| I | _54 //Z5. ZoZº. is: H A R V A R D C O L L E G E L I B R A R Y ADDRESS OF REV. M.R. MAY, dºw Emancipation in British West Indies; DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN SYRAOUSE, ADGUST 1st, 1815. _54 //Z5. ZoZº. VERT: H A R V A R D C O L L E G E L I B R A R Y ADDRESS OF REV. M.R. MAY, dº Emancipation in British West Indies; DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PREsºterian cºurage; nº SYRAOUSE, AIGL sº sº, isºlº. EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH W, INDIES, AUGUST 1, 1834, AN ADDRESS, DELIVERLD IN THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH III ſºrt AOUSE, on Trie FIRST OF AUGUST, 1845. BY SAMUEL J. MAY, PASTOR or THE CHUR&R! or MESSIAR, In, SYRACUSE; PRINTED BY J. BARBER, LIBERTY INTELLIGENCER officz, syracusm, 1845. |DDRESS ON WEST INDIA EMANCIPATION. “Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, Humanity triumphs—the Bondmen are free; Sing, for the pride of the tyrant is broken; His scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood, Are wrenched from his grasp;—for the word was but spoken, And fetters and scourges were sunk in the flood. Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, Humanity triumphs, the Bondmen are free.” Blessed be God, this is not a mere poetical fiction. It is a historical fact; and it should be celebrated by the true friends of humanity throughout the earth. The first of Au- gust should be hallowed. It is the anniversary of an event more auspicious to the cause of the poor and oppressed, than any other event since the advent of the Messiah. The emancipation of the 800,000 slaves in the British West Indies—which was consummated on the 1st of August, 1834—is a signal illustration of the omnipotence of the truth, and of the entire sufficiency of moral means to effect the subversion of the worst forms of human ill. It is a practical commentary, nay, it is an extant, living fulfil- ment of the promise of Jesus to his disciples, that if they only have faith, they shall remove mountains by a word.— For what evil ever afflicted the human family more moun- tainous, more deeply rooted, and of longer standing, than slavery? ... Slavery countenanced, legalized, º by the British Empire! And yet it has been abolished. In a harsher, or a milder form, slavery has prevailed in the world from the remotest time—originating in the bar- barous practices of men, who knew no better principle than that might gives right. Under the light of Christianity, some juster views of the rights of man were acquired, and a tone of feeling produced, by which the kind of slavery, that j in Europe for ages, under the feudal system, had given way, and in most of the states had become extinct. 4 But in the 15th century, slavery was revived in a highly ag- gravated form, in the colonies of the new world. Then com- menced what is damned to everlasting fame, for its pre-em- inent atrocity—the African slave trade—begun and carried on almost exclusively by the self-styled Christian nations of Europe. It was prompted by the basest and most un- yielding passions of the human soul—the thirst for gold, the lust of power, and the love of ease. Yet the common opin- ion of the so called civilized world acquiesced in this iniqui- ty; and even Christian moralists attempted its justification. No other abomination, except it be the horrid custom of war, has been so strongly entrenched in the world as Slavery has been. But it has been successfully assailed—in its worst form—in one of its strongest holds—assailed and completely carried. Blessed be God, we can now say completely car- ried Carried, not by force and arms—not by stratagem— but by the power of truth! “No war or battle sound Was heard the world around: But peaceful was the night,” In which by moral might, This work was done : “It is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.” We cannot yet fully appreciate the importance of this event. We see, and rejoice in its bearing upon the aboli- tion of slavery in our country, and upon the abolition of ne- gro slavery throughout the world. But there are other forms of oppression to be broken up; other abominations to be over- thrown. And hereafter, those who may be roused to at- tempt the removal of some mighty evil, yet untouched, will look back for encouragement to the success of the British abolitionists. In time to come, the philanthropist may ever feel assured, by that event, which has signalized the 1st of August, that he need not despair of success, if his object be a good one, and he be patient, persevering and prayerful. For this event has done more than any other to establish that most encouraging doctrine, which all, who would go forward with any power, must believe, that “whatever ought to be done can be done—that whatever is right is also practica- ble—that things, which are impossible with men, are possi- ble with God.” . . . . . . . . . “ . . . I would there were time, for me to give you only a brief 5 sketch of the history of that moral conflict, the triumph of which we have come here to celebrate. Beginning with the first movement ever made, in mercy to the outraged chil- dren of Africa, it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, of the generous espousal by Granville Sharpe, in 1765, of the cause of a friendless slave, who having been so shockingly beaten by his master, that he was supposed to be disabled for life, was abandoned to perish, if he might, in the streets of London, and afterwards, when he had been unexpectedly restored to health by the skill of a humane physician, was reclaimed by the shameless wretch who had beaten him, and well nigh borne off to the home of perpetual bondage, under what was supposed to be the sanction of English Law. It would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear how, stimulated” by this outrage, Granville Sharpe was led to institute a care- ful examination of the laws of his country, until he discov- ered, as he expected to do, that there was no provision, under which any man could hold his fellow man as a slave in Eng- land; and how by years of persevering importunity at the bench of Justice, he procured in 1772—aye, extorted from Lord Mansfield, that glorious decision, which, howev- er reluctantly given, has signalized that eminent jurist's name more than any other act of his officiaflife. It would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, the bold and thrilling condemnation of the slave trade and slavery, by the venerable John Wesley, founder of the Methodist Church,-and of the plain language used and valuable labors performed in this cause, at that early day, by the Society of Friends. Still more would it do our hearts good to speak, and to hear, of the noble self consecra- tion of Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce, in their early manhood, to this then hopeless work of humanity,+ and of the unabated ardor and unflinching fidelity, with which they prosecuted their enterprise for twenty long years, until they triumphed over all opposition; and brought many proud men to do them honor, by whom they had been wrathfully and contemptuously denounced as pestilent fanatics, not fit to live.” * It is a fact worth mentioning, that William 4th, the crowning glory of whose short reign was, that he had the honor of affixing the royal signature to the Act of Emancipation, was one of the Lords who, a few years before, dared to speak indig- mantly and contemptuously of Wilberforce and his fellow laborers. 7 The event of which I am speaking, was a signal illustration of this fact. The cry for immediate emancipation rang through the land, and waxed louder and stronger, until the men who were in power, and the men who would be in power—the office holders and the office seekers—were alike compelled to give to it a respectful consideration. The houses of Parliament were overwhelmed with peti- tions. These increased in urgency, and in the weight of numbers, until in 1833, May 14, the leading member of the House of Commons introduced a bill for the emancipation of the slaves. That Bill was indeed unjust in its spirit, and unhappy in some of its prominent provisions—still it went to the immediate abolition of Slavery. The bill was pass- ed—and on the 1st of August, 1834, it took effect. On the morning of this memorable day, the yoke of Slavery was broken from the necks of more than eight hundred thousand —who then stood up before the world disenthralled, eman- cipated—their rights as men recognized, guarantied, se- cured to them, by the government of the British Empire. Stood up, did I say? No, they received the boon of freedom not in the attitude of exultation, but of reverent gratitude. On their bended knees did they await the coming of the moment that would make them free. As the loud bell at midnight tolled the hour, which separated forever the long ages of slavery that had passed, from the ages to come of liberty, and increasing light and happiness—“as the loud bell tolled its first notes, the crowded assembly prostrated themselves on their knees. All was silent, save the quivering, half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. The slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude—peal on peal—peal on peal rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary strings of the hearts, that had so long pined in bondage. Scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning of Heaven flashed vividly around, and a loud eal of thunder roared along the sky; as it were, God’s #. of fire, and trump of jubilee A moment of pro- found silence passed. Then came the burst. They broke forth into prayer; they shouted, they sung ‘Glory!’ ‘Al- leluia!"—they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, ſº and went to and fro, tossing up their unfettered hands. But high above the whole there was a mighty sound, which ever _54 //Z5. ZoZº. MEET: is: Eºr H A R V A R D C (O L L E G E L I B R A R Y ADDRESS OR REV. M.R. MAY, on Emancipation in British West Indies; DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PREsºtºrian cºor nº SYRAOUSE, AUGUST 1st, 1sº. EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH W, INDIES, AUGUST 1, 1834, AN ADDRESS, DELIVER D ITT THE FIRST PRESBYTERLAN CETURCH III ſºrt AOU′E, on trie FIRST OF AUGUST, 1845. BY SAMUEL J. MAY, rAsroR or The churen or Messian, In 81RACUSE; PRINTED BY J. BARBER, LIBERTY INTELLIGENCER officz, s?RAct’sm. 1845. REv. Mr. MAY- DEAR SIR: The undersigned, impressed with the belief that the publica- tion of your Address, delivered on the last Anniversary of Negro Emancipation in the British West Indies, will greatly promote the cause of Universal Liberty, very respectfully solicit a copy of the same for that purpose. We hope this request will be granted; as a fair history of that event, and of the operation of Free Colored La- bor, upon Profit and Character, is, at this time, very much needed. With sentiments of high personal regard for your disinterested zeal in the cause of human freedom, we remain, &c. Syracuse, Aug. 14th, 1845. THOS. SPENCER, J. BROUGHTON, GUY DAVIS, J. L. BAGG, JOSEPH BARBER, DAVID COGSWELL, J. W. NORTH, , H. HOYT, - C. A. WHEATON, E. J. FOSTER, HIRAM PUTNAM, J. H. BATES, W. L. TURNEY, JOSIAH WRIGHT. Syracuse, Aug. 22, 1845. GrrrlzMEN :- I am highly gratified that you were interested in my address, and that you deem it worthy of publication. In the hope that you have not overrated it, I sub- mit it to your disposal. Yery Respectfully, Yours, SAMUEL J. MAY. |DDRESS ON WEST INDIA EMANCIPATION. “BLow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, Humanity triumphs—the Bondmen are free; Sing, for the pride of the tyrant is broken; His scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood, Are wrenched from his grasp;—for the word was but spoken, And fetters and scourges were sunk in the flood. Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, Humanity triumphs, the Bondmen are free.” Blessed be God, this is not a mere poetical fiction. It is a historical fact; and it should be celebrated by the true friends of humanity throughout the earth. The first of Au- gust should be hallowed. It is the anniversary of an event more auspicious to the cause of the poor and oppressed, than any other event since the advent of the Messiah. The emancipation of the 800,000 slaves in the British West Indies—which was consummated on the 1st of August, 1834—is a signal illustration of the omnipotence of the truth, and of the entire sufficiency of moral means to effect the subversion of the worst forms of human ill. It is a practical commentary, nay, it is an extant, living fulfil- ment of the promise of Jesus to his disciples, that if they only have faith, they shall remove mountains by a word.— For what evil ever afflicted the human family more moun- tainous, more deeply rooted, and of longer standing, than slavery?, Slavery countenanced, legalized, protected, by the British Empire! And yet it has been abolished. In a harsher, or a milder form, slavery has prevailed in the world from the remotest time—originating in the bar- barous practices of men, who knew no better principle than that might gives right. Under the light of Christianity, some juster views of the rights of man were acquired, and a tone of feeling produced, by which the kind of slavery, that j in Europe for ages, under the feudal system, had given way, and in most of the states had become extinct. 4 But in the 15th century, slavery was revived in a highly ag- gravated form, in the colonies of the new world. Then com- menced what is damned to everlasting fame, for its pre-em- inent atrocity—the African slave trade—begun and carried on almost exclusively by the self-styled Christian nations of Europe. It was prompted by the basest and most un- yielding passions of the human soul—the thirst for gold, the lust of power, and the love of ease. Yet the common opin- ion of the so called civilized world acquiesced in this iniqui- ty; and even Christian moralists attempted its justification. No other abomination, except it be the horrid custom of war, has been so strongly entrenched in the world as Slavery has been. But it has been successfully assailed—in its worst form—in one of its strongest holds—assailed and completely carried. Blessed be God, we can now say completely car- ried Carried, not by force and arms—not by stratagem— but by the power of truth! “No war or battle sound Was heard the world around: But peaceful was the night,” In which by moral might, This work was done ! “It is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.” We cannot yet fully appreciate the importance of this event. We see, and rejoice in its bearing upon the aboli- tion of slavery in our country, and upon the abolition of ne- gro slavery throughout the world. But there are other forms of oppression to be broken up; other abominations to be over- thrown. And hereafter, those who may be roused to at- tempt the removal of some mighty evil, yet untouched, will look back for encouragement to the success of the British abolitionists. In time to come, the philanthropist may ever feel assured, by that event, which has signalized the 1st of August, that he need not despair of success, if his object be a good one, and he be patient, persevering and prayerful. For this event has done more than any other to establish that most encouraging doctrine, which all, who would go forward with any power, must believe, that “whatever ought to be done can É. done—that whatever is right is also practica- ble—that things, which are impossible with men, are possi- ble with God.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I would there were time, for me to give you only a brief * 5 sketch of the history of that moral conflict, the triumph of which we have come here to celebrate. Beginning with the first movement ever made, in mercy to the outraged chil- dren of Africa, it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, of the generous espousal by Granville Sharpe, in 1765, of the cause of a friendless slave, who having been so shockingly beaten by his master, that he was supposed to be disabled for life, was abandoned to perish, if | might, in the streets of London, and afterwards, when he had been unexpectedly restored to health by the skill of a humane physician, was reclaimed by the shameless wretch who had beaten him, and well nigh borne off to the home of perpetual bondage, under what was supposed to be the sanction of English Law. It would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear how, stimulated” by this outrage, Granville Sharpe was led to institute a care- ful examination of the laws of his country, until he discov- ered, as he expected to do, that there was no provision, under which any man could hold his fellow man as a slave in Eng- land; and how by years of persevering importunity at the bench of Justice, he procured in 1772—aye, extorted from Lord Mansfield, that glorious decision, which, howev- er reluctantly given, has signalized that eminent jurist's name more than any other act of his officiaflife. - It would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, the bold and thrilling condemnation of the slave trade and slavery, by the venerable John Wesley, founder of the Methodist Church,-and of the plain language used and valuable labors performed in this cause, at that early day, by the Society of Friends. Still more would it do our hearts good to speak, and to hear, of the noble self consecra- tion of Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce, in their early manhood, to this then hopeless work of humanity,+ and of the unabated ardor and unflinching fidelity, with which they prosecuted their enterprise for twenty long years, until they triumphed over all opposition; and brought many proud men to do them honor, by whom they had been wrathfully and contemptuously denounced as pestilent fanatics, not fit to live.” * It is a fact worth mentioning, that William 4th, the crowning glory of whose short reign was, that he had the honor of affixing the royal signature to the Act of Emancipation, was one of the Lords who, a few years before, dared to speak indig- nantly and contemptuously of Wilberforce and his fellow laborers. 6 It would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts to hear, of the revival of this work by Fowell Buxton, in 1823; and of the clear and strong annunciation by Elizabeth Hey- rick, of the new doctrine of “Immediate not Gradual Eman- cipation, the right of the slave and the duty of the master.” She lived not to witness the quickening influence of her truth- ful word; but her name will live forever, in the story of re- deemed humanity. The new view, which she, and a few other kindred spirits, presented of this subject, seems to have enkindled afresh all the anti-slavery zeal in the land; and to have waked up the people to a deep sense of their guiltiness, in having acquiesced so long in the continued en- slavement of those, who were in bondage before Clarkson and Wilberforce accomplished their generous purpose.— *The people were soon brought to see, and those venerated philanthropists were among the first to acknowledge, that all that had been done for bleeding Africa, would be a nul- lity—that the abolition of the slave trade would be but a dead letter upon the statute book, unless slavery itself could be abolished ; for so long as the market for any article of merchandize be kept open, and a sufficient pecuniary in- ducement is offered for the supply of that article, so long will it be furnished, let the risk of the traffic be what it may. (See Note A.) * The Anti-slavery Society of London, in 1820, embraced the doctrine of immediate emancipation. Men of signal abili- ty were found ready and anxious to go to and fro, pressing upon the public conscience the sinfulness of holding men as property, or participating in the gains, or the productions of those, who regarded and treated fellow men as domesti- cated brutes. Hundreds of thousands, in the United King- dom, were brought to pledge themselves to abstain from the use of the produce of slave labor—and a much larger number, who did not concur in this particular measure, united with great heartiness in demanding of Parliament the immediate abolition of slavery. The women of Eng- land, Scotland and Ireland were especially active and suc- cessful, in circulatiug petitions for this boon. And when women leave the retirement, which they love, and become É. active in any cause, it is an evidence, which all istory shows us may not be despised, that the heart of hu- manity is deeply moved; and is bent upon the j. achievement, with a determination that will not be baulked. 7 The event of which I am speaking, was a signal illustration of this fact. The cry for immediate emancipation rang through the land, and waxed louder and stronger, until the men who were in power, and the men who would be in power—the office holders and the office seekers—were alike compelled to give to it a respectful consideration. The houses of Parliament were overwhelmed with peti- tions. These increased in urgency, and in the weight of numbers, until in 1833, May 14, the leading member of the House of Commons introduced a bill for the emancipation of the slaves. That Bill was indeed unjust in its spirit, and unhappy in some of its prominent provisions—still it went to the immediate abolition of Slavery. The bill was pass- ed—and on the 1st of August, 1834, it took effect. On the morning of this memorable day, the yoke of Slavery was broken from the necks of more than eight hundred thousand —who then stood up before the world disenthralled, eman- cipated—their rights as men recognized, guarantied, se- cured to them, by the government of the British Empire. Stood up, did I say? No, they received the boon of freedom not in the attitude of exultation, but of reverent gratitude. On their bended knees did they await the coming of the moment that would make them free. As the loud bell at midnight tolled the hour, which separated forever the long ages of slavery that had passed, from the ages to come of liberty, and increasing light and happiness—“as the loud bell tolled its first notes, the crowded assembly prostrated themselves on their knees. All was silent, save the quivering, half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. The slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude—peal on peal—peal on peal rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary strings of the hearts, that had so long pined in bondage. Scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning of Heaven flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder roared along the sky; as it were, God’s pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee A moment of pro- found silence passed. Then came the burst. They broke forth into prayer; they shouted, they sung ‘Glory!’ ‘Al- leluia!’—they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and fro, tossing up their unfettered hands. But high above the whole there was a mighty sound, which ever S and anon swelled up; it was the uttering in negro, broken dialect, of gratitude to God. “After this gush of excitement had spent itself, the con- gregation became calm, and the remainder of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the Bible, and in addresses from the missionaries, explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and exhorting the freed people to show themselves, in all things, worthy of the high boon which God had conferred upon them.” Have you ever witnessed, have you ever heard of a scene more sublime than this? Do you know of any passage in the history of the whole race of man, that discloses more of the best part of human nature ? When I first read this pas- sage, I was overcome with emotion; and I can never read it without a beating heart. Gladly would I give the best volume in my library to any one, who would show me an- other page in the history of man equal to this. It would be my choice to spend the rest of the time, I may occupy on this occasion, in dwelling more at length u on the history of the event we came here to celebrate—in showing you how the evil forebodings, of those who were opposed to emancipation, and the fears of those who favor- ed it, were all put to shame by the excellent conduct of the newly freed men. I should prefer merely to narrate to you the evidences we have of the happy effects of this act of humanity—of the decrease of poverty and crime in the West Indies—the increase of public confidence and sense of security—of the rise in the value of real estate, a sure index of the prosperity of a community—and of the plans of individual and social relief and improvement, which have all followed the emancipation of the enslaved. (See Note B.) But alas! our country is still full of unbelievers; and I must turn from the glowing narration, to argue certain points with some, to whom all this light, that has sprung up, seems darkness—to whom all this good seems evil. What concern have we, there be many that say—what concern have we with the emancipation in the British West Indies. It was a national affair. It was effected by instru- ments, that we cannot use in this country; and your extrav- agant panegyric upon England for this act, is, by implica- tion, a reproach of our own nation, which we do not de- serve. Let English philanthropists applaud their govern- 9 ment for the Act of West India Emancipation, if they can, while so much terrible wrong remains in the social condi- tion of their countrymen at home, and in the condition of the subjects of the British Empire, in other parts of the world. We may find some things more worthy of our commendation than this transaction, which, after all that has been said about it, is of a very mixed character, and serves rather to illustrate the egregious inconsistency of England, than to prove her philanthropy. Such is the tone, in which I often hear the event of the 1st of August spoken of Be it known to you, fellow citizens, I stand not here the eulogist of England, as a nation. She is a paragon of inconsistencies. I know not how to strike the balance, be- tween her glory and her shame. I would say of her in one line, what Pope has said of her most distinguished son, Lord Bacon,- “The greatest, wisest, meanest of mankind.” But, whatever may be the guilt of that mighty nation as a body politic—however crushing may be the weight of her institutions at home—however grievous her oppressions abroad—the event we this day celebrate reveals the cheer- ing fact, that there are true hearted, noble minded philan- thropists among her people; and that by the power of truth, entreaty, remonstrance, and other moral means, they have wrought such a change in the sentiments and feelings of the people, that the government, unprincipled and corrupt as it may be, could no longer withstand the righteous demands of humanity; thus proving that “truth is mighty and will prevail.” Now whatever this great instrument of reform has effect- ed in one part of the world, it may effect in any other part. Aye, greater, works than this shall it do. It is the instrument, by which the entire redemption of man is to be wrought out. Whatever may have been done for the relief of the suffering in any part, is a cause for congratulation and rejoicing in every other part of the world—for humanity is one. The sufferings of men in all parts of the earth flow from the same, or similar sources. Whatever therefore has operated, in England or in India, to relieve the oppressed, to raise up the fallen, may operate to the same beneficent result, in America, or any where else. No one, who is at all acquainted with the story of West B 11 created that public opinion, which will demand the aboli- tion of Slavery—to Theodore D. Weld, and Charles Bur- leigh, and Beriah Green, and Judge Jay, and Dr. Chan- ning, and Dr. Follen, and Henry B. Stanton, and Wendell Phillips, and others, too numerous to mention, whose elo- quence and whose logic have convinced the understandings, and warmed the hearts of thousands against the tremen- dous wrongs of slavery, to Whittier and Pierpont and Lowell, who have written those soul-stirring songs of free- dom, that have found a voice in the Hutchinsons, which has made the very stones cry out shame upon the oppres- sors of man—and to Arthur Tappan, and Francis Jackson, who have poured out their money like water, and periled their estates, as if they were of no worth in comparison with human rights—aye, and Gerrit Smith who has so liberally given his wealth, and his eloquence too, to the cause of the enslaved; and to William Goodell—the Granville Sharpe of our country—who by his penetrating researches into the provisions of our Constitution, and the principles of Com- mon Law, has prepared the way perhaps for some future Chief Justice to decree, that “slaves cannot breathe in America,” any more than in England. To these men, and women, and to others, as true hearted as they, whom I have not time to name, and to others still, whom I may not know, but of whose faithful words, and generous labors in the cause of the slave, God has been witness—to these, (how- ever now despised) will the praise be due, for that deliv- erance, which is to come to the oppressed, down trodden in our land—although, my word for it, they will not ask for praise, so the work be done. We rejoice this day in the act of West India Emancipa- tion, not because it gives us a formula, by which the great question of human redemption, in our own country, is to be solved; but because it increases our faith in the power of that spirit, and the efficiency of those means, by which the event we celebrate was mainly brought about. If moral ower has done so much, we say it may do much more.-- he height and the depth of it have not yet been fathomed. What we propose to do in this country, is not a more hope- less task than was the abolition of the slave trade, when first determined on by Clarkson and Wilberforce; or the overthrow of Slavery by the later abolitionists of Great 12 Britain. Nay, though the work we have to do be different, and much more arduous than theirs, we need not despair, we ought not, for we labor on the vantage ground, gained by their toils and their sacrifices. Some of the provisions of the Bill for West India Eman- cipation, may have been such as we cannot approve. But we need not thence infer, that the abolition of slavery in our Republic cannot be accomplished, by such measures as we do approve. And remember the Apprenticeship Sys- tem, and the payment of £20,000,000 were not measures º or approved, by the abolitionists of Great Britain; ut by the political partizan managers, who always sully every thing they handle. The early abandonment of the Apprenticeship System, by the consent of the planters themselves, is a most emphat- ic acknowledgement of the truth of the doctrine, on which we rely, that the abolition of slavery should be not gradual but immediate and entire. (Note C.) The payment of twenty millions of pounds sterling, as the price of liberty, was a compromise of the principle, on which we demand freedom for man—a dereliction of the claim of liberty as the inalienable right, the birthright of all men. It seemed to be a recognition too of the justice of the claim of properly in human beings, which is the sem- inal wrong in this whole system of wickedness. Then the fact that this immense sum was paid out of the revenue of England, a revenue derived by taxation from the people, multitudes of whom were already groaning un- der the load of public burthens, which the pride of Royalty, the assumption of Nobility, the greediness of accumulation and the love of military achievement, had already heaped upon the nation—the fact, I say, that this £20,000,000 was extorted by tax from the already overloaded people of Great Britain; seems to make the injustice of the Act of Parliament the more glaring. This provision, I acknowl- edge, sullies greatly the moral purity of the act; and I do not wonder much, that it has led those, who look only at the surface of this matter, to say, that the event, for which we give thanks, was after all effected not so much by the force of truth as by the power of money. - Fellow citizens, keep in mind, the abolitionists are not responsible for the way in which the British Government 13 saw fit to do this act of tardy justice to the enslaved. But to the abolitionists does belong the praise of having so rous- ed the public sentiment and feeling of England, Scotland and .. that the government of those United Kingdoms could no longer withstand their demand to break the yoke of oppression. To the British Parliament be the shame of devising the Apprenticeship System. That was not asked for by the abolitionists. It was suggested by pro-slavery timidity—not by anti-slavery courage and faith in man.- To the British Parliament be the shame of having paid twenty millions of pounds to the oppressors, some of whom were wealthy members of their own body; instead rather of paying a much larger sum to the oppressed, if by the pay- ment of money they could have made any adequate com- pensation to the enslaved, for the wrongs that had been done them. To the British Parliament be the shame of having paid this immense sum of money to the strong, that they would no longer trample upon the weak; to the rich, that they might no longer rob the poor. But to the British eople be the praise of consenting, that so much of their very life’s blood should be drawn from them, if so be it would only hasten the bestowment of liberty upon the enslaved. The only plea, that will stand a moment in justification of this part of the British Act, cannot be set up in behalf of a similar measure in our own country. Parliament was legislating for distant dependencies upon the English Crown, that were not represented. It was about to enforce a measure upon them, without their consent—a measure that might subject them to some pecuniary loss; and therefore it was urged that compensation ought to be made. This lea, if it were valid for them, would not be for us. We #. no central government, which has the power to eman- cipate the slaves throughout the land. Our Congress can do some things towards this result; and ought to be urged to do them, with untiring importunity. But it cannot abol- ish slavery throughout the land. This can be done only by the legislatures of the several states. It will not therefore be done, until majorities of the people in the several states have been brought to demand it; and this they will not do, until they have come to see the tremendous wickedness of holding men in slavery. And then probably they will no 1S living as they might. Should we not respect them all the more, for showing this respect for themselves, and their rights. I, for one, am thankful, that they will not work for such wages as men grown old in slaveholding may think enough for them. And I rejoice that such is the climate of the West Indies, and so abundant the spontaneous produc- tions of the soil, that they can live, in tolerable comfort, without selling themselves for a piece of bread. Would to God, that the poor people in the cities of our own country could as easily escape from those extortioners among us, who are willing to fatten upon their life's blood—to get rich by paying wages, that are not half enough to supply the wants of our mere animal nature. I rejoice that the soil and climate of Jamaica are such as to encourage the freed- men, and that their spirit is such as to prompt them, to leave the plantations untilled, rather than work for men, who would oppress them still. This fact increases my confi- dence in them all the more, my assurance that they have feelings, which become them as men. And when I am told that the amount of produce, raised on the Island, is more- over greatly lessened by the unwillingness of many of the freed-men to have their wives and daughters labor in the fields, preferring that they should live more like other fe- males, I could clap my hands for joy at this evidence of their hamanity. I should not grieve if there were never another hogshead of sugar exported from the Island, if I could only know, that the long oppressed laborers of Jamai- ca were coming to taste more and more of the sweets of do- mestic life; and were seeking individual and social, intellec- tual and moral improvement, rather than riches for them- selves or others. I am such an ultraist as to believe, that there are some things much better for men, for all men, than riches—than “gold, aye, than much fine gold.” My hearers, I have inquired into these complaints, which have come to us through certain channels from the West Indies. If any of you will take one tithe of the pains, that I have, to inform yourselves, you will know that what I say is true. If the planters would pay fair wages, there would Le ..ttle reluctance on the part of the freed-men to labor for them. And if they will not, I hope their lands may be al- lowed to return to the wilderness. Let the representations of the state of things in the West 19 > Indies, be what they may ; let the worst representation, that has been given, be true; one thing we know, that the eight hundred thousands, who once were slaves there, are slaves no more. This fact alone should be enough to fill our hearts with joy unspeakable. Were the love of liberty alive in our land, were not the people of the south drunk with the blood of their victims, and the people of the north besotted with the lust of gain, the fact that eight hundred thousand slaves have been set free, would raise a shout of thanksgiving throughout our borders. Deliverance from bondage is the first thing to be done for the redemption of the enslaved. Enslavement is an insuperable barrier to hu- man improvement. When this barrier is effectually broken down, then, and not till then, are the golden gates thrown open to endless progress in knowledge and virtue. This barrier is broken down in the British West Indies. Halle- lujah! praise ye the Lord for that! And if it must take generations, to recover the freed-men from the deterioration wrought by slavery, we will thank God all the more, that the commencement of their recovery has been no longer de- layed. We rejoice that they are free; that they are ac- counted men; that their rights are to be henceforth protected by the British arm. We need no prophetic foresight to as- sure us, that this is the dawn of their better day. We rejoice this day for all the oppressed throughout the British Realm. Millions of the subjects of Great Britain are groaning under burdens, too grievous to be borne. All the laboring classes in England are cruelly oppressed. The people of Ireland are peeled and scathed by the avarice of their masters. Countless thousands in Hindoostan are trodden under foot. Surely the British philanthropists will persevere in the good work they have begun. The moral energy, the faith, which have achieved emancipation in the West Indies, cannot, will not slumber until justice and mer- cy are shown to all the subjects of that Empire, upon whose possessions the sun never sets. We rejoice in anticipation of the effect, which the aboli- tion of slavery in the West Indies must produce upon our own country. No doubt there are many in this land, who delight in the possession of absolute power; who boast of the shame of living upon the unpaid labor of the poor. Yet there are, I doubt not, a large number of persons, who with- 21 how to labor to the best advantage. But it may not be denied, that much was gain- ed to the cause of humanity, when the British Parliament, and the American Con- gress were brought to denounce the Slave Trade as piracy. The endeavors of the British Government to enforce this prohibition, have been on the whole, commendable, especially since 1834. But the duplicity of our Gov- ernment has, in a great measure, thwarted those endeavors. See Dr. Madden's Letter to Dr. Channing, and Fowell Buxton's work on the Slave Trade. Although my bosom is hot with indignation, I wish to use no stronger language than I find in a recent number of the “Onondaga Standard,” taken from the “Rochester Daily Advertiser”—both of them democratic papers. “It was contemplated that the Slave Trade should be prohibited after 1808. It has indeed been made piracy; but the law has ever been evaded; and our government, under the influence of slave- holders' dictation, has hitherto virtually connived at its continuance, by insisting on the exemption from visitation and search, of all vessels carrying the flag of the Un- ion. What wrong was ever done, or likely to be done, by an examination simply to ascertain whether our flag was not fraudulently assumed to cover piracy and rob- bing 7" I rejoice to learn, from a correspondent of the N. Y. Evangelist, writing from Bra- zil, that the Hon. Mr. Wise, the American Minister there, has been vigorously pros- ecuting an investigation into this infamous business. Mr. Wise says in his official communication to the Secretary of State—“Documents herewith transmitted will show the nature, connections, and extent of the African Slave Trade as it is, and has for some time been, unblushingly carried on by our citizens under our flag. It has grown so bold and so bad, as no longer to wear a mask, even to those who reside here, and who are at all acquainted with the trade between Brazil and Africa.” And we are told, by the above correspondent, that Mr. Wise has expressed the opinion, “that if the peºple of the United States knew the extent to which this worst of pi- racies is conducted under their flag, and by vessels launched and owned in their free, northern waters, a law would be passed at the very next session of Congress, for- bidding all trade with the coast of Africa,” because the vessels, which go upon that coast, are sure to be engaged directly or indirectly in the slave trade. NOTE. B. RESULT OF EMANCIPATION. Many conflicting statements have been made, in relation to the effect which emancipation has produced upon the character and condition, both moral and physical, of the blacks in the English West India Isl- ands. In a debate had in the English House of Commons, in 1842, Lord Stanley made the following statement, on which, it seems to me, full reliance may be placed. “That the emancipation of the negro population of the West Indies had, in the benefits which were derived from it, exceeded the most sanguine expectations of the most ardent advocates of the measure. In every one of the islands, the physical condition and prosperity of the laboring classes had reached to an extent far greater than had been anticipated; and what was still more gratifying, the improvement in their physical condition was accompanied by a corresponding improvement in their social and moral habits. Religious instruction had produced its anticipated effects, | | II. 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