1033
1.M89
Mortimer-
The immediate abolition
of slavery...



APR 9 -
005
HT
1033
.M89
TME
IMMEDIATE ABOLITION
or
SLAVERY,
COMPATIBLE WITA THE
SAFETY AND PROSPERITY OF THE COLONIES
IN
A LETTER
TO THE
REPRESENTATIVES
OF THE
Southern Division of Northumberland,
AND OF THE
TOWN AND COUNTY OF NEWCASTLE ON TYNE.
BY THE
REV. G. F. W. MORTIMER, M. A.,
ARAD MASTER OF THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL, NEWCASTLE OX
TYNE.
Διό εκ εώ μεν άρχειν άνθρωπον, αλλά τον [νομων] ότι εαυτώ τετο
ποιοί, και γίνεται τύραννος.
Wherefore we permit not an individual, but law, to rule ; because
the individual seeks only his own good, and degenerates into a
tyrant.
NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE:
PRINTED AT THE COURANT OFFICE, BY J. BLACKWELL AND CO.:
PUBLISHED BY FINLAY AND CHARLTON, AND EMPSON.
1833.


If any observations contained in the following pages appear to
reflect strongly upon the conduct of the West India Planters, I beg
it to be understood that my censure is directed, not against individu-
als, but against a system. I charge Slavery with many evils; amongst
them, that it has hardened the hearts of men, who, under other cir-
cumstances, would have been generous and humane : with this con-
viction deeply impressed upon my mind, I would not trust myself
with the possession of arbitrary power.


6
-
of justice and humanity has all this time been gaining
ground, day by day, and hour by hour. Will the
Slave Proprietor dare to assert, in the face of such a
warning, that he has not had ample space allowed him,
both for considering the best means of averting ul-
timate loss, and for embracing every successive op-
portunity to reduce that loss within the narrowest
dimensions ? Will he claim to himself the character of
: a wary and intelligent man, and confess that he is at last
overtaken unawares by a storm, which has been gradually
gathering in the horizon, and perceptibly thickening-in
for thirty years? But if the planters are not wary and
intelligent, they deserve to suffer; and I can see no
reason why they should be indemnified at the national
expense, rather than any other individual, or body of
individuals, embarrassed by the unfortunate issue of
commercial speculations. It would have been as just
- to 'have taxed the nation in behalf of those persons
who were ruined by the failure of the great South
Sea scheme, as it would be to tax the nation in behalf
of the West India Planters. Besides, we have already
rejected the claim to compensation in the case of a
property far less objectionable than that under con-
sideration; a property held upon a tenure incompara-
bly superior; a property that outraged no law of
humanity, violated no ordinance of religion, trenched
in an infinitely less degree upon the claims of justice;
a property which was at least as fully recognised by the
Statute Book of England, and was at least as fully
guaranteed to its possessors by the authority of pre-
scriptive usage—I allude, of course, to the Nomination
Boroughs, which the last Parliament disposed of at one
fell swcop, without at all entertaining the question of
compensation to those persons who had, in many


instances, invested large sums of money in the purchase
of this species of property, and for whom, in every
instance, this species of property possessed a very con-
siderable exchangeable value.* Every argument that
applied to the Nomination Boroughs, applies with ten-
fold force to the Slave Property of the West India
Planters. In the former case, Justice alone pronounced
the verdict; in the latter, Religion and Humanity ap-
plaud the sentence. The principle, Nullum tempus
occurrit Regi, is one which the law of England admits;
is it possible that the same law can reject the principle,
Nullum tempus occurrit Justitiæ ? The legislators of
our country have already decided otherwise. Surely
they will not now invalidate their own decision, by
admitting the claim to compensation advanced by the
West India Planters ?
I now proceed to the still more important question
of gradual Emancipation. By gradual Emancipation
I understand Emancipation which, refusing immedi-
ately to recognise the Slave as free, defers doing so
until he shall have passed through some previous stages
of preparation, or makes his freedom ultimately depend
upon his fitness to possess it; and I expressly except
from my notions of gradual Emancipation, Emancipation
which begins by declaring the Slave free, and removing
him entirely from that subjection to another's will, which
is at once the most galling and the most degrading part
of Slavery; whilst, in mercy to himself, it imposes some
salutary restraints upon his full exercise of liberty. I
shall, by and bye, have occasion to shew, that these two
systems of Emancipation, although both may be con-
sidered in a certain sense gradual, are as different from
each other as light and darkness.
* The case of the Seigniorities of Scotland is, if possible, still
stronger.


3.
m
are
come st
tin
W
Against gradual Emancipation, then, understood in
the sense that I have above defined, I at once enter my
most decided protest, and that for two reasons—that it
is absurd in theory, and impossible in practice. I never
hear a plan suggested for preparing the Slave for free
dom, as a preliminary to granting it, without being
'forcibly reminded of the maternal caution, “Be sure
you do not venture into the water, until you have learnt
to swim.” Good habits are the result of similar actions.
By acting justly, we become just; by’acting tempe
rately, temperate. I am not aware of any exception to
the universal law of nature, of any special clause in
favour of Slavery; and until I see the tree at last be-
come straight, by continuing to grow crooked; until I
see the vicious become virtuous, by a perseverance in
vicious actions; until I see the order of things inverted
"both' in the natural and moral world; I must be par-
doned for disputing the monstrous proposition, that
the way to teach äny human being to be one thing, is to
accustom him to be another. I must hold that the
longer a 'man'is kept in Slavery, the more completely
will he be unfitted for the possession of liberty, the
more thoroughly will his mind be degraded, his cha-
racter depraved, the light of reason quenched beneath
the influence of stormy passions, and all that is human,
all that is divine, about him, debased, brutalized, de-
stroyed. And does not experience confirm this view ?
Does not the present condition of eight hundred thou-
sand of our fellow-subjects demonstrate its truth beyond
the possibility of doubt or denial? If they be fitted
for liberty, there is no further excuse for keeping them
in Slavery; if they be still unprepared, after two hun-
dred and fifty years of intercourse with Europeans, may
we not reasonably hesitate whether the moment of
preparation will ever arrive? But what is the fact ?


'Ever since the extinction of the Slave Trade, the cur-
tent of public and private attention has flowed in one
continued stream in the direction of the Antilles ; legis-
lative enactments have been multiplied for the express
purpose of ameliorating the present condition of the
Slave, and preparing him for the ultimate enjoyment
of freedom. We have seen Protectors of Slaves ap-
pointed; parliamentary resolutions adopted; orders of
council issued : and it would be unjust to deny that
the nine years which have succeeded the issuing of
those orders have not been marked by some improve-
'ment in the present condition of the Negroes. But
*what has been done towards the great object of prepar-
ing them for freedom? Nothing, absolutely nothing !
In proof of this assertion, I refer to facts. On an aver-
"ağe'' of the last eleven years, for which returns have
been made, the Slave population in the Sugar Colonies
has decreased to the enormous extent of 52,624 per-
sons--that is, in' a proportion of above six per cent.;
while, during the same period of eleven years, the free
* classes in Trinidad, and even the Maroons of Jamaica,
placed, as they undoubtedly are, under the most un-
*favourable circumstances, have increased in the propor-
tion of above forty per cent. Here, then, is a decrease
upon our Slave population of above forty-five per cent.,
'' in eleven years, directly chargeable upon Colonial
Slavery: here is a sacrifice of nearly one-third of the
human beings that should have been in existence, per-
petrated by this system of legal murder. To persons
accustomed to contemplate the phenomena of popula-
tion, no further proof will be necessary, that the state
of things under which such a waste of human life has
occurred, must be a state of unmitigated cruelty-a
state which comprises under it all the worst of evils -


13
Fifthly, in bestowing liberty, we must use every
precaution to guard against its degenerating into indo-
lence and licentiousness.
Sixthly, the continued cultivation of the Colonies
should be secured, as far as it is possible to secure
that end, without infringing upon the rights of indi-
viduals.
In conformity with these principles, I would recom-
mend that an early day be fixed, on which
SLAVERY SHALL CEASE IN EVERY PART
OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE:
And that the exposure. of any man, woman, or child
to sale, shall, from thenceforward, be deemed a felony;
and the infliction of any punishment a misdemeanour,
except such punishments as may be sanctioned by
lawful authority, and inflicted by the appointed officers
of justice.
Secondly, That all existing laws and regulations
applying to the state of Slavery be absolutely re-
pealed; and that, in all cases not hereafter specified,
the liberated Negroes be admitted to all the privileges
of British subjects, and governed by the same laws and
regulations with their Fellow-Colonists.
Thirdly, That on or before the day lawfully appoint-
ed for the cessation of Slavery, the name of every
Slave about to be manumitted be registered in the pre-
sence of commissioners appointed for that purpose.
Fourthly, That all manumitted Slàves, capable of
labour, be required to hire themselves to some Mas-
ter, for å period of one year, at the ordinary rate of
wages in the Colony; and that the names of the
contracting parties, together with the terms of the con-


15
exceeded, the excess be paid for according to the sti-
pulated rate of wages: where, however, such engage-
ments cannot, from circumstances, be entered into, the
registered terms of the contract must positively define
the number of hours per diem to be devoted to labour,
except in the case of household servants, &c., where
such precision is evidently impossible.
Tenthly, That one member of a family be permitted
to perform the stipulated labour of any other member
of that family, male or female.
Eleventhly, That, except in the case of household
servants, no engagements be considered to include
the Sunday; and that for all out-door work required
upon a Sunday, the labourer receive such a money
payment as may be agreed on between him and his
employer.
Twelfthly, That every labourer who is not paid in
the current coin of the Colony have one entire holi-
day in every week, for the purpose of cultivating his
allotment of ground, or of selling the share of pro-
duce assigned him; and that such holiday be always
upon the market-day. To this provision, as well as
some others, exceptions must occur in processes re-
quiring continued labour : these should be specified by
the terms of the engagement, and approved by the
Commissioners.
Thirteenthly, That at the expiration of every year,
it be lawful for the labourer to change his Master,
no debts incurred during the time of service with-
standing, provided he can find another Master wil-
ling to employ him; and that otherwise the engage-
ment of last year be renewed, with such alterations as
may be agreed on between the two parties, and duly
registered.


16
Fourteenthly, That at the close of five years
from the date of the abolition of Slavery, every
labourer who has, during that period supported him-
self and family without having been convicted of any
misdemeanour, or any other offence punishable by law,
be deemed capable of continuing to support himself,
and be at liberty to employ his labour as he chooses ;
subject only to such punishments as may be legally
enacted against begging, vagrancy, &c.
Fifteenthly, That from the date of the abolition of
Slavery, a deduction of sixpence per week from the wages
of every labourer for ever continue to be levied, and be
paid by his employer into the hands of persons appointed
by government to receive the same, and be allowed to
accumulate for five years at compound interest; and
that, on the conclusion of these five years, the fund so
raised be applied to the support of sick and infirm
persons, and orphan children, and such other persons
as shall be considered incapable of labour, from any
cause hereafter specified.
Sixteenthly, That the British Government undertake
the support of all sick and infirm persons, and of all
orphan children, and of all others incapable of labour
from any cause hereafter specified, at the date of the
abolition of Slavery, and of all persons who shall be-
come incapable of labour during the five years next
ensuing.
Seventeenthly, That all children under the age of
twelve years be educated at the expense of the British
Government.
Eighteenthly, That officers in his Majesty's service
be appointed Commissioners, to carry these regulations
into effect.
Under these eighteen heads, I have given a brief


18
produce raised. Both these plans are open to objec-
tion,—the first as being unfavourable to, if at all com-
patible with the introduction of task-work; the second,
as affording great facilities to fraud, both on the part
of the employer and the employed, and in many cases
subjecting the latter to grievous oppression, as has
been the case in the manufacturing districts of Staf-
fordshire, under what is called the truck system: in
fact, I consider the mode of payment to be adopted in
the case of the free labourer, the only serious difficulty
that embarrasses the question of Colonial Slavery; but
it is a difficulty that must be grappled with; and how-
ever objectionable the method of barter undoubtedly
is, we should recollect that it has obtained successively
in every nation, and is inseparably connected with a
certain condition of society in the history of the pro-
gressive improvement of mankind ; if our Colonies have
not yet emerged from that condition, we cannot expect
that they should escape its attendant evils. The great-
est possible care will be necessary on the part of those
who administer the laws by which the wages of labour
are regulated: to their zeal and fidelity we must entrust
the prevention of abuses; I believe, too, that the me-
thod of registering proposed will, in this respect, be
found of the greatest benefit.
The seventh and eighth provisions invest the Com-
missioners with that power of punishing a breach of
contract, which is necessary to carry the whole system
into effect.
The ninth suggests the propriety of giving encou-
ragement to task-work; this, it is presumed, may be
done to a considerable extent in the way already men-
tioned.
The tenth provision, which permits one member of a


“ It affords me much satisfaction to have the honour
of reporting, that during a period of five months, which
has expired since they were set at large, I have not
received a single complaint against them; nor has one
of them been committed by a magistrate for the most
trifling offence. There has not, to my knowledge, been
any application from them on the score of poverty ;
and they appear to be, in general, industriously occu-
pied in providing for their own livelihood.”
That their conduct continued to be equally praise-
worthy to a much later period, may be assumed from
the fact, that on the 17th of August, 1831, Viscount
Howick stated in the House of Commons his entire
satisfaction with the result of this experiment, and the
encouragement he had thence derived to proceed to
the Emancipation of all Slaves belonging to the crown,
in every Colony where such were to be found. But
we need not confine our observations to Antigua
only, everywhere the manumission of the Negroes has
been attended with complete success. Upon this point,
the following extract from a dispatch of Lord Gode-
rich, dated March 12th, 1831, appears to be quite
conclusive. He says, “In the year 1828, a Circular
Instruction, of which I enclose you a copy, was issued
to the Governors of those Colonies in which there were
Negroes forfeited to the crown under the abolition
laws, the purport of which was to direct that those
Negroes should be placed upon the footing of other
free persons of African birth or descent, and left to
seek their own subsistence. In some of those Colonies
the number of forfeited Negroes amounted to several
hundreds. The reports, which have since been received
from the respective governors, fully justify the expecta-
tions which were entertained, that the people in ques-


23
the mischief we have done; to pour in light upon
darkness of our own creating. It is education only
that can enable the Negro to enjoy the liberty bestowed
upon him, and to use it for the public good; it is
earnestly to be hoped, therefore, that the government
of this country will lose no time in introducing into
the Colonies some efficient plan of general education.
The last measure to be considered is the appoint-
ment of Commissioners, which is the subject of the
eighteenth proposition. I have carefully examined the
reports of the Protectors of Slaves, addressed to suc-
cessive Colonial Secretaries; these reports contain the
details of many hundred cases which have been brought
before the different Colonial tribunals, and have called
forth, from time to time, the indignant comments of
Lord Goderich and Sir George Murray. I may safely
assert, that I have not met with one decision which is
not a palpable violation of the commonest principles of
justice. If any of my readers dispute the wisdom of
transferring the duty of carrying the proposed alter-
ations into effect to officers in his Majesty's service, I
refer them to these valuable documents, and I am sure
they cannot rise from an attentive perusal without
agreeing with me, that to entrust the execution of any
important measures to the Planters themselves, would
be to insure their utter discomfiture. There are many
officers on half-pay who, for a very small addition to
their present allowances, would gladly undertake the
required duties; and I may venture to assert, that more
upright, humane, and intelligent men are no where to
be found, than in the ranks of the British army.
Such is the plan of Emancipation which I had to
propose—a plan which I believe to be as safe as it is
efficient. I trust that some measure of the kind will be