to the banks of the rio negro; boats will descend from the sources of the napo and the ucayali, from the andes of quito and upper peru, to the mouths of the orinoco. a country nine or ten times larger than spain, and enriched with the most varied productions, is accessible in every direction by the medium of the natural canal of the cassaquiare and the bifurcation of the rivers." the greatest of all the tributaries of the amazon is the madeira, whose junction our travellers next reached. for four hundred and fifty miles from its mouth, there is good navigation: then occur cascades, which are navigable only for boats, and occupy three hundred and fifty miles, above which the river is navigable for large vessels, by its great tributaries, into bolivia and brazil. they next entered the country where the cocoa is regularly cultivated; and the banks of the river present a much less desolate and savage appearance than they do above. the cocoa-trees have a yellow-colored leaf; and this, together with their regularity of size, distinguishes them from the surrounding forest. lieut. herndon says, "i do not know a prettier place than one of these plantations. the trees interlock their branches, and, with their large leaves, make a shade impenetrable to any ray of the sun; and the large, golden-colored fruits, hanging from branch and trunk, shine through the green with a most beautiful effect. this is the time of the harvest; and we found the people of every plantation engaged in the open space before the house in breaking open the shells of the fruit, and spreading the seed to dry in the sun. they make a pleasant drink for a hot day by pressing out the juice of the gelatinous pulp that envelops the seeds. it is called cocoa-wine: it is a white, viscid liquor, has an agreeable, acid taste, and is very refreshing." we must hasten on, and pass without notice many spots of interest on the river; but, as we have now reached a comparatively civilized and known region, it is less necessary to be particular. the tapajos river stretches its branches to the town of diamantino, situated at the foot of the mountains, where diamonds are found. lieut. herndon saw some of the diamonds and gold-sand in the possession of a resident of santarem, who had traded much on the river. the gold-dust appeared to him equal in quality to that he had seen from california. gold and diamonds, which are always united in this region as in many others, are found especially in the numerous water-courses, and also throughout the whole country. after the rains, the children of diamantino hunt for the gold contained in the earth even of the streets, and in the bed of the river ouro, which passes through the city; and they often collect considerable quantities. it is stated that diamonds are sometimes found in the stomachs of the fowls. the quantity of diamonds found in a year varies from two hundred and fifty to five hundred _oitavas_; the oitava being about seventeen carats. the value depends upon the quality and size of the specimen, and can hardly be reduced to an estimate. it is seldom that a stone of over half an oitava is found; and such a one is worth from two to three hundred dollars. as an offset to the gold and diamonds, we have this picture of the climate: "from the rising to the setting of the sun, clouds of stinging insects blind the traveller, and render him frantic by the torments they cause. take a handful of the finest sand, and throw it above your head, and you would then have but a faint idea of the number of these demons who tear the skin to pieces. it is true, these insects disappear at night, but only to give place to others yet more formidable. large bats (true, thirsty vampires) literally throng the forests, cling to the hammocks, and, finding a part of the body exposed, rest lightly there, and drain it of blood. the alligators are so numerous, and the noise they make so frightful, that it is impossible to sleep." at santarem they were told the tide was perceptible, but did not perceive it. at gurupa it was very apparent. this point is about five hundred miles from the sea. about thirty-five miles below gurupa commences the great estuary of the amazon. the river suddenly flows out into an immense bay, which might appropriately be called the "bay of a thousand islands;" for it is cut up into innumerable channels. the travellers ran for days through channels varying from fifty to five hundred yards in width, between numberless islands. this is the india-rubber country. the shores are low: indeed, one seldom sees the land at all; the trees on the banks generally standing in the water. the party stopped at one of the establishments for making india-rubber. the house was built of light poles, and on piles, to keep it out of the water, which flowed under and around it. this was the store, and, rude as it was, was a palace compared to the hut of the laborer who gathers the india-rubber. the process is as follows: a longitudinal gash is made in the bark of the tree with a hatchet. a wedge of wood is inserted to keep the gash open; and a small clay cup is stuck to the tree, beneath the gash. the cups may be stuck as close together as possible around the tree. in four or five hours, the milk has ceased to run, and each wound has given from three to five table-spoonfuls. the gatherer then collects it from the cups, pours it into an earthen vessel, and commences the operation of forming it into shapes, and smoking it. this must be done at once, as the juice soon coagulates. a fire is made on the ground, and a rude funnel placed over it to collect the smoke. the maker of the rubber now takes his last, if he is making shoes, or his mould, which is fastened to the end of a stick, pours the milk over it with a cup, and passes it slowly several times through the smoke until it is dry. he then pours on the other coats until he has the required thickness, smoking each coating till it is dry. from twenty to forty coats make a shoe. the soles and heels are, of course, given more coats than the body of the shoe. the figures on the shoes are made by tracing them on the rubber, while soft, with a coarse needle, or bit of wire. this is done two days after the coating. in a week, the shoes are taken from the last. the coating occupies about twenty-five minutes. the tree is tall, straight, and has a smooth bark. it sometimes reaches a diameter of thirteen inches or more. each incision makes a rough wound on the tree, which, although it does not kill it, renders it useless, because a smooth place is wanted to which to attach the cups. the milk is white and tasteless, and may be taken into the stomach with impunity. our travellers arrived at pará on the th of april, , and were most hospitably and kindly received by mr. norris, the american consul. the journey of our travellers ends here. lieut. herndon's book is full of instruction, conveyed in a pleasant style. he seems to have manifested throughout good judgment, good temper, energy, and industry. he had no collisions with the authorities or with individuals, and, on his part, seems to have met friendly feelings and good offices throughout his whole route. william lewis herndon was born in fredericksburg, va., on the th of october, . he entered the navy at the age of fifteen; served in the mexican war; and was afterwards engaged for three years, with his brother-in-law, lieut. maury, in the national observatory at washington. in - , he explored the amazon river, under commission of the united-states government. in , he was commander of the steamer "central america," which left havana for new york on sept. , having on board four hundred and seventy-four passengers and a crew of one hundred and five men, and about two million dollars of gold. on sept. , during a violent gale from the north-east and a heavy sea, she sprung a leak, and sunk, on the evening of sept. , near the outer edge of the gulf stream, in lat. ° ´ n. only one hundred and fifty of the persons on board were saved, including the women and children. the gallant commander of the steamer was seen standing upon the wheel-house at the time of her sinking. in a former chapter, we have told the fate of sir humphrey gilbert. how fair a counterpart of that heroic death is this of the gallant herndon! chapter xv. latest explorations. in the year , an english gentleman, henry walter bates, visited the region of the amazon for the purpose of scientific exploration. he went prepared to spend years in the country, in order to study diligently its natural productions. his stay was protracted until , during which time he resided successively at pará, santarem, ega, barra, and other places; making his abode for months, or even years, in each. his account of his observations and discoveries was published after his return, and affords us the best information we possess respecting the country, its inhabitants, and its productions, brought down almost to the present time. our extracts relate to the cities, the river and its shores, the inhabitants civilized and savage, the great tributary rivers, the vegetation, and the animals of various kinds. before proceeding with our extracts, we will remark the various names of the river. it is sometimes called, from the name of its discoverer, "orellana." this name is appropriate and well-sounding, but is not in general use. the name of "marañon," pronounced maranyon, is still often used. it is probably derived from the natives. it is called "the river of the amazons," from the fable of its former inhabitants. this name is shortened into "the amazons," and, without the plural sign, "the amazon," in common use. above the junction of the river negro, the river is designated as "the upper amazon," or "solimoens." parÃ�. "on the morning of the th of may, , we arrived at our destination. the appearance of the city at sunrise was pleasing in the highest degree. it is built on a low tract of land, having only one small rocky elevation at its southern extremity: it therefore affords no amphitheatral view from the river; but the white buildings roofed with red tiles, the numerous towers and cupolas of churches and convents, the crowns of palm-trees reared above the buildings, all sharply defined against the clear blue sky, give an appearance of lightness and cheerfulness which is most exhilarating. the perpetual forest hems the city in on all sides landwards; and, towards the suburbs, picturesque country-houses are seen scattered about, half buried in luxuriant foliage. "the impressions received during our first walk can never wholly fade from my mind. after traversing the few streets of tall, gloomy, convent-looking buildings near the port, inhabited chiefly by merchants and shopkeepers; along which idle soldiers, dressed in shabby uniforms, carrying their muskets carelessly over their arms; priests; negresses with red water-jars on their heads; sad-looking indian women, carrying their naked children astride on their hips; and other samples of the motley life of the place,--were seen; we passed down a long, narrow street leading to the suburbs. beyond this, our road lay across a grassy common, into a picturesque lane leading to the virgin forest. the long street was inhabited by the poorer class of the population. the houses were mostly in a dilapidated condition; and signs of indolence and neglect were everywhere visible. but amidst all, and compensating every defect, rose the overpowering beauty of the vegetation. the massive dark crowns of shady mangoes were seen everywhere among the dwellings, amidst fragrant, blossoming orange, lemon, and other tropical fruit-trees,--some in flower, others in fruit at various stages of ripeness. here and there, shooting above the more dome-like and sombre trees, were the smooth columnar stems of palms, bearing aloft their magnificent crowns of finely-cut fronds. on the boughs of the taller and more ordinary-looking trees sat tufts of curiously leaved parasites. slender woody lianas hung in festoons from the branches, or were suspended in the form of cords and ribbons; while luxuriant creeping plants overran alike tree-trunks, roofs, and walls, or toppled over palings in copious profusion of foliage. "as we continued our walk, the brief twilight commenced; and the sounds of multifarious life came from the vegetation around,--the whirring of cicadas; the shrill stridulation of a vast number of crickets and grasshoppers, each species sounding its peculiar note; the plaintive hooting of tree-frogs, all blended together in one continuous ringing sound,--the audible expression of the teeming profusion of nature. this uproar of life, i afterwards found, never wholly ceased, night or day: in course of time, i became, like other residents, accustomed to it. after my return to england, the death-like stillness of summer days in the country appeared to me as strange as the ringing uproar did on my first arrival at pará." cametÃ�. "i staid at cametá five weeks, and made a considerable collection of the natural productions of the neighborhood. the town, in , was estimated to contain about five thousand inhabitants. the productions of the district are cacao, india-rubber, and brazil nuts. the most remarkable feature in the social aspect of the place is the mixed nature of the population,--the amalgamation of the white and indian races being here complete. the aborigines were originally very numerous on the western bank of the tocantins; the principal tribe being the cametás, from which the city takes its name. they were a superior nation, settled, and attached to agriculture, and received with open arms the white immigrants who were attracted to the district by its fertility, natural beauty, and the healthfulness of the climate. the portuguese settlers were nearly all males. the indian women were good-looking, and made excellent wives; so the natural result has been, in the course of two centuries, a complete blending of the two races. "the town consists of three long streets running parallel to the river, with a few shorter ones crossing them at right angles. the houses are very plain; being built, as usual in this country, simply of a strong framework, filled up with mud, and coated with white plaster. a few of them are of two or three stories. there are three churches, and also a small theatre, where a company of native actors, at the time of my visit, were representing light portuguese plays with considerable taste and ability. the people have a reputation all over the province for energy and perseverance; and it is often said that they are as keen in trade as the portuguese. the lower classes are as indolent and sensual here as in other parts of the province,--a moral condition not to be wondered at, where perpetual summer reigns, and where the necessaries of life are so easily obtained. but they are light-hearted, quick-witted, communicative, and hospitable. i found here a native poet, who had written some pretty verses, showing an appreciation of the natural beauties of the country; and was told that the archbishop of bahia, the primate of brazil, was a native of cametá. it is interesting to find the mamelucos (half-breeds) displaying talent and enterprise; for it shows that degeneracy does not necessarily result from the mixture of white and indian blood. "the forest behind cametá is traversed by several broad roads, which lead over undulating ground many miles into the interior. they pass generally under shade, and part of the way through groves of coffee and orange trees, fragrant plantations of cacao, and tracts of second-growth woods. the narrow, broad-watered valleys, with which the land is intersected, alone have remained clothed with primeval forest, at least near the town. the houses along these beautiful roads belong chiefly to mameluco, mulatto, and indian families, each of which has its own small plantation. there are only a few planters with large establishments; and these have seldom more than a dozen slaves. besides the main roads, there are endless by-paths, which thread the forest, and communicate with isolated houses. along these the traveller may wander day after day, without leaving the shade, and everywhere meet with cheerful, simple, and hospitable people." rivers and creeks. "we made many excursions down the irritiri, and saw much of these creeks. the magoary is a magnificent channel: the different branches form quite a labyrinth, and the land is everywhere of little elevation. all these smaller rivers throughout the pará estuary are of the nature of creeks. the land is so level, that the short local rivers have no sources and downward currents, like rivers, as we understand them. they serve the purpose of draining the land; but, instead of having a constant current one way, they have a regular ebb and flow with the tide. the natives call them _igarapés_, or canoe-paths. they are characteristic of the country. the land is everywhere covered with impenetrable forests: the houses and villages are all on the water-side, and nearly all communication is by water. this semi-aquatic life of the people is one of the most interesting features of the country. for short excursions, and for fishing in still waters, a small boat, called _montaria_, is universally used. it is made of five planks,--a broad one for the bottom, bent into the proper shape by the action of heat, two narrow ones for the sides, and two triangular pieces for stem and stern. it has no rudder: the paddle serves for both steering and propelling. the montaria takes here the place of the horse, mule, or camel of other regions. besides one or more montarias, almost every family has a larger canoe, called _igarité_. this is fitted with two masts, a rudder, and keel, and has an arched awning or cabin near the stern, made of a framework of tough _lianas_, thatched with palm-leaves. in the igarité, they will cross stormy rivers fifteen or twenty miles broad. the natives are all boat-builders. it is often remarked by white residents, that the indian is a carpenter and shipwright by intuition. it is astonishing to see in what crazy vessels these people will risk themselves. i have seen indians cross rivers in a leaky montaria when it required the nicest equilibrium to keep the leak just above water: a movement of a hair's-breadth would send all to the bottom; but they manage to cross in safety. if a squall overtakes them as they are crossing in a heavily-laden canoe, they all jump overboard, and swim about until the heavy sea subsides, when they re-embark." junction of the madeira. "our course lay through narrow channels between islands. we passed the last of these, and then beheld to the south a sea-like expanse of water, where the madeira, the greatest tributary of the amazons, after two thousand miles of course, blends its waters with those of the king of rivers. i was hardly prepared for a junction of waters on so vast a scale as this, now nearly nine hundred miles from the sea. while travelling week after week along the somewhat monotonous stream, often hemmed in between islands, and becoming thoroughly familiar with it, my sense of the magnitude of this vast water-system had become gradually deadened; but this noble sight renewed the first feelings of wonder. one is inclined, in such places as these, to think the paraenses do not exaggerate much when they call the amazons the mediterranean of south america. beyond the mouth of the madeira, the amazons sweeps down in a majestic reach, to all appearance not a whit less in breadth before than after this enormous addition to its waters. the madeira does not ebb and flow simultaneously with the amazons; it rises and sinks about two months earlier: so that it was now fuller than the main river. its current, therefore, poured forth freely from its mouth, carrying with it a long line of floating trees, and patches of grass, which had been torn from its crumbly banks in the lower part of its course. the current, however, did not reach the middle of the main stream, but swept along nearer to the southern shore. "the madeira is navigable miles from its mouth: a series of cataracts and rapids then commences, which extends, with some intervals of quiet water, about miles, beyond which is another long stretch of navigable stream." junction of the rio negro. "a brisk wind from the east sprung up early in the morning of the d: we then hoisted all sail, and made for the mouth of the rio negro. this noble stream, at its junction with the amazons, seems, from its position, to be a direct continuation of the main river; while the solimoens, which joins it at an angle, and is somewhat narrower than its tributary, appears to be a branch, instead of the main trunk, of the vast water-system. "the rio negro broadens considerably from its mouth upward, and presents the appearance of a great lake; its black-dyed waters having no current, and seeming to be dammed up by the impetuous flow of the yellow, turbid solimoens, which here belches forth a continuous line of uprooted trees, and patches of grass, and forms a striking contrast with its tributary. in crossing, we passed the line a little more than half-way over, where the waters of the two rivers meet, and are sharply demarcated from each other. on reaching the opposite shore, we found a remarkable change. all our insect pests had disappeared, as if by magic, even from the hold of the canoe: the turmoil of an agitated, swiftly-flowing river, and its torn, perpendicular, earthy banks, had given place to tranquil water, and a coast indented with snug little bays, fringed with sloping, sandy beaches. the low shore, and vivid, light-green, endlessly varied foliage, which prevailed on the south side of the amazons, were exchanged for a hilly country, clothed with a sombre, rounded, and monotonous forest. a light wind carried us gently along the coast to the city of barra, which lies about seven or eight miles within the mouth of the river. "the town of barra is built on a tract of elevated but very uneven land, on the left bank of the rio negro, and contained, in , about three thousand inhabitants. it is now the principal station for the lines of steamers which were established in ; and passengers and goods are trans-shipped here for the solimoens and peru. a steamer runs once a fortnight between pará and barra; and another as often between this place and nauta, in the peruvian territory." mamelucos, or half-breeds. "we landed at one of the cacao-plantations. the house was substantially built; the walls formed of strong, upright posts, lathed across, plastered with mud, and whitewashed; and the roof tiled. the family were mamelucos, or offspring of the european and the indian. they seemed to be an average sample of the poorer class of cacao-growers. all were loosely dressed, and barefooted. a broad veranda extended along one side of the house, the floor of which was simply the well-trodden earth; and here hammocks were slung between the bare upright supports, a large rush-mat being spread on the ground, upon which the stout, matron-like mistress, with a tame parrot perched upon her shoulder, sat sewing with two pretty-looking mulatto-girls. the master, coolly clad in shirt and drawers, the former loose about his neck, lay in his hammock, smoking a long gaudily painted wooden pipe. the household utensils--earthenware jars, water-pots, and sauce-pans--lay at one end, near which was a wood-fire, with the ever-ready coffee-pot simmering on the top of a clay tripod. a large shed stood a short distance off, embowered in a grove of banana, papaw, and mango trees; and under it were the troughs, ovens, sieves, and other apparatus, for the preparation of mandioc. the cleared space around the house was only a few yards in extent: beyond it lay the cacao-plantations, which stretched on each side parallel to the banks of the river. there was a path through the forest, which led to the mandioc-fields, and, several miles beyond, to other houses on the banks of an interior channel. we were kindly received, as is always the case when a stranger visits these out-of-the-way habitations; the people being invariably civil and hospitable. we had a long chat, took coffee; and, on departing, one of the daughters sent a basketful of oranges, for our use, down to the canoe." mÃ�ra indians. "on the th of january, we arrived at matari, a miserable little settlement of múra indians. here we again anchored, and went ashore. the place consisted of about twenty slightly built mud-hovels, and had a most forlorn appearance, notwithstanding the luxuriant forest in its rear. the absence of the usual cultivated trees and plants gave the place a naked and poverty-stricken aspect. i entered one of the hovels, where several women were employed cooking a meal. portions of a large fish were roasting over a fire made in the middle of the low chamber; and the entrails were scattered about the floor, on which the women, with their children, were squatted. these had a timid, distrustful expression of countenance; and their bodies were begrimed with black mud, which is smeared over the skin as a protection against musquitoes. the children were naked: the women wore petticoats of coarse cloth, stained in blotches with _murixi_, a dye made from the bark of a tree. one of them wore a necklace of monkey's teeth. there were scarcely any household utensils: the place was bare, with the exception of two dirty grass hammocks hung in the corners. i missed the usual mandioc-sheds behind the house, with their surrounding cotton, cacao, coffee, and lemon trees. two or three young men of the tribe were lounging about the low, open doorway. they were stoutly-built fellows, but less well-proportioned than the semi-civilized indians of the lower amazons generally are. the gloomy savagery, filth, and poverty of the people in this place made me feel quite melancholy; and i was glad to return to the canoe." marauÃ� tribe. a pleasanter picture is presented by the indians of the marauá tribe. our traveller thus describes a visit to them:-- "our longest trip was to some indian houses, a distance of fifteen or eighteen miles up the sapó; a journey made with one indian paddler, and occupying a whole day. the stream is not more than forty or fifty yards broad: its waters are dark in color, and flow, as in all these small rivers, partly under shade, between two lofty walls of forest. we passed, in ascending, seven habitations, most of them hidden in the luxuriant foliage of the banks; their sites being known only by small openings in the compact wall of forest, and the presence of a canoe or two tied up in little shady ports. the inhabitants are chiefly indians of the marauá tribe, whose original territory comprises all the by-streams lying between the jutahí and the juruá, near the mouths of both these great tributaries. they live in separate families, or small hordes; have no common chief; and are considered as a tribe little disposed to adopt civilized customs, or be friendly with the whites. one of the houses belonged to a jurí family; and we saw the owner, an erect, noble-looking old fellow, tattooed, as customary with his tribe, in a large patch over the middle of his face, fishing, under the shade of a colossal tree, with hook and line. he saluted us in the usual grave and courteous manner of the better sort of indians as we passed by. "we reached the last house, or rather two houses, about ten o'clock, and spent there several hours during the heat of the day. the houses, which stood on a high, clayey bank, were of quadrangular shape, partly open, like sheds, and partly enclosed with rude, mud walls, forming one or two chambers. the inhabitants, a few families of marauás, received us in a frank, smiling manner. none of them were tattooed: but the men had great holes pierced in their ear-lobes, in which they insert plugs of wood; and their lips were drilled with smaller holes. one of the younger men, a fine, strapping fellow, nearly six feet high, with a large aquiline nose, who seemed to wish to be particularly friendly to me, showed me the use of these lip-holes, by fixing a number of little sticks in them, and then twisting his mouth about, and going through a pantomime to represent defiance in the presence of an enemy. "we left these friendly people about four o'clock in the afternoon, and, in descending the umbrageous river, stopped, about half-way down, at another house, built in one of the most charming situations i had yet seen in this country. a clean, narrow, sandy pathway led from the shady port to the house, through a tract of forest of indescribable luxuriance. the buildings stood on an eminence in the middle of a level, cleared space; the firm, sandy soil, smooth as a floor, forming a broad terrace round them. the owner was a semi-civilized indian, named manoel; a dull, taciturn fellow, who, together with his wife and children, seemed by no means pleased at being intruded on in their solitude. the family must have been very industrious; for the plantations were very extensive, and included a little of almost all kinds of cultivated tropical productions,--fruit-trees, vegetables, and even flowers for ornament. the silent old man had surely a fine appreciation of the beauties of nature; for the site he had chosen commanded a view of surprising magnificence over the summits of the forest; and, to give a finish to the prospect, he had planted a large number of banana-trees in the foreground, thus concealing the charred and dead stumps which would otherwise have marred the effect of the rolling sea of greenery. the sun set over the tree-tops before we left this little eden; and the remainder of our journey was made slowly and pleasantly, under the checkered shade of the river banks, by the light of the moon." the forest. the following passage describes the scenery of one of the peculiar channels by which the waters of the amazon communicate with those of the pará river:-- "the forest wall under which we are now moving consists, besides palms, of a great variety of ordinary forest-trees. from the highest branches of these, down to the water, sweep ribbons of climbing-plants of the most diverse and ornamental foliage possible. creeping convolvuli and others have made use of the slender lianas and hanging air-roots as ladders to climb by. now and then appears a mimosa or other tree, having similar fine pinnate foliage; and thick masses of ingá border the water, from whose branches hang long bean-pods, of different shape and size according to the species, some of them a yard in length. flowers there are very few. i see now and then a gorgeous crimson blossom on long spikes, ornamenting the sombre foliage towards the summits of the forest. i suppose it to belong to a climber of the combretaceous order. there are also a few yellow and violet trumpet-flowers. the blossoms of the ingás, although not conspicuous, are delicately beautiful. the forest all along offers so dense a front, that one never obtains a glimpse into the interior of the wilderness." the liana. "the plant which seems to the traveller most curious and singular is the liana, a kind of osier, which serves for cordage, and which is very abundant in all the hot parts of america. all the species of this genus have this in common, that they twine around the trees and shrubs in their way, and after progressively extending to the branches, sometimes to a prodigious height, throw out shoots, which, declining perpendicularly, strike root in the ground beneath, and rise again to repeat the same course of uncommon growth. other filaments, again, driven obliquely by the winds, frequently attach themselves to contiguous trees, and form a confused spectacle of cord, some in suspension, and others stretched in every direction, not unfrequently resembling the rigging of a ship. some of these lianas are as thick as the arm of a man; and some strangle and destroy the tree round which they twine, as the boa-constrictor does its victims. at times it happens that the tree dies at the root, and the trunk rots, and falls in powder, leaving nothing but the spirals of liana, in form of a tortuous column, insulated and open to the day. thus nature laughs to scorn and defies the imitations of art." cacao. "the amazons region is the original home of the principal species of chocolate-tree,--the theobroma cacao; and it grows in abundance in the forests of the upper river. the forest here is cleared before planting, and the trees are grown in rows. the smaller cultivators are all very poor. labor is scarce: one family generally manages its own small plantation of ten to fifteen thousand trees; but, at harvest-time, neighbors assist each other. it appeared to me to be an easy, pleasant life: the work is all done under shade, and occupies only a few weeks in the year. "the cultivated crop appears to be a precarious one. little or no care, however, is bestowed on the trees; and weeding is done very inefficiently. the plantations are generally old, and have been made on the low ground near the river, which renders them liable to inundation when this rises a few inches more than the average. there is plenty of higher land quite suitable to the tree; but it is uncleared: and the want of labor and enterprise prevents the establishment of new plantations." the cow-tree. "we had heard a good deal about this tree, and about its producing from its bark a copious supply of milk as pleasant to drink as that of the cow. we had also eaten of its fruit at pará, where it is sold in the streets by negro market-women: we were glad, therefore, to see this wonderful tree growing in its native wilds. it is one of the largest of the forest-monarchs, and is peculiar in appearance, on account of its deeply-scored, reddish, and ragged bark. a decoction of the bark, i was told, is used as a red dye for cloth. a few days afterward, we tasted its milk, which was drawn from dry logs that had been standing many days in the hot sun at the saw-mills. it was pleasant with coffee, but had a slight rankness when drunk pure. it soon thickens to a glue, which is very tenacious, and is often used to cement broken crockery. i was told that it was not safe to drink much of it; for a slave had recently lost his life through taking it too freely. "to our great disappointment, we saw no flowers, or only such as were insignificant in appearance. i believe it is now tolerably well ascertained that the majority of forest-trees in equatorial brazil have small and inconspicuous flowers. flower-frequenting insects are also rare in the forest. of course, they would not be found where their favorite food was wanting. in the open country, on the lower amazons, flowering trees and bushes are more abundant; and there a large number of floral insects are attracted. the forest-bees in south america are more frequently seen feeding on the sweet sap which exudes from the trees than on flowers." chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon. on the th of january, the dry season came abruptly to an end. the sea-breezes, which had been increasing in force for some days, suddenly ceased, and the atmosphere became misty: at length, heavy clouds collected where a uniform blue sky had for many weeks prevailed, and down came a succession of heavy showers, the first of which lasted a whole day and night. this seemed to give a new stimulus to animal life. on the first night, there was a tremendous uproar,--tree-frogs, crickets, goat-suckers, and owls, all joining to perform a deafening concert. one kind of goat-sucker kept repeating at intervals, throughout the night, a phrase similar to the portuguese words, 'joao corta pao,'--'john, cut wood;' a phrase which forms the brazilian name of the bird. an owl in one of the trees muttered now and then a succession of syllables resembling the word 'murucututu.' sometimes the croaking and hooting of frogs and toads were so loud, that we could not hear one another's voices within doors. swarms of dragon-flies appeared in the day-time about the pools of water created by the rain; and ants and termites came forth in great numbers." ants. this region is the very headquarters and metropolis of ants. there are numerous species, differing in character and habits, but all of them at war with man, and the different species with one another. our author thus relates his observations of the saüba-ant:-- "in our first walks, we were puzzled to account for large mounds of earth, of a different color from the surrounding soil, which were thrown up in the plantations and woods. some of them were very extensive, being forty yards in circumference, but not more than two feet in height. we soon ascertained that these were the work of the saübas, being the outworks, or domes, which overlie and protect the entrances to their vast subterranean galleries. on close examination, i found the earth of which they are composed to consist of very minute granules, agglomerated without cement, and forming many rows of little ridges and turrets. the difference of color from the superficial soil is owing to their being formed of the undersoil brought up from a considerable depth. it is very rarely that the ants are seen at work on these mounds. the entrances seem to be generally closed: only now and then, when some particular work is going on, are the galleries opened. in the larger hillocks, it would require a great amount of excavation to get at the main galleries; but i succeeded in removing portions of the dome in smaller hillocks, and then i found that the minor entrances converged, at the depth of about two feet, to one broad, elaborately worked gallery, or mine, which was four or five inches in diameter. "the habit of the saüba-ant, of clipping and carrying away immense quantities of leaves, has long been recorded in books of natural history; but it has not hitherto been shown satisfactorily to what use it applies the leaves. i discovered this only after much time spent in investigation. the leaves are used to thatch the domes which cover the entrances to their subterranean dwellings, thereby protecting from the deluging rains the young broods in the nests beneath. small hillocks, covering entrances to the underground chambers, may be found in sheltered places; and these are always thatched with leaves, mingled with granules of earth. the heavily-laden workers, each carrying its segment of leaf vertically, the lower end secured by its mandibles, troop up, and cast their burthens on the hillock; another relay of laborers place the leaves in position, covering them with a layer of earthy granules, which are brought one by one from the soil beneath. "it is a most interesting sight to see the vast host of busy, diminutive workers occupied on this work. unfortunately, they choose cultivated trees for their purpose, such as the coffee and orange trees." the fire-ant. "aveyros may be called the headquarters of the fire-ant, which might be fittingly termed the scourge of this fine river. it is found only on sandy soils, in open places, and seems to thrive most in the neighborhood of houses and weedy villages, such as aveyros: it does not occur at all in the shades of the forest. aveyros was deserted a few years before my visit, on account of this little tormentor; and the inhabitants had only recently returned to their houses, thinking its numbers had decreased. it is a small species, of a shining reddish color. the soil of the whole village is undermined by it. the houses are overrun with them: they dispute every fragment of food with the inhabitants, and destroy clothing for the sake of the starch. all eatables are obliged to be suspended in baskets from the rafters, and the cords well soaked with copaiba-balsam, which is the only thing known to prevent them from climbing. they seem to attack persons from sheer malice. if we stood for a few moments in the street, even at a distance from their nests, we were sure to be overrun, and severely punished; for, the moment an ant touched the flesh, he secured himself with his jaws, doubled in his tail, and stung with all his might. the sting is likened, by the brazilians, to the puncture of a red-hot needle. when we were seated on chairs in the evenings, in front of the house, to enjoy a chat with our neighbors, we had stools to support our feet, the legs of which, as well as those of the chairs, were well anointed with the balsam. the cords of hammocks are obliged to be smeared in the same way, to prevent the ants from paying sleepers a visit." butterflies. "at villa nova, i found a few species of butterflies which occurred nowhere else on the amazons. in the broad alleys of the forest, several species of morpho were common. one of these is a sister-form to the morpho hecuba, and has been described under the name of morpho cisseis. it is a grand sight to see these colossal butterflies by twos and threes floating at a great height in the still air of a tropical morning. they flap their wings only at long intervals; for i have noticed them to sail a very considerable distance without a stroke. their wing-muscles, and the thorax to which they are attached, are very feeble in comparison with the wide extent and weight of the wings; but the large expanse of these members doubtless assists the insects in maintaining their aerial course. the largest specimens of morpho cisseis measure seven inches and a half in expanse. another smaller kind, which i could not capture, was of a pale, silvery-blue color; and the polished surface of its wings flashed like a silver speculum, as the insect flapped its wings at a great elevation in the sunlight." the bird-catching spider. "at cametá, i chanced to verify a fact relating to the habits of a large, hairy spider of the genus mygale, in a manner worth recording. the individual was nearly two inches in length of body; but the legs expanded seven inches, and the entire body and legs were covered with coarse gray and reddish hairs. i was attracted by a movement of the monster on a tree-trunk: it was close beneath a deep crevice in the tree, across which was stretched a dense white web. the lower part of the web was broken; and two small birds, finches, were entangled in the pieces. they were about the size of the english siskin; and i judged the two to be male and female. one of them was quite dead; the other lay under the body of the spider, not quite dead, and was smeared with the filthy liquor, or saliva, exuded by the monster. i drove away the spider, and took the birds; but the second one soon died. the fact of a species of mygale sallying forth at night, mounting trees, and sucking the eggs and young of hummingbirds, has been recorded long ago by madame merian and palisot de beauvois; but, in the absence of any confirmation, it has come to be discredited. from the way the fact has been related, it would appear that it had been derived from the report of natives, and had not been witnessed by the narrators. i found the circumstance to be quite a novelty to the residents hereabouts. "the mygales are quite common insects. some species make their cells under stones; others form artificial tunnels in the earth; and some build their dens in the thatch of houses. the natives call them crab-spiders. the hairs with which they are clothed come off when touched, and cause a peculiar and almost maddening irritation. the first specimen that i killed and prepared was handled incautiously; and i suffered terribly for three days afterward. i think this is not owing to any poisonous quality residing in the hairs, but to their being short and hard, and thus getting into the fine creases of the skin. some mygales are of immense size. one day, i saw the children belonging to an indian family who collected for me with one of these monsters, secured by a cord round its waist, by which they were leading it about the house as they would a dog." bats. "at caripí, near pará, i was much troubled by bats. the room where i slept had not been used for many months, and the roof was open to the tiles and rafters. i was aroused about midnight by the rushing noise made by vast hosts of bats sweeping about the room. the air was alive with them. they had put out the lamp; and, when i relighted it, the place appeared blackened with the impish multitudes that were whirling round and round. after i had laid about well with a stick for a few minutes, they disappeared among the tiles; but, when all was still again, they returned, and once more extinguished the light. i took no further notice of them, and went to sleep. the next night, several of them got into my hammock. i seized them as they were crawling over me, and dashed them against the wall. the next morning, i found a wound, evidently caused by a bat, on my hip. this was rather unpleasant: so i set to work with the negroes, and tried to exterminate them. i shot a great many as they hung from the rafters; and the negroes, having mounted with ladders to the roof outside, routed out from beneath the eaves many hundreds of them, including young broods. there were altogether four species. by far the greater number belonged to the dysopes perotis, a species having very large ears, and measuring two feet from tip to tip of the wings. i was never attacked by bats, except on this occasion. the fact of their sucking the blood of persons sleeping, from wounds which they make in the toes, is now well established; but it is only a few persons who are subject to this blood-letting." parrots. "on recrossing the river in the evening, a pretty little parrot fell from a great height headlong into the water near the boat, having dropped from a flock which seemed to be fighting in the air. one of the indians secured it for me; and i was surprised to find the bird uninjured. there had probably been a quarrel about mates, resulting in our little stranger being temporarily stunned by a blow on the head from the beak of a jealous comrade. it was of the species called by the natives maracaná; the plumage green, with a patch of scarlet under the wings. i wished to keep the bird alive, and tame it; but all our efforts to reconcile it to captivity were vain: it refused food, bit every one who went near it, and damaged its plumage in its exertions to free itself. my friends in aveyros said that this kind of parrot never became domesticated. after trying nearly a week, i was recommended to lend the intractable creature to an old indian woman living in the village, who was said to be a skilful bird-tamer. in two days, she brought it back almost as tame as the familiar love-birds of our aviaries. i kept my little pet for upward of two years. it learned to talk pretty well, and was considered quite a wonder, as being a bird usually so difficult of domestication. i do not know what arts the old woman used. capt. antonio said she fed it with her saliva. "our maracaná used to accompany us sometimes in our rambles, one of the lads carrying it on his head. one day, in the middle of a long forest-road, it was missed, having clung probably to an overhanging bough, and escaped into the thicket without the boy perceiving it. three hours afterwards, on our return by the same path, a voice greeted us in a colloquial tone as we passed, 'maracaná!' we looked about for some time, but could not see any thing, until the word was repeated with emphasis, 'maracaná!' when we espied the little truant half concealed in the foliage of a tree. he came down, and delivered himself up, evidently as much rejoiced at the meeting as we were." turtle-eggs and oil. "i accompanied cardozo in many wanderings on the solimoens, or upper amazons, during which we visited the _praias_ (sand-islands), the turtle-pools in the forests, and the by-streams and lakes in the great desert river. his object was mainly to superintend the business of digging up turtle-eggs on the sand-banks; having been elected _commandante_ for the year of the _praia-real_ (royal sand-island) of shimuni, the one lying nearest to ega. there are four of these royal praias within the district, all of which are visited annually by the ega people, for the purpose of collecting eggs, and extracting oil from their yolks. each has its commander, whose business is to make arrangements for securing to every inhabitant an equal chance in the egg-harvest, by placing sentinels to protect the turtles while laying. the turtles descend from the interior pools to the main river in july and august, before the outlets dry up, and then seek, in countless swarms, their favorite sand-islands; for it is only a few praias that are selected by them out of the great number existing. "we left ega, on our first trip to visit the sentinels while the turtles were yet laying, on the th of september. we found the two sentinels lodged in a corner of the praia, or sand-bank, where it commences, at the foot of the towering forest-wall of the island; having built for themselves a little rancho with poles and palm-leaves. great preparations are obliged to be taken to avoid disturbing the sensitive turtles, who, previous to crawling ashore to lay, assemble in great shoals off the sand-bank. the men, during this time, take care not to show themselves, and warn off any fisherman who wishes to pass near the place. their fires are made in a deep hollow near the borders of the forest, so that the smoke may not be visible. the passage of a boat through the shallow waters where the animals are congregated, or the sight of a man, or a fire on the sand-bank, would prevent the turtles from leaving the water that night to lay their eggs; and, if the causes of alarm were repeated once or twice, they would forsake the praia for some quieter place. soon after we arrived, our men were sent with the net to catch a supply of fish for supper. in half an hour, four or five large basketsful were brought in. the sun set soon after our meal was cooked: we were then obliged to extinguish the fire, and remove our supper-materials to the sleeping-ground, a spit of land about a mile off; this course being necessary on account of the musquitoes, which swarm at night on the borders of the forest. "i rose from my hammock at daylight, and found cardozo and the men already up, watching the turtles. the sentinels had erected for this purpose a stage about fifty feet high, on a tall tree near their station, the ascent to which was by a roughly-made ladder of woody lianas. the turtles lay their eggs by night, leaving the water in vast crowds, and crawling to the central and highest part of the praia. these places are, of course, the last to go under water, when, in unusually wet seasons, the river rises before the eggs are hatched by the heat of the sand. one would almost believe from this that the animals used forethought in choosing a place; but it is simply one of those many instances in animals where unconscious habit has the same result as conscious prevision. the hours between midnight and dawn are the busiest. the turtles excavate, with their broad-webbed paws, deep holes in the fine sand; the first-comer, in each case, making a pit about three feet deep, laying, its eggs (about a hundred and twenty in number), and covering them with sand; the next making its deposit at the top of that of its predecessor; and so on, until every pit is full. the whole body of turtles frequenting a praia does not finish laying in less than fourteen or fifteen days, even when there is no interruption. when all have done, the area over which they have excavated is distinguishable from the rest of the praia only by signs of the sand having been a little disturbed. "on arriving at the edge of the forest, i mounted the sentinels' stage just in time to see the turtles retreating to the water on the opposite side of the sand-bank after having laid their eggs. the sight was well worth the trouble of ascending the shaky ladder. they were about a mile off; but the surface of the sand was blackened with the multitudes which were waddling towards the river. the margin of the praia was rather steep; and they all seemed to tumble, head-first, down the declivity, into the water." * * * * * when the turtles have finished depositing their eggs, the process of collecting them takes place, of which our author gives an account as follows:-- the egg-harvest. "my next excursion was made in company of senior cardozo, in the season when all the population of the villages turns out to dig up turtle-eggs, and to revel on the praias. placards were posted on the church-doors at ega, announcing that the excavation on shimuni would commence on the th october. we set out on the th, and passed on the way, in our well-manned igarité (or two-masted boat), a large number of people, men, women, and children, in canoes of all sizes, wending their way as if to a great holiday gathering. by the morning of the th, some four hundred persons were assembled on the borders of the sand-bank; each family having erected a rude temporary shed of poles and palm-leaves to protect themselves from the sun and rain. large copper kettles to prepare the oil, and hundreds of red earthenware jars, were scattered about on the sand. "the excavation of the _taboleiro_, collecting the eggs, and preparing the oil, occupied four days. the commandante first took down the names of all the masters of households, with the number of persons each intended to employ in digging. he then exacted a payment of about fourpence a head towards defraying the expense of sentinels. the whole were then allowed to go to the taboleiro. they ranged themselves round the circle, each person armed with a paddle, to be used as a spade; and then all began simultaneously to dig, on a signal being given--the roll of drums--by order of the commandante. it was an animating sight to behold the wide circle of rival diggers throwing up clouds of sand in their energetic labors, and working gradually toward the centre of the ring. a little rest was taken during the great heat of mid-day; and, in the evening, the eggs were carried to the huts in baskets. by the end of the second day, the taboleiro was exhausted: large mounds of eggs, some of them four or five feet in height, were then seen by the side of each hut, the produce of the labors of the family. "when no more eggs are to be found, the mashing process begins. the egg, it may be mentioned, has a flexible or leathery shell: it is quite round, and somewhat larger than a hen's egg. the whole heap is thrown into an empty canoe, and mashed with wooden prongs; but sometimes naked indians and children jump into the mass, and tread it down, besmearing themselves with the yolk, and making about as filthy a scene as can well be imagined. this being finished, water is poured into the canoe, and the fatty mass then left for a few hours to be heated by the sun, on which the oil separates, and rises to the surface. the floating oil is afterwards skimmed off with long spoons, made by tying large mussel-shells to the end of rods, and purified over the fire in copper-kettles. at least six thousand jars, holding each three gallons of the oil, are exported annually from the upper amazons and the madeira to pará, where it is used for lighting, frying fish, and other purposes." electric eels. "we walked over moderately elevated and dry ground for about a mile, and then descended three or four feet to the dry bed of another creek. this was pierced in the same way as the former water-course, with round holes full of muddy water. they occurred at intervals of a few yards, and had the appearance of having been made by the hands of man. as we approached, i was startled at seeing a number of large serpent-like heads bobbing above the surface. they proved to be those of electric eels; and it now occurred to me that the round holes were made by these animals working constantly round and round in the moist, muddy soil. their depth (some of them were at least eight feet deep) was doubtless due also to the movements of the eels in the soft soil, and accounted for their not drying up, in the fine season, with the rest of the creek. thus, while alligators and turtles in this great inundated forest region retire to the larger pools during the dry season, the electric eels make for themselves little ponds in which to pass the season of drought. "my companions now cut each a stout pole, and proceeded to eject the eels in order to get at the other fishes, with which they had discovered the ponds to abound. i amused them all very much by showing how the electric shock from the eels could pass from one person to another. we joined hands in a line, while i touched the biggest and freshest of the animals on the head with my hunting-knife. we found that this experiment did not succeed more than three times with the same eel, when out of the water; for, the fourth time, the shock was hardly perceptible." chapter xvii. animated nature. "the number and variety of climbing trees in the amazons forests are interesting, taken in connection with the fact of the very general tendency of the animals also to become climbers. all the amazonian, and in fact all south-american monkeys, are climbers. there is no group answering to the baboons of the old world, which live on the ground. the gallinaceous birds of the country, the representatives of the fowls and pheasants of asia and africa, are all adapted, by the position of the toes, to perch on trees; and it is only on trees, at a great height, that they are to be seen. many other similar instances could be enumerated." monkeys. "on the upper amazons, i once saw a tame individual of the midas leoninus, a species first described by humboldt, which was still more playful and intelligent than the more common m. ursulus. this rare and beautiful monkey is only seven inches in length, exclusive of the tail. it is named leoninus on account of the long, brown mane which hangs from the neck, and which gives it very much the appearance of a diminutive lion. in the house where it was kept, it was familiar with every one: its greatest pleasure seemed to be to climb about the bodies of different persons who entered. the first time i went in, it ran across the room straightway to the chair on which i had sat down, and climbed up to my shoulder: arrived there, it turned round, and looked into my face, showing its little teeth, and chattering, as though it would say, "well, and how do _you_ do?" m. de st. hilaire relates of a species of this genus, that it distinguished between different objects depicted on an engraving. m. ardouin showed it the portraits of a cat and a wasp: at these it became much terrified; whereas, at the sight of a figure of a grasshopper or beetle, it precipitated itself on the picture, as if to seize the objects there represented." the caiarÃ�ra. "the light-brown caiarára is pretty generally distributed over the forests of the level country. i saw it frequently on the banks of the upper amazons, where it was always a treat to watch a flock leaping amongst the trees; for it is the most wonderful performer in this line of the whole tribe. the troops consist of thirty or more individuals, which travel in single file. when the foremost of the flock reaches the outermost branch of an unusually lofty tree, he springs forth into the air without a moment's hesitation, and alights on the dome of yielding foliage belonging to the neighboring tree, maybe fifty feet beneath; all the rest following his example. they grasp, on falling, with hands and tail, right themselves in a moment, and then away they go, along branch and bough, to the next tree. "the caiarára is very frequently kept as a pet in the houses of natives. i kept one myself for about a year, which accompanied me in my voyages, and became very familiar, coming to me always on wet nights to share my blanket. it keeps the house where it is kept in a perpetual uproar. when alarmed or hungry, or excited by envy, it screams piteously. it is always making some noise or other, often screwing up its mouth, and uttering a succession of loud notes resembling a whistle. mine lost my favor at last by killing, in one of his jealous fits, another and much choicer pet,--the nocturnal, owl-faced monkey. some one had given this a fruit which the other coveted: so the two got to quarrelling. the owl-faced fought only with his paws, clawing out, and hissing, like a cat: the other soon obtained the mastery, and, before i could interfere, finished his rival by cracking its skull with its teeth. upon this i got rid of him." the coaita. "the coaita is a large, black monkey, covered with coarse hair, and having the prominent parts of the face of a tawny, flesh-colored hue. the coaitas are called by some french zoölogists spider-monkeys, on account of the length and slenderness of their body and limbs. in these apes, the tail, as a prehensile organ, reaches its highest degree of perfection; and, on this account, it would perhaps be correct to consider the coaita as the extreme development of the american type of apes. "the tail of the coaita is endowed with a wonderful degree of flexibility. it is always in motion, coiling and uncoiling like the trunk of an elephant, and grasping whatever comes within reach. "the flesh of this monkey is much esteemed by the natives in this part of the country; and the military commandant every week sends a negro hunter to shoot one for his table. one day i went on a coaita-hunt, with a negro-slave to show me the way. when in the deepest part of the ravine, we heard a rustling sound in the trees overhead; and manoel soon pointed out a coaita to me. there was something human-like in its appearance, as the lean, shaggy creature moved deliberately among the branches at a great height. i fired, but, unfortunately, only wounded it. it fell, with a crash, headlong, about twenty or thirty feet, and then caught a bough with its tail, which grasped it instantaneously; and there the animal remained suspended in mid-air. before i could reload, it recovered itself, and mounted nimbly to the topmost branches, out of the reach of a fowling-piece, where we could perceive the poor thing apparently probing the wound with its fingers." the tame coaita. "i once saw a most ridiculously tame coaita. it was an old female, which accompanied its owner, a trader on the river, in all his voyages. by way of giving me a specimen of its intelligence and feeling, its master set to, and rated it soundly, calling it scamp, heathen, thief, and so forth, all through the copious portuguese vocabulary of vituperation. the poor monkey, quietly seated on the ground, seemed to be in sore trouble at this display of anger. it began by looking earnestly at him; then it whined, and lastly rocked its body to and fro with emotion, crying piteously, and passing its long, gaunt arms continually over its forehead; for this was its habit when excited, and the front of the head was worn quite bald in consequence. at length, its master altered his tone. 'it's all a lie,' my old woman. 'you're an angel, a flower, a good, affectionate old creature,' and so forth. immediately the poor monkey ceased its wailing, and soon after came over to where the man sat." scarlet-faced monkey. the most singular of the simian family in brazil are the scarlet-faced monkeys, called by the indians uakari, of which there are two varieties, the white and red-haired. mr. bates first met with the white-haired variety under the following circumstances:-- "early one sunny morning, in the year , i saw in the streets of ega a number of indians carrying on their shoulders down to the port, to be embarked on the upper amazons steamer, a large cage made of strong lianas, some twelve feet in length, and five in height, containing a dozen monkeys of the most grotesque appearance. their bodies (about eighteen inches in height, exclusive of limbs) were clothed from neck to tail with very long, straight, and shining whitish hair; their heads were nearly bald, owing to the very short crop of thin gray hairs; and their faces glowed with the most vivid scarlet hue. as a finish to their striking physiognomy, they had bushy whiskers of a sandy color, meeting under the chin, and reddish yellow eyes. they sat gravely and silently in a group, and altogether presented a strange spectacle." another interesting creature is the owl-faced night ape. these monkeys are not only owl-faced, but their habits are those of the moping bird. "they sleep all day long in hollow trees, and come forth to prey on insects, and eat fruits, only in the night. they are of small size, the body being about a foot long, and the tail fourteen inches; and are clothed with soft gray and brown fur, similar in substance to that of the rabbit. their physiognomy reminds one of an owl or tiger-cat. the face is round, and encircled by a ruff of whitish fur; the muzzle is not at all prominent; the mouth and chin are small; the ears are very short, scarcely appearing above the hair of the head; and the eyes are large, and yellowish in color, imparting the staring expression of nocturnal animals of prey. the forehead is whitish, and decorated with three black stripes, which, in one of the species, continue to the crown, and in the other meet on the top of the forehead. "these monkeys, although sleeping by day, are aroused by the least noise; so that, when a person passes by a tree in which a number of them are concealed, he is startled by the sudden apparition of a group of little striped faces crowding a hole in a trunk." mr. bates had one of the nyctipithæci for a pet, which was kept in a box containing a broad-mouthed glass jar, into which it would dive, head foremost, when any one entered the room, turning round inside, and thrusting forth its inquisitive face an instant afterward to stare at the intruder. the nyctipithecus, when tamed, renders one very essential service to its owner: it clears the house of bats as well as of insect vermin. the most diminutive of the brazilian monkeys is the "hapale pygmæus," only seven inches long in the body, with its little face adorned with long, brown whiskers, which are naturally brushed back over the ears. the general color of the animal is brownish-tawny; but the tail is elegantly barred with black. mr. bates closes his account by stating that the total number of species of monkeys which he found inhabiting the margins of the upper and lower amazons was thirty-eight, belonging to twelve different genera, forming two distinct families. the sloth. "i once had an opportunity, in one of my excursions, of watching the movements of a sloth. some travellers in south america have described the sloth as very nimble in its native woods, and have disputed the justness of the name which has been bestowed upon it. the inhabitants of the amazons region, however, both indians and descendants of the portuguese, hold to the common opinion, and consider the sloth as the type of laziness. it is very common for one native to call to another, in reproaching him for idleness, 'bicho do embaüba' (beast of the cecropia-tree); the leaves of the cecropia being the food of the sloth. it is a strange sight to see the uncouth creature, fit production of these silent woods, lazily moving from branch to branch. every movement betrays, not indolence exactly, but extreme caution. he never looses his hold from one branch without first securing himself to the next; and, when he does not immediately find a bough to grasp with the rigid hooks into which his paws are so curiously transformed, he raises his body, supported on his hind legs, and claws around in search of a fresh foothold. after watching the animal for about half an hour, i gave him a charge of shot: he fell with a terrific crash, but caught a bough in his descent with his powerful claws, and remained suspended. two days afterward, i found the body of the sloth on the ground; the animal having dropped, on the relaxation of the muscles, a few hours after death. in one of our voyages, i saw a sloth swimming across a river at a place where it was probably three hundred yards broad. our men caught the beast, and cooked and ate him." the anaconda. "we had an unwelcome visitor while at anchor in the port. i was awakened a little after midnight, as i lay in my little cabin, by a heavy blow struck at the sides of the canoe close to my head, succeeded by the sound of a weighty body plunging in the water. i got up; but all was quiet again, except the cackle of fowls in our hen-coop, which hung over the side of the vessel, about three feet from the cabin-door. next morning i found my poultry loose about the canoe, and a large rent in the bottom of the hen-coop, which was about two feet from the surface of the water. a couple of fowls were missing. "antonio said the depredator was the sucumjú, the indian name for the anaconda, or great water-serpent, which had for months past been haunting this part of the river, and had carried off many ducks and fowls from the ports of various houses. i was inclined to doubt the fact of a serpent striking at its prey from the water, and thought an alligator more likely to be the culprit, although we had not yet met with alligators in the river. some days afterward, the young men belonging to the different settlements agreed together to go in search of the serpents. they began in a systematic manner, forming two parties, each embarked in three or four canoes, and starting from points several miles apart, whence they gradually approximated, searching all the little inlets on both sides of the river. the reptile was found at last, sunning itself on a log at the mouth of a muddy rivulet, and despatched with harpoons. i saw it the day after it was killed. it was not a very large specimen, measuring only eighteen feet nine inches in length, and sixteen inches in circumference at the widest part of the body." alligators. "our rancho was a large one, and was erected in a line with the others, near the edge of the sand-bank, which sloped rather abruptly to the water. during the first week, the people were all more or less troubled by alligators. some half-dozen full-grown ones were in attendance off the praia, floating about on the lazily flowing, muddy water. the dryness of the weather had increased since we left shimuni, the currents had slackened, and the heat in the middle of the day was almost insupportable. but no one could descend to bathe without being advanced upon by one or other of these hungry monsters. there was much offal cast into the river; and this, of course, attracted them to the place. every day, these visitors became bolder: at length, they reached a pitch of impudence that was quite intolerable. cardozo had a poodle-dog named carlito, which some grateful traveller whom he had befriended had sent him from rio janeiro. he took great pride in this dog, keeping it well sheared, and preserving his coat as white as soap and water could make it. we slept in our rancho, in hammocks slung between the outer posts; a large wood fire (fed with a kind of wood abundant on the banks of the river, which keeps alight all night) being made in the middle, by the side of which slept carlito on a little mat. one night, i was awoke by a great uproar. it was caused by cardozo hurling burning firewood with loud curses at a huge cayman, which had crawled up the bank, and passed beneath my hammock (being nearest the water) towards the place where carlito lay. the dog raised the alarm in time. the reptile backed out, and tumbled down the bank into the river; the sparks from the brands hurled at him flying from his bony hide. cardozo threw a harpoon at him, but without doing him any harm." the puma. "one day, i was searching for insects in the bark of a fallen tree, when i saw a large, cat-like animal advancing towards the spot. it came within a dozen yards before perceiving me. i had no weapon with me but an old chisel, and was getting ready to defend myself if it should make a spring; when it turned round hastily, and trotted off. i did not obtain a very distinct view of it; but i could see its color was that of the puma, or american lion, although it was rather too small for that species. "the puma is not a common animal in the amazons forests. i did not see altogether more than a dozen skins in the possession of the natives. the fur is of a fawn-color. the hunters are not at all afraid of it, and speak in disparaging terms of its courage. of the jaguar they give a very different account." the great ant-eater. "the great ant-eater, _tamandua_ of the natives, was not uncommon here. after the first few weeks of residence, i was short of fresh provisions. the people of the neighborhood had sold me all the fowls they could spare. i had not yet learned to eat the stale and stringy salt fish which is the staple food of these places; and for several days i had lived on rice-porridge, roasted bananas, and farinha. florinda asked me whether i could eat tamandua. i told her almost any thing in the shape of flesh would be acceptable: so she went the next day with an old negro named antonio, and the dogs, and, in the evening, brought one of the animals. the meat was stewed, and turned out very good, something like goose in flavor. the people of caripí would not touch a morsel, saying it was not considered fit to eat in those parts. i had read, however, that it was an article of food in other countries of south america. during the next two or three weeks, whenever we were short of fresh meat, antonio was always ready, for a small reward, to get me a tamandua. "the habits of the animal are now pretty well known. it has an excessively long, slender muzzle, and a worm-like, extensile tongue. its jaws are destitute of teeth. the claws are much elongated, and its gait is very awkward. it lives on the ground, and feeds on termites, or white ants; the long claws being employed to pull in pieces the solid hillocks made by the insects, and the long flexible tongue to lick them up from the crevices." the jaguar. our traveller, though he resided long and in various parts of the amazon country, never saw there a jaguar. how near he came to seeing one appears in the following extract. this animal is the nearest approach which america presents to the leopards and tigers of the old world. "after walking about half a mile, we came upon a dry water-course, where we observed on the margin of a pond the fresh tracks of a jaguar. this discovery was hardly made, when a rush was heard amidst the bushes on the top of a sloping bank, on the opposite side of the dried creek. we bounded forward: it was, however, too late; for the animal had sped in a few minutes far out of our reach. it was clear we had disturbed on our approach the jaguar while quenching his thirst at the water-hole. a few steps farther on, we saw the mangled remains of an alligator. the head, fore-quarters, and bony shell, were all that remained: but the meat was quite fresh, and there were many footmarks of the jaguar around the carcass; so that there was no doubt this had formed the solid part of the animal's breakfast." parÃ�. "i arrived at pará on the th of march, , after an absence in the interior of seven years and a half. my old friends, english, american, and brazilian, scarcely knew me again, but all gave me a very warm welcome. i found pará greatly changed and improved. it was no longer the weedy, ruinous, village-looking place that it had appeared when i first knew it in . the population had been increased to twenty thousand by an influx of portuguese, madeiran, and german immigrants; and, for many years past, the provincial government had spent their considerable surplus revenue in beautifying the city. the streets, formerly unpaved, or strewed with stones and sand, were now laid with concrete in a most complete manner: all the projecting masonry of the irregularly-built houses had been cleared away, and the buildings made more uniform. most of the dilapidated houses were replaced by handsome new edifices, having long and elegant balconies fronting the first floors, at an elevation of several feet above the roadway. the large swampy squares had been drained, weeded, and planted with rows of almond and other trees; so that they were now a great ornament to the city, instead of an eye-sore as they formerly were. sixty public vehicles, light cabriolets, some of them built in pará, now plied in the streets, increasing much the animation of the beautified squares, streets, and avenues. i was glad to see several new book-sellers' shops; also a fine edifice devoted to a reading-room, supplied with periodicals, globes, and maps; and a circulating library. there were now many printing-offices, and four daily newspapers. the health of the place had greatly improved since ,--the year of the yellow-fever; and pará was now considered no longer dangerous to new-comers. "so much for the improvements visible in the place; and now for the dark side of the picture. the expenses of living had increased about fourfold; a natural consequence of the demand for labor and for native products of all kinds having augmented in greater ratio than the supply, in consequence of large arrivals of non-productive residents, and considerable importations of money, on account of the steamboat-company and foreign merchants. "at length, on the d of june, i left pará,--probably forever. i took a last view of the glorious forest for which i had so much love, and to explore which i had devoted so many years. the saddest hours i recollect ever to have spent were those of the succeeding night, when, the pilot having left us out of sight of land, though within the mouth of the river, waiting for a wind, i felt that the last link which connected me with the land of so many pleasing recollections was broken." the end. press of geo. c. rand & avery, no. , cornhill, boston. +------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the | | original document have been preserved. | | | | typographical errors corrected in the text: | | | | page sascatchawan changed to saskatchawan | | page cameawait changed to cameahwait | | page chinnook changed to chinook | | page chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page killamucks changed to killimucks | | page wakiacums changed to wahkiacums | | page kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page sacajaweah chanaged to sacajawea | | page kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page palmitoes changed to palmitos | | page groweth changed to growth | | page pursuaded changed to persuaded | +------------------------------------------------+ generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries.) * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has | | been preserved. | | | | obvious typographical errors have been corrected. for | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * [illustration: john randolph tucker] life of rear admiral john randolph tucker commander in the navy of the united states, captain and flag-officer in the navy of the confederate states, rear admiral in the navy of the republic of peru and president of the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon with an appendix containing notes on navigation of the upper amazon river and its principal tributaries by captain james henry rochelle and containing a biographical sketch of the author, and portraits of admiral tucker and captain rochelle washington the neale publishing company eleventh street mcmiii copyright, , by mattie r. tyler. contents. a sketch of the author death of captain rochelle prefatory note part i. the tuckers--birth of john randolph tucker. boyhood--appointed a midshipman in the united states navy--first cruise--"the roaring lads of the brandywine"--passes examination for promotion--appointed a past midshipman--promoted to the rank of lieutenant--marriage--mexican war. capture of tobasco--commands united states bomb-brig _stromboli_--made a commander--commands united states receiving ship _pennsylvania_--ordnance officer at the norfolk navy yard--resigns on the secession of virginia part ii. appointed a commander in the virginia navy--in charge of the defenses of james river--transferred to the confederate states navy--placed in command of the _patrick henry_--fitting out under difficulties--first partially armored american vessel. lieutenant powell's plan for armored gunboats--officers of the _patrick henry_--guarding james river--scaling the guns--"naval skirmish"--a flag which was not presented--battle of hampton roads. sinking of the _cumberland_; an american _vengeur_--burning of the _congress_--combat between the _virginia_ and the _monitor_--flag-officer tatnall takes command of the confederate squadron--sally into hampton roads--plan for carrying the _monitor_ by boarding--evacuation of norfolk--towing unfinished gunboats to richmond--federal squadron enters james river--crews of the _patrick henry_, _jamestown_ and _virginia_ man the naval batteries at drewry's bluff--action at drewry's bluff--the _galena_; a well-fought vessel. repulse of the federal squadron--tucker ordered to command the iron-clad steamer _chicora_ at charleston--successful attack on the blockading squadron--tucker posted and appointed flag-officer of the charleston squadron--commanding officers of the charleston squadron--dupont's attack on charleston--confederate torpedo-boats at charleston; damage done by them--charleston naval battalion serving with the army--evacuation of charleston--one battalion of the charleston squadron serves with the army at wilmington--tucker, with the charleston squadron brigade, marches through north carolina and arrives at richmond--tucker ordered to command at drewry's bluff--confederacy at its last gasp--evacuation of richmond--tucker not informed of the intention to evacuate richmond--succeeds in joining his brigade of sailors to major-gen. custis lee's division--action at saylor's creek; didn't know they were whipped, thought the fight had just begun--surrender--prisoner of war--released on parole--employed by the southern express company part iii. tucker offered the command of the peruvian fleet, with the rank of rear admiral--arrives in lima--no precedent for the return of money--commissioned a rear admiral in the navy of peru--commands the allied fleets of peru and chile--spanish war--tucker's plan for a naval campaign; projected expedition against manila--cessation of hostilities--tucker retires from the command of the fleet, and is appointed president of the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon--crosses the andes and reaches the amazon--explores the yavari river--ordered to the united states to superintend the building of an exploring steamer--returns to the amazon with steamer _tambo_. expedition up the ucayali and exploration of the tambo river--ordered to the united states to procure a steamer of light draught of water--returns to the amazon with steamer _mairo_--second expedition up the ucayali--canoe expedition up the pachitea and exploration of the pichis river--expedition up the amazon and huallaga rivers--ordered to lima. ordered to new york to superintend the charts made by the hydrographical commission--publication of charts abandoned on account of the financial condition of peru--letter from president pardo--letter from minister freyre--tucker retires to his home in petersburg, virginia--occupations and amusements of old age--death--character and qualities--conclusion navigation of the upper amazon conclusion life of rear admiral john randolph tucker a sketch of the author. james henry rochelle, the author of the following pages, and the subject of this sketch, was of french-english and celtic, or scotch-irish, extraction--english through his paternal great-grandmother, who was the daughter of hinchia gilliam, and his wife (née) harrison; scotch-irish through his maternal ancestry. the name itself proclaims its french (huguenot) origin. it is well known that when louis xiv revoked the edict of nantes many french protestants, called huguenots, fled from their homes to escape persecutions worse than death. about forty thousand took refuge in england, and in william iii sent a number of them to america. a party of them made their way up the james river and made a settlement, which they called mannakintown, or "manacan," because the lands formerly belonged to the manacan indians. feeling that they no longer had to defend themselves against oppression and cruelty, and that in a free country their religion was no stigma, the characteristics of the race came out. with order and work manacan became a flourishing town. among those who had made a temporary home there was john rochelle, who came with the other huguenot exiles, and, if pope be right, he soon enjoyed "all the joys of sense-- _health, peace and competence._" but in a few years the spirit of discord entered among these exiles, who had found peace, liberty and homes. the three rochelle brothers sought other homes; william settled in north carolina, james went to south carolina, and john bought of william and jonas longbottom two hundred and twelve acres of land on the south side of the nottoway river in the then parish of albemarle. here he lived, and married mary gilliam, daughter of hinchia gilliam and his wife (née) harrison. they had issue four sons--john, levi, hinchia and nathaniel. john, the oldest son, married his cousin, judith gilliam, famed for her beauty, and they became the parents of nine children--benjamin, john, willis, clements, elizabeth (who will live in history as the mother of the famous soldier, george henry thomas), james, lucy, and mary. james was born in the year . at an early age he entered the clerk's office of his county as deputy to the then clerk, samuel kello. in he was chosen clerk and held the office until his death. on the th of april, , he married martha (hines) gray, widow of dr. henry mills gray. many children were born unto them, but only three lived beyond the early years of infancy--john, martha and james henry. james henry rochelle was born at his father's home, near the courthouse, on the st day of november, . his boyhood was passed in the refining influence of a virginia home, of the period when virginia was the garden spot of america, when her daughters were the "mothers of presidents" and her sons were statesmen, "_sans peur et sans reproche_." on the th of september, , he was appointed acting midshipman in the united states navy; served six months at sea, and then received his warrant as midshipman. during the war with mexico, young rochelle served on both the _falmouth_ and _decatur_, in the gulf. he was with commodore perry, and participated in all the brilliant exploits of the naval forces, and remained on the mexican coast until there was added to the united states a territory as large as germany, france and spain, all three added together. in september, , he reported at annapolis, the naval school, and was one of the midshipman belonging to the famous "classe ," which passed in . he was at once ordered to the frigate _constitution_, then in boston harbor, ready to sail to the blue waters of the mediterranean and the sunny coast of italy. on this cruise he paid a visit to the beautiful and historical island of malta, and here, in the very cradle of free masonry, he became a member of that ancient institution. he saw three years' sea service before returning home. in the united states government sent a naval force, under the command of perry, to open intercourse with japan and her then unknown people. rochelle received orders to report for duty on the ship _southampton_. perry sailed from norfolk on the th of november, . with great judgment and ability he rendered his mission a success, and sailed for home from linada, in japan, on the st of october, , and after an eventful voyage reached new york in the spring of . after a home leave of some months, rochelle was promoted on the th of september to master, and on the next day was commissioned lieutenant and assigned to duty on the coast survey squadron. he assisted in the survey of new york harbor, casco bay and the florida reefs. his next cruise was in the expedition to paraguay. unfortunately, few of his many letters home were preserved. we give one written in : u.s. steamer _southern star_, montevideo, republic of uruguay, march , . _my dear mother_: the steamer _harriet lane_, one of the vessels of the paraguay expedition, will sail for new york on tomorrow morning, and as she is very fast i have determined to write by her, although it will not be long before we follow her to the united states. we are preparing for sea now and expect to sail on the th of this month for norfolk, touching at pernambuco and barbadoes for coal. we will be at home, i think, by the th of may or st of june, though it is possible that we may be detained longer than i expect on the way. i sincerely trust that i shall find you all well at home, and that i will have a long leave to spend with you. i wrote you in my letter that we had no difficulty in settling our affairs with paraguay. lopez acceded at once to all the demands which were made upon him, and expressed himself gratified at their moderation. the health of the squadron is excellent and the cruise has been a pleasant one. no accident or circumstances have occurred to mar its efficiency or concord. if another vessel should leave in time to get home much before we do, i will write again, but i doubt if such an opportunity will occur. you must not, of course, write to me again. give my best love to sister, jimmy, letitia and mattie, and my affectionate regards to mr. edwards and major shands. ever your affectionate son, j.h. rochelle. to follow rochelle through all of his naval life would take more space than we now have and would be to repeat scenes and events already dealt with by him in the following pages. when the war came on he was serving on the sloop-of-war _cumberland_. captain scharf very correctly says: "it required no sacrifice and entailed no inconvenience to remain loyal to the union, but to resign from that service involved every consideration which might deter a man not actuated by exalted principles." it was "exalted principles" which caused rochelle to resign his commission in the navy, where he had served with honor and advancement for twenty years, and to offer his sword to his native state. from the columns of the richmond _dispatch_ we quote: "all know how hot and furious the war was. the anglo-saxon race, the first and foremost people on earth, are wise in counsel and fierce in war. fighting commenced at once. captain rochelle was placed under the command of captain tucker, on the james river, on the war steamer _patrick henry_, and with the _merrimac_ fought the _monitor_ and wooden fleet of the north in hampton roads, the first naval battle in which armored ships were used. that engagement covered the new and little confederate navy with glory. when norfolk was evacuated, and our little wooden fleet fell back to richmond after the destruction of the _merrimac_, which could not be carried up the james river on account of its great draught of water, the heavy guns of the _patrick henry_ were carried by tucker and rochelle with great difficulty up on drewry's bluff, and aided very much in repulsing the attack of the _galena_ and other northern gunboats, who hoped to carry richmond by a _coup de main_. after the evacuation of norfolk and the peninsula between the york and james rivers, the siege of charleston, s.c., having commenced, he was sent there and soon after placed in command of one of the largest iron-clad steamers in the confederate navy. here he remained during the remainder of the siege and until the advance of sherman through south carolina and in the rear of charleston forced the evacuation of that vital point in the confederacy. his ship, along with others, was destroyed, and he returned to richmond with a small body of seamen, where the southerners made their last stand around richmond and petersburg _pro ara et pro forcis_. on reaching richmond he, along with captain parker, distinguished alike in arms and letters, were placed in command of the naval academy and cadets which the confederates had established there--an arduous, important and distinguished position. he remained in that position until the evacuation of richmond, when he marched the cadets in a body to washington, in georgia, where they were disbanded after the capture of president davis and the dissolution of the confederacy. "the war being ended, he returned to his ancestral home in southampton. his old comrade-in-arms, tucker, who had been at one time admiral in the peruvian navy, and was then about to make a survey of the upper amazon river for the peruvians, sent for him, and he accepted a position under that government to make a hydrographic survey of that vast fluvial system in the mountains of peru east of the andes. he remained in iquitos three years and then returned home, where he devoted his time to reading, letters, and the society of his friends. he was a doughty warrior and soldier, and from the beginning loved a career of arms. he sorrowed over the rupture of the government, but when his state went out he nobly stood by her; went to the front, and never grounded his arms until there was nothing left to fight for. he knew to win would bring honor and safety, and failure would make him a rebel, and while success on the northern side gave to many of his old comrades in arms on that side marble and bronze statues in the new pantheon at washington, yet with the courage of his convictions, in disaster his only regret was that he did not win. of such stern stuff are the cavaliers of virginia made, and such as these are yet to lift her from the dust and crown their old mother again with glory." "death of capt. james h. rochelle. "courtland, southampton county, "april , . "on the morning of the st of march, after an illness of only one day, this county, and his many friends, met with a heavy loss in the death of capt. james henry rochelle. this distinguished soldier was a veteran of two wars. euripides, i think it was, said no man should be called fortunate or happy until he had been placed with his good name by death beyond the reach of accident or change. then, indeed, is this noble soldier happy, for he lived without reproach and died without fear. another noble son of virginia has gone down below the horizon of time, but his name will be held in sweet remembrance by his old comrades and his memory cherished and honored by his kinsmen." life of rear admiral john randolph tucker by james henry rochelle. prefatory note. in writing this biographical sketch i have performed not a task, but a labor of love, for i was, during many years, both in times of peace and of war, intimately associated with the distinguished sailor whose career i have attempted to trace. the appendix was added in consequence of letters i received asking for information in regard to the navigation of the upper amazon river and its tributaries, a highway for commerce destined to be much better known in the near future than it is at present. j.h.r. courtland, virginia, _july , ._ part i. the tuckers--birth of john randolph tucker. boyhood--appointed a midshipman in the united states navy--first cruise--"the roaring lads of the brandywine"--passes examination for promotion--appointed a past midshipman--promoted to the rank of lieutenant--marriage--mexican war. capture of tobasco--commands united states bomb-brig _stromboli_--made a commander--commands united states receiving ship _pennsylvania_--ordnance officer at the norfolk navy yard--resigns on the secession of virginia during the first years of the present century john tucker, of the island of bermuda, came to virginia, where resided many of his kinsmen, a branch of the tucker family having settled in virginia prior to the war of the revolution. the family has produced a number of gifted men who have been honorably prominent in the political and social life of the state, but no member of it has been more distinguished or more esteemed than the subject of the present sketch. john randolph tucker was born on the st day of january, , at alexandria, near washington, on the virginia side of the potomac river, in which city his father had made his home and had there married miss susan douglas, the daughter of dr. charles douglas, an english physician, who emigrated to america soon after the revolution. young tucker received his early education in the good private schools of his native city, which he continued to attend until he entered the united states navy as a midshipman on the st of june, , being then in the fifteenth year of his age. the profession upon which he entered was one for which he was by nature peculiarly adapted, and to the end of his days he loved the sea and all that was connected with the life of a sailor. it has been said of a great admiral that he could perform with his own hands the duties of every station on board a ship-of-war, from seaman-gunner to admiral, and the same may be, without exaggeration, said of tucker. he was fortunate in beginning his naval career on the mediterranean station, where he made his first cruise in the frigate _brandywine_. before the establishment of the naval academy at annapolis the best school for training a cadet in the etiquette, spirit and, perhaps, even in the seamanship of the service, was a smart frigate of the mediterranean squadron. if we may trust the traditions which have been handed down to us in song and story about "the roaring lads of the _brandywine_," the training on board the ship in which tucker first served was well calculated to develop all that was dashing and daring in the young gentlemen of her steerage mess. after six years' service as a midshipman, tucker passed the requisite examination for promotion, but he had to wait for his turn to fill a vacancy, and, consequently, was not promoted to the rank of lieutenant until the th of december, . as a lieutenant, he made a good deck officer and a very excellent executive or first-lieutenant. in the latter capacity he served on board the bomb-brig _stromboli_, in the gulf of mexico, during the war between mexico and the united states. the _stromboli_ was actively employed, and tucker participated in the capture of tobasco and other naval operations against the enemy. during the latter part of the war tucker succeeded to the command of the _stromboli_ as lieutenant-commanding, retaining the command until the cessation of hostilities. his last cruise whilst belonging to the united states navy was made as executive officer of the frigate _cumberland_, the flag-ship of flag-officer stringham, on the mediterranean station, thus ending his active service in the united states navy where it began, after an interval of thirty years. soon after his promotion to a lieutenancy tucker was married, at norfolk, virginia, on the th of june, , to virginia, daughter of captain thomas tarleton webb, of the united states navy. this union was, uninterruptedly, most happy and harmonious until it was dissolved by the death of mrs. tucker in . she left several children, three of whom--randolph tucker, of richmond, virginia; tarleton webb tucker, of memphis, tennessee; and virginius tucker, of norfolk, virginia--are now living and prospering. on september th, , tucker received his commission as a commander, and at the same time was ordered to command the _pennsylvania_, an old three-decker ship-of-the-line which was in commission as receiving-ship at norfolk. his next duty was as ordnance officer of the norfolk navy yard, and it was whilst he was employed on this duty that the secession of virginia caused him to forward his resignation to the secretary of the navy. there is no intention of discussing in this biographical sketch the questions which were in controversy between the northern and southern states until they were finally settled by the arbitrament of arms; it is sufficient to say that nothing but the sincerest conviction that the highest duty required the sacrifice could have induced an officer in tucker's position to leave an established and an illustrious navy to enter the service of a people who had neither ships nor sailors. part ii. appointed a commander in the virginia navy--in charge of the defenses of james river--transferred to the confederate states navy--placed in command of the _patrick henry_--fitting out under difficulties--first partially armored american vessel. lieutenant powell's plan for armored gunboats--officers of the _patrick henry_--guarding james river--scaling the guns--"naval skirmish"--a flag which was not presented--battle of hampton roads. sinking of the _cumberland_; an american _vengeur_--burning of the _congress_--combat between the _virginia_ and the _monitor_--flag-officer tatnall takes command of the confederate squadron--sally into hampton roads--plan for carrying the _monitor_ by boarding--evacuation of norfolk--towing unfinished gunboats to richmond--federal squadron enters james river--crews of the _patrick henry_, _jamestown_ and _virginia_ man the naval batteries at drewry's bluff--action at drewry's bluff--the _galena_; a well-fought vessel. repulse of the federal squadron--tucker ordered to command the iron-clad steamer _chicora_ at charleston--successful attack on the blockading squadron--tucker posted and appointed flag-officer of the charleston squadron--commanding officers of the charleston squadron--dupont's attack on charleston--confederate torpedo-boats at charleston; damage done by them--charleston naval battalion serving with the army--evacuation of charleston--one battalion of the charleston squadron serves with the army at wilmington--tucker, with the charleston squadron brigade, marches through north carolina and arrives at richmond--tucker ordered to command at drewry's bluff--confederacy at its last gasp--evacuation of richmond--tucker not informed of the intention to evacuate richmond--succeeds in joining his brigade of sailors to major-gen. custis lee's division--action at saylor's creek; didn't know they were whipped, thought the fight had just begun--surrender--prisoner of war--released on parole--employed by the southern express company tucker was appointed a commander in the virginia navy, with rank from the date of the commission in the united states navy which he had resigned. he was at first assigned by the governor to the defense of james river, but in a short time was ordered to assume command of the steamer _patrick henry_. when virginia became one of the confederate states, all the officers of the virginia navy were transferred to the confederate states navy, with the same rank they had held in the united states navy. the _patrick henry_ was also transferred by the state of virginia to the confederate states. this vessel was a paddle-wheel steamer of about , tons burthen; she was called the _yorktown_ before the war, and was one of a line of steamers running between richmond and new york; she was reputed to be a fast boat, and deserved the reputation. when virginia seceded this vessel was in james river, and, together with her sister steamer _jamestown_, of the same line, was seized by the authorities of the state, taken up to the rockett's wharf, at richmond, and the command conferred, as has been said, upon commander tucker; this assignment of duty being afterwards confirmed by the secretary of the confederate states navy. naval constructor joseph pearse, with a number of mechanics from the norfolk navy yard, who had been brought to richmond for the purpose, commenced the necessary alterations, which had previously been determined upon, and in a short time the passenger steamer _yorktown_ was converted into the very creditable man-of-war _patrick henry_, of guns and one hundred and fifty officers and men. lieutenant william llewellyn powell, who soon afterwards resigned from the navy, entered the army as colonel of artillery, and died a brigadier-general at fort morgan before its fall, was her executive officer while she was being fitted out, and to him, as well as to constructor joseph pearse, much credit is due for having made her as serviceable as she was for purposes of war. her spar-deck cabins were removed, and her deck strengthened so as to enable it to bear a battery. her boilers were slightly protected by iron plates one inch in thickness. v-shaped iron shields on the spar-deck, forward and aft of her engines, afforded some protection to the machinery, but none to the walking beams, which rose far above the hurricane-deck. it is probable that lieutenant powell suggested the first american attempt to protect steamers with iron armor, unless the stevens floating-battery, which was so long building at hoboken for the united states, was such an attempt. it is known that powell forwarded, during the summer of , plans to the confederate navy department for converting river craft and canal boats into iron-clad gunboats. the armament of the _patrick henry_ consisted of ten medium -pounders in broadside, one ten-inch shell gun pivoted forward, and one eight-inch solid-shot gun pivoted aft. the eight-inch solid-shot gun was the most effective gun on board, and did good service both at the battle of hampton roads and the repulse of the federal squadron at drewry's bluff. the captain of this gun was an excellent seaman-gunner named smith, who was afterwards promoted to be a boatswain in the c.s. navy. a few weeks before the battle of hampton roads two of the medium -pounders were exchanged for two six-inch guns, banded and rifled, a gun much used in the confederate navy, and effective, though far inferior to the six-inch rifled guns of the present day. the _patrick henry_ was rigged as a brigantine, square yards to the foremast and fore-and-aft sails alone to the mainmast. at norfolk, when she was about to be employed in running by the batteries of newport news at night, it was thought best to take both of her masts out in order to make her less liable to be discovered by the enemy. signal poles, carrying no sails, were substituted in their place. no list of the officers of the _patrick henry_ at the time she went into commission can now be given, but the following is a list of those on board at the battle of hampton roads, so far as can be ascertained: commander john randolph tucker, commander; lieutenant james henry rochelle, executive officer; lieutenants william sharp and francis lyell hoge; surgeon john t. mason; paymaster thomas richmond ware; passed assistant surgeon frederick garretson; acting master lewis parrish; chief engineer hugh clark; lieutenant of marines richard t. henderson; midshipmen john tyler walker, alexander mccomb mason, and m.p. goodwyn. the vessel, being properly equipped, so far as the limited resources at hand could be used, proceeded down james river and took a position off mulberry island, on which point rested the right of the army of the peninsula, under magruder. the time passed wearily and drearily enough whilst the _patrick henry_ lay at anchor off mulberry island. the officers and crew very rarely went on shore, the steamer being kept always with banked fires, prepared to repel an attack, which might have been made at any moment, the federal batteries at newport news and the vessels stationed there, the frigate _savannah_, sloop _cumberland_, and steamer _louisiana_, being about fourteen miles distant. to relieve the monotony of the irksome duty on which the _patrick henry_ was employed, tucker determined to take her down the river, feel of the enemy, and warn him of what might be expected if boat expeditions should attempt to ascend the river. on the afternoon of friday, september th, , the _patrick henry_ weighed her anchor at mulberry island, and steamed down james river towards newport news. choosing her distance from that point, she opened fire upon the federal squadron, which was promptly returned, principally by the _savannah_, _louisiana_, and a battery of light artillery, which had been moved up the left bank of the river. after giving the crew a good exercise at their guns, the _patrick henry_ was steamed back to her anchorage off mulberry island. about the last of november, tucker received information that one or two of the federal gunboats came up the river every night and anchored about a mile and a half above their squadron at newport news. hoping to be able to surprise and capture these boats, the commander of the _patrick henry_ got her underway at o'clock a.m. on december d, . the morning was dark and suitable for the enterprise, and all lights on board the _patrick henry_ were either extinguished or carefully concealed. no vessel of the enemy was met with in the river, but at daylight four steamers were discovered, lying at anchor near the frigate _congress_ and sloop _cumberland_, off the batteries of newport news. as the _patrick henry_ could not have returned unseen, tucker took a position about a mile distant from the batteries, and opened on the federal vessels with his port battery and pivot guns. the fire was promptly returned, many of the shots from the rifled guns passing over the _patrick henry_, and one, going through her pilot-house and lodging in the starboard hammock-netting, did some injury to the vessel, besides wounding slightly one of the pilots and a seaman by the splinters it caused. the skirmish, if such a term can be applied to a naval operation, lasted about two hours, during which time the _patrick henry_ fired twenty-eight shells and thirteen solid shots, but with what effect on the enemy is not known. from this best kind of drill practice, the confederate steamer returned to her anchorage off mulberry island, continued her guard of the river, and waited for some opportunity for more active employment. in february, , the ladies of charles city, a county bordering on james river, desired to present to the _patrick henry_ a flag which they had made for her as an evidence of their appreciation of her services in keeping boat expeditions and the enemy's small steamers from ascending the river. but the presentation of this flag did not take place; the c.s. steamers _jamestown_, , and _teaser_, v, had reinforced the _patrick henry_, and such incessant preparations were going on that no time could be spared for the ceremony. the occasion of these preparations was the expectation of being soon engaged in the attack which it was understood that the confederate iron-clad _virginia_ was about to make on the federal batteries and men-of-war at newport news. no care or preparation could make the _patrick henry_ as well fitted for war as a vessel of the same size built especially for the military marine service; but the best that could be done to make her efficient was done, and not without success, as the part the vessel took in the closely following battle of hampton roads conclusively demonstrates. on the th of march, , the james river squadron, consisting of the _patrick henry_, , commander j.r. tucker; _jamestown_, , lieutenant commanding j.n. barney, and _teaser_, , lieutenant commanding w.a. webb, proceeded down the river, and anchored at nightfall off day's neck point, some six miles distant from newport news. this movement was effected in order to be near at hand when the _virginia_ made her expected attack on the federal forces. the th of march, , was a bright, placid, beautiful day--more like a may than a march day. about o'clock in the afternoon, the _virginia_ came steaming out from behind craney island, attended by the gunboats _beaufort_ and _raleigh_. as soon as the _virginia_ was seen, the james river squadron got underway under all the steam the boilers would bear, and proceeded to join her in her attack on the enemy. as tucker's small squadron approached the newport news batteries he formed it in line ahead, the _patrick henry_, , leading; next the _jamestown_, , and lastly the _teaser_, ; this order being maintained until the batteries were passed. the batteries were run with less loss than was anticipated; the enemy probably expected the confederate vessels to pass in the usual channel, about eight hundred yards from the guns of the federal works, but by tucker's directions the _patrick henry_ was run by much nearer the batteries, and the _jamestown_ and _teaser_ followed her closely. probably in consequence of this deviation from the middle of the channel the federal guns were not well aimed, and most of the shot from the batteries passed over the confederate vessels. as the james river squadron ranged up abreast of the first battery, the vessels delivered their fire, and the flash from their guns had scarcely vanished when the federal works were wrapped in smoke, and their projectiles came hissing through the air. the _patrick henry_ was struck several times during the passage; one shot passing through the crew of no. gun, wounding two men and killing one, a volunteer from the army, who had come on board to serve only for the fight. his last words as he fell were, "never mind me, boys!" whilst the james river squadron was passing the batteries, the _virginia_ had rammed and sunk the _cumberland_, a ship which was fought most gallantly to the bitter end, going down with her colors flying and her guns firing, like the celebrated french ship _vengeur_. having run by the batteries with no material damage, the james river squadron joined the _virginia_ and afforded her valuable aid in the battle she was waging. whilst the forward guns of the _patrick henry_ were engaging one enemy, the after guns were firing at another, and the situation of the confederate wooden vessels at this time seemed well nigh desperate. the newport news batteries were on one side, on the other the frigates _minnesota_, _st. lawrence_ and _roanoke_ were coming up from old point comfort, and in front the beach was lined with field batteries and sharpshooters. fortunately for the wooden vessels, both confederate and federal, the _minnesota_, _st. lawrence_ and _roanoke_ grounded, and the smaller vessels which accompanied them returned to old point comfort. the _minnesota_, though aground, was near enough to take part in the action, and opened a heavy fire on the confederate squadron. the frigate _congress_, early in the action, had been run aground, with a white flag flying. tucker, as soon as he saw that the _congress_ had shown a white flag, gave orders that no shot should be fired at her from the _patrick henry_, and he steadily refused to let any gun be aimed at her, notwithstanding that the confederate gunboats _raleigh_, _teaser_ and _beaufort_ had attempted to take possession of the surrendered vessel, and had been driven off by a heavy artillery and infantry fire from the federal troops on the beach. after the confederate gunboats had been forced to retire from the _congress_, flag-officer buchanan hailed the _patrick henry_ and directed commander tucker to burn that frigate. the pilots of the _patrick henry_ declared they could not take her alongside of the _congress_ on account of an intervening shoal, which determined tucker to approach as near as the shoal would permit and then send his boats to burn the federal frigate. the boats were prepared for the service, and the boats' crews and officers held ready whilst the _patrick henry_ steamed in towards the _congress_. this movement of the _patrick henry_ placed her in the most imminent peril; she was brought under the continuous and concentrated fire of three points; on her port quarters were the batteries of newport news, on her port bow the field batteries and sharpshooters on the beach, and on her starboard bow the _minnesota_. it soon became evident that no wooden vessel could long float under such a fire; several shots struck the hull, and a piece of the walking-beam was shot away. as the sponge of the after pivot gun was being inserted in the muzzle of the piece, the handle was cut in two by a shot from the enemy; half in prayer and half in despair at being unable to perform his duty, the sponger exclaimed, "oh, lord! how is the gun to be sponged?" he was much relieved when the quarter-gunner of his division handed him a spare sponge. this state of things could not last long; a shot from a rifled gun of one of the field batteries on the beach penetrated the steam-chest, the engine-room and fire-room were filled with steam, four of the firemen were scalded to death and several others severely injured; the engineers and firemen were driven up on deck, and the engines stopped working: the vessel was enveloped in a cloud of escaped steam, and the enemy, seeing that some disaster to the boiler had occurred, increased his fire. at the moment, until the chief engineer made his report, no one on the spar-deck knew exactly what had happened, the general impression being that the boilers had exploded. it is an unmistakable evidence of the courage and discipline of the crew that the fire from the _patrick henry_ did not slacken, but went on as regularly as if nothing unusual had occurred. as the vessel was drifting towards the enemy in her disabled condition, the jib was hoisted to pay her head around, and the _jamestown_, lieutenant commanding barney, gallantly and promptly came to her assistance and towed her out of action. the engineers soon got one boiler in working order. the other was so badly damaged that they were unable to repair it for immediate use, and with steam on one boiler alone the _patrick henry_ was again taken into action. the closing in of night put an end to the conflict, as in the dark it was impossible to distinguish friend from foe. the victory remained without dispute with the confederate squadron, and was witnessed, as was the combat between the _virginia_ and the _monitor_ on the day following, by multitudes of spectators from norfolk and the neighboring camps of the confederate troops, as well as by many on the federal side of the roads. it has been stated that the total federal loss in this battle was nearly four hundred. the numerical strength of the confederate force engaged was about six hundred, of which the total loss was about sixty. the loss on board the _patrick henry_ being five killed and nine wounded. the part taken by the _patrick henry_ in this battle--it was a battle and not a combat--seems to have been lost sight of in consequence of the great power, as a new force in naval warfare, displayed by the _virginia_, but the federal commanders bear witness to the efficient service done by the confederate wooden vessels. lieutenant commanding pendergrast, of the _congress_, reported that "the _patrick henry_ and _thomas jefferson_ (_jamestown_), rebel steamers, approached us from up the james river, firing with precision and doing us great damage," and captain van brunt, of the _minnesota_, reported that the _patrick henry_ and _jamestown_ "took their positions on my port bow and stern and their fire did most damage in killing and wounding men, insomuch as they fired with rifled guns." the closing in of night having put an end to hostilities until morning, the confederate squadrons anchored under sewell's point, at the mouth of the harbor of norfolk. the crews were kept busy until a late hour of the night, making such repairs and preparations as were necessary for resuming operations in the morning. soon after midnight a column of fire ascended in the darkness, followed by a terrific explosion--the federal frigate _congress_, which had been on fire all the evening, had blown up, the fire having reached her magazine. flag officer buchanan, having been wounded in the action, was sent to the naval hospital at norfolk on the morning of the th, just prior to the getting under way of the squadron. the command ought, in conformity with military and naval usage, to have been formally transferred to the next senior officer of the squadron, who was commander j.r. tucker, of the _patrick henry_; but this obviously proper course was not followed, and flag officer buchanan's flag was kept flying on board the _virginia_, though he himself, in point of fact, was not and could not be in command of that vessel, or the confederate squadron, since he was not within signal distance of either, being laid up in bed at the norfolk naval hospital. tucker did not assume command of the squadron, but simply continued to command the _patrick henry_. at the first peep of dawn, on the morning of the th of march, the confederate squadron was under way, having in view for its first object the destruction of the _minnesota_, that frigate being still aground near newport news. as the daylight increased, the _minnesota_ was discovered in her old position, but no longer alone and unsupported. close alongside of her there lay such a craft as the eyes of a seaman does not delight to look upon; no masts, no smokestack, no guns--at least nothing of the sort could be seen about her. and yet the thing had a grim, pugnacious look, as if there was tremendous power of some sort inherent in her, and ready to be manifested whenever the occasion required it. the _monitor_ (for it was that famous vessel) promptly steamed out to meet the _virginia_, as the latter vessel bore down on the _minnesota_, and the celebrated combat between these iron-clads was joined immediately. it was the first action that had ever been fought between armored vessels, and as such will ever be remembered and commented upon. the combat resulted in a drawn fight as far as the _virginia_ and _monitor_ was concerned, but it established the power of iron-clad steamers as engines of war, and completely revolutionized the construction of the navies of the world. that the combat between the _virginia_ and the _monitor_ was an indecisive action is clear. the _monitor_ received the most damage in the fight, and was the first to retire from it into shoal water, though the fight was afterwards renewed. on the other hand, the _virginia_ did not accomplish her object, which was the destruction of the _minnesota_, and she did not accomplish it in consequence of the resistance offered by the _monitor_. the two vessels held each other in check, the _virginia_ protecting norfolk, and the _monitor_ doing the same for the federal wooden fleet in hampton roads and the chesapeake waters. the injuries received by the _virginia_ in ramming the _cumberland_, on the previous day, were probably greater than those inflicted on her by the _monitor_; in neither case were they severe enough to disable or force her to withdraw from action. on her return to norfolk harbor, the _virginia_ was accompanied by the _patrick henry_ and the other vessels of the confederate squadron. the confederate wooden steamers had taken no part in the action between the _virginia_ and the _monitor_, except to fire an occasional shot at the _monitor_, as she passed, at very long range; no wooden vessel could have floated a quarter of an hour in an engagement at close quarters with either of the two iron-clads. flag officer tatnall having relieved flag officer buchanan, who was incapacitated from command on account of severe wounds received in the first day's fight in hampton roads, and all the vessels of the squadron having been refitted, on the th of april the squadron again sallied out to attack the enemy. it was expected that the _monitor_ would be eager to renew the combat with the _virginia_, and it was agreed upon that, in case the _virginia_ failed to capture or destroy the federal iron-clad, an attempt should be made to carry the latter by boarding. this duty was assigned to the gunboats _beaufort_ and _raleigh_ and two other small steamers. one of these small steamers was the tender of the norfolk navy yard; she was manned for the occasion by officers and men from the _patrick henry_, under the command of the executive-officer of that vessel, and was christened by the men _patrick henry, junior_. the confederate squadron steamed about in hampton roads for two days, but the _monitor_ did not leave her anchorage at fortress monroe, her passiveness being due, it seems, to orders from washington not to engage the _virginia_ unless she attempted to pass old point comfort. general j. bankhead magruder, commanding the confederate army of the peninsula, was urgent in demanding the return of the james river squadron, and consequently the _patrick henry_ and _jamestown_ were ordered to run by the newport news batteries at night, and resume their old duty in james river. the _jamestown_ ran up the river on the th and the _patrick henry_ on the th of april; the _beaufort_, _raleigh_ and _teaser_ were also sent up the river; the headquarters of this detached squadron, of which tucker was the senior officer, was at mulberry island, on which point rested the right flank of the confederate army of the peninsula. up to this time the _patrick henry_ was brigantine rigged, but to fit her better for running by batteries without being discovered, both of her masts were now taken out and short signal poles substituted for them. when the confederate authorities determined upon the evacuation of norfolk, the james river squadron was employed to remove what public property could be saved from the navy yard to richmond. the hulls of several uncompleted vessels were towed past the federal batteries at newport news. the running past the batteries was always done at night, moonless nights being chosen whenever it was practicable to select the time of making the trip. so far as known, the vessels employed on this service were never detected by the enemy; at least they were never fired upon. soon after the evacuation of norfolk, whilst the confederate forces were retiring from the peninsula to the lines around richmond, a federal squadron, consisting of the _monitor_, _galena_, _naugatuck_, _aroostook_ and _port royal_, entered james river. the _monitor_ alone could with ease and without serious injury to herself have destroyed in fight all the confederate vessels in james river, and no course was open to tucker but to take his squadron up the river and make a stand at the place below richmond best adapted for defense. the place most wisely selected was drewry's bluff, where the river had been obstructed by rows of piles, and the piles defended by four army guns mounted in a breastwork on the crest of the bluff, about two hundred feet above the river. when the confederate squadron arrived at drewry's bluff, the defenses which had been constructed at the place were not in a condition to have prevented the federal squadron from passing on to richmond; but in the day which the federal vessels wasted in silencing the fire of the half-deserted confederate batteries on the lower river, the works at drewry's bluff were materially strengthened. the _jamestown_ and several smaller vessels were sunk in the river channel, the two rifled guns of the _jamestown_ having been previously landed and mounted in pits dug in the brow of the bluff. the eight-inch solid-shot gun of the _patrick henry_ and her two six-inch rifles were also landed, thus forming a formidable naval battery countersunk on the brow of the hill, consisting of one eight-inch solid-shot gun and four six-inch rifles. besides the naval battery, there were several army guns mounted in a breastwork and served by a battalion of artillery, under the command of major a. drewry, who was the owner of the bluff, and from whom the place took its name. the naval guns were manned by the crews of the _patrick henry_, _jamestown_ and _virginia_--the crew of the _virginia_ arriving at the bluff soon after she had been destroyed by flag officer tatnall, to prevent her from falling into the hands of the enemy. it is not always possible for a sea captain to preserve the vessel he commands; but it is always possible to act with firmness, skill and judgment under trying and adverse circumstances, and this flag officer tatnall seems to have done. a court-martial, composed of officers of high professional attainments and acknowledged personal merit, acquitted him of all blame for the loss of the _virginia_. the following naval officers may be named as participating in the engagement of drewry's bluff, though there were others whose names are not at this time procurable: of the _patrick henry_, commander john randolph tucker, lieutenant james henry rochelle, lieutenant francis lyell hoge, and others; of the _jamestown_, lieutenant commanding j. nicholas barney, acting master samuel barron, jr., and others; of the _virginia_, lieutenant catesby roger jones, lieutenant hunter davidson, lieutenant john taylor wood, lieutenant walter raleigh butt, and others. commander e. farrand was the ranking and commanding officer present, having been sent down from richmond to command the station. it was on the th of may, , that the federal vessels _galena_, _monitor_, _naugatuck_, _aroostook_, and _port royal_ made the well-known attack on the confederate batteries at drewry's bluff, which was the only obstacle barring the way to richmond, the capital of the confederate states. the _galena_ and _monitor_ engaged the batteries at short distance, the other three federal vessels keeping just within long range of the confederate guns. the _monitor_, after the action commenced, finding that her position was too near the bluff to allow of her guns being elevated sufficiently to throw their shot to the crest of the cliff, retired to a more favorable position. the confederates wasted but few shot on her, knowing they would not pierce her armor. the _galena_ was managed and fought with great skill and daring. approaching to within about six hundred yards of the confederate batteries, she was deliberately moored, her battery sprung and a well-directed fire opened upon the confederate works. from half past six o'clock in the morning until about eleven, when the action ceased, she kept this position, receiving nearly the whole of the confederate fire. the most effective gun on the bluff was the eight-inch solid shot gun of the _patrick henry_. knowing by previous experience the power of the gun, tucker gave it his personal supervision. at o'clock a.m. a shot from this gun passed into one of the bow posts of the _galena_, and was followed by an immediate gushing forth of smoke, showing that the vessel was on fire or had sustained some serious damage, a conclusion confirmed by her moving off down the river, accompanied by the other four vessels of the federal squadron. it was at drewry's bluff that midshipman carroll, of maryland, was killed. he was struck by a projectile whilst standing by tucker's side, whose aide he was. for some days it was expected that another attack on the confederate position would be made, but no other effort to capture richmond with iron-clads was attempted. a half a dozen armored vessels, built expressly for being forced through obstructions and by batteries, could have passed drewry's bluff and captured richmond, but the force with which the attempt was actually made was neither well adapted for the undertaking nor sufficiently strong for success. the _galena's_ loss was thirteen killed and eleven wounded, and one officer and two men were wounded on board the other federal vessels. on the confederate side the loss, including the battalion of artillery, as well as the force of sailors, was eleven killed and nine wounded. after the federal repulse at drewry's bluff, the officers and crew of the _patrick henry_, _virginia_ and _jamestown_ were permanently attached to the naval batteries at that place, tucker continuing to command his men on shore. in august, , tucker was ordered to command the iron-clad steamer _chicora_, which vessel had just been launched at charleston. she was a casemate iron-clad, with armor four inches in thickness, and carried a battery of two nine-inch smooth-bore shell guns, and two six-inch brooks rifles, throwing a projectile weighing sixty pounds. flag officer duncan n. ingraham commanded the charleston squadron, and flew his flag on board the _palmetto state_, lieutenant commanding john rutledge. the _palmetto state_ was an iron-clad, similar to the _chicora_ in build and armor, carrying a battery of one seven-inch rifled gun forward, one six-inch rifled gun aft, and one eight-inch shell gun on each broadside. on the night of january st, , the two confederate iron-clads made a successful attack on the federal blockading squadron off charleston. passing the bar of charleston harbor at early dawn, the confederate iron-clads quickly drove the blockading vessels out to sea, and the blockade was broken, at least for some hours. in his official report of this action flag officer ingraham says, "i cannot speak in too high terms of the conduct of commander tucker and lieutenant commanding rutledge; the former handled his vessel in a beautiful manner and did the enemy much damage. i refer you to his official report." the official report to which flag officer ingraham refers the confederate secretary of the navy is as follows: "confederate states steamer _chicora_, "january st, . "_sir_--in obedience to your order, i got under way at . p.m. yesterday, and stood down the harbor in company with the confederate states steamer _palmetto state_, bearing your flag. we crossed the bar at . a.m., and commenced the action at . a.m. by firing into a schooner-rigged propeller, which we set on fire and have every reason to believe sunk, as she was nowhere to be seen at daylight. we then engaged a large sidewheel steamer, twice our length from us on the port bow, firing three shots into her with telling effect, when she made a run for it. this vessel was supposed to be the _quaker city_. we then engaged a schooner-rigged propeller and a large sidewheel steamer, partially crippling both, and setting the latter on fire, causing her to strike her flag; at this time the latter vessel, supposed to be the _keystone state_, was completely at my mercy, i having taken position astern, distant some two hundred yards. i at once gave the order to cease firing upon her, and directed lieutenant bier, first lieutenant of the _chicora_, to man a boat and take charge of the prize, if possible to save her; if that was not possible, to rescue her crew. while the boat was in the act of being manned, i discovered that she was endeavoring to make her escape by working her starboard wheel, the other being disabled, her colors being down. i at once started in pursuit and renewed the engagement. owing to her superior steaming qualities she soon widened the distance to some two hundred yards. she then hoisted her flag and commenced firing her rifled guns; her commander, by this faithless act, placing himself beyond the pale of civilized and honorable warfare.[ ] we next engaged two schooners, one brig, and one bark-rigged propeller, but not having the requisite speed were unable to bring them to close quarters. we pursued them six or seven miles seaward. during the latter part of the combat, i was engaged at long range with a bark-rigged steam sloop-of-war; but in spite of all our efforts, was unable to bring her to close quarters, owing to her superior steaming qualities. at . a.m., in obedience to your orders, we stood in shore, leaving the partially crippled and fleeing enemy about _seven miles clear of the bar_, standing to the southward and eastward. at a.m., in obedience to signal, we anchored in four fathoms waters off the beach channel." "it gives me pleasure to testify to the good conduct and efficiency of the officers and crew of the _chicora_. i am particularly indebted to the pilots, messrs. payne and aldert, for the skillful pilotage of the vessel." "it gives me pleasure to report that i have no injuries or casualties." "very respectfully, your obedient servant, "j.r. tucker, _commander, c.s.n._ "_flag officer_ d.n. ingraham, c.s.n., "_commanding station, charleston, s.c._" the result of this engagement was a complete demonstration of the futility of any attempt on the part of wooden vessels to contend with iron-clads. the federal squadron consisted of the _housatonic_, _meresdita_, _keystone state_, _quaker city_, _augusta_, _flag_, _memphis_, _stettin_, _ottawa_, and _unadilla_, ten vessels, all of them unarmored, and three, the _housatonic_, _ottawa_ and _unadilla_, built for war service, the other seven being merchant steamers converted into men-of-war. the confederate squadron consisted of only two vessels, both iron-clads, the _palmetto state_ and _chicora_, which received no damage whatever during the engagement, either to their hulls, machinery, or crew, whilst several of the ten federal wooden vessels were seriously injured, though none of them were sunk, their escape from capture or destruction being due to the swiftness of their flight. their loss was twenty-five killed and twenty-two wounded. the blockade of charleston harbor was soon, indeed immediately, re-established, and kept up by the armored frigate _new ironsides_ and a number of heavy "monitors." there was, from the end of this battle to the evacuation of charleston by the confederates, no time when there would have been the least probability of the success of another dash by the confederate vessels in the harbor upon the federal squadron blockading. in the month of february, , tucker was promoted to the rank of captain in the provisional navy of the confederate states, and in march following was appointed flag officer of the confederate forces afloat at charleston, the _chicora_ bearing his flag. on the th of april, , admiral dupont made his attack on charleston, with a squadron consisting of the armored frigate _new ironsides_ and eight "monitors." tucker, with his usual good judgment, held the _chicora_ and _palmetto state_, aided by a number of rowboats armed with torpedoes, ready to make a desperate and final assault upon the federal squadron if it should succeed in passing the confederate forts guarding the entrance to the harbor. admiral dupont's squadron was repulsed by the forts, and the confederate squadron was not engaged. the confederate naval forces afloat at charleston did not possess either the strength or swiftness necessary for an attack on the federal blockading squadron with any reasonable prospect of success, and tucker therefore turned his attention to attacks by means of torpedo-boats fitted out from his squadron. on the th of october, , lieutenant w.t. glassell, with a small double-ender steam torpedo-boat, made an attempt to sink the _new ironsides_, lying off morris' island. the _new ironsides_ was not sunk, but she was seriously damaged and was sent north for repairs. the torpedo-boat was filled with water, and her commander, pilot, and engineer, all that were on board of her, were thrown overboard by the shock of the striking and exploding of the torpedo against the bottom of the iron-clad. the torpedo-boat was finally taken back into charleston harbor by the pilot and engineer, but lieutenant glassell was made prisoner after having been in the water about an hour. a torpedo-boat commanded by lieutenant dixon of the confederate army, and manned by six volunteers from tucker's squadron and one from the army, attacked and sunk, on the night of february th, , the united states steamer _housatonic_ lying in the north channel. the torpedo-boat with all on board went to the bottom, but most of the crew of the _housatonic_ were saved by taking refuge in the rigging, which was not submerged when the vessel rested on the bottom. the boat attack on fort sumter, made by the federals on september th, , was easily repulsed, and the charleston squadron materially aided in the repulse. a battalion of sailors from the recruits on board the receiving-ship _indian chief_, under the command of lieutenant commanding william galliard dozier, was detached by tucker to co-operate with the army on james' island in august, . this battalion rendered good service, and upon its return to the squadron was kept organized and ready to respond whenever a call for assistance was made upon the navy by the army. early in some changes were made in the commanding officers of the squadron; commander isaac newton brown was ordered to the _charleston_, commander thomas t. hunter to the _chicora_, and lieutenant commanding james henry rochelle to the _palmetto state_. no other changes were made in the commands of the squadron while it existed. the three iron-clads under tucker's command at charleston were all slow vessels, with imperfect engines, which required frequent repairing; for that day, and considering the paucity of naval resources in the south, they were fairly officered, manned and armed. all of them were clad with armor four inches thick, and they were all of the type of the _virginia_, or _merrimac_, as that vessel is frequently but erroneously called. the commander of the vessels were all formerly officers of the united states navy, who were citizens of the southern states and had resigned their commissions in the federal service when their states seceded from the union. the lieutenants and other officers were appointed from civil life, but they were competent to perform the duties required of them, and conducted themselves well at all times and under all circumstances. the crews of each vessel numbered from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and sixty men, some of them able-seamen, and most of them efficient and reliable men. each vessel carried a torpedo, fitted to the end of a spar some fifteen or twenty feet long projecting from the bows in a line with the keel, and so arranged that it could be carried either triced up clear of the water or submerged five or six feet below the surface. the squadron was in a good state of discipline and drill, and, so far as the personnel was concerned, in a very efficient condition. every night one or two of the iron-clads anchored in the channel near fort sumter for the purpose of resisting a night attack on that place or a dash into the harbor by the federal squadron. not long before the evacuation of charleston an iron-clad named the _columbia_ was launched there. she had a thickness of six inches of iron on her casemate, and was otherwise superior to the other three iron-clads of the squadron. unfortunately, she was run aground whilst coming out of dock, and so much injured as not to be able to render any service whatever. charleston was evacuated by the confederate forces on the th of february, . several days previous to the evacuation a detachment from the squadron of about three hundred men, under the command of lieutenant commanding james henry rochelle, consisting of the officers and crews of the _palmetto state_, _columbia_, and the recruits from the receiving-ship _indian chief_, were dispatched by rail to wilmington, which the detachment reached only a few days before it was, in turn, abandoned by the confederate army. the charleston naval detachment was ordered to co-operate with the army as a body of infantry, and was assigned to duty with general hoke's division, of which it formed the extreme right, resting on cape fear river. the position was exposed to an annoying fire from the federal gunboats in the river, to which no reply could be made, but from which some loss was suffered. the evacuation of wilmington took place on the d of february, , and the charleston squadron's naval battalion marched out with hoke's division, to which it remained attached until somewhere in the interior of north carolina it reunited with tucker's command. with the officers and crews of the _charleston_ and _chicora_, tucker left charleston on the th of february, , the day of the evacuation of the city by the confederate army. as far as florence in south carolina the charleston naval brigade traveled by rail, but at that point tucker received a telegram informing him that the federal forces were about cutting the railway communication between florence and wilmington. this was the last message that came over the wires, and tucker, knowing that the enemy had succeeded in seizing the railroad, abandoned his intention of making for wilmington, and marched his command across the country to fayetteville, where he received orders from the navy department to bring his force to richmond. on the way from fayetteville to richmond the detached charleston naval battalion was reunited to the main body under tucker, and the whole brigade proceeded together to richmond, and from richmond it was sent to garrison the confederate batteries at drewry's bluff, of which place tucker was ordered to assume command, the naval forces afloat in james river being under the command of rear admiral raphael semmes. when tucker took command at drewry's bluff the confederate cause was at its last gasp. richmond was evacuated by the confederate army and government on the night of the d of april, . strange to relate, tucker received no orders to retire with his command, and he held his post steadily until, early on the morning of the d, the confederate iron-clads in james river were burnt by their own commanders. when he knew the troops were marching out of richmond and saw the confederate iron-clads burning in the river, tucker thought it was not only justifiable but necessary for him to act without orders, and he retired with his command from drewry's bluff. general r.e. lee told tucker, when they met, that of all the mistakes committed by the richmond authorities he regretted none more than the neglect to apprise the naval force at drewry's bluff of the intended evacuation of the city. the naval brigade from drewry's bluff, under flag officer tucker, joined the rear guard of the confederate army, and was attached to general custis lee's division of general ewell's corps, with which it marched until the battle of saylor's creek on the th of april, . the naval brigade held the right of the line at that battle, and easily repulsed all the assaults made upon it. a flag of truce was sent by the federal general commanding at that point to inform tucker that the confederate troops on his right and left had surrendered, and that further resistance was useless and could only end in the destruction of the sailors. tucker, believing that the battle had only commenced, refused to surrender, and held his position until reliable information, which he could not doubt, reached him of the surrender of general ewell and his army corps. the naval brigade surrendered by tucker numbered some three hundred sailors, who, the opposing force said, did not know when they were whipped. tucker's sword, which he rendered to general keifer, was returned to him some years after the war by that gentleman, then a prominent member of congress. tucker was sent north and confined as a prisoner of war until the entire cessation of hostilities, when he was released on parole. on his return to virginia he found that both the confederate and state governments were things of the past, and that he would have to mend his broken fortunes, if mend them he could, by engaging in the business pursuits of civil life. he succeeded, not without difficulty, in obtaining employment as an agent of the southern express company, and was stationed at raleigh, north carolina, to take charge of the business matters of the company in that city. [ ] the _keystone state_ did not surrender, rescue or no rescue, and her escape ought probably to be regarded as a rescue. part iii. tucker offered the command of the peruvian fleet, with the rank of rear admiral--arrives in lima--no precedent for the return of money--commissioned a rear admiral in the navy of peru--commands the allied fleets of peru and chile--spanish war--tucker's plan for a naval campaign; projected expedition against manila--cessation of hostilities--tucker retires from the command of the fleet, and is appointed president of the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon--crosses the andes and reaches the amazon--explores the yavari river--ordered to the united states to superintend the building of an exploring steamer--returns to the amazon with steamer _tambo_. expedition up the ucayali and exploration of the tambo river--ordered to the united states to procure a steamer of light draught of water--returns to the amazon with steamer _mairo_--second expedition up the ucayali--canoe expedition up the pachitea and exploration of the pichis river--expedition up the amazon and huallaga rivers--ordered to lima. ordered to new york to superintend the charts made by the hydrographical commission--publication of charts abandoned on account of the financial condition of peru--letter from president pardo--letter from minister freyre--tucker retires to his home in petersburg, virginia--occupations and amusements of old age--death--character and qualities--conclusion. while residing in raleigh, north carolina, tucker received a letter from the peruvian minister to the united states, requesting an interview on affairs of importance. going to washington, tucker saw the minister, and the result of the interview was that he accepted a proposition to go to peru and enter the navy of that republic as a rear-admiral, his commission to be dated from the time of his arrival at lima. he was allowed to take with him two staff officers, one with the rank of captain and the other with that of commander. when tucker entered the navy of peru, that republic was engaged in a war with spain. spain had never recognized the independence of her former south american colonies, and thinking a favorable opportunity had arisen for asserting her dormant claims, the spanish government sent an iron-clad frigate, accompanied by several smaller vessels, to attack the chilean and peruvian seaport cities on the pacific coast. the attack upon valparaiso, the chief port of chile, was successful, but the spanish squadron was beaten off at callao by the peruvian batteries. whilst preparing for the defense of callao, the peruvian government determined to place its naval establishment on such a footing that it would be able to meet any force spain could send to the pacific. tucker had, and most deservedly, the reputation of being a hard fighter, a thorough disciplinarian, and a splendid seaman; hence the peruvian government of president prado directed its minister at washington to engage his services if possible. the cause was one which enlisted all tucker's sympathies, and he agreed to take command of the peruvian fleet. tucker became much attached to peru, and served the republic zealously and faithfully. he had many warm friends in lima, and no matter what party held the government, the trust and confidence reposed in him by the authorities in lima was always implicit. tucker arrived in lima accompanied by his personal staff, david porter mccorkle, captain of the fleet, and walter raleigh butt, commander and aide. just before their leaving new york the peruvian minister handed tucker a bag of gold, with which he was told to pay all the traveling expenses of himself and staff; this was done, but when the party arrived at lima the bag was still half full. tucker insisted on returning this surplus to the government, but there was no precedent for such a thing, and it was not without some difficulty that there could be found an officer of the treasury authorized to receive and receipt for the unexpected money. the appointment of a foreigner to command their fleet was distasteful to some of the peruvian officers, and this fact coming to tucker's knowledge, he informed general prado, the president of the republic, that he had no wish that any officer should be forced to serve unwillingly under his command, and preferred resigning if the dissatisfaction at the appointment of a stranger to command the fleet was general or deep-seated. the officers who were dissatisfied were relieved from duty, and others were easily found who were not only willing but anxious to serve under tucker. the peruvian squadron was lying at valparaiso when tucker hoisted his flag on board the frigate _independencia_. the chilean squadron was also lying at valparaiso, and tucker, as senior officer present, was in command of the allied fleets of both peru and chile. an efficient state of drill and discipline was soon established in the fleets. a feeble attempt at mutiny broke out on one occasion during the temporary absence of tucker, but it was easily quelled without bloodshed, and no similar attempt was ever again made whilst tucker was in command. officers of the peruvian navy, who were themselves opposed to giving foreigners high rank in their service, admitted that the fleet had never been in so good a condition for effective service as whilst it was under tucker. the spanish squadron had retired from the coast, but was expected to return as soon as it had been refitted and revictualed, but no apprehension was felt as to the result of another attack by the spanish, for the allied fleets were believed to be fully equal to the task of protecting the coasts and ports of the republics. tucker's plan of naval operations was to sail with a small squadron, composed of the most efficient vessels under his command, for manila, a most important dependency of spain in the east indies. he expected to take the spaniards entirely by surprise, to capture all spanish vessels in port, and to hold manila and the other ports of the philippine islands until peace was established. in order to provide for the reappearance of the spanish fleet on the coast during his absence, tucker advised the allied governments to enroll as a naval reserve all the peruvian and chilean masters, mates and crews of merchant vessels, pilots and mariners engaged in employments on shore. a part of his plan was that all merchant steamers carrying the flags of the republics, which could be made available for war purposes, should be inspected and held ready for active service in the navy and manned by the naval reserve whenever the government should think it necessary to employ them. this force, with the harbor defense iron-clads, and the forts and batteries on shore, tucker thought would be a sufficient protection for the coast, whilst his squadron of the most efficient sea-going vessels was absent in the east indies, where the capture of manila would have dealt a heavy blow to spain, and rendered an honorable peace, carrying with it an acknowledgment of the independence of peru and chile, a matter of easy attainment. this plan, which would probably have been entirely successful if carried out with skill, daring and judgment, as it would have been by tucker, was favorably considered by the governments of the allied republics, but it was not carried out, probably on account of the financial embarrassments under which the republics labored, and which rendered it exceedingly difficult to find the funds required to fit out the expedition. the manila expedition having been abandoned, and the spanish fleet which had been employed on the pacific coast having returned home, tucker requested permission to visit lima, in order that he might lay before general prado, president of the republic, a plan for making an exploration and survey of the peruvian or upper amazon river and its tributaries. the president heartily approved of the enterprise, for the government was at that very time considering the practicability of opening better communications between the west coast and the eastern part of the country, and of finding an outlet by the waters of the amazon for the rich productions of the interior. tucker resigned his commission as rear-admiral in the navy of the republic, and was immediately appointed president of the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon. he left lima with a full corps of assistants, and made his way across the mountains to the head of navigation on the palcazu river, where the party was received on board a government steamer that had been dispatched from iquitos to meet them. the headquarters of the commission was established at iquitos, the principal settlement on the upper amazon river, and the place where the government factories and magazines were located. in the small steamer _naps_, belonging to the government, tucker made an exploring expedition of two hundred and fifty miles up yavari, the river which forms the boundary between peru and brazil. none of the peruvian steamers on the amazon being suitable for exploring and surveying purposes, the government at lima ordered tucker to proceed to the united states and procure such a vessel as was required for the duty pertaining to his commission. in obedience to this order tucker spent some months in the united states, and had a steamer built by messrs. pusey, jones & co., of wilmington, delaware, expressly adapted to the navigation of the shoals and rapids of the upper amazon. this vessel, named the _tambo_, was delivered to tucker at para, the brazilian city at the mouth of the lower amazon. embarking on board the _tambo_, tucker took the steamer up the river to iquitos, where supplies were taken on board sufficient to last for several months. he then proceeded to make an important expedition up the upper amazon, the ucayali and the tambo rivers. the tambo river had never been explored, and it was thought that it presented a feasible route for navigation to san ramon, a military station in the heart of the interior, only about thirty miles distant from the large and important city of tarmo, which is connected by railway with lima. leaving iquitos, the _tambo_, with the commission on board, passed up the amazon to the mouth of the ucayali river, up the ucayali past the rapids of the "devil's leap," and entered the tambo river. the tambo was found to be a narrow stream, full of rocks and rapids and not practicable for navigation by steamers. when the steamer _tambo_ could ascend no higher, tucker fitted out a small boat and pulled some twenty miles farther up the river, but everywhere found such obstructions as rendered it an impracticable route to the interior. it is, perhaps, to be regretted that time did not allow of an examination of the other affluents of the usayali trending towards san ramon and tarmo. on his return to iquitos, tucker was again dispatched to the united states to procure another and smaller exploring steamer. during his absence captain james henry rochelle was directed by the government at lima to take charge of the hydrographical commission as its acting president. after an absence of some months, tucker returned to iquitos with the new steamer, which was named the _mayro_, and was little more than a large steam launch, intended for use where a vessel of greater draught of water could not be employed. the next expedition decided upon was for the exploration of the water route towards huanaco, by way of the entirely unknown river pichis. most of the tributaries of the ucayali had been traveled more or less by the jesuit priests from the college of ocopa, but none of them had attempted the route of the pichis, the banks of which were in possession of roving tribes of indians, who permitted no stranger to pass through their country. it was thought possible, and even probable, from the stories told by the natives, that the head of the pichis river would be found well suited for being the eastern terminus of the trans-andean railway. in february, , the _mayro_, with a detachment of the commission on board, was dispatched from iquitos, with orders to await at the mouth of the pachitea river the coming of the _tambo_. tucker embarked on board the _tambo_ on the st of april with the main body of the commission, and arrived at the confluence of the pachitea and ucayali, seven hundred and sixty-five miles from iquitos, on the th of may. the river had commenced to fall, which rendered it prudent not to ascend the pachitea in steamers, for had one of them got aground whilst the water was falling, it would probably have remained in that situation until the next annual rise of the river. the water of the amazon, and the same may be said of all its tributaries, begins to rise about october, and continues to increase its flood until december. in december there is a short period of no rise, or perhaps even a slight fall, after which the river again continues to rise until may, when the permanent fall commences and continues until the following october, when the annual flood again sets in. sand bars are constantly forming and shifting in the channel of the river, and for a steamer to run on one of them whilst the water is falling endangers the detention of the vessel until she is floated off by the annual rise in october. the annual fall of the river having set in when the _tambo_ reached the mouth of the pachitea, tucker determined to continue the expedition in canoes. six of the largest and best canoes that could be procured from the indians were fitted out, and the whole commission embarked in them, accompanied by its escort of a dozen peruvian soldiers under the command of major ramon herrera. from the th to the th of may the commission prosecuted its survey of the pachitea without interruption, but on the th, at a place called cherrecles chingana, fifteen or twenty cashibo indians came down to the left or north bank of the river, and by signs and gestures signified a desire for friendly communication. the canoes were paddled in to them, and some few presents of such articles as could be spared were distributed among them, and, apparently, received most thankfully. but the cashibos did not let the occasion pass without showing the treachery for which they are notorious. when the interview was ended, seemingly in the most amicable manner, and as the canoes of the commission were paddling off, a flight of arrows was discharged at them by a party of cashibos who had been lying in ambush during the interview. a few volleys from the remington rifles, with which all the members of the commission were armed, soon dispersed the savages and drove them to the jungle. of all the savage tribes that roam about the head waters of the ucayali, the cashibos alone are cannibals. they are brave, cunning and treacherous, and are only surpassed by the campas in their hatred of the white man. the campas inhabit the spurs and hills at the foot of the eastern cordilleras, where the ucayali and pichis rivers have their origin. they are a fierce, proud and numerous tribe, and are held in great fear by their lowland neighbors. they permit no strangers, especially no whites, to enter their country, and the members of the expedition under tucker were the first white men who ever ascended the pichis into the regions of this warlike tribe. the canoes of the expedition entered the mouth of the pichis on the th of june. being an unknown river, it became necessary to give names to the prominent points as they were discovered; and these names were used subsequently in making the charts of the surveys of the commission. the navigation of the pichis was found to be clear and unobstructed from its mouth for a distance of fifteen miles up to rochelle island, which is in latitude ° ' " south, longitude ° ' " west of greenwich, and three thousand one hundred miles from the atlantic coast, following the course of the amazon river. rochelle island was reached on the th of june, and was named after captain james henry rochelle, the senior member of the commission. any steamer which can navigate the pachitea can ascend the pichis this far without difficulty, but above rochelle island the navigation becomes more difficult, and probably impracticable for any but steamers of very light draught and strong steam power. on the th of june the expedition arrived at the head of canoe navigation on the pichis. the point was named port tucker, after the president of the commission. port tucker is in latitude ° ' " south, longitude ° ' " west of greenwich, distant three thousand one hundred and sixty-seven miles from the mouth of the amazon, following the course of the river, and one hundred and ninety miles in a direct line from the pacific coast. the lofty mountains so plainly in sight from port tucker are the eastern spurs of the andes, the chosen land of the savage and numerous campas indians. several days before the expedition reached the shoals which terminate the navigation of the pichis, the tom-toms or drums of the campas were heard night and day beating the assembly of the warriors. the purpose for which the braves were to be assembled was not a matter about which there was the least doubt, but probably sufficient numbers were not got together in time to execute their intentions, for no attack was made on the commission whilst it was in the campas country. during this expedition the palcazu river was also ascended to port prado, or puerto del mairo, the head of navigation for steamers of light draught. port prado is in latitude ° ' " south, longitude ° ' " west of greenwich, distant three thousand one hundred and nineteen miles from the mouth of the amazon, following the river, and only about forty miles from the important interior city of huanaco, to which place it is in contemplation to extend the trans-andean railway. if the road were continued from huanaco to port prado there would be a complete trans-continental line of communication by railway and steamboats from lima in peru to the mouth of the amazon. two new rivers were discovered by the commission flowing into the pichis. one of them was named the trinidad, from having been discovered on trinity sunday, and the other was called herrera-yacu, after major ramon herrera, of the peruvian army, who commanded the escort of the commission. the supplies of the expedition were running too short to allow of any but a cursory examination of these two rivers. the trinidad, trending to the westward, can only be of value as affording a water route to the plains lying between the pichis and the ucayali, but it is possible that the herrera-yacu may furnish a nearer water route to cerro de pasco than any yet known. whilst the canoes of the commission were descending the pachitea, they were attacked by the cashibos, who assembled on the banks of the river, and, waiting until the leading canoes had passed, let fly flights of arrows at the canoe which brought up the rear. the cashibos were dispersed by a few rounds from the remington rifles of the commission, and the explorers met with no further forcible opposition on the way to the steamers awaiting them at the mouth of the pachitea, where they arrived after a canoe voyage of forty-one days, during which many difficulties and some dangers were encountered and overcome. not a single person under tucker's command was killed, or died from sickness, during this expedition, and, singular to relate, after all the hardships and exposure endured the explorers were in much better health when they returned to their steamers than when they left them at the beginning of the expedition. on the th of july, , the steamers _tambo_ and _mayro_, comprising the exploring squadron, reached iquitos after an absence of three months and ten days. from the th of july to the th of september the hydrographical commission was on shore at iquitos, employed making charts of the surveys of the late expedition, whilst the steamers were being refitted for further service. on the th of september the commission again embarked and proceeded to the mouth of the yavari river, which forms the boundary between peru and brazil. the greatest pains were taken to properly establish this point. on a small island in the middle of the river, and very near its confluence with the amazon, many astronomical observations were taken, resulting in giving the latitude ° ' " south, longitude ° ' " west of greenwich, the distance from the atlantic coast by the courses of the amazon being one thousand eight hundred and eleven miles. from the brazilian frontier the main stream of the amazon was surveyed and its tributaries examined by the commission up to borja, where the river rushes from a narrow gorge of the mountains and leaps into the lowlands. borja is in latitude ° ' " south, longitude ° ' " west of greenwich. from the atlantic coast to borja, a distance of two thousand six hundred and sixty miles, the amazon is navigable, without serious obstruction or difficulty, for either river or sea-going steamers of several hundred tons burthen. it would take many long years to make a thorough survey of the waters of the amazon, which is, in fact, more of an inland sea than a river, with hundreds of branches forming a network of communicating channels extending for sixty or seventy miles on each side of the main stream. at the height of the annual floods the whole country, with the exception of the highest land, on which the towns are invariably built, is covered with water, forming a vast swamp and jungle, traversed in every direction by navigable channels, which at the season of low waters become rivers or natural canals. the principal object for which the commission presided over by tucker had been instituted was accomplished when the main channels of the river and of its affluents was traced from the peruvian and brazilian frontiers to the head of navigation of the main river and of its tributaries, so as to show the nearest approach by water communication to the eastern terminus of the trans-andean railway. this duty having been executed, tucker was ordered to proceed to lima for conference with the government as to the results of the explorations and surveys he had made. after consultation with tucker, señor pardo, the president of the republic, directed that charts of the surveys made by the hydrographical commission should be published in new york, and that tucker and two members of the commission should be detailed to prepare the work for the press and superintend the engraving of the plates. the other members of the commission returned to their homes, having completed the duty for which they were engaged. there were some changes from time to time in the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon, but the following list of its members may be taken as correct: president--john randolph tucker. members--james henry rochelle, david porter mccorkle, walter raleigh butt. secretaries--timotéo smith, maurice mesnier. surgeon--francis land galt. civil engineers--manuel charron, manuel rosas, thomas wing sparrow, nelson berkeley noland. steam engineers--john w. durfey, david w. bains. on arriving in the united states, tucker established an office in new york, and, assisted by captain rochelle and mr. sparrow, soon had the charts and plans, with explanatory notes, ready for the hands of the printers and engravers; but in consequence of the financial difficulties into which peru had fallen, the publication was delayed from time to time and finally abandoned altogether, as is shown by the following letter from señor pardo, president of the republic: lima, marzo , . "_sr. j.r. tucker._ "_ broadway, new york city._ "_estimado amigo_:--he recibido su apreciable carta de del pasado, que me es grato contestar manifestándole que las graves dificultades ecónomicas porgue hoi atravissa la república, oblejan el gobierno á dar por terminada la comiseon de que fué ud encargado para la publicacion de los mapas y cartas topográficas de las regiones amazonicas. "en esta virtud, se sirvirá ud. entregar al señor freyre, ministro del perú en washington, las reforidas cartos, mapas, y todas las demas útiles pertenecientes al gobierno del perú, que hoi existen en poder de la comision que ud. preside; todo bajo de inuentario y con las formalidades necesarias. "en cuanto al pagar de sus suldos y los de los senñores que forman parte de esa comision, he ordinado al ministro de hacienda disponga lo conveniente para su pronto abono, y juzgo que asi-luego les servan completamente satisfechos. "deseandole a ud. la mejor conservacion, me as grato reiterarle las expresiones de mi amistad y particular estima." "su afrino s.s. "pardo." [translation.] "lima, march , . "_j.r. tucker, esq._ "_ broadway, new york city._ "_esteemed friend_:--i have received and answer with pleasure your appreciated letter of the th ultimo, apprising you that the grave economical difficulties which at present afflict the republic, obliges the government to order the termination of the commission with which you are charged for the publication of the maps and charts of the amazonian regions. "for this reason, you will be pleased to deliver to mr. freyre, minister of peru in washington, the referred to charts, maps and all other articles belonging to the government of peru, which now remain in charge of the commission over which you preside; all to be delivered under inventories and with the necessary forms. "in regard to the payment of the salaries of yourself and the other gentlemen who form part of the commission, i have ordered the minister of the treasury to take measures for the prompt disbursement of what may be due, and i judge that in a short times these claims will be completely satisfied. "with my best wishes, it gives me pleasure to repeat the expression of my friendship and particular esteem. "truly your faithful servt., "pardo." in compliance with the directions of president pardo, the charts made by the commission were delivered to the peruvian legation at washington. these charts were all ready for publication, and had they been published would have afforded much valuable information in regard to the upper amazon and its tributaries, water courses which are daily becoming more and more important to commerce, and which are destined in the not distant future to be navigated by lines of ocean as well as by lines of river steamers. the following letter from colonel manuel freyre, peruvian minister at washington, describes the charts and plans which tucker delivered to the legation, and which it is to be hoped are still preserved: "_legacion del peru._ "washington, marzo de . "_senor don juan r. tucker, ex-presidente de la comision hidrografica del amazonas._ "la caja que dijó le. depositada en poder del cónsul tracy, ha sido recibida en esta legacion, y contiene los siguientes planos; à saber: " st. un plano del rio amazonas peruano, desde lo boca del rio yavari hasta borja, termino de la navegacion á vapor, dibujado sobre diez pliegos y en una escala de una pulgada por cada das millas. los rios ytaya y pastaza están incluidos en esta plano, que cuenta millas del rio peruano amazonas, millas del rio ytaya, y millas del rio pastaza." " d. un plano del rio yavari desde su boca hasta la confluencia de los rios yacarana y yavarasina, dibujado, sobre das pliegos y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas. este plano cuenta millas del rio yavari. " d. un plano del rio nanay desde su boca hasta el término de la navegacion para vapores de poco calado debujado sobre dos pliegos. este plano contiene millas del rio nanay. " th. un plano del rio tigre-yacu desde su boca hasta un punto millas aniba de la boca, dibujado sobre dos pliegos y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas." " th. un plano del rio huallaga desde la boca hasta rumi-callirina, el têrmino de la navegacion para vapores, dibujado sobre dos pliegos y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas. este plano cuenta millas del rio huallaga. " th. un plano del rio morona desde su boca hasta un punto millas arriba de dicha boca, dibujado sobre un pliego y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas." " th. un plano del rio potro desde la boca hasta el término de la navegacion para vapores de poco calada, dibujada sobre un pliego y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas. este plano contiene millas del rio potro. " th. un plano del rio ucayali desde la boca hasta la confluencia de los rios urubamba y tambo, dibujado sobre nueve pliegos y en una escala de una pulgada por cada das millas. los rios urubamba y tambo, desde sus bocas hasta el mas alto punto donde espracticable la navegacion á vapor, están incluidos en este plano, que contiene millas del rio ucayali, millas del rio urubamba, y millas del rio tambo." " th. un plano del rio pachitea desde su boca hasta la confluencia de los rios palcazu y pichis, dibujado sobre dos pliegos y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas. este plano contiene millas del rio pachitea." " th. un plano del rio palcazu desde la boca hasta el puerto del mairo, dibujado sobre un pliego y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas. estate plano contiene millas del rio palcazu. " th. un plano del rio pichis desde la boca hasta el término de navegacion en canoas, dibujado sobre un pliego y en una escala de una pulgada por cada dos millas. una parte del rio herrera-yacu y otro parte del rio trinidad se hallan en este plano, que contiene millas del rio pichis, millas del rio trinidad, y millas del rio herrera-yacu. " th. un plano del rio amazonas peruano y sus afluentes, dibujados sobre un pliego y en una escala de una pulgada por cada quince millas. este plana contiene millas del rio amazonas peruano y sus afluentes. " th. todas las mencionadas planos están dibujados sobre treinta y cinco pliegos, siendo cada pliego treinta pulgados de largo por quince pulgada de ancho. " th. un plano del rio amazonas peruano y sus afluentes, dibujado sabre un pliego y en una escala de una pulgada por cada diez millas, siendo el pliego cines piés de largo por cinco piés de ancho. este plano contiene en un solo pliego todos los reconocimientos verificados por la comision hidrografica del amazonas, que son por todo millas. "loo demas planos dán los mismos reconocimientos mas detalladamenente. " th. un plano del pueblo de yquitos, dibujado sobre un pliego. "dios que á le. "manl. freyre." [translation.] "_legation of peru._ "washington, march d, . "_john r. tucker, esq., ex-president of the hydrographical commission of the amazon._ "the box deposited by you with consul tracy has been received at this legation, and contains the following charts, to wit: " st. a chart of the peruvian amazon river, from the mouth of the river yavari to borja, the termination of steam navigation, drawn upon ten sheets, and on a scale of one inch to each two miles. the rivers itaya and pastaza are included in this chart, which contains miles of the peruvian amazon river, miles of the itaya river, and miles of the pastaza river. " d. a chart of the yavari river from its mouth to the confluence of the rivers yacarana and yavarasino, drawn upon two sheets and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. this chart comprises miles of the yavari river. " d. a chart of the river nanay from its mouth to the termination of navigation for steamers of light draught, drawn upon two sheets and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. this chart contains miles of the river nanay. " th. a chart of the river tigre-yacu, from its mouth to a point miles above its mouth, drawn upon two sheets and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. " th. a chart of the river huallaga, from its mouth to rumi-callirina, the termination of steamer navigation, drawn upon two sheets and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. this chart comprises miles of the huallaga river. " th. a chart of the river morona, from its mouth to a point miles above its mouth, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. " th. a chart of the river patro, from its mouth to the termination of navigation for steamers of small draught, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. this chart contains miles of the patro river. " th. a chart of the river ucayali, from its mouth to the confluence of the rivers urubamba and tambo, drawn upon nine sheets and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. the rivers urubamba and tambo, from their mouths to the highest point to which steamer navigation is practicable, are included in this chart, which contains miles of the river ucayali, miles of the river urubamba, and miles of the river tambo. " th. a chart of the river pachitea, from its mouth to the confluence of the rivers palcazu and pichis, drawn upon two sheets and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. this chart contains miles of the river pachitea. " th. a chart of the river palcazu, from its mouth to port mairo, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch each for two miles. this chart contains miles of the river palcazu. " th. a chart of the pechis river, from its mouth to the termination of canoe navigation, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch for each two miles. a part of the river herrera-yacu, and also a part of the river trinidad, are included in this chart, which contains miles of the river pichis, miles of the river trinidad, and miles of the river herrera-yacu. " th. a chart of the peruvian amazon river and its affluents, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch for each miles. this chart contains miles of the peruvian amazon river and its affluents. " th. a chart of the river ucayali and its affluents, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch for each miles. this chart contains miles of the river ucayali and its affluents. "all the above mentioned charts are drawn upon sheets, each sheet being inches long and inches broad. " th. a chart of the peruvian amazon river and its affluents, drawn upon one sheet and on a scale of one inch for each ten miles, the sheet being feet long by feet broad. this chart contains, on one single sheet, all the surveys made by the hydrographical commission of the amazon. the other charts give the same surveys more in detail. " th. a plan of the town of iquitos, drawn upon one sheet. "may god guard you. "manl. freyre." tucker was in the sixty-seventh year of his age when he retired to his home in the city of petersburg, virginia, where he had purchased a comfortable house with a lawn and garden attached. here he passed the evening of an active life in the enjoyment of a private fortune, which, though not large, was sufficient to supply all his moderate wants and simple tastes. relatives and friends frequently visited him; he read much, and books, especially the older english classics, were a source of much pleasure to him; the improvement of his lawn and garden was a pursuit which afforded him unfailing interest and occupation. on the th of june, , he was apparently in his usual good health. in the course of the morning a friend called on him, and they conversed together for some time, seated in the shade of a tree on the lawn. his friend having taken his departure, tucker reseated himself for a few minutes in his chair, suddenly arose, straightened up his tall form to its full height, and fell forward--dead. physicians were immediately summoned, but all the efforts to revive him were ineffectual. he had died from disease of the heart; passing away from this world without a struggle or a sigh, and going where souls as pure as his have nothing to fear. his remains were taken to norfolk, virginia, where they were received by old friends and comrades, who knew and loved him well, and interred by the side of his wife's grave, in a beautiful private cemetery near the city. admiral tucker possessed many of the qualities of a great commander. his judgment was excellent, and it was very rarely the case that he was mistaken as to what it was possible for the force at his disposal to accomplish. he always commanded the respect and confidence, as well as the good will, of his men. a strict disciplinarian, the prompt and unhesitating obedience to orders he exacted was cheerfully rendered by his subordinates. his plans were coolly and deliberately formed, and, having been once determined upon, were carried out with energy and resolution. in the ordinary intercourse of private life he was so gentle, generous and genial that his friends and associates felt for him a regard approaching affection. in youth he was an eminently handsome man and in maturer years his presence was imposing. sailors and indians are fond of giving personally descriptive names to those with whom they are thrown in contact; when tucker was a lieutenant he was called "handsome jack" by the men-before-the-mast, and the warriors of the savage tribes that wander about the head waters of the amazon knew him as the "apo," the meaning of the word being "high chief." in concluding this sketch of the eventful life of john randolph tucker, it is but doing justice to his memory to say that the sea-service never produced a more thorough and accomplished sailor, and that there never was bred to the profession of arms a more honorable and gallant gentleman. * * * * * [illustration: james henry rochelle] notes on the navigation of the upper amazon and its principal tributaries by captain james henry rochelle member of the late peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon. notes. the amazon. springing from lake laracocha, in the heart of the andes, the amazon winds its way through the eastern cordillera of peru, a rapid and turbulent stream, until, passing through a narrow gorge in the mountains at the pongo de manseriche, it leaps into the lowlands and flows for two thousand six hundred and sixty miles in a direction nearly east through the vast plains of peru and brazil, fed on its way by tributaries which are themselves great rivers, and finally pouring its immense volume of water into the atlantic ocean. from the atlantic up to the peruvian frontier the river is known as the lower or brazilian amazon, and sometimes as the solimoens; above the brazilian frontier the river lies wholly in peruvian territory and takes the name of the peruvian amazon or marañon, but is commonly spoken of as the upper amazon. it is of the navigation of the upper amazon that these notes will treat. rise and fall of the river. the waters of the upper amazon and its tributaries begins to rise annually in october, remains stationary for a short time in december, then continues to rise until may, when it commences to fall. november, december, january, february, march and april are considered the months of high water, and june, july, august and september comprise the low-water season. october and may are sometimes months of high and sometimes of low water. depth of water. during the season of low water a minimum depth of twenty-four feet is found in the channel of the upper amazon, from the brazilian frontier to the mouth of the ucayali river at nanta, eighteen feet from the mouth of the ucayali to the mouth of the huallaga river, and twelve feet from the mouth of the huallaga to borja, where further navigation is rendered impracticable by the rapids and falls of the pongo de manseriche. current. from the brazilian frontier to the mouth of the ucayali river the current of the amazon is three miles per hour; from the mouth of the ucayali to the mouth of the potro river three and one-fourth miles per hour; from the mouth of the potro to the mouth of the morona river three and a-half miles per hour; and from the mouth of the morona to borja, at the head of steamer navigation, the current is three and three-fourths miles per hour. this is the usual and average current to be met with, but it increases or diminishes with the rise and fall of the river and, also, with the narrowing or broadening of the channel. pilots. in order to prevent running upon sand-bars, which are constantly forming and shifting and frequently changing the bed of the channel, the services of experienced pilots are indispensable to the safe navigation of the upper amazon and its tributaries. it is not difficult to obtain such pilots, and they are frequently expert hunters and fishermen as well as pilots. best time for navigating the river. when a steamer on the upper amazon runs aground, it is almost always in consequence either of the ignorance of the pilot or of the unskillful handling of the vessel. to get aground when the water is falling endangers the detention of the vessel until she is floated off by the next rise of the river, which may not occur for months; getting aground when the water is rising usually necessitates a delay of only a few hours, as the rising water soon floats the vessel off. hence it is, of course, that the navigation of the amazon is attended with much less difficulty when the waters of the river are rising than when they are falling. fuel. coal is not to be found on the upper amazon; the steamers burn wood, which is abundant, cheap and makes good fuel. wood should be ordered in advance at certain points, but in case a steamer gives out of fuel all that has to be done is to haul in to the bank, send the crew on shore with axes, and cut as much wood as is required. discharging and receiving cargo. in the absence of wharves on the upper amazon and its tributaries, vessels lay alongside of the banks whilst discharging or receiving cargo. the banks at the usual stopping places afford good landings; wharves are not needed and it would be difficult to construct them so that they could be used at all stages of the water. imports. it may be well to say a word about the trade of the upper amazon. there are no import or export duties for this part of peru, nor are any duties paid on goods passing up the brazilian amazon to peru. coarse cotton cloth is worn by nine-tenths of the inhabitants who are civilized enough to wear clothes at all. the demand for this cloth is large and will grow from year to year, and of all coarse cotton cloth in the market the american is preferred. the plantain is the native substitute for bread, but wheat flour is used by the mercantile and official classes; there is a steady demand for baltimore and richmond flour, which brands are supposed, probably with reason, to stand the climate better than flour manufactured elsewhere. bacon hams sell for one dollar per pound, but the demand for them is small and the article is soon spoiled by the climate. axes, hoes, spades and machettes are much in demand, and there is a limited demand for improved firearms; ready made clothing, and articles of household furniture for the houses of the richer persons of the community, are usually imported from europe. exports. the exports of the region of the upper amazon are not as valuable as they are destined to become when the productions of the rich valleys of eastern peru find an outlet to market by way of the river. among the principal articles of export may be enumerated, hats, from mayubamba (panama hats); rum, made from the sugar cane (cachaça); dried fish (payshi); and indian rubber (jebe). the indian-rubber tree abounds in the forests of the upper amazon, and the gathering of the gum is a profitable industry. specimens of gold have been obtained from the natives about the pongo de manseriche, and rich deposits of the precious metal will without doubt be discovered at some future time, but no search even can be made for it until the fierce and cruel savages, who have undisputed possession of the country beyond borja, shall have been subdued. mouth of the yavari river. commencing at the yavari river, which forms the boundary between peru and brazil on the south side of the amazon river, and following the upper amazon and its principal tributaries up to the head of navigation, the first place to be noted is the mouth of the yavari river:[ ] latitude ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer (fahrenheit), °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic ocean, following the course of the river, miles; current, in the amazon, - / miles per hour; width of the yavari river at its mouth, yards; width of the amazon, yards; depth of water in the channel of the amazon, feet. as the yavari river marks the boundary between peru and brazil on the south side of the amazon, special pains were taken to ascertain correctly the latitude and longitude of its mouth; the observations for the latitude and longitude were taken on a small islet, probably overflowed at high water, in the middle of the lower mouth of the river. it was said in iquitos that, in , captain guillermo black, president of the peruvian boundary commission, ascended the yavari in a small steamer a distance of miles from its mouth, and miles farther in canoes to a point where there was barely two feet of water in the channel, at which point the latitude was determined to be ° ' " south, and the longitude ° ' " west of greenwich; elevation above the sea-level, feet. tabatinga (brazil). distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour; depth of water, feet; width of river, yards. tabatinga is the brazilian frontier post on the north side of the amazon. captain azevedo, of the brazilian navy, gives the latitude of this place as ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east. letitia. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles. letitia is the peruvian frontier post on the north bank of the amazon. a fort, intended to command the passage of the river, was projected but not erected at this point. it is probable that the passage of steamers up the amazon cannot be stopped by forts and batteries at any point on the river below tamshiyacu. loreto. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; width of river, yards. loreto is the most eastern peruvian town of any importance on the amazon. it is situated on the north or left bank of the river. near it resides a tribe of indians, partly civilized, called the ticunas. camacheros. situated on the right or south bank of the river; current - / miles per hour; width of river, yards. maucallacta. situated on the right or south bank of the river; width of river, yards. pebas. one mile from the amazon, on the left or north bank, and one mile up the river ambiyacu. the current of the amazon at pebas is - / miles per hour; distance from the atlantic, miles. oram. on south or right bank of the river; current, - / miles per hour; width of river, yards; depth of water, feet. iquitos. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; depth of water, feet. iquitos is on the north bank of the amazon, at a point where the river is divided by an island into two channels; from the town to the island the river is yards wide, and the channel on the other side of the island has about the same width. the government buildings and works are situated at this place, and it is the largest and most important town on the upper amazon. it is a place of considerable trade, and in it are established several mercantile houses which import their goods directly from europe and the united states by way of para. the anchorage is good at all times, and vessels, whilst discharging or receiving cargo, can lay in security alongside the high bank that lines the whole front of the town. this is an advantage not to be underrated when it is remembered that there are no wharves on the upper amazon. tamshiyacu. situated on a high bank on the south side of the river, distant miles from the atlantic; thermometer, °. at this place the river is narrow, has only one channel, and the current is strong. it is probably the only position on the amazon, below the mouth of the ucayali, where vessels could be prevented from passing, up or down, by heavy guns mounted in forts or batteries. mouth of the ucayali river. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current in the amazon, miles per hour; depth of water in the channel of the amazon, feet; width of the amazon, yards. unfortunately, immediately at the month of the ucayali neither the banks of that river nor those of the amazon afford a place suitable for the location of a town. nauta, on the north bank of the amazon, seven miles above the mouth of the ucayali, is the nearest place at which it is practicable to build houses not liable to be swept away by the annual floods. nauta. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current - / miles per hour; depth of water, feet; width of river, yards. situated on the north bank of the amazon, near the confluence of that river and the ucayali, nauta is well located for grasping the trade of both rivers, and ought to become a place of importance. of course, the six or seven miles that vessels have to ascend the amazon to reach the place after leaving the ucayali constitutes a drawback, especially in the case of vessels not propelled by steam; but no desirable place can be found below and near the mouth of the ucayali where buildings could be erected and vessels could load and unload with facility at the season of high water. below and adjoining nauta the banks are high and present a better site for a town than the one on which it stands. san regis. distant from the atlantic miles; current, - / miles per hour; average current between nauta and san regis, - / miles per hour. mouth of the tigreyacu river. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour; average current between san regis and the mouth of the tigreyacu, - / miles per hour. the tigreyacu can be navigated by steamers of considerable size for some distance; its waters are dark and clear, and those tributaries of the amazon having dark and clear waters are usually unhealthy, whilst those having muddy and discolored waters have always been found to be healthy. santa cruz de parinari. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. paranari. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. vaca marina. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. elvira. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. san pedro. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. fontevera. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. mouth of the huallaga river. distance from the atlantic, miles; current in amazon, - / miles per hour. one hundred and twenty-three miles up the huallaga is the town of yurimaguas, a centre of trade, to which steamers from para frequently ascend. cedro isla. distant from the atlantic miles; current, - / miles per hour. mouth of the pastaga river. distance from the atlantic, miles; current in the amazon, - / miles per hour. the pastaga has a rapid current and is full of obstructions to navigation; it is with much difficulty that canoes even can be forced up the river for any distance. on its head waters the indians wash a considerable quantity of gold from the sand of the bed of the channel. barranca. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. barranca is situated on a red clay bluff, about seventy feet high, on the north or left bank of the river, which is here narrow. communication is kept up between barranca and moyabamba by way of the aypena river to its head and thence by land. barranca has been used as, but is not well adapted to be, a military post; gunboats could lay out of sight below, around a bend of the river, and shell it without being themselves exposed to its fire. mouth of the potro river. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. the potro is navigable for small steamers a distance of sixty miles from its mouth, and is of importance as a link in the projected route from chachapoyas to limon on the amazon. mouth of the morona river. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. steamers ascend the morona miles, and at some stages of the water a greater distance. limon. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. limon is the terminus of a projected route from chachapoyas to the amazon; it is a place of no importance whatever in any other respect. punta achual. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. two miles above punta achual, at the vuelta calentura, or calentura passage, the first serious difficulty is encountered in navigating the upper amazon; the difficulty there encountered is a strong current combined with a whirlpool in the channel of the river, but, with full heads of steam on, steamers are able to pass the vuelta and proceed on to borja. at vuelta calentura the course of the river is from n.n.w. to s.s.e. borja. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. at borja the navigation of the upper amazon ends; the river in its whole course from laracocha to borja, a distance of miles, is a mountain torrent, impracticable for navigation even by canoes. the length of the amazon, from its source at laracocha to the atlantic ocean, is miles, but the distance from the atlantic to the source of the ucayali is still greater. it usually takes a steamer steaming hours to ascend the river from iquitos to borja, and steaming hours to descend from borja to iquitos. distances. in the following list of distances between places on the amazon, from its mouth to its source in lake laracocha, the distances for the lower amazon are taken from the best brazilian authorities that could be consulted; the distances for the upper amazon, from the brazilian frontier to the head of steamer navigation at borja, were measured by the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon; and the distance from borja, the head of navigation, to the source of the river in lake laracocha, is given as estimated by the best peruvian authorities. list of distances on the amazon. lower amazon. miles. atlantic ocean to para para to breves breves to garupa garupa to porto de moz porto de moz to prainha prainha to monte alegre monte alegre to santarem santarem to obidos obidos to villa bella villa bella to serpa serpa to manaos from the atlantic to manaos, miles. manaos to cudajos cudajos to coary coary to tefé (ega) tefé (ega) to fonte boa fonte boa to tonantius tonantius to san paulo san paulo, mouth of the yavari river the mouth of the yavari marks the boundary line between peru and brazil on the south side of the amazon. mouth of the yavari to tabatinga brazilian frontier port on the north side of the amazon. from the atlantic to tabatinga, miles. tabatinga to letitia peruvian frontier post. upper amazon. miles. letitia to loreto loreto to pebas pebas to iquitos iquitos to tamshiyacu tamshiyacu to mouth of the ucayali river mouth of the ucayali river to nauta nauta to san regis san regis to santa cruz de parinari santa cruz de parinari to parinari parinari to vaca marina vaca marina to elvira elvira to san pedro san pedro to fontevera fontevera to mouth of the huallaga river mouth of the huallaga river to cedro isla cedro isla to mouth of the pastaza river mouth of the pastaza river to barranca barranca to mouth of the potro river mouth of the potro river to mouth of the morona river mouth of the morona river to limon limon to punta achual punta achual to borja from the atlantic to borja, the head of navigation, miles. borja to lake laracocha source of the amazon. length of the amazon river from its source to its mouth, miles. huallaga river. the huallaga has its source in lake chiquicoba, flows by the important central city of huanaco, and thence in a direction nearly north, for miles, until its confluence with the amazon. the mouth of the huallaga is miles distant from the atlantic, and its current is about miles per hour. eighteen feet of water can usually be carried up to yurimaguas, and steamers ascend miles higher to a place called rumicallarina; above rumicallarina the river is navigable for a great distance by canoes. about miles below yurimaguas the river is divided by an island, on each side of which there are sand-bars that steamers drawing more than feet of water are sometimes unable to pass during the months of june, july and august. laguna. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour. santa lucia. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour. santa maria. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour. yurimaguas. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. the advantage which yurimaguas possesses over all the other river ports on the upper amazon is that of its being the point where travelers from lima and articles of export from moyubamba, a city of , inhabitants, meet the steamers from para. canoes ascend the huallaga from yurimaguas to chasuta in eight days and make the return trip in three; from chasuta there is a mule road to moyubamba, chachapoyas and cajamarca, and from the latter place a railway runs to lima. this is the best route from the amazon to the pacific coast, and the only one which does not involve long marches on foot. steamers drawing five or six feet of water could make regular trips to chasuta at any season of the year, even at lowest water, and meeting larger steamers at yurimaguas would establish better communication with the rich country of the interior. on the huallaga, above yurimaguas and a little back from the river, are to be found the best locations for colonies. thirty miles above yurimaguas, on the right bank of the river, is situated shucushiyacu, a place well known as commanding a fine view of mountain and river scenery. cainarachi. distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. rumicallarina. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour; depth of water, feet; width of river, yards. rumicallarina is at the head of navigation for steamers on the huallaga. any steamer which can ascend the river to yurimaguas can continue on to rumicallarina, beyond which place only five or six feet, at the season of low water, can be carried to chasuta. list of distances on the huallaga. atlantic ocean to mouth of the huallaga, miles by the amazon river. huallaga river. miles. mouth of the huallaga to laguna laguna to santa lucia santa lucia to santa maria santa maria to yurimaguas yurimaguas to cainarachi cainarachi to rumicallarina rumicallarina to chasuta chasuta to lake chiquicoba --- length of the huallaga river distance from the source of the huallaga to the mouth of the amazon ucayali river. the ucayali river has its origin in the andean region, about lake titicaca, and flows, under various names, in a direction nearly north until it mingles its waters with those of the amazon, to which river it bears the same relation that the missouri does to the mississippi; that is to say, like the missouri, its length and volume of water entitles it to be considered a continuation and not a tributary of the main river. during the season of low water feet can be carried from nauta, at the mouth of the river, to sarayacu; feet from sarayacu to the mouth of the pachitea river; and feet from the mouth of the pachitea to the confluence of the tambo and urubamba. the average current from the mouth of the river to pucacura is miles per hour, and from pucacura to the confluence of the tambo and urubamba miles per hour. the tambo is probably navigable for steamers drawing eight or ten feet of water to the confluence of the ene and perene, and thence the perene would afford communication, at least by canoes, to san ramon, a peruvian military post; from san ramon to tarma, and from tarma to lima, would, of course, be the continuation of the route to the pacific slope. the first step towards the opening of this most desirable of all the routes between the pacific coast and the amazon would be the establishment of a battalion post at the confluence of the ene and perene, communicating at regular and stated intervals with san ramon. the distance between the two posts would be about miles of canoe navigation, and would soon become a traveled route forming the connecting link between eastern and western peru. mouth of the ucayali. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; the width of the ucayali at its mouth is half a mile. pucacura. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour. sarayocu. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; depth of water, feet. the town of sarayacu is situated on a small creek, about three miles from the place on the river which is called the puerto del sarayacu. between pucacura and sarayacu is esquina, a small settlement built on high land, which extends along the river for a mile or more. this place (esquina) and pucacura are about the only places on the banks of the ucayali, below sarayacu, that are not overflowed at high water. the floods of the ucayali, which regularly recur every year at certain seasons, render the banks of the river an undesirable, perhaps even an impracticable, location for an agricultural population. it is possible that a crop might be raised and gathered during the dry season, but the farms would have to be abandoned whenever the river rose to its maximum height. at paca, about twelve miles above sarayacu, the banks on both sides of the river are high; such places are much more frequently met with above than below sarayacu, but still they are the exception to the general character of the country near the river, which continues to be low and subject to overflow until the highlands are reached near the confluence of the tambo and urubamba. pacamashi. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; width of the river, yards. yarinacocha. latitude, ° ' south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; width of river, yards. mouth of the pachitea river. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; width of the river, yards. vuelta del diablo. distance from the atlantic, miles. this strait is the first serious difficulty encountered in ascending the ucayali; the current dashes with much violence against the trunks of large trees which lodge in, and almost block up, the passage. confluence of the tambo and urabamba rivers. latitude, ° ' south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; depth of water, feet. esperanza. esperanza is situated on the perene river about miles above the junction of the ene and perene, which form the tambo. the navigation for steamers drawing feet of water terminates at the junction of the perene and ene. from thence to fort san ramon, a distance of sixty miles, canoes could navigate, but with some difficulty, owing to the swiftness of the current, which at san ramon runs at the rate of miles per hour. small stern-wheel, flat-bottomed steamers, such as are in use on the swift, narrow and shallow rivers west of the mississippi, could probably be employed with success in establishing communication between fort san ramon and the ucayali. list of distances on the ucayali river. ucayali river. miles. atlantic ocean to mouth of the ucayali (amazon river.) mouth of the ucayali to pucacura pucacura to sarayacu sarayacu to pacamashi pacamashi to yarinacocha yarinacocha to mouth of the pachitea river mouth of the pachitea to vuelta del diablo vuelta del diablo to confluence of the tambo and urubamba confluence of the tambo and urubamba to the ucayali, source of the urubamba river, a continuation of the ucayali ucayali river, from its source to the atlantic distance from the atlantic to the head of steamer navigation on the ucayali pachitea river. the banks of the ucayali and pachitea, at their confluence, are low, subject to overflow and unsuitable for settlement. about nine miles above its mouth we come to the first indian village on the pachitea, a male conebo hamlet, with nothing to recommend it except that it is situated on ground a little higher than the flats which surround it. on the left bank of the ucayali a few miles below the mouth of the pachitea, there is a place called hoje, which is not subject to overflow at high water, but in other respects it is not an eligible position for a town or post. the pachitea is navigable at low water for steamers drawing nine feet of water to the confluence of the palcazu and pichis rivers. mouth of the pachitea. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, miles per hour; width of the pachitea at its mouth, yards. cuÑuyacu. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour; width of the river, yards. cuñuyacu means hot water, and is descriptive of the place, for there are here several thermal springs welling up from the sand beach. at chunta isla, between the mouth of the pachitea and cuñuyacu, the cashibo indians frequently attack from ambush strangers who are ascending the river. inca roca. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. inca roca is a rocky beach overhung by sandstone cliffs sixty-five feet high; on the face of the cliffs are carved numerous figures, amongst them the figure of the sun and of the llama are conspicuous, hence the place was named inca roca. confluence of the palcazu and pichis rivers. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. at the junction of the palcazu and pichis, the two rivers forming the pachitea, there is high land suitable for a town or post. list of distances on the pachitea river. miles. mouth of the pachitea to cuñuyacu cuñuyacu to inca roca inca roca to confluence of the pichis and palacazu from the confluence of the pichis and palacazu, forming the pachitea river, to the atlantic palacazu river. the palacazu is a somewhat narrow stream, with a current of - / miles per hour and a depth which at low water will permit a steamer drawing seven feet of water to ascend to puerto del mairo. puerto del mairo. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; thermometer, °; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. puerto del mairo is miles distant from the large city of huanaco, which has constant communication and trade with lima. at present the route between huanaco and puerto del mairo is only a footpath through the forest, but it is probable that a good road for pack-mules could be constructed at little expense, and that a railway is not impracticable. pichis river. the pichis is a branch of the pachitea river. the cashibos and campas indians inhabiting its banks are warlike tribes and fiercely oppose all attempts to examine their country. nothing was known of the river, above its mouth, until it was explored and surveyed, in , by the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon, accompanied by a military escort. it was necessary for the commission to bestow names on notable places as they proceeded to discover them, and these names were afterwards used in making the chart of the river. mouth of the pichis. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. rochelle isla. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; elevation above the sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. up to rochelle isla, named after the senior member of the peruvian hydrographical commission, navigation is clear and unobstructed for any steamer that can ascend the pachitea; that is, for any steamer not drawing more than nine feet of water. beyond this island the navigation of the river becomes much more difficult, though not altogether impracticable. the river trinidad, so named on account of its having been discovered on trinity sunday, empties itself into the pichis ten miles above rochelle isla; it is a fine, large river, flowing from the eastward, with deep water and a current of miles per hour at its mouth. tempestad playa. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' " west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' east; distance from the atlantic, miles. tempestad playa received its name in consequence of a violent tempest which was there encountered by the namers. mouth of the herrerayacu river. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; distance from the atlantic, miles. the herrerayacu river was named after the major who commanded the escort of soldiers accompanying the hydrographical commission; it has a current of - / miles per hour, and is navigable for canoes a distance of four or five miles, up to terminacion playa in latitude ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich. mountain ranges are plainly in sight from terminacion playa, which is miles distant from the atlantic. puerto tucker. latitude, ° ' " south; longitude, ° ' west of greenwich; magnetic variation, ° ' " east; elevation above sea-level, feet; distance from the atlantic, miles; current, - / miles per hour. puerto tucker was named after the president of the hydrographical commission. it is at the head of canoe navigation, not far from the source, of the pichis river; from it a range of lofty mountains, distant some twenty or thirty miles, bears from s. to s.w. this range must be the eastern cordillera of peru. list of distances on the pichis river. miles. mouth of the pichis to the atlantic ocean mouth of the pichis to rochelle isla rochelle isla to mouth of trinidad river mouth of trinidad river to tempestad playa tempestad playa to mouth of the herrerayacu mouth of the herrerayacu to puerto tucker puerto tucker to atlantic ocean [ ] the latitudes, longitudes and other data given in these notes are taken from the journal of the peruvian hydrographical commission of the amazon. some of them have been published, by permission, in the third edition of professor orton's "andes and the amazon." conclusion. the upper amazon river is destined to become much better known than it is at present; it cannot be long before commerce takes possession of such an inviting field. ocean steamers run regularly to mañaos, a thousand miles from the mouth of the river, and they might extend their voyage, certainly during nine months in the year, to nauta at the mouth of the ucayali; from nauta smaller steamers could ascend the amazon to borja, the huallaga to yurimaguas, and the ucayali to the confluence of the tambo and urubamba. a road is projected from limon, near borja, to chachapoyas, where it would connect with the route to lima. from yurimaguas to mayubamba, and thence on to lima, there is already established a much traveled route. from esperanza, near the confluence of the tambo and urubamba; it is probable that flat-bottomed, stern-wheel steamers, such as are used on the nicaragua route across central america, could ascend the tambo to fort san ramon, a place which it is to be hoped will be connected by railway with tarma and lima. when this latter route is opened, as it is destined to be sooner or later, it will become the great artery of communication between the pacific and atlantic coasts of south america. * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | typographical errors corrected in text: | | | | page : explorarion replaced with exploration | | page : v-shapped replaced with v-shaped | | page : 'the government should thing it necessary' | | replaced with | | 'the government should think it necessary' | | page : 'brainha to monte alegre' replaced with | 'prainha to monte alegre' | | page : parinasi replaced with parinari | | page : hullaga replaced with huallaga | | page : huallagu replaced with huallaga | | page : inco roca replaced with inca roca | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * none